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ACTS A N D MONUMENT S,
BY
JOHN FOXE.
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THE
ACTS AND MONUMENTS
OF
THE CHURCH;
CONTAINING THE HISTORY AND SUFFERINGS OF
THE MARTYRS:
WHEREIN IS SET FORTH AT LARGE THE WHOLE RACE AND COURSE OF THE
CHURCH, FROM THE PRIMITIVE AGE TO THESE LATER TIMIIB.
A PRELIMINxVRY DISSERTATION
OS THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHUECH OF ROME THAT NOW IS,
AND THE ANCIENT CHUECH OP EOME THAT THEN WAS.
/
BY JOHN FOXE.
WITH A MEMOIE OF THE AUTHOE, BY HIS SOJT.
A NEW EDITION,
WITH FIVE APPENDICES, CONTAINING
ACCOUNTS OF
THE MASSACEKS IN^ FEANCE ; THE DESTEUCTIOX OF THE SPANISH AKMADA ;
THE lEISU EEBELLION i:jf THE TEAK 1641; THE GUNPOWDER TREASON; AND A TEAOTi
SHOWING THAT THE EXECUTIONS OF PAPISTS IN QUEEN ELIZABETU's EEIGN
WEEE FOK TEEA60N, AND NOT FOE HEEESY.
THE WHOLE CAREFULLY REVISED, OORRECTED, AND CONDENSED.
BY
THE EEV. M. HOBAUT SEYMOUR, M.A.,
AUTHOR OF "a PILGRIMAGE TO ROME."
NEW YORK :
ROBERT CARTER & BROTHERS,
285 BROADWAY.
1855.
EDITOR'S PREFACE
TO THE PRESENT EDITION.
The energies exhibited of late, by tho emissaries of the Church of Rome, for the re-estab-
lishment of her influence in this country, have loudly demanded the republication of those
works with which our forefathers withered her influence, and baSled her energies. There is
no volume in the range of our literature, that has been more effective in maintaining the
principles of the Reformation — that noblest of all achievements — than the Acts and Monu-
ments of Martyrs, by Master John Foxe. It is this conviction which has induced the pre-
sent edition of that admirable work.
When we speak of the Church of Rome, we speak of a religious, though a fatally erring
community. But when we speak of the Papacy, we allude to an ecclesiastical system, which
not only teaches such absurdities as Transubstaiitiation — such blasphemies as the Sacrifice of
the Mass — such idolatry as the Worship of Saints — and such a novelty as her Creed, but
also has elevated an Italian Bishop to the throne of an Italian Prince, who has territories, and
broad domains, and numerous subjects of his own, and placed him in such a peculiar position,
that he can bind, by solemn oaths, and demand allegiance from, a portion of the subjects of
every other prince. This man — combining in himself the offices of Priest and King — has
been raised to such a lofty pinnacle of secular authority, that he can control, punish, or re-
ward a portion of the subjects of other Princes, so as to secure to himself the service and
fealty of all those who, as members of the priesthood, possess eitber power or influence in
other states. We must not regard this as a purely spiritual power, for those persons are bound
by the most solemn oaths — not to defend the royalties of their liege sovereign, but — to de-
fend, to the utmost of their power, the usurped or pretended royalties of this Italian Bishop,
in the heart of every other state. It is a fearful, and a melancholy fact, that in our own fair
England, palmy and beautiful England — the land of the brave, and the home of the free — there
should be many hundreds of men, holding and wielding a certain influence in the land, who
have been appointed by this foreign potentate, who ought to have no authority in this realm,
and who have sworn — not to maintain the royalties of the sovereign of England, but — to
maintain the royalties of this Italian Prince.*
As loyal subjects of the sovereign of England, and as liege subjects of the King of kings,
we never can consent that this Italian Potentate should possess authority in this realm. We
feel that the experience of this nation, and the history of the world have proved, that he ex-
ercises his authority to minister to his own ambition, and to the degradation of mankind, and
that the ecclesiastical system of Rome is a mighty confederacy against the civil liberties, and
religious privileges of man. We likewise feel that the emissaries of this system have never
been very scrupulous as to the means of accomplishing their ends. It may be the darkening
• The Court of Rome has at present — A.D. 1850— above eight hundred Missionaiy Priests in England.
A
ii EDITOR'S PREFACE.
of a nation's glory, as in the time of King John of England. It may be the sundering of all
the civil ties of man, as in the history of the German emperors. It may be the massacre of
thousands, as in France, on the day of St. Bartholomew. It may be the tortures of an In-
quisition, as in the atmosphere of Spain. It may be the most terrible persecution, as in the
reign of Mary, of England. Any, and all means are alike welcome to accomplish the objects
of that church, and there is at all times an ample agency, in the Bishops, and Priests — in the
Monks and Friars of Rome. By such agency and such means the most potent Monarchs of
Europe have been humbled; the most noble Princes of Christendom have been ruined; Em-
perors have been dethroned, and Kings trampled under foot; Nations have flowed with blood,
and Kingdoms have been broken into dust — all to satiate the ambition of an Italian Priest,
who, while professing to be meek and lowly, compelled imperial potentates to kiss his feet,
and accept their crowns and kingdoms at his hands.
When we contemplate this system — though shorn of much of its power and splendour —
concentrating its energies in connexion with all the peculiar doctrines and discipline of the
Church of Eome, and endeavouring with all its powers to re-establish her influence in this
country, it is high time for every lover of religious liberty, and every friend of civil freedom
to make those efforts which seem best calculated to prevent so terrible a calamity.
The Church of Rome has never abandoned her claim to this country; and from the age of
the Reformation to the present time, she has repeated her efi'orts to re-assert that claim with
an untiring perseverance. We shall touch on the chief of those efi'orts which she has made
from time to time in this country.
In the time of good King Edward VI. the Church of England was completely emancipated
from the influence of these Italian ecclesiastics. The stately and venerable pile which had
been marred by the hand of time, was restored to its primitive beauty. Its goodly pillars,
that had been overgrown with the mould of years; and its noble arches, that had been over-
spread with many corruptions, were cleared of all that deformed them. The minions of
Priestcraft, who had made it a den of thieves, and had driven their merchandise of men's
souls within her porches, were removed, and the Church of England returned to her original
and apostolic purity. Had the life of this young and gentle Prince been spared, the religious
freedom of England had been established beyond the possibility of danger. But it was the
purpose of God to scourge this nation with a scourge of scorpions, so as to teach us to cherish
an undying hatred of the whole system of Popery, that the memory of its horrors, and its
cruelties, might live in the minds of our children, and our children's children, that so there
might be cherished among us a high and unwavering resolve that it should never again be
established in this country. Edward was taken to his rest, and Mary ascended the throne.
We know not what feminine amiabilities she may have naturally possessed, but we do know
that she surrendered herself into the hands of the Italian Priests, and they, to use the lan-
guage of our Redeemer, " made her two-fold more the child of hell than themselves."
It was on the accession of this queen that the Papacy made its first efiective eflforts to re-
establish its influence in this land; Mary, with more zeal than prudence, restored the reign
of Popery. To that reign we are to look for a true portraiture of this Italian religion, when
possessing influence in a Protestant nation. It is not by the unauthorised professions of mo-
dern members of that system, softened and attenuated for a purpose, that we are to look
for a living exhibition of its character, but we are to read the records of those times, wherein
the Papacy possessed the power of accomplishing its own purposes, and unfolding its own
characteristics. If we desire to know the fierceness of the lion, or the ferocity of the tiger,
we must view them, not with their teeth drawn, and their claws extracted, and confined
within cages of iron, but as in their native wildness they range the forest, or crouch in the
juncde. We must form our judgment of the nature of Popery, not from her present chained
and fettered state, but from the tendencies she displayed when she possessed power and in-
fluence in the nation, and could without restraint accomplish her purposes.
EDITOR'S PREFACE. lU '
The peculiar characteristic of the effort made in this reign to restore the dominion of the
Papacy was Persecution. Mary commenced her career. with a fearful abandonment of moral
principle. She pledged herself to the men of Norfolk and Suffolk, who had embraced the
principles of the Reformation, that if tliey would assist in placing her upon the throne, she
would never interfere with the Protestant principles of the nation. On this pledge she in-
duced them to take arms in her cause, and they placed her triumphantly on the throne.
Her whole reign was one continued act of perfidy to that pledge.* The system of persecu-
tion which she put in force, was the most awful exhibition of cruelty, and cold and deliberate
blood-guiltiness, that the records of our race present to us. There may have been at other
times, and in other lands, persecution as terrible and as bloody; but this continued through
the whole five years of her reign. The loftiest in the land were its martyrs, and a woman
was the perpetrator.
No rank, or virtue, or learning, gave exemption to the possessor — Cranmer, Ridley, Lati-
mer, Hooper, Farrer, — all bishops of the church, were removed from their sees — degraded
from their office — cast into prison, and finally martyred amidst the fires. Many hundreds of
Christian souls were persecuted to the death.t Two persons were publicly appointed in
every parish, to discover and inform against every Protestant who refused to conform to
Popery. They were then apprehended, examined, and, if they still refused, martyred. Many
thousands were thus compelled to fly their homes, their properties, and their country, to seek
in foreign lands a welcome that was denied them in their father-land. Among these fugi-
tives was Master John Foxe, the justly celebrated Author of this justly celebrated Work,
"The Acts and Monuments of Martyrs," wherein we have the only full and faithful narration
of the cruelty of this persecution, in which men, women, children, without regard to age or
sex, were indiscriminately martyred. Sometimes five, and sometimes ten were consumed in
one fire, and on one occasion three women were burned at one stake, and — the blood runs
cold while we write it — when one of them, under the pain of the flames, travailed with child,
and one of the multitude, more humane than the rest, rescued the new-born babe, the autho-
rities commanded it instantly to be burned with its mother! When such scenes were trans-
acted under the authority of one who was herself a woman, we may well feel that there is
an alchemy in Popery, that if it finds us angels can transform us into devils.
The death of this woman, whose only claim u2)on our respect is that, like one of old, she
was " a king's daughter," stayed the work of persecution, and thus rendered ineffectual the
first great effort of the Papacy to re-establish itself in this country. The accession of Eliza-
beth freed the Church of England from Italian influence, and settled it upon surer pillars, and
more steadfast foundations than ever.
The noble spirit of this Queen was such as became the monarch of this gallant nation, over
whose destinies she presided. When, by that act of Popish perfidy — the massacre of St. Bar-
tholomew— the streets of Paris flowed with the blood of her Protestant sons, the French
ambassador appeared at the court of Elizabeth. He looked around for the splendour and
chivalry of England. His cheek paled. The court of Elizabeth was arrayed in the deepest
mourning!
Under her reign this country stood forth the friend and protector of the reformed religion
both at home and abroad, and the grand antagonist of the Papal system. It was therefore
scarcely to be expected that with an enemy so powerful, persevering, and unscrupulous as
Popery, this country could be left in tranquillity. The second great effort for the re-estab-
lishment of the Church of Rome, unfolded a system of internal rebellion and foreign in-
vasion.
Pope Pius was pleased in A. D. 1570, for the accomplishment of this effort, to issue his
* One of the most interesting historical documents ever read, is the petition of these men of Norfolk, and
Suffolk, to the Queen's Council, in the time of persecution. It will be found at p. 913.
+ Grindal, who lived during this period, says the number was 800 ; others estimate it at half that number.
IV EDITOR'S PREFACE.
bull anathematising the Queen of Enirland, and absolving all her subjects of their oaths of
allegiance. " The nobles, subjects, and inhabitants of England," says this audacious n)ani-
festo, " who have in any way sworn to her, we declare to be absolved for ever fiom any such
oath, and from all manner of duty, allegiance, and obedience, as we do by the authority of
these presents absolve them, and do deprive the said Elizabeth of her pretended right to the
kingdom, and all other things aforesaid. We command and interdict all nobles, subjects,
people, and others aforesaid, that they presume not to obey her mandates, monitions, or laws.
Those who shall act otherwise we bind under a similar sentence of anathema," &c.
This Italian Priest, not contented with thus anathematising the Queen of England, and
blasphemously assuming to absolve the people of England from their allegiance, proceeded to
two other measures that strikingly illustrate the character of the Papacy. He first sent cer-
tain Jesuits into Ireland with bulls, authorising them to raise the inhabitants of that island
in rebellion against England. They unhappily accomplished his purpose there. He then took
upon him to make over the realm of England, its crown, its revenues, and its dependencies
as a gift to Philip of Spain. There too he succeeded in inducing that prince to equip the
celebrated Armada, and prepare for an invasion of England.
Such were the means by which it was proposed to re-establish Popery in this land. Re-
bellion in Ireland — treason in England — a foreign invasion in both!
But, by the Providence of God, the rebellion in Ireland was crushed, the treason in Eng-
land baffled, and the armada of Spain destroyed. We could mourn over the fate of that gal-
lant armament, were we not acquainted with its object. The pomp of the chivalry of Spain,
the flower of all her gallant youth were there. All that high hope could expect from noble
darinf', and all that the enthusiasm of superstition could achieve, might have been expected
there. The voice of Papal infallibility had proclaimed it invincible. It walked the mighty
ocean in its pride. It spread its fluttering wings for the shores of England. But an Angel
of Heaven was moving over it unseen. The winds rushed in their fury above it. The
waves swept in their madness beneath it. There were fearless hearts before them, and mighty
arms to meet them. The chivalry of England manned her fleets, and the yeomanry of Eng-
land lined her shores; and this "invincible armada," scattered on the deep, or stranded on
our cliffs, strewed our shores with the mouldering bones of the youth of Spain.
Thus ended the second great efibrt to restore the influence of Rome in this country. Its
characteristics were rebellion and invasion — suitable precursors of the next attempt of these
Italian Priests.
The vigour of Elizabeth's government was felt even after her death. James I. received a
kin<Tdom, from which the more daring and dangerous spirits had been exiled for their trea-
sons, or had gone into banishment to escape the vengeance of the laws. Those were mem-
bers of the Church of Rome, and devotedly attached to the interests of the Papacy. They
Lad religiously believed that the Papal authority could absolve subjects of their allegiance,
and depose sovereigns from their thrones. They had held that heresy — the designation given
to the reformed faith — was sufficient to lead to a forfeiture of all rights and privileges, and
thev therefore entered eagerly into every conspiracy that was deemed likely to re-establish
the Papacy in its ancient influence in England.
These men resided chiefly in Flanders and Spain, where the members of the Order of Je-
suits were in considerable numbers and activity; Garnet, Creswell, Baldwin, Parsons, and
other celebrated Jesuits, soon obtained an ascendancy over these emigrants, and, with the
deep subtlety, and unwavering courage of their order, implicated them in endless conspiiacies.
It is to the intrigues of this remarkable class of ecclesiastics, that we owe the gunpowder-
treason, which was discovered on the eve of its consummation. They bound each of the agents
of this horrible treason, under an oath of secrecy, administered on receiving the Sacrament!
The form of the oath was, " You shall swear by the blessed Trinity, and by the Sacrament
you now propose to receive, never to disclose, directly or indirectly, by word or circumstance,
the matter which shall be proposed to you, to keep secret, nor desist from the execution
EDITOR S PREFACE. ■^
thereof, until the rest shall give you leave." There must he a frightful amount of human de-
pravity, when a number of ecclesiastics could administer the Sacrament, and swear by the
Trinity to go forward in this terrible conspiracy. It appears, likewise, that another Priest,
named Gerrhard, gave absolution of the sin to each of the agents, preparatory to the accom-
plishment of their treason. Well might that celebrated lawyer, Coke, say, " I never yet
knew a treason without a Romish Priest."
The whole design of this conspiracy was developed on the trial of the conspirators. The
written confessions of Guy Fawkes and Thomas Winter, give ample details of the mode of
accomplishment.* It was proposed to blow up, by gunpowder, the houses of Parliament,
when, at the opening of the Session, the King, with the Royal Family, the Peers, and Mem-
bers of the House of Commons, would be assembled together. By such a stroke, it was
expected that they would destroy the heads of all the principal Protestant families in the
kingdom. And then it was arranged to seize the infant daughter of the Kin", who was
then in Warwickshire, and proclaim her Queen, to educate her a Papist, and themselves to
govern the realm during her long minority.
Such were the objects of this conspiracy, and such the third great effort to re-establish the
Papacy in England. The next was of a different character.
It was made in the time of James II. Four of the sovereigns of England had successively
been Protestants; and when it might have been expected that all hope, or at least all efforts
to restore the system of Popery had been crushed for ever, an avowed Papist ascended the
throne in the person of James II., and gave new life to the hopes and energies of the emis-
saries of Rome. He was a man bigotted to his sect, and resolved to re-establish Popery on
the ruins of Protestantism. His efforts to accomplish this object were different from all that
had gone before. He proposed to encourage the growth of Popery, — not by persecution, as
in the days of Mary; for the nation would not bear it, — but by all the power of the crown
and the influence of the Court. He knew that in the then state of the nation it would not
suit his purposes to make an avowed assault upon its Protestantism, and he therefore adopted
the more gradual and insinuating instrumentality of courtly favour and royal authority.
His reign, like that of Mary, was one continued act of perfidy to promises the most
solemn. He had solemnly promised in Parliament, before he came to the throne, that he
would cherish his religious principles between himself and his God, and never permit them
to interfere with his government of the nation. He had solemnly promised, afterwards, on
opening the first Parliament of his reign, in the speech delivered on that most public occa-
sion, that he would never interfere with the religion of the Established Church. His whole
reign was an illustration how pledges the most binding, and promises the most sacred, can
all be violated, with a recklessness peculiar to the Church of Rome, whenever her interests
are involved in the results. It is as easy to stay the planets in their course, as to find a
moral tie, either of promises, or pledges, or oaths, that will bind tlie Church of Rome.
The extraordinary lengths to which this unhappy monarch was led by Father Petre, and
those other Priests to whose guidance he so implicitly committed himself, awakened the dor-
mant spirit of this nation. His measures respecting the Judges of the land, his proceedings
among the Officers of the Army, his attempts against the Universities, his attack upon the
Bishops, his claim of a dispensing power, his whole proceedings could not but compel the
nation to look to its civil liberties, and its religious freedom; and to take measures for the
preservation of the former against a Despot, and of the latter against a Papist.
The Revolution was the consequence, and thus, in the triumph of civil and relio-ious
liberty, ended the fourth great effort of the emissaries of Rome to re-establish Popery in
England.
The principles involved in the Revolution were carried out during the reign of William
* These confessions, togetlier with an account of the whole conspiracy, will be found in the Appendix to
this Edition of the Acts and Monuments.
yi EDITORS PREFACE.
III. The civil and religious institutions of the country became inseparably blended in our
National Constitution. The Protestantism of the Church of England became amalgamated
with the State and it was designed that one should be as lasting as the other. Well nigh a
century and a half has elapsed since that glorious event, and the experience of every added
year only unfolds more manifestly the wisdom of those principles on which the Kevolution
was founded.
But although a century and a half have developed the wisdom of those great principles,
and have elicited and secured the attachment of the people of England to the doctrines of the
Reformation, yet it could scarcely be expected that the intrigues of the Church of Rome
could have remained stilled and quiescent during the lapse of so many years, where the
wealth of so great a nation, and the influence of so scriptural a clkxch, were the objects to
be secured and the prize to be obtained.
The nation had scarcely settled into tranquillity after the storm of the Revolution, and
the ground-swell was not yet wholly at rest, when the intrigues of the Order of Jesuits were
brought into action in a totally new direction. That profound and subtile Order applied all
its energies to corrupt the teaching of the Church of England, by tainting the fountains of
education, by corrupting the youth at the Universities, and so making the Ministry of the
Church of England the means of her own destruction. They had already tried every
external resource; thev had tried persecution, invasion, treason, and arbitrary power, and
they had failed in all, and now they were resolved to scatter the seeds of Romanism in the
very seats of Academic learning, in the hope that they might reap in time an ample harvest,
in the Romanising spirit and principles of the Ministry of the Church herself.
This design, so analogous to the system working among us at the present day, deserves
attention in a place like this. It was exhibited in the reign of Queen Anne, and is thus
alluded to by Bishop Burnet in his " History of his own Times," Book vii., year 1712 :
" There appeared at this time an inclination in many of the Clergy to a nearer approach
to the Church of Rome. Hicks, an ill-tempered man, who was now at the head of the
Jacobite party, had in several books promoted the notion that there was a proper sacrifice
made in the eucharist, and had on many occasions studied to lessen our aversion to Popery.
The supremacy of the Crown in ecclesiastical matters, and the method in which the Refor-
mation was carried was openly condemned. One Brett had preached a sermon in several of
the pulpits of London, which he afterwards printed, in which he pressed the necessity of
priestly absolution in a strain beyond what was pretended to even in the Church of Rome.
He said, no repentance could serve without it, and affirmed that the Priest was vested with
the same power of pardoning that our Saviour himself had. A motion was made in the
lower house of Convocation to censure this, but it was so ill-supported that it was let fall.
Another conceit was taken up of the invalidity of lay-baptism, on which several books have
been written; nor was the dispute a trifling one, since by this notion, the teachers among
the Dissenters passing for laymen, this went to the rebaptising them and their congregations.
" Dodwell gave the rise to this conceit. He was a very learned man, and led a strict
life. He seemed to hunt after paradoxes in all his writings, and broached not a few. He
thought none could be saved but those who, by the sacraments, had a federal right to it, and
that these were the seals of the covenant, so that he left all who died without the sacra-
ments to the uncovenauted mercies of God; and to this he added, that none had a right to
give the sacraments but those who were commissioned to it, and these were the Apostles,
and after them Bishops and Priests ordained by them. It followed upon this, that sacra-
ments administered by others were of no value."
This movement originated at the University of Oxford, and if this account had been writ-
ten at the present day, it could not more accurately describe the analogous movement of our
times; the principles are the same, and the objects are alike. It will be the prayer of every
right-hearted friend of Protestant Christianity, that the failure of the latter may prove as
complete and perfect as that of the former.
EDITOR'S PREFACE. vU
There is something strange, even to incredulity, that such a destiny could have befallen
this church and nation, as that Romish doctrines should be preached by Protestant clergy-
men, and that Romish ceremonies should be practised in Protestant Churches; and there is
something strange, even to scorn and loathing, that men can be found who sign the articles
of the Church of England on the one hand, and the canons of the Council of Trent on the
other, publicly subscribing themselves Protestants, and receiving salaries on the faith of their
vow to teach only the doctrines of the Church of England, while they surreptitiously sub-
scribe themselves Romanists, and exert all their influence in propagating the doctrines of the
Church of Rome.
Yet strange and unnatural as is all this, it has spread widely and gone deeply among those
who have been in process of education in the Universities of England during the last fifteen
years, and has gone far to justify the most glowing anticipations of those profound and subtle
men with whom the intrigue had originated. We are now treading on the ashes that hide
the glowing lava, and the least disturbing cause may let loose the elements of ruin and deso-
ktion. The Universities have been unfaithful in being so long indifferent to the propagation
of such principles among the youth committed to their care. The Bishops have been un-
faithful in having taken no adequate pains to save the flock of Christ from those who were
leading them astray. And now he is a far-seeing Prophet who can foreshow what the end
will be.
The Church and nation are now ripening for some great and extensive change. Men's
hearts are failing for fear. Startling facts are continually occurring. Many among the
Clergy, and many among the laity have passed over to the Church of Rome, while all the
tendencies and sympathies of many that remain among us, are towards the genius and spirit
of Romanism. And the tendencies of political latitudinarianism in the councils of the nation,
and the extensive and ill-concealed Romanism of too many of the Bishops and Clergy of the
Church of England, seem almost to invite to the most audacious claims, and to justify the
•most insidious pretensions of the Court of Rome.
And there is no backwardness on the part of the Papacy. The late Bull of Pius IX. an-
nihilating, as far as a papal rescript could do so, the whole order and constitution of the
Church of England, and establishing a hierarchy under his own exclusive authority in its
stead, dividing the whole realm anew into dioceses, and appointing one Archbishop and
twelve Bishops with local authority and territorial titles, shows a full consciousness of the
state of the Church of England, and a knowledge of the fact that her long-tried Protestantism
has been for years under a process of being undermined. The conclave that counselled that
act of Papal aggression, believed that the whole fabric of the Church of England was ready
to sink into ruin, and that all that remained was for the Church of Rome to enter on pos-
session.
And no appliance is neglected, and no means unemployed to propagate the doctrines and the
discipline of Romanism among the various classes of the population. There is an unwearied
exercise of influence and an unexampled expenditure of wealth to advance the system among
us. Above eight hundred Priests of the Church of Rome have been located through the
country. These, as missionaries, either settle themselves in certain localities or move in
various directions through the land, everywhere endeavouring to disseminate their principles,
through the instrumentality of Sermons, Lectures, Tracts, &c. Their exertions have so far
succeeded, that during the last half century they have increased the number of their chapels
from about tkirti/, to more than six hundred in this island. A large number of Seminaries, or
Colleges, have been formed with the view of secu'^ing the education of our youth. And many
Nunneries and Monasteries have been established, so as to become centres for the propagation
of the whole system of Popery. The success with which their peasures of proselytism have
been crowned, has been beyond their most sanguine expectations; and the ignorance of the
}>i)pulation on one hand, and the political party to whom the emissaries of Rome have allied
themselves, on the other hand, seem to promise still more ample success to their unwearied
Vlh EDITOR S PREFACE.
exertions. They hesitate no longer to avow their expectation, that this nation will return to
the bosom of the Church of Rome.
This state of things is pregnant with the most disastrous consequences to the Protestantism
of England, and demands the mightiest efforts that Christians and Protestants can make for
the defence of our faith. They have a mighty adversary, against which they have to con-
tend, in the Church of Rome; but they have a still mightier treasure to preserve, in the true
religion established among us. It may truly be said of England, as of Israel, iu the day of
her blessedness, that she is a great and understanding nation, that there is no nation that hath
God so nigh, or to which he hath given such statutes and ordinances, that we might walk in
them, and live in them, and be a delightsome land. We have, by the Reformation, an Eng-
lish Service^ and an open Bible. We have, by the Revolution, all the religious liberty that
Christians can wish, and all the civil liberty that good subjects can desire.
Shall it be, that such matchless treasures shall be lost by our apathy? Shall it be, that by
our indifference, we shall again be doomed to come under Italian influence, blighting our
morals — withering our privileges — destroying our liberties — our homes ceasing to be happy;
and our altars ceasing to be free? Shall it be, that the souls of our children, and our chil-
dren's children, shall become the merchandise of Friars, and their morals become contaminated
by the Priests of the Confessional? Shall their birthright of an open Bible, and an Eng-
lish Service, and a freedom to think and judge for tliemselves, be taken from them by our
apathy, or neglect? It were better that the blast of death should sweep through the land,
and as of old leave the firstborn dead in every house; and that the wail of the desolate, and
the cry of the mourning should be heard on every wind, and echoed from every home, than
that a calamity so disastrous as this should befall our fatherland. Then, indeed, would the
dark spirit of Popery be traced by the fall of our fanes and the ruin of our altars; and she
would erect her throne amidst the fallen columns, the crumbling arches, and the mouldering
aisles of the Temple of Protestantism. Then, indeed, would the glory of Britain — not the
triunij)hs of her iron-hearted battalions on the battle-field, nor of her bannered masts upon
the wave — not the treasure of her gold and silver and precious stones, nor the countless
navies that waft to her shores the merchandise of the world — but her truest and her best, the
Glory of her essential Protestantism be departed; and if ever such an eclipse shall darken it,
then will " Ichaboil" be written upon her ruins, and "The glory is departed," become the
requiem of fallen England.
It is with the view of strengthening the religious principles of Protestantism, in the con-
victions of the People of England, and with the view of exhibiting fully and faithfully before
their eyes, a living portraiture of the Papacy, that this Family Edition of the Acts and Mon-
uments of Martyrs, has been published.
It is imj)ossible for a mind, candid and unprejudiced, to peruse this work and to think
otherwise of it, than that it was a noble production for its age, and an invaluable compila-
tion for any age. ^Master John Foxe, who was born in the same year that Luther com-
menced the Reformation, has collected together those scattered registries, and official docu-
ments, and original writings, respecting the Martyrs of Protestantism, which had been long
since lost to the Church, were it not for his assiduity and zeal. He had access to Diocesan
Registries, which are now h)st for ever; excepting in those extracts which he has made from
them. They give the official account of the articles charged against the Martyrs, and their
answers to the same, in public courts. He had access to some documents, as Monitions, and
Proclamations, which now are only to le found in the pages of this work; and which illus-
trate the spirit and tendencies of the times. He had access to many of the Martyrs them-
selves, and possessed their own original statements, written by their own hands, detailing the
course of their previous sufferings, and the methods of their examination. These have all
Ion" since passed away for ever, except so far as they have been preserved in these Acts and
Monuments. This is sufficient, of itself, to make the work an invaluable treasure; as an
extensive compilation of evidences, and materials for the general historian; and especially for
EDITOR'S PREFACE. ix
those who feel an interest in the confessions of those Martyrs of the Anglican Church, who were
" slain for the word of God, and for the testimony which they heUl;" and whose blood proved
such prolific seed for the Cliurch of England. The greater portion of the work is a compila-
tion of these original documents. He gives them to the world as such, and exhibits no trace
of that vanity which has tempted so many to clothe original materials in more modern phraseo-
logy, so as to pass them current as their own; and sure we are, that the name of John Foxe
will live green in the memory of our children, ami our children's children, when his envious
and malicious detractors shall have passed into obliviim.
It could scarcely be expected that, in times like the present, when every effort is being
made to bring the character of our Reformers and the principles of the Reformation into con-
tempt and obloquy, a work of such immense importance as that of John Foxe, could escape
the malicious assaults of the avowed enemies of Protestant Christianity, or the insidious
efforts of the traitors now concealed in the cloistered shades of the Church of England. Those
assaults and efforts have been made, and have just thus far succeeded in proving that this
great production was not the production of absolute inspiration, — that the author, compelled
like all historians to ac(?ept the statements of others on particulars of minute or minor impor-
tance, has fallen into some slight mistakes, — mistakes so slight in their nature, and so few
in their number, that there is no historian of either times past, or times present, who has
exhibited a work of the same extent so free from errors, or so safely to be relied on in all
the grand objects which he contemplated. He lived in the times of which he wrote, and
devoted the greater portion of his work to them. He collected the official registers or ori-
ginal documents. He compiled and published them for the benefit of posterity. And the
deference, which all learned historians and all sound divines pay to his authority, is a monu-
ment to his ability, his learning, and his honesty, which will live for ever, when the very
names of his detractors wdl be utterly forgotten. The volume still remains the first, the
best, and the most certain authority for either the Historian or the Divine, in all the wide
field upon which it enters in laying open the workings of Romanism at the age of the
Reformation.
The work proposes to give a general sketch of the history of the Christian Church — a
more detailed account of the Church of England — an accurate portraiture of the rise, and pro-
gress, and genius, of the Church of Rome — and finally, the most full and ample account of
the examinations, sufferings, and martyrdoms, of those holy men of God who were the
strength and ornament of the Protestantism of this land.
The edition which we now present to the public, possesses certain peculiarities which
require to be noticed.
I. There is a large mass of official documents and forms, which, though interesting to the
writers of history, possess no interest or value for the religious, or general reader. They
seem to have been published by Foxe, more with the view of preserving them as records,
than in the expectation that they would be perused by the general reader.
A large portion of these have been omitted from this edition.
II. There is a series of narrations, from time to time introduced by the author, connected
with the superstitious credulity of the dark ages. Some of them are absurd, others are mar-
vellous. And Foxe, while he inserts them, does not hesitate to express judgment on them,
pronouncing them to be apocryphal.
These have been excluded from this edition, as calculated to injure, rather than promote
the interests of religion.
III. There is also inserted in the original work, a variety of Latin quotations, a few from
the Greek, and a number of letters and documents, also in the Latin language.
These have been removed from the present edition, as being calculated to encumber it un-
necessarily.
IV. Owing to the state of society in the age in which this work was written, there was a
coarseness of expression, and an absence of delicacy and propriety, in some of the narrations.
X EDITORS PREFACE.
wliicli render it unfit for family perusal, in the present state of society, and which have
aided much in consigning the work itself into oblivion.
All these narrations, and indelicacies, have been most carefully expunged from this edition.
V. There are many errors in the dates, embodied in the original work. Some of these
are, perhaps, the result of those mistakes into which authors of that age were very likely to
fall, in reference to more ancient history. Many of them are merely the mistakes of the
printing-press, accumulated through successive editions.
These have been carefully corrected in the present edition, so as to prevent the reader
falling into error.
These particulars present the peculiarities of this edition. The object has been, to present
the Protestant population of this land, with a family edition — one that, in point of size and
cheapness, would be accessible to all — one that could be perused without toiling through
unnecessary and uninteresting documents — and especially one that could be read with inter-
est, and advantage, in the family circle.
In endeavouring to accomplish these objects, every effort has been made to render thia
edition an available repository of all that was calculated to strengthen the religious principles
of the Reformation, in the Protestants of England, and to supply them with as much as pos-
sible, that would arm them against the principles and the practices of the Church of Rome —
thus making this edition consist of all the information that was valuable, in the original
work, and all that was likely to be available in the controversy with Rome.
Those who desire an ecclesiastical history of England, will find it here. Those who seek
for a detail of the iniquities of Popery, both abroad and at home, will not be disappointed.
The Christian, who desires examples of faithfulness unto the death, will be amply recom-
pensed in a perusal; and those who wish to obtain a practical knowledge of the controversy
with Rome, will find it one of the most useful works in our language.
In order to render the work complete, an Appendix has be§n added, containing accounts
of the massacre of St. Bartholomew — of the Spanish Armada — of the Gunpowder Treason —
of the great Rebellion of Ireland, in 1641 — all written by authors who wrote immediately
after the events which they narrate. Also an account of the executions in the reign of
Elizabeth, proving them to have been the punishment for treason, and not a persecution of
Popery.
M. HOEART SEYMOUR.
Bath, Decewher^ 1850,
k*-
\ ^u^oi^
THE LIFE
OF
MR. JOHN FOXE.
John Foxe was bom in Boston, in the county of Lin-
coln, A.D. 1517, his father and mother, being of the com-
monalty of that town, of good reputation, and in respect-
able circumstances. While young, his father died, and
his mother married again, which brought him under
the care of his step-father, with whom he dwelt during
his childhood. At an early age, he gave indications of love
of learning, which his friends well approving of, sent him
to study at Oxford. The first nurse of his more serious
Studies, was Brasen-nose College, where he was cham-
ber-fellow with Doctor Nowell, so famous a man in this
city afterwards, and dean of St. Paul's. It was there-
fore no marvel if their manners were so like in the
course of their lives, whose education and nurture in
youth was the same. The native excellence and sound-
ness of his judgment, were well seconded by the fitness
of the place; where the emulation of equals was frequent,
and where each student's proficiency was narrowly sought
into ; neither was industry wanting, which as it seldom
accompanies the greatest talents, so, where it is con-
joined, is most available. When in a short space he had
won the admiration of all, and the love of many, in re-
ward of his learning and good behaviour he was chosen
fellow of Magdalen College ; which being accounted a
principal honour in the university, and usually due to the
students of that house, was seldom, and not unless in re-
gard of singular deserts, bestowed upon any others. It
appears he gave the first indications of an early wit, to
the exercises of poetry, and wrote divers Latin comedies,
in a copious and graceful style, but somewhat lofty,
which fault of writing he left not altogether in his elder
years, though age and experience did not a little miti-
gate it. But even then he began to give earnest of what
he afterwards proved, for those first efforts of his youth
were spent only in holy histories of the bible ; nor fol-
lovved he that course long. He betook himself to the
study of divinity, with somewhat more fervency than
circumspection, and discovered himself in favour of the
Reformation, before he was known to them that main-
tained the cause, or were of ability to protect the main-
tainers of it ; whence grew his first troubles. This was
the time when Henry VIII, uncertain what course to
take, being at variance with the pope, and not resolved
in himself, thinking the affairs of the church, (then
grown to an infinite height of power and pride,) neither
in all resjiects tolerable, nor that it was necessary wholly
to a'ter them, while he desired to shew moderation in
both, prevailed in neither, obscuring an act, than which
none was of more glory since the world began, by an un-
profitable indifference. Never before were the people in
more distraction, or less security of their lives and estates,
there being in the laws such contrarieties, as no man
could tell what to take to with safety, or what to avoid.
For although the pope's supremacy had been renounced,
yet his doctrine was still retained. The first news of the
abolishing of the pope's supremacy was as prosperous as
it was welcome to the reformers ; and many joined them-
selves to them out of love to the truth, being further as-
sured of the king's intentions, by the punishment in-
flicted on some of the opposite party, and especially when
the abbies were dissolved ; nor was their hope a little
increased, when they perceived the noblemen more or
less to rise in the good opinion and favour of the king, in
proportion as they most opposed the pope's pretensions.
In the mean while the act of the Six Articles was still in
force, and if any were found guilty of the breach,
they were sure of punishment. So that as long as the
king held the middle way between his own judgment, and
the advice of his counsellors, feeding them with favours,
upon which they could build no assurance, and pleasing
himself in his own severity, fear and hope equally pre-
vailed.
But when the protectors themselves, and pillars of the
reformed religion, were taken away, the duke of Suffolk
by untimely death, the lord Cromwell by the sword, the
archbishop Cranmer and his friends borne down by those
of the contrary side ; and that neither in the laws, nor
in the protection of the peers, there was any help
remaining ; then began all things rapidly to hasten back
to their former abuses, and that with so much the more
violence, because the conquest seemed a kind of revenge.
In the universities and schools there was yet no open
change, or innovation ; I know not whether through fear,
or that they would not be followers.
This was the state of the church affairs, when Master
Foxe began attentively to seek into the substance of tho
controversy, then in agitation. He found the conten-
tion to have been of great antiquitv, and no a(;e to LtTS
XU
THE LIFE OP JOHN FOXE.
been free from some debate in the church. But those
first quarrels were rather for dominion, and increase of
territory ; the Romans, endeavouring by subtle prac-
tices, and pretext of religion to retain under the juris-
diction of a high priest the ancient honour of their city,
which by open force they could not defend. Then no
sooner did any one shew himself to ditfer from them in
point of faith, buc the hastening of his punishment pre-
vented any infection that might spread itself among
others.
Thus by their cruelty, and the patience of princes,
who suffered it, the greatest part of these dissensions
were appeased. Afterwards, the pope grown bolder by
good success, began to draw to himself all power and au-
thority, nor contented to have weakened the estate of the
Roman empire alone, now longed to be fingering the
sceptres of other princes ; and to compass his design,
spared not to violate any human or divine right ; mean-
while the clergy little impressed by the great damage done
to religion, by men of immoral life and conversation being
sometimes chosen to the papacy, by whose example
the strictness of life, used by their forefathers, was drawn
into scorn, and their poverty into disgrace. The indus-
try of the priesthood languished, and on the contrary side
ambition, riot, and avarice began to reign aaiong them.
Then at length were the practices of the churchmen
brought to light, and their delusions laid open. It was
then known why the ceremonies and rites in the church,
had been brought to that excessive multitude, namely,
that the number of the clergy might be increased to per-
form them. These of necessity were to be maintained ;
and to t'liat end were such opinions broached, as seemed
most likely to draw money from all places. Of the me-
rit of works ; of purgatory ; of the power of absolution,
and the pope's indulgences ; all which being in them-
selves false, and soon subject to decay, were thought fit
to be cemented together with that new and subtle inven-
tion of the pope's infallibility in matters of faith.
By this ingenious bond, and linking one opinion to
another, the credulity of the christians was easily en-
snared ; all this while the new forged opinions yielding
plentiful increase, and great sums of money, by a hundred
devises were screwed out of the clergy and the common
people, and came daily to the pope, and court of Rome.
I have often heard Master Foxe affirm. That the first
matter which occasioned his search into the popish doc-
trine, was, that he saw divers things in their own natures,
most repugnant to one another, thrust upon men to be
both believed at one time ; as that the same man might
in matters of faith be superior, and yet in his life and
manners inferior to all the world besides. Upon this be-
ginning, his resolution and intended obedience to that
church, was somewhat shaken, and by little and little
there followed some dislike to the rest.
His first care was to look into both the ancient and
modern history of the church ; to learn what beginning
It had ; what growth and increase : by what arts it
flourished, and by what errors it began to decline ; to
consider the causes of all those controversies which in the
mean time had sprung up, and to weigh diligently of
what moment they were, and what on either side was
advanced which was sound or erroneous.
This he performed with such diligence of study, and in
so short a time ; that before the thirtieth year of his age,
he had read over all that either the Greek or Latin fathers
had left in their writings ; the schoolmen in their dispu-
tations ; the councils in their acts ; or their consistory
in their degrees ; and had acquired no mean skill in the
Hebrew language.
By report of some who were fellow-students with him,
he used over and above his day's exercise, to bestow
whole nights at his study, or not till it were very late to
betake himself to rest. Near to the college was a grove,
wherein for the pleasantness of the place, the students
took delight to walk, and spend some idle hours for their
recreation. This place, and the dead time of the night,
had Master Foxe chosen, with solitude and darkness, to
contirm his mind; which trembled at the guilt of a new
imagination.
How many aights he watched in these solitary walks ;
what combats and wrestlings he suffered within himself;
how many heavy siglis, and sobs, and tears he poured
forth in his prayers to Almighty God ; 1 liaJ rather omit
in this discourse, than it siiould have tlie ajipearance of
ostentation. But of necessity, it was to be remejuoered,
because from heni,c sprang the first suspicion of his alien-
ated affections. For no sooner was the fame spread .loroad
of his nightly retirements, but the more understai»di.ig sort
out of their own wisdom, others according as tney .stood
inclined towards him, were apt to interpret all to the
worst sense. At length, those with whom he waa inti-
mate, being drawn into suspicion of him ; there were
some employed, who under pretence to adinuuisii him,
might observe his walks, and pry with more cuno:,ity
into his words and actions ; and there wanted :i>)t o hers
who comparing his custom:? formerly used, vvitn tiie pre-
sent course he now took, did with more bitterness aggra-
vate the act. Wl)y does he not come to churcii. so oi'ten
as in former times he hid been accustomed to ? Why
should he shun the comjjany of his equals, and refuse to
recreate himself after his wonted manner, unleK-<s lie had
felt in his mind some sudden alteration ? nor if that alter-
ation were for tlie better, would he conceal it.
Being thus reported of, surrounded with treacheries,
and by every one accused, when the matter came to
more severe scanning, and that he could neither hide
his resolution longer, nor, being a man of plain dealing,
thought fit to excuse himself by forging a lie, — by the
judgment of the college he was convicted, condemned as
a heretic, and removed froiii the house. Nevertheless
his adversaries affirmed he was favourably dealt with by
that sentence, and might have been examined for his
life, if they had not ratlier used clemency towards him
than extremity. But this wound raged worse than it
was thought it would ; his friends, upon the report of
this accident, being sorely displeased, and especially his
stepfather, who was now grown altogether implacable,
either through a real hiitred conceived against him for
this cause, or pretending himself aggrieved, that he
might now with more justice, at least with more security,
withhold from Foxe his own father's estate. Foi he
both knew it could not be safe for one publicly hated, and
in danger of the law, to seek remedy by it ; and that Foxe
was by nature so ignorant in requiting injuries, that he
would many times with much ado confess himself wronged,
even then, when he had in his hands ability of revenge.
When he was thus forsaken by his own friends, and
left naked of all human assistance, God's providence
began to shew itself, procuring him a safe refuge in the
house of a worshipful knight of Warwickshire, called
Sir Thomas Lucy, to whom he was sent for, to instruct
his children ; in which house he afterwards married a
wife, and there continued till the children arrived at
mature years, and had now no longer need of a tutor.
But the fear of the popish inquisitions hastened his
departure thence ; which now relying on the favour of
the laws, were not contented to pursue public offences,
but began also to break into the secrets of private
families.
Often would Foxe, in the later days of his life, with
much vehemence of mind, while conversing with his
friends, detest the wretched condition of that departing,
and say, That all other mischances he had pretty well
endured ; but in this case, the misery was so much the
greater, because to have borne it patiently would have
seemed unnatural ; having brought his faithful consort,
who entirely loved him, from her friends and kindred,
whose grief and tears were with all officious piety to be
comforted ; it behoved him, therefore, either to find
some speedy remedy, or, in assurance of his love, to
weep with her. For in vaiu should he shew an example
of his constancy, where she might rather suspect her
grief unregarded, than his mind unconquered with so
great calamities. He consulted, therefore, with himself
what was best to be done ; and of two ways only left,
whereby he might free himself from further inconve-
nience, he, after long deliberating whether he might
with most safety make choice of, either to go to his
wife's father, or his stepfather by marriage of his
mother.
THE LIFE OF JOHN FOXE.
xiii
His wife's father dwelt nearest, being a ci'izen of ,
Coventry, nor yet bearing any hatred towards liiiii, and
more likely to he entreated for his daughter's sake. His
stepfither was better known to him, but more susj)ecte(l
At last lie resolved to go first to his wife's f itlier, and in
the meanwhile by letters to try whether liis stepfather
would receive him or not. His stepfather's answer wa.s,
That it seemed to him a hard condition, to take oue into
his house whom he knew to be guilty, and condemned
for a cd|)ital offence ; neither was he ignorant what
hazard he should undergo in so doing ; nevertheless,
that he would shew himself a kinsman, and for that
cause neglect his own danger. If he would alter his
mind, he might come, on condition to stay as long
as himsirlf desired ; but if he could not be persuaded
to that, he should content himself with the shorter
stay, and not bring him and his mother into hazard of
their fortunes, who were ready to do any thing for his
sake.
Mr. Foxe's state was at that crisis that he thought no
condition ought to be refused ; besides, he was under-
hand advised by his mother to come, and not fear his
stepfather's severity ; for that perhaps it was needful to
write as he did, but when occasion should offer, he would
make recompence for his words with his actions. The
truth is, he had better entertainment with both of them
tlian he any way hoped for ; but so his business re-
quired, that he should rely long upon neither ; and
therefore, by often going to and fro from the one to the
other, whicii carried with it some shew of business, he
both deceived their diligence who inquired after him,
and effected that neither of them grew weary of his
company.
But, however, he by this means kept himself con-
cealed ; yet certain it is, that no time of his life passed
more unknown to posterity than that ; whether while he
did but little, which is scarce credible, or whether it
more concerned them who knew what he did, that it
should be withheld than published abroad. For his own
part he always forbore, with particular care, to speak of
that story ; lest where he had deserved so much, he
might, by extolling a small courtesy, seem rather to
Upbraid the slenderness of the requital, than to shew
himself thankful by remembering it. Afterwards he
.took his journey towards London; but from what
motive is uncertain, unless we may imagine the con-
venience of the place enticed him thither; which being
full of all classes of people, both inhabitants and stran-
gers from all places, afforded him a better opportunity,
either to conceal himself or to make known his abi-
lities, or to get acquaintance with those of like inclina-
tion.
By computation of times, I should think the chief
cause of his going thither to have been, that about that
time religion began at length a little to recover itself and
gather strength, especially about the city ; for he did
not go to London till within a few years before king
Henry departed this life ; who, as J said before, though
the kingdom were dividjd into factions, yet as long as
his youth and strength remained, so ordered the matter,
that, sometimes the power of each ))arty being equalled,
und sometimes one or other prevailing by his authority
both were retained in their obedience. But when he
grew into years, perceiving his health every day im-
paired, and that his death could not be far off, he then
began to consider with himself which side was most
trusty, and which most to be doubted; and at what age
he should expose his son to the raging hatred of the
papists, who was yet, by reason of his youth, unfit to
govern, and brought up in the discipline of a religion
which they Osposed.
He therefore, at last, resolved upon that which in
reason seemed most wholesome, and in the end proved
most fortunate ; and having put the papist officers from
their authority, by his will he appointed his son such
tutors whose love to himself he had always found
readiest, and by long trial of their fidelity thought Lkely
to continue the same to his successor. This set the
protestant religion again in safety, and the profes-
sors thereof, were thereby secured of their lives ; yet
hence no public benefit or profit was afforded them :
so that Foxe was still in as great want as before, having
already sjieiit all that either his friends had bestowed
on him, or his own daily industry had acquired.
I should here forbear to speak of a marvellous acci-
dent, and great example of God's mercy, were not the
matter so well known abroad, that it would be to no
purpose for modesty's sake to be silent.
As Mr. Foxe one day sat in St. Paul's church, ex-
hausted with long fasting, his countenance thin, and eyes
hollow, after the ghastful manner of dying men, every
one shunning a spectacle of so much horror, there came
to him one whom he never remembered to have seen
before, who, sitting by him and saluting him with much
familiarity, thrust an untold sum of money into his
hand, and bidding him be of good cheer ; he added, that
he knew not how great the misfortunes were which
o])pressed him, but suspected that it was no light
calamity. He therefore requested him to accept in
good part that small gift from his countryman, which
common courtesy had forced him to offer ; and he recom-
mended him to go and nurse himself, and take all oc-
casions to prolong his life ; and in the mean time he in-
formed him that within a few days his prospects would
be improved, and a more certain condition of livelihood
would be secured to him. Foxe could never learn who
that man was, by whose seasonable bounty, in that ex-
treme necessity, he had been relieved, though he ear-
nestly endeavoured to find him out. Some who looked
further into the event which followed that prophecy,
believed that this man came not of his own accord, but
was sent by some others, who very much desired Foxe's
safety ; and that it might perchance be through the ser-
vant's negligence, that he had suffered so much misery
before any relief had been afforded. Certain it is, that
within three days the issue seemed to make good the pre-
diction, for there was a message sent from the duchess of
Richmond, to invite him upon fair terms into her service.
It had so fallen out, not long before, that the duke of Nor-
folk, the famous warrior and most renowned general of hia
time, together with his son, the earl of Surrey, a man,
as far as may be imagined, of sincere meaning and good
understanding, was committed to custody in the Tower
of London, for what crimes is uncertain. While they
were in prison, the earl's children were sent to the
aforesaid duchess, their aunt, to be brought up and
educated : Thomas, who succeeded in the dukedom ;
Henry, who was afterwards earl of Northampton ; and
Jane,' afterwards countess of Westmoreland.
To these young lords was Foxe appointed tutor, to
instruct them both in manners and learning ; in which
charge he deceived not the expectation which the
duchess, a woman of great wisdom, had of him. For
the two sons grew to that height of proficiency in their
behaviour and scholarship, that, building in their riper
years upon this foundation, the elder, Thomas, seemed
to deserve more than the kingdom could bestow upon
him ; and the younger, Henry, came to that happiness,
that he was able to measure his fortunes, not by the
opinion of others, but by his own enjoyment.
The young lady Jane profited so wondrously in the
Greek and Latin tongues, that .she might well stand in
competition with the most learned men of that time, for
the praise of elegancy in both kinds.
There he dwelt during those golden days of felicity,
not seen for a long time before, in the last years of king
Henry's reign, and through the five years' reign of king
Edward the Sixth, (a young prince incomparably hope-
ful, who, by perfecting the work begun by his father,
surpassed all the acts of his predecessors,) till the begin-
ning of queen Mary's sovereignty; who, coming to the
crown, and turning the stream of religion, all things
again yielded to the papists' authority ; whence, not
long after, that cruel tempest proceeded, the noise
whereof hath come also to the ears of our age ; many
who suffered in that common shipwreck, swimming out
to these peaceful times, as to safe harbours of everlasting
tranquillity.
Among these Foxe made one, at that time sheltered
by the protection of the duke, his scholar ; yet not with-
THE LIFE OF JOHN FOXE.
out the observance of many, who for hatred or envy
narrowly watched him, and secretly laid wait for him.
Among these was Doctor Gardiner, bishop of Winches-
ter, who both saw something in him which he greatly
feared, and also disdained much that the heir of one of
the chiefest families in the kingdom, and nearest joined
to himself in friendship, should by his company be
depraved.
Of this man, because he was Foxe's greatest enemy, it
will not be from our purpose to speak something fur-
ther, that both their natures may the better be known.
The bishop of Winchester was a man famous in his
youth, for of his birth or parentage I have no certainty,
one that stood in the midway between good and bad;
and always as he grew older, growing worse. Industry,
wit, and eloquence, nature had bestowed on him ; his
pride, craftiness, and desire of beatina: sway, he learned
of cardinal Wolsey.
Hence his abilities qualified him for any employment,
which he managed with exceeding diligence, to gain new
honours ; and having obtained them, he then put on bold-
ness instead of industry, flattery for obedience ; and in-
stead of fidelity, deceit and compliments, and such like
frivolous fashions of the court. He was, in bearing those
honours which his virtue won to him, cruel and proud :
in regaining any that he lost, able to weary any man with
submission and humility. For in his fortunes also ap-
peared as great diversity, as in his conditions. Some
while he was pleasing to king Henry, and high in his
favour ; having by his pen maintained the king's autho-
rity against the pope : afterwards, when his prevaricating
therein was understood, he was slighted by the king, and
that he might be the less able to do hurt, stripped of his
dignity. UnderEdward VI,he was not only neglected, but
imprisoned, and underwent the reproach of a mean estate.
At length, in queen Mary's reign, he was set at liberty,
and being again restored to his former honours, he exer-
cised not so much command as tyranny : till even sick
with envy, that cardinal Pole out-shone him in dignity,
and with height of honours overshadowed his glory,
having often, but still in vain tried to cure his malady by
a cardinalship, anger at length exasperating his disease,
he pined away.
After this manner began, and ended that man, com-
mended for many excellences of mind, while he led a
private life ; but in his honours unbridled, and of no mo-
deration : well might one say, nature had made him a
worthy man, and fortune corrupted him.
Now Foxe, although he was cherished in the bosom of
a most loving duke ; yet after he saw all sorts of men
troubled for their religion's sake, some imprisoned, and
others burni ; in brief notliing on all sides, but flight,
slaughter, and gibbets ; and that the bishop of Winches-
ter was the principal incendiary of all this, who for pri-
vate respects was already his enemy ; he then began to
fear what might become of him, and to think of some
speedy way for his departure thence. As soon as the
dnlre knew his intent, gently chiding his fearfulness, he
used many words to persuade him to leave all thought of
going away ; affirming it neither agreeable to honour or
modesty, for him to suffer his tutor, so well deserving at
his hands, at any time of his life to be taken from him :
but that it should then be done, was not beseeming for
him that desired it. Let him but think with himself,
how great a burthen of hatred his scholar must needs
bear, among those who were ignorant, whether he for-
sook him of his own accord, or were forsaken by him :
yet that he entreated not to be excused from any hatred,
which might light upon him, if at least he might do it
for Foxe's advantage : but in flying, what misery would
be wanting ? banishment, poverty, contempt, and among
those which knew him not, the reproach of a runagate.
That he acknowledged was less evil than death ; but that
it was not yet come to such extremity ; neither would he
suffer it should : that he had yet wealth, and favour, and
friends, and the fortune of his house: if the mischance
prevailed further, himself would partake of the danger,
and make the destruction common : that he remembered,
with what precei)ts he had fortified his younger years ;
neitlier had he with more attention hearkened to hiii in-
structions, than he would with constancy put them in
practice ; only let him be of good courage, and so avoid
the violence of his enemies, as not to be weary of his
friend's company : that this he spake, as hoping by his
authority to prevail with him : but if that might not be
obtained, he would then further him in the course he in-
tended.
There was in the duke's speech the more credit, be-
cause it was known to proceed from the sincerity of his
heart, and a most tender good will towards him : and
Foxe now grew ashamed, not so much in that he had
done in asking leave, as that he had believed his request
might have been granted : but his modesty excused him :
his answer being, that the same care befitted not the lord
and his servant : that it was indeed for the duke's honour,
to defend his tutor from any injury ; but his own part,
to have a care, lest for his safety, the duke might incur
apparent danger, or perpetual trouble: neither that his
fear wanted ail excuse. For though he well knew the
duke could ret be drawn from his promise and good
intentions towaids him; yet was he not ignorant, that
by some wile or other, he might be circumvented and
deceived.
For even at that time was the bishop of Winchester
very intimate with the duke, relying upon the ancient
friendship he had always used to that family, by whose
credit he had increased his dignity. Thither he often
resorted, to present his service to the duke ; and at seve-
ral times desired of him, that he might see his old tutor.
At first the duke denied his request, one while alleging
his absence, another while that he was ill at ease ; still
after feigning several delays, to put him off, at length
it chanced, that Foxe (not knowing the bishop was
within the house) entered the room where the duke and he
were in discourse ; and seeing the bishop, with a shew of
bashfulness withdrew himself. The bishop, asking who
that was, the duke answered, " his physician, who was
somewhat uncourtly, as being newly come from the uni-
versity." " I like his countenance and aspect very well,"
replied the bishop, " and when occasion shall be, will
make use of him." The duke straight understood that
speech, as the messenger of some approaching danger ; and
now he himself thought it high time for Foxe no longer to
remain within the same city, or within the same see,
against the force of a crafty, and then open deceiver ;
but by all means, the bishop being sick, must be pre-
vented. From that time he caused all things necessary
for his flight, with the least noise that might be, to be
provided ; sending one of his servants before to Ipswich
haven, to hire a bark, and make ready all things needful
for the voyage : and because it seemed scarce safe for
Foxe to stay in any city, or place of resort, he chose out
the house of one of his servants, a farmer, where he
might with convenience wait a fair wind to put to sea.
Thither Foxe went as secretly as he could, taking his
wife as companion in his travels, then pregnant, but re-
solved to go with him, nor jdelding to the entreaty of
those who persuaded her to the contrary ; and as soon
as it was told him, his conijiany expected him, he nrade
haste to the port, and went on board.
Scarce had they weighed anchor, when suddenly a
boisterous vvind arose from the contrary shore, and which
caused the waves to ruge with such violence, that the
stoutest mariners began to tremble : then followed a dark
night, with continual showers, and a great niultitude of
clouds gathered together into a thick storm of ruin and
hail, which both hindered the seamen's work, and took
away all possibility to direct their course by the compass
any longer. That night, with much ado, they lay at
anchor, and as soon as the day appeared, when the tem-
pest seemed not likely to cease, they began to cast about,
and make back again to the shore : so that the tide a
little favouring them, at length with much difficulty thty
arrived in the evening at the same haven again, fro)u
whence they had loosed the day before. In the mean
while that Foxe had been at sea, a pursuivant from the
bishop of Winchester had broke open the farmer's house,
with a warrant to apprehend him, wherever he might be
found, and bring him back a jn-isoner to the city ; but
understanding he was gone already, after he had pursued
THE LIFE OF JOHN FOXE.
him even to the port, and there found that the ship he
was embarked in was yet scarce out of sight, had re-
turned back. Foxe, as soon as he came ashore, hearing
by report of the people what had passed, although the
news somewhat amazed him, yet, recollecting himself,
presently took horse, and made as if he would have left
the town ; but the same night returning, he bargained
with the master of the ship to set sail again with the first
convenience of the winds ; telling him that so his busi.
ness required, nor did he much care what shore he
landed at ; only desiring him to go forward, and not
doubt but that God would prosper so pious a work.
Whether for reward or piety's sake, the pilot took upon
liim this venturous task, and performed it accordingly;
for, loosing thence in the silence of the night, as soon
as the tide turned, though the sea was rough and the
weather blustering, within two days' time he landed
Foxe and his company in safety at Newport-Haven, on
the other side of the sea.
Whoever shall read this history, needeth not a more
evident argument to force him to acknowledge either the
certain course of providence or the uncertainty of all
human forecast ; when he may see the subtlest delibera-
tions of the wisest heads oftentimes by errors come to
no effect, often overthrown by sudden accidents, and
now and then thwarted by contrary counsels ; and that
all this is done to teach men so to use their authority, as
that the more power fortune hath conferred upon them,
so much the less they should know they are able to do
of themselves, and not despise those that are of meaner
condition. For that God regardeth all men alike, hav-
ing made them in nature equal, and distinguished them
by degrees ; not to putf up the one sort, or shame the
other, but to exercise both their modesties, or his own
justice, if they neglect their duty.
Foxe, when he had spent some days at Newport, in
refreshing himself and his company, went to Antwerp,
and from thence by easy journeys to Basil.
This city was at that time much spoken of, for the
great friendship and courtesy showed to those of the
English nation ; for which cause many famous men,
withdrawing themselves from the cruelty of the times,
had escaped out of England thither. Of these, many
were but of small fortune, who, some one way and some
another, but the most parf maintained their livelihood
by reviewing and correcting the press : this place then
surpassing all the cities of Germany for careful printing,
and abounding with diligent and wealthy men in that
profession, and preferring the industry of our men in
that employment before any of their own countrymen.
To these men Foxe joined himself, and was so much
the better liked, as, having been always inured to har-
diness, and in his youth put to the trial of his patience,
he had learned how to endure labour ; and that which
seemed the greatest misery to others — to suffer want, to
sit up late, and keep hard diet — were to him but the
sports of fortune. This perhaps may seem strange to
many, who remember Foxe to have been all his life long
but a slender-bodied man, and in his elder years some-
what sickly. But let no man compare his old age, worn
out and eaten up with cares, and by the course of nature
worn out, with the flourishing prime of his youth, which
appears to have been most healthful : whether it be, that
in those of indifferent size, an upright shape of the
limbs and members may sufficiently serve for health, or
that the mind, animated with desire of virtuous actions,
being content with its own abilities to pursue those
things it affecteth, needeth the less help from the body.
His industry may be from hence abundantly testified,
that, being so full of employment at Basil, there, never-
theless, he began to write his History of the Acts and
Monuments of the Church — a work by the title alone
seeming beyond man's belief. At first it suflBced only
to mark it out, and to draw the first lines or rudiments,
or as it were to fasten the warp to the loom ; the whole
body of the history he added and interwove with it after
he returned into his own country. First he wrote it in
Latin, and sent the copy to Basil to be printed, where
the work is still in great estimation, as also in divers
other foreign nations, but among our own countrymen it
is hardly known ; which shows that whilst we seek after
and admire strangers, we, either through carelessness
or envy, neglect our own countrymen. Shortly after,
to gratify the unlearned, he wrote it in English.
In the meanwhile the reformed religion began again
to flourish in England, and the papist faction much to
decline, by the death of queen Mary— a woman, while
she followed her own inclination, every way excellent,
and well worthy so royal parentage ; but while she
denied not any thing to some wicked counsellors, she
obtained not that praise she had otherwise deserved ; and
if she be not ill spoken of, it may be attributed to the
unwillingness of the succeeding age, to speak very freely
of princes.
The whole christian world immediately felt some be-
nefit by this change of the English government.
The neighbouring nations, now disburdened of the
exiled Englishmen, rejoiced as much for the good for-
tune of their guests, as for their own. But at home what
could be devised to assure their safety, or relieve their
distresses, which they did not sooner enjoy than pre-
sume to hope for ? They who had forsaken their houses,
were now called home. They who had suffered impri-
sonment, were now released. They who by loss of goods
were decayed, were now by gifts repaired. They who
had been thrust from places of honour, were now restored
to their former dignities. The unjust laws which had been
enacted were in the mean while abrogated, and wholesome
laws established in their places. Their minds were at
quiet. Their consciences at liberty ; all degrees at peace
among themselves, and every man's goods without dan-
ger. For in such sort did queen Elizabeth, even in the
infancy of her reign, dispose the affairs of the common-
wealth, that whatsoever the long and prosperous govern-
ment of other princes doth hardly produce in many
years, at her very first entrance all at once broke forth,
beyond the people's wish, as if some deity had diffused
itself, and poured forth felicity upon the world. Of
which incomparable, and most glorious queen, to make
mention upon any occasion, and not to supply some
further digression, let it be accounted for a capital crime
among all writers of history.
She was born of the lady Anne Boylen, whom king
Henry VIII, after his divorce from his first marriage,
took to wife. From her she received, as a princely
dowry, a true zeal for religion. As she grew older in
years, so she increased in manners, knowledge and
beauty, which as well make as beseem a princess. So
that both nature seemed to have boasted in her the mas-
ter piece of her most absolute workmanship ; and for-
tune to have raised her to as high a degree, as hope could
ever aspire to.
It made her the more capable to bear so great a for-
tune, that she at first learned to obey ; then to command,
and to use that honour first to others, which was shortly
after to be used by others to her ; having in a private
life had experience of the hatred, fatal to the successors
of great empires, yet of a nobler spirit than to return the
like upon those who were to succeed her. As soon as
she came to the kingdom, her several virtues appeared at
once in their brightest lustre ; her mind descended not
to an over-nice care of her body. The principles of her
new sovereignty were, to acquaint herself with the public
reasons of state ; to seek fit men to bear part of her
cares ; to strengthen all parts of the kingdom with faith-
ful ministers ; to know the temper and abilities of those
about her ; and to search into the strength, councils and
attempts of foreign princes ; but all these qualities, if
not well tempered, might have had, perhai)s, no long
continuance. Such therefore was her gravity, as no-
thing more pleasing. Such her severity, as nothing
more gentle ; and such her frugality, as nothing more
bountiful. Only she knew no measure, in those excel-
lencies, whose glory is founded, not in the even ballanc-
ing of different virtues ; but as it were in the throng of
illustrious actions. So was the nobility of her birth
heaped with desire of glory. Her religion was most sin-
cere, and was seconded with zeal for a holy life. But
when all these virtues brake forth into actions, what days
of happiness we then enjoyed ! What more cheerful,
THE LIFE OF JOHN FOXE.
more secure or wealthy did England see, than that four
and fi>rty years of peace ! For never did she voluntarily
j)rov<)ke any to war, and always preferred the justice of
the tjuarrci before the victory. To the Irish war, hon-
our, and shame to have lost a province, enforced her.
To the French, piety, and pity of her neighbours' dan-
ger. To the Spanisl), her own safety, and necessity com-
prehendiii]; iu itself the force of all other causes, com-
pelled her.
In the progress of this war we heard of, and saw that
which, j;er(;hance, never happened in any before. For
other nations, though they fought with mortal hatred
against each other, yet were their battles restrained to
gome certain fields and places ; but this war was so scat-
tered over all jilaces, and managed with such nobleness
of courage on both sides, that through all seas and
havens from east to west, the sun might still behold the
English and .*^panish navies fiiichting for their lives, hon-
ours, or estates. Never till then had that sea, which was
accustomed to no other command but ours, frothed with
strokes of foreign oars. Nor would a large volume con-
tain the discourse, if I should relate the number and
stateliness of ships, the strength of sea and land forces,
the sujiply of ammunition, engines, weapons, guns, and
provision of victuals belonging to that navy, which
Fhilip the Second, king of Spain, with intention to raze
out the li^nglish name, sent hither in the year 15^8. Let
this suffice, that never was any preparation by sea com-
parable to this fleet, made by any the most powerful
princes or states, tobeshewedin all therccordsofantiquity;
yet that so huge and threatening armada, swelling with
6elf-con(idence, and a presumed hope of victory, was by
the fortune of this invincible princess, even in a moment
utterly defeated.
The navies met together, for number and strength un-
equal. But the manner of the fight was to the Spaniards'
disadvantageous, because the English vessels being for
bulk much less, and lower built before, could with more
rase cast about for the wind, and immediately having dis-
charged, retire to open sea ; thereby deluding the slug-
gish and unwieldy ships of their enemies, and by level-
ling at the broadsides of the Spanish galleons, bestowing
their shot with a more certain and successful airn. To
this, our cr.ptains in the skill of sea-fight, and knowledge
of the tides, far excelled the Spanish commanders, who
now taught by the former day's experience, that they
could no way, but in a set fight bear the English encoun-
ters, casting their anchors near Calais, there expected
new forces out of Flanders, and by the goodness of their
ordnance defrnded themselves. This laid them open to
the English for the victory. For having filled some ships
with tow, pitch, brimstone, and all sorts of combustible
materials, and setting them on fire, with a favorable tide,
they drove them directly upon the enemy ; who were by
this action so exceedingly terrified, that the whole fleet,
cutting their cables as fast as they could, betook them-
selves instantly to flight. In which flight some of their
ships were burnt, some sunk, some forced to run them-
Belves on shore, some split upon the rocks, and some for
haste falling foul on their fellows, and so torn and
bruised, were taken by our soldiers. Those that escaped
best, not daring to go back the same way they came thi-
ther, with long labour both by sea and land, returned at
length into Si)ain, by the coasts of Scotland, and the is-
lands of the Orkney, through those seas, which in no
aE:e had been sailed on, but by such as were very good at
flying. \\ here so great virtues and victories met together
in one person, of necessity envy would be an attendant,
followed by hatred and treacheries ; which could not, by
this most innocent queen, be so avoided, but that her
safety was through all herlife daily endangered. Which
maketh me the rather wonder, what rare doctrine of our
adversaries this may be, for piety sake which they pre-
tend, persecuting even virtue itself, whereas (not only in
no heathen, but in none the most barbarous nation, which
doth at all acknowledge any deity) it was never thought
just to take revenge upon -virtue, even in their enemies ;
unless it be so that the indulgence of the christian reli-
gion may be so far extended, that although we are com-
manded to forgive our enemies, either they must not be
virtuous, or they must not be forgiven. But evident
enough it is, that in human afl'alrs, the desires of men are
often employed to one end, and the will of God to another.
By him was ([ueen Elizabeth protected always, from the
injuries and wicked enterprizes of her enemies, and
brought full of years to tliat honour, as to carry with her
that glory unspotted to heaven, which she obtained on
earth, envy now in vain carping at her after death, whose
cause all posterity doth patronise.
Now let us return to our history.
Master Foxe, when by his friends he understood the
happy news in England, that queen Elizabeth reigned,
and that the state of religion was sure, and likely to con-
tinue, about the end of that year, in which this was in
hand, came back to his country. So much time he had
taken to bethink himself, lest (if by any inconstancy of
the people they should grow weary of their present state)
he should again be forced to seek his fortunes abroad;
besides (his family being then increased wdth two chil-
dren) he was obliged to stay, till money might from
home be sent liim, to bear his charges in travelling. But
before he could get from thence, he was informed that
some hard speeches had passed respecting him, as if
through pride he had delayed to come, thereby seeking a
shorter and more speedy way to preferment, as being
due to him, when he should be sent for. This he knevr
to be a cast of their cutming, who themselves with all
earnestness striving for honours, feared Master Foxe,
as a man deserving, and likely to be preferred before them.
Yet he thought it not worth his labour, to make any ex-
cuse for such a crime, as would of itself come to nothing;
but equally despising injuries, and neglecting his own
right, hid himself wholly in his study. As in our bodies
it is commonly seen, that those men are more healthful,
who use moderate diet and exercise, than those who ex-
ceed in either ; so I suppose doth the case stand with
our minds, that he, who if fortune hath given him no rule
prescribeth none to himself, can hardly persist in the
soundness of his duty ; whereas he who useth modesty
in his fortunes, is always more fresh and vigorous for
any illustrious undertakings. For Master Foxe, being
for his abilities famous, and supported (as I before
shewed) with the friendship of great personages, might
with ease have attained to whatever his desires had in-
clined him ; but affecting neither riches nor authority,
the wishes of happy men, (though his deserts were equal
with any) yet was he well contented to keej) the con-
science of well-doing to liimself, and that rewards sliould
remain in the possession of others. This I neither ad-
mit, as wholly to his commendation, nor yet find fault
with, as many have done. Let us at least favour good
men so far, as to allow virtue, to choose what degree of
fortune it chooses to shine in ; or if we will needs restrain
it within certain limits, lee us do it to those who are
good with hope of reward ; as for them who are so for
no design, if their glory overwhelm us not, we shall not
need to fear their multitude.
I shall write of a life, bearing continually true and
solid fruits, but not such whereon the reader's senses
may surfeit ; where neither the rare stratagems of war
or "peace shall be related, nor any such discourses as
writers use, when they intend to captivate the ears of the
hearers. I am to speak of a life passed over without
noise, of modesty at home and abroad, of charity, con-
tempt of the world, and thirst after heavenly things ; of
unwearied labours, and all actions so performed as might
be exemplary or beneficial to others.
1 have shewed before, that Foxe first applied himself to
write the history of the church, whilst he was at Basil;
and that the reason why he did not there finish it, was,
that he might afterwards use the testimony of more wit-
nesses. This work not a little vexed the minds of the
papists. For well they saw that in vain they had shed so
much blood, and to no effect been guilty of so great
cruelty, if an account of these proceedings should be
transmitted to succeeding ages : and that the work itself
could not be taken out of men's hands, they well under-
.stood. There was therefore no other hope left, but by
charging the author with falsehood, and feigning some
cavils against him, so to lessen his credit and autboiity ;
THE LIFE OF JOH^ FOXE.
which, whilst Foxe endeavoured to remove, and take
away from hiiuself, he could not avoid it, but was obliged
to pass the lawful bounds of a history, by a new collec-
tion of matters and testimonies. And let us but by this
judge of the industry of our author, that he not only ga-
thered together so many things, as the materials of his
work, from all distances of time or places, and tlirough
all counties of the kingdom, collected the acts of both
courts, and the records of matters judged, but also alone
by a most distracted kind of diligence searched out, ex-
amined, freed even from moth-eating, and afterwards re-
duced into convenient order those things themselves,
being partly as it were rusty, and eaten out by antiquity,
partly by hatred or flattery of authors corrupted, and
partly hid in the rugged and short form of old writing.
I find by the author's own notes, that in the eleventh
year after he began to write it, the work was finished ;
and it is very probable, that the work shall live, which was
so long ill being brought forth : neither in all that time
used he the hel)) of any servant about his writing or other
business : so much doth industry employed to one pur-
pose, and gathered into itself, afford more useful as-
sistance, than being scattered, and the aiind divided into
many cares at once, though it hath never so many help-
ing hands.
Foxe, when he had for many years lefc no time free
from his study, either not at all, or not seasonably
affording himself what nature required, was at lengtti |
brought to that condition, that his natural liveliness and
vigour being spent, neither his friends nor kindred could
by sight remember him. By this means he first fell into
that withered leanness of body, in which many after-
wards saw him, never again returning to that pleasing
and cheerful countenance which he had before ; buc
when he would not be persuaded to lessen his accustomed
labours, or to lay aside his study, or to recreate himself,
which was the cause of the debility which had been
produced, the signs thereof did likewise remain.
From this time Foxe began to be much spoken of, for
a good historian ; the other virtues of his mind, as they
were less known abroad, so were overshadowed by that
which was known. Shortly after, he began also to wax
famous for other endowments, not only as a learned man,
Dut as one for his friendliness useful, and helpful to
others. But modesty will not allow me, by way of jour-
nal, to rehearse the voluntary pains he took upon him :
however, it will not be amiss, in general, to say something
of it ; and to show how, either by good advice, comfort-
able persuasions, or a charitable hand, he either relieved
the wants, or satisfied the desires of innumerable persons ;
whereupon no man's house was in those times thronged
with more clients than his. There repaired to him both
citizens and strangers, noblemen and common people of
all degrees, and almost all for the same cause ; to seek
Bome relief for a wounded conscience. At length, some
who were likewise sick in body, would needs be carried
to him ; but this, to stop rumours, he would not suffer to
be done. For, because they were brought thither, they
were by some reported to be cured.
Thus spending the day at home in such like duties,
frequently preaching abroad, and going to visit those who
were not able to come themselves to him, he both ful-
illed that, which, by the courtesy of his own disposition,
was enjoined him, and neglected not the performance of
that duty, which the office of his ministry had imposed
upon him. That little time which his friends, either
called away by other occasions, or ashamed of being too
;edious, had left free to his own disposal, he bestowed
aot in sleeping, or taking his pleasure, buc in prayer and
studying ; when he engaged in either of these exercises,
lie always retired into some private apartment, or made
use of the night's silence for secresy, unless by chance
sometimes the vehement groans he mingled with his
prayers, being heard by some that were near the place,
;ave notice how earnest he was in his devotions. For at
io time of the night could any man come to find his la-
Bours ended ; but often kath the next morning's light
jeen the last of his night's care concluded.
Now, although these things be true, yet well I know
there are many who will find fault, that I have so slightlj
passed them over ; and demand, why I produce not th«
matters themselves, as witnesses of his actions, or at
least some particular example of each kind, that they
may with more security give credit to the rest. But
many things there are which hinder me from so doing.
First, that common civility forbiddeth us, to publish
abroad that which the conscience of another hath com-
mitted to our secrecy ; and a very ill example should he
give, who should not rather by all means conceal, than
make known to the world, the secrets of private houses,
the jarrings of friends, and such private affairs in men's
lives, wliereof it may either shame, or repent them :
next, that the matters themselves, which used to be at-
tended to in the greatest privacy that might be, could by-
no means come to our knowledge ; or, if by suspicion
somewhat were gathered, and that I should instance in
one or two particulars ; yet what great assurance in the
rest, could 1 draw from hence ?
I will now bring the last argument, I know not
whether I should say, of his ability or industry ; that he,
who so wholly had given himself to please his friends,
that he had set apart no time, for his other occasions,
yet wrote so much, as it might well have been believed,
he had done nothing else.
I have here for their sakes, who may desire it, set
down the titles of those books he wrote ; which are
these — Comapdiarum libri 2. Syllogisticon. Adnionitio
ad Parliamentum. De lapsis per errorem in Ecclesiam
restituendis. Oliva Evangelica. De Christo gratis jus-
tificante. De Christo Crucifixo. Papa confutatus. Con-
tra Osorium de Justitia. Meditationes supra Apoca-
lypsiin Rerum in Ecclesia gestarum Commentarii. The
Acts and Monuments of the Church.
We are now come so far, as to be able from hence, to
give the reader a full sight at once, of the rest of Foxe's
life, which ought, I suppose, in like manner to please
them, as we see those that travel, when they have been
long tired with continual rugged ways and rough forests,
and come at length into the plain and champaigne coun-
tries, are witli the very change of soil not a little de-
lighted and refreshed.
In this (as it were) sketch of his conditions, we shall
first observe that which might well be thought the chief-
est of his virtues ; namely, a deliberate and resolved
contempt of all things, which are in greatest esteem
among men, and especially of pleasures: which disposi-
tion of his, whether inbred by nature, acquired by disci-
pline, or infused by God, did of necessity give him great
ability to perform with commendation whatever he chose
to take in hand ; there being nothing which can mislead'
the mind into errors, which would otherwise of itself
hold the right way, but what proceedeth from some plea-
sure or other ; lying in wait to entrap us in our journey.
But so did Foxe hold play with these enemies, as one
who desired not to save himself by flying, or shelter
himself in some secret place of retirement ; but by often
skirmishing, and experience in the manner of fighting,
to increase his own strength, and give to others an ex-
ample of fortitude ; using to say. That they did not great
matter, who forsook business and employments in the
world, lest they should suffer themselves to be allured
and deceived by them. For, that the things were in
themelves innocent, and then first of all grew hurtful,
when they were overvalued and pursued with avaricious
desire ; which he that can beat back when it assaileth
him, and striveth to break in upon him, is deservedly
called temperate ; but that he who was never in any
temptation, may rather seem to have been good through
want of occasion to be otherwise, than by his own
virtue.
He never therefore declined the friendship of illus-
trious personages ; not to gain honour to himself, but
that thereby he saw his commendation would be more
effectual, when he should desire favour on the behalf of
others. The money, which sometimes "Ch men offered
him, he accepted, returning it ba^^ to the poor. He
likewise frequented the tables "f his friends, not for his
own pleasure, being of " spare diet ; but from courtesy
to keep them company, and lest any should imagine, he
either feared or fled from the wrestling, and striving witb
THE LIFE OF JOHN FOXE.
voluptuous encounters, or that he thought himself, by-
being absent, better defended against the pleasures inci-
dent to eating and drinking, than by the guard of his
own moderation. In a word, so did Mr. Foxe behave
himself in those things which are accompanied by de-
lights, that certain it is, none of those who were always
in his company, can remember any speech or action of
his, which might betray the least shew of a desire for
them ; and so far was he from thirsting after honour,
riches, applause, or any outward good, that he would at
no time suffer the care of his private estate to enter his
mind, much less that it should by taking thought for his
household affairs, be overcome or drawn aside : which
either security of his, or as some called it, slothfulness in
his own fortunes, I will hereafter declare whence it pro-
ceeded. In the mean time, whilst I consider the cause
wherefore he thought all other things so contemptible,
especially since that could not be imagined to arise from
any obstinate disdainfulness, much less from a sluggish-
ness of mind ; I assure myself, it was only the love of
God, wherewith his mind was so filled, and so much de-
lighted, that he left no room, nor any affection free for
other pleasures, of his own accord separating himself
from the fashions of the world, of which he was not
otherwise incapable ; and devoting himself wholly to this
care, like one who had found an invaluable treasure, he
bent his eyes and mind upon this only, neither hoping
nor expecting any thing besides, but resolved to make
this the scope of all his wishes and desires : whereby (as
in such a case must needs happen) it so fell out, that
they who observed his mind so steadfastly fixed upon
God, and that he both spoke and did many things beyond
the opinions of an ordinarily good man, believed that he
could not be void of some divine inspiration ; and now
some began, not as a good man to honour him, but as
one sent from heaven, even to adore him, through the
folly of mankind, madly doting upon any thing, whatso-
ever their own will hath set up to be worshipped.
It will not be out of the way to add in ge-
neral what Foxe thought of the church of Rome,
and the bishop thereof, as far as they may be ga-
thered out of his speeches when, being of ripe years,
he had strengthened his judgment with much expe-
rience.
The heads of his opinions were these :
That among the christian church the Roman had
been in dignity always chief, and of most antiquity.
That it retained this dignity and preference many ages
after, by little and little, growing to greater authority,
not by consent of the people, or by any right to that
claim, but by reason of a certain inclination and custom
among men, that where any chanced to excel others,
they first began to be powerful among the rest, and at
length to exercise command over them. That the
greatest honour and authority it had was among
■these western kingdoms, which, as every one mostly
loved the christian religion, so were they by the dili-
gence and piety of the Romans most assisted ; in this
respect it had not ill deserved to be called the
mother of tiiose churches. That the occasion of so
great an increase was, that the city of Rome, being of so
ancient renown, and as it were by destiny appointed mo-
narch of the world, in all ages abounding with men
of great courage and virtne, being well peopled,
wealthy, usefully seated, and always under the emperors'
sight, easily afforded this convenience. That at the first
the christians could no where meet together with less trou-
ble, or be more plentifully provided for, or more safely con-
cealed, or, when need vvas, die with more constancy ; all
which made j)osterity greatly to admire and honour
them. That the church at first flourished rather in good
discipline, and the approved holiness of the professors,
than in abundance of riches, there being yet no loose
ness, no pi'vle or ambition found in the manners of the
clergy ; and money, servants, lands, jewels, and such
like goods, were aivijrether unknown to them ; in short,
all things were so restramod^ either by modesty in using
what they had, or contented in wanting what they
had not, as that in Rome alone teemed to be the
seat of the christian religion. All this was observed
with the greatest strictness in the times nearest to the
church's infancy ; but, in process of time, by little and
little, it be^an to be neglected and corrupted, after the
same manners as rivers, whose streams being small
and clear near their head, the farther they proceed the
larger is the channel, but with more troubled waters ; till
at length, by mixture with the sea, they become also un-
wholesome ; and though in no one place can we perceive
where they are any jot changed from their first purity;
yet may we easily enough find a great difference, if we
compare the extremes together. In the church it so fell
out, that having brought all nations to the christian
faith, after they once began to think it for the honour of
the empire, that the priests should no longer (as they
had formerly been accustomed) endure poverty, but live
in a more sumptuous way, to which purpose the
emperors granted many things to the churchmen, both as
an ornament and reward to them ; then also the priests
began, first to be taken with the love of riches, then, by
degrees, to grow wanton through abundance, and not to
care what little pains they took ; afterwards (as always
the succeeding age adds to the vice of the former) they
affected power also, which, when they had once ob-
tained, and, by the emperor's gift, received the com-
mand of the church, they gave not over, till (having cast
down the emperors, by whose bounty they had so
prevailed) they both invaded the privileges of the em-
pire, and now laid claim to both spiritual and temporal
government ; in the mean while, neglecting those rules
of religion which their predecessors had prescribed
them, neither themselves searching the scriptures, nor
permitting others to do it ; and esteeming the worship
of God to consist rather in outward devotion and pomp
of ceremonies, than in the obedience of faith. That by
this means it came to pass, that the church of Rome
(as all other immoderate empires) not only fell from that
high degree it once held, but also subverted in itself the
very substance and state of a church : nor that this
ought to seem strange, if, as the most healthful bodies
fall into sickness with most danger, so it happeneth,
that the prime of all churches should have no mean, but
either remain in the perfection of health, or become
the most dangerous enemy to it ; and that for this cause
the pope now seemed to be antichrist. That notwith-
standing the case was so plain, yet neither part ought to
lend too much belief to arguments, nor be too earnest in
hindering it, if by any moderation of men the matter
might be brought to soundness and agreement. That it
was not, perhaps, in our power to take from Rome her
ancient honour, and the opinion of her religion so fixed
already in the minds of men. That the church of Rome
had fallen by her own covetousness, ambition, and pre-
varication ; but that never any man had gone so far in
sinning, as that repentance had not reached as far. That
therefore it was fit to allow them, as a returning to re-
pentance, so some convenient means to move them to it,
and sufficient space to repent in. That it might be the
author disliked them, because a German or Frenchman,^
and not an Italian of their own nation had tohl them o :"
their errors. That there might one day among theii
own men be found some, by whose authority they should
not be ashamed to amend their faults, and with more
willingness part with their own power to procure the
peace of the whole world. That there was at least this
hope left, it might so fall out that they had no further
erred in the articles of faith than that they would not
suffer too much to be known. That the conditions of
agreement would be, first. That the pope should forsake
all those tenets, by which he gained such great sums of
money ; there being nothing whereto the people might
with more difficulty be persuaded, than that Christ, the
Saviour of the world, had instructed his church in the
way of getting money, and setting the scripttircs to sale.
Next, that he should renounce all secular jurisdiction, and
not sup])ose himself to have title, or any thing to do
with the right of princes. That, on the other side, liis
onposers should not refuse, th<ic some one man may have
the principal place of counsel and government in the
church affairs, as being a tiling which would have many
conveniences in it, when it might be done with security ;
THE LIFE OF JOHN FOXE.
neither that the Romish church, because it had once
fallen, ought to make against it ; nor that it had
first flourished to prevail for it, herein to bo pre-
ferred before any other ; but that all this «-as to be
left to the discretion of a general council of the
christians, which might be so equitable, as that neither
the power or favour of any one should be able, either
from the place of meeting, or the difference in
number of voices, to promise itself any advantage to the
injury of the rest. That, in the mean while, it would
be of great moment to the hope and speediness of
settling all controversies, if hereafter on both sides they
would give such instructions, as might cause in each
party a better hope and opinion of the other, espe-
cially that they ought to leave off that stubborn conceit,
whereby each of them, presuming itself to be the only
true church, supposeth the other excluded. For that it
were not only wicked, but also highly to the dishonour
of God, to think that he had so given his commandments
t3 mankind as that they should be turned to the
destruction of those that obey them ; which must of ne-
cessity come to pass, if when all men will not consent in
the same opinion, they who understand most shall refuse
to admit the rest ; was therefore the kingdom of heaven
reserved only for the more understanding sort, and those
that know most ? Where should then the fools of the
world be ; where should little children be, whom Christ
had set apart for himself? How much better should
we serve God by following that which was evident,
than by interpreting that which was doubtful ? How
much more probable were it, that God's mercy was so
abundant, as when men were once agreed in point of ge-
neral obedience, there should nothing else be laid to their
charge ? For, that the force of obedience was before
God so great, as thereby only all other inequalities
might be made even ; but if all were not in equal condi-
tion, that certainly with God they were best esteemed
who judged with the most modesty of others.
I will now speak of the friends of Mr. Foxe :
niiior.s; whom, I have already shewed with how great
alfection he was beloved by the duke of Norfolk, being by
his bounty maintained in his lifetime, and after his
death by tlie pension he bestowed on him, which his
son, the right honourable the earl of Suffolk, to whom
those revenues descended, out of his liberality con-
tinued.
His fortunes were increased by the lord William
Cecil, then lord treasurer, a man beyond expression ex-
cellent, whom it as much availed queen Elizabeth to
liave for her minister, as it availed the kingdom to have
Elizabeth for their queen ; and without doubt most
deserving, that in himself and in his jiosterity he should
flourish in that kingdom, which he had by his wisdom
and advice made most flourishing. He, of the queen's
pift, obtained for Mr. Foxe the rectory of Shipton, upon
no- other inducement but his public merits, and when
^Ir. Foxe delayed, and after his manner entreated leave
to excuse himself, the lord Cecil politically overcame his
liashfulness by telling him, that he neither accepted that
for an answer, nor had he deserved that the blame of Mr.
Foxe's refusing the queen's gift should be laid upon him,
as if he had been his hindrance.
To the earls of Bedford and of Warwick he was very
acceptable.
He was very intimate with sir Francis Walsingham,
secretary of state, a prudent and vieilant man, and one
who deservedly was the first that advanced the power of
the secretaryship.
The two brothers, sir Thomas Hennage and Master Mi-
chael Hennage, he sincerely loved, the first for the sweet-
ness of his behaviour, the other for his solid learning
and singular modesty of life, and though they were
each of them, in their kind, most accomplished gentle-
men, yet he was wont to say that sir Thomas Hennage
had as much as was requisite in any way to become a
complete courtier, but that Master Michael Hennage had
both all his brother in himself, and that besides of his own
■which the court had not corrupted.
To sir Drew Drury he bare likewise a strong affection,
as to a man of sincere intentions, and of great con-
stancy in all fortunes, and perhaps, the only man in
the court who continued his favour without loss of his
freedom.
Among the prelates he principally reverenced Doctor
Grindall, archbishop of Canterbury ; Doctor Elmar,
bishop of London ; and Doctor Pilkington, bishop of
Durham ; and Doctor Nowell, dean of St. Paul's, who
were his partners in banishment at Basil.
Among the writers of his time he preferred, before the
rest. Doctor Humphrey, Doctor Whiteaker, and Doctor
Fulke, with whose learning he was greatly delighted,
and esteemed it no small benefit to be again be-
loved by them.
But with none had he more familiar acquaintance
than with Master John Crowly and Master Baldwine
Collins, whose counsel he made use of in all his affairs,
especially of Master Collins, concerning whom he was
wont to say, That he knew not which had the greatest
share in him, excellence of knowledge, or modesty of
mind.
Among military men, sir Francis Drake was much
delighted with his familiarity ; whom to commend near
the times he lived in, were needless, but to commend
him to posterity, according to his merits, many volumes
would scarce suffice.
Among the citizens of London, he always found great
good will; especially with sir Thomas Gresham, sir
Thomas Roe, Alderman Bacchus, Master ismith. Master
Dale, and Master Sherington, who held him in great esti-
mation, being part of them such as had borne the liighest
places of honour in the city, and part of them merchants
of great substance.
1 pass by many, who perhaps had as great a share in
Master Foxe's friendship as any of these ; nor ouglit it
to be accounted a fault, if I either knew not, or remem-
bered not all : but this I ought not to omit, (as be-
ing the chief cause why I thought fit to mention the
above-nained worthy men) that these were they, from
whom, I before said. Master Foxe received such large
sums of money to divide among the poor : which, al-
though they did it with so much privacy, as that they
trusted not to messengers in delivering it, not regarding
any outward praise, their well-doing might procure
them, knowing the consciousness of it to be as much as
they needed to desire. Yet it was not fitting for me in
Foxe's history, to dissemble it, or to give any man occa-
sion to suppose the truth was not opened by Foxe, thougli
they themselves thought good to neglect the fruit of so
great liberality, especially since it may abundantly serve
for commendation of both him and them, that they
should be known by their own actions, and he by none
but his own.
He used always among his friends a pleasant kind of
familiarity, wherewith he seasoned the gravity and seve-
rity of his other behaviour.
Being once asked at a friend's table, what dish he de-
sired to be set up to him to begin his meal with, he an-
swered, " the last ;" which word was pleasantly taken,
as if he had meant some choicer dish, such as are usually
brought for the second course ; whereas he rather
signified the desire he had to see dinner ended, that he
might depart home.
Going abroad, by chance, he met a woman that he
knew, who, pulling a book from under her arm, and
saying, " See you not that I am going to a sermon ;"
Foxe replied, " But if you will be ruled by me, go home,
rather, for to-day you will do but Utile good at church;"
and when she asked, " At what time therefore he would
counsel her to go?" " Then," answered he, "when you
tell nobody before hand."
It happened at his own table that a gentleman there
spake somewhat too fieely against the earl of Leicester,
which, when Foxe heard, he commanded a bowl filled
with wine to be brought him, which being done r
" This bowl," said he, " was given to me by the earl of
Leicester," so stopping the gentleman in his intem-
perate speeches without reprehending him.
When a young man, a little too forward, had in pre.
sence of many, said, "That he could conceive no rea-
son in the reading of old authors, why men should so
a2
THE LIFE OF JOHN FOXE.
greatly admire them." '' No marvel indeed," replied
Foxe, " for if you could conceive the reason, you would
then admire them yourself." .
1 couia uieiitiou many anecdotes of this kind, but
that 1 will not exceed my intended limits too far. _
At length having in such actions, and such behaviour
spent out his age, being now full of years, and blessed
with friends, ere he had ijuite passed through his seven-
tieth year, (1587) he died, not through any known disease,
but through much age.
Upon the report of his death the whole city lamented,
honouring the small funeral which was rnaae for him,
with the concourse of a great multitude of people, and
in no other fashion of mourning, than as if among so
many, each man had buried his own father, or his own
brother.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION ON THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE ANCIENT AND
MODERN CHURCH OF ROME.
Page
The corruptions of Rome came in gradually . . 8
Objections to this statement answered . . ib.
Particulars, wherein the ancients and modems differ 9
Papal assumptions rejected in the time of Pope
Victor 10
Also at the councils of Carthage, and subsequently ib.
Particulars in which modern popes have exceeded
their due jurisdiction . . . . . ib.
The authority of princes over popes proved from
Scripture . . . . . . .11
The same proved by the laws of man . . .12
The Constitutions of Justinian touching this . . ib.
The laws of both England and France on the same . ib.
The modern titles of the popes . . . .13
Contrary to coiincils of Nice, Carthage, &c. . . ib.
The title of " Universal Bishop" assumed by the
Greek patriarch . . , . . .15
Denounced by pope Gregory the Great . . . ib.
Whether St. Peter was Universal Bishop, examined ib.
W^hether he was head of the church . . .16
Whether he was bishop of Rome . . - . ib.
Tlie church of Rome is not the head church of
Christendom . . . . . . .17
Some questions touching the succession of St. Peter 18
Pag«
The arguments of the papists from the fathers,
examined ....... 18
The causes which led to the pre-eminence of the
church of Rome ...... 19
The arguments from analogy of temporal monar-
chies, examined . . . . . . ib.
The difference between ancient and modern Rome in
doctrine ........ 20
This proved by the Scriptures in several particulars 21
Contrariety of the doctrines of Rome to those of St.
Paul 25
This contrariety to the word of God —
On faith and justification . . . .26
On works and the law ..... ib.
On sin 27
On penance or repentance . . . . ib.
On the difference between the Law and the
Gospel 28
On free-will. 29
On invocation and adoration . . . . ib.
On the sacraments ..... ib.
On matrimony . . . . . .30
On civil government . , . . . ib.
On purgatory ib.
BOOK I.
CONTAINING
THREE HUNDRED YEARS NEXT AFTER CHRIST, WITH THE TEN PERSECUTIONS OF THE
PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
Arrangement of this work 32
Method of treating this history . . . . ib.
Opposition of the world to the kingdom of Christ . ib.
Persecutions by the Jews ..... 34
Martyrdom of St. Andrew ib.
Martyrdom of St. James 35
A.D. Persecutions by the Romans —
64. The First, under Nero . . . .35
67. Martyrdom of St. Peter and St. Paul . ib.
94. The Second, under Domitian . . 36
97. Banishment of St. John . . . . ib.
Causes of these persecutions by the Romans, ib.
The uncertainty that exists respecting the
first bishops of Rome 37
98. The Third, under Trajan. . . . ib.
The Letter of Pliny to the Emperor . . ib.
The Emperor's answer . . . * . .38
Martyrdom of Ignatius . . . . ib.
140. The clemency of the Emperor Antonius Pius. 39
His Letter or edict respecting the Christians 39
161. The Fourth, under Marcus Aurelius . 39
Martyrdom of Polycarp . • . . ib.
Letters of the church, at Smyrna, detailing
the same ...... ib.
The Martyrs at Lyons and Vienne . .41
The Epistle of the churches, there, detail-
ing the persecution . . . . ib.
Some account of Justin, the Apologist and
martyr . ..... 42
Some account of Melito and his catalogue of
Canonical Scriptures . . . .43
193. The Fifth, under Severus . . . ib.
Some account of Origen . • . .44
Martyrdom of Irenaeus . . . . ib.
His opposition to the bishop of Rome . ib,
Tertullian ib.
Succession of the bishops of Rome . . ib
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D.
222.
235.
244,
249
«C7.
270.
3S4.
Character of Victor (A.D. 185)
The contest about Easter-day between the
ea-tern and western churches .
Ch'\racter of Heliogabalus
Martyrdom of Cecilia
The Sixth, under Maximinus
Baptism of the Emperor Phili])
The Seventh, under Decius
Some account of Origen .
Martyrdom of Babylas
The Persecution at Alexandria, detailed in
Dionysius ....
Account of the death of Serapion
The controversy concerning the lapsed
Some account of Novatus .
The letters of Cyprian to the persecuted
The Eighth, under Valerian
Some account of Cyprian .
Cautions respecting the writings of the fa-
thers ....
Martyrdom of St. Lawrence
Some account of Dionysius
The fate of Valerian .
The Ninth, under Aurelian
Eusebius ....
Tranquillity of the church for 44 years
Its great prosperity and consequent corrup
tion ....
The Tenth, under Diocletian
Its terrible character .
In Nicomedia
In Bohemia
In Spain ....
In Britain ....
In Alexandria
Edicts of Maximinus in brass
Page
44
ib.
45
ib.
46
ib.
ib.
ib.
47
ib.
, 49
, ib.
, ib.
50
51
ib.
ib.
52
ib.
ib.
53
54
ib.
ib.
ib.
55
ib.
56
ib.
ib.
ib.
58
A.D. Page
The pestilence ...... 58
312. Constantme proceeds to Italy . . .59
The story of the cross in the air . . . ib.
His victory ...... 60
Edict in behalf of the christians . . . ib.
Breach between Constantine and Licinius . 61
324. Deaths of Licinius and other persecutors . ib.
Particular details of certain martyrs . . ib.
Martyrdom of Alban ib.
Fabulous miracles ascribed to him . . 62
Martyrdom of Romanus . . . . ib.
Gordius . . . ,63
Menas . . . . . ib.
The forty martys, described by Basil . . 64
Martyrdom of Cyrus . . . . . ib.
Agricola and Vitalis . . ib.
Vincentius . , . . ib.
Eulalia . . . .65
Agnes .... 66
Absurd legends respecting Catherine . . ib.
Martyrdom of J ulitta . . . . . ib.
Barbara . . . . ib.
Succession of the bishops of Rome . . ib.
Council of Sienne . . . . .67
Persecution in the East under Sapor . . ib.
Martyrdom of Simeon . . . . ib.
Letter of Constantine to Sapor in behalf of
the christians . . . . . .681
Martyrdom of Marcus Arethusius . . ib.
Exposition of the 1260 days . . .69
Character of Constantine . . . .70
Constantine's prayer . . . . .71
His edicts in favour of Christianity . . 72
His command to circulate the scriptures . ib.
The alleged donation of Constantine to the
bishops of Rome disproved . . . ib.
BOOK II.
CONTAINING
THE NEXT THREE HUNDRED YEARS, WITH SUCH THINGS SPECIALLY AS HAVE
HAPPENED IN ENGLAND FROM THE TIME OF KING LUCIUS TO GREGORY, AND SO
AFTER TO THE TIME OF KING EGBERT.
180.
462.
568.
A.D.
The antiquity of the British churches
They received not the faith from Rome
Difference of their doctrines from the mo-
dern faith of Rome ....
Story of king Lucius and pope Eleutherius
Fagan and Damian .....
Troubled state of Britain ....
Arrival of the Saxons . . . . ■
Tlie establishn)ent of the Heptarchy
The British christians persecuted by Saxons
The four persecutions in Britain
596. The mission, and arrival of Austin the monk
Made archbishop of Canterbury
The synod at Austin's oak .
Opposition of the British clergy
Their destruction by Jithelfride
The conduct of Austin
The character of pope Gregory
Rise of the papacy under Boniface III.
Controversy about Easter .
The arguments and conclusion
Theodore introduces matins,
masses, Ike.
Synod at Thetford
Sixth general council at Coastantinople
616.
680.
Page
A.D.
74
707.
ib.
75
. ib.
ib.
76
ib.
747.
77
ib.
ib.
ib.
78
ib.
780.
ib.
79
. io.
. ib.
794.
. il).
. 80
. ib.
! 81
. ib.
. 82
Adelme of Malmesbury and John of Bever-
ley .......
Absurd miracles ascribed to them
Latin custom respecting Easter established
in England ......
Controversy about shaving priests
Some account of Bede ....
Synod at (;ionesho .....
Letter of archbishop Boniface exposing the
vicious lives of nuns and friars
First establishment of some popish practices
The donation of Pepin to the see of Rome .
Controversy concerning imiges .
Gregory s mass substituted for Ambrose's li-
turgy _ .
Curious mode in which this was determined
The grant of Charlemagne ....
794. Council of Frankfort, condemning images .
Proceedings of Charlemagne against images
Tlie empress Irene and the council of Nice .
Introduction of Peter's pence into England .
Abbies and nunneries now founded in Eng-
land .......
Superstition and ignorance of these times .
Succession of archbishops of Canterbury
Page
82
ib.
ib.
ib.
83
84
ib.
ib.
85
ib.
ib.
ib.
ib.
86
ib.
ib.
ib.
ib.
87
88
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
BOOK III.
CONTAINING
THE THREE HUNDRED YEARS FROM THE REIGN OF KING EGBERT TO THE TIME OF
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
ib.
92
ib.
A.D. Page ,
79i. Civil history of Britain . . . .89
828. Britain first called Anglia . . . . ib. !
832. Arrival of the Danes . . • . ib. j
Churches of England began to be endowed . ib. |
Swithin, bishop of Winchester . . . ib. j
Series of popes . . . . . . 90 |
Their innovations iu religion . . . ib. I
Story of pope Joan . . . . . ib,
Epistle of Haldrike in behalf of the mar-
riage of priests .....
Succession in the papacy ....
Emperors precluded from interfering in the
election of the popes ....
The causes of the Danes' invasion of Eng-
land ib.
8;0. King Alfred 93
His various contests with the Danes . . ib.
His character . . . . . .94
John Scotus . . . . . . ib.
Succession of the popes . . . .95
Degradation and restoration of pope Formosus ib.
Difficulties in the papal succession . . ib.
901. King Edward the Elder , . , .96
928. King Ethelstan 97
His law respecting tithes . . . . ib.
940. King Edmund ib.
Monks first introduced into cathedrals . ib.
Dunstan, abbot of Glastonbury . . .98
Absurd legends respecting him . . . ib.
The laws of this king prove the authority of
princes then in the church . . . ib.
948, King Edwin ib.
Banishment of Dunstan . . . . ib.
959, King Edgar . . , . . . ib.
Dunstan recalled . . . . . ib.
Appointed archbishop of Canterbury . . ib.
Progress of monkery in England . . . ib.
Ancient and modern monkery contrasted . 99
Frivolous distinctions of orders . . .100
Character of king Edgar . . . . ib.
A.D.
974.
975.
973.
1016.
1017.
1036.
1039.
1043.
106C.
1067.
Page
The penance imposed on him by Dunstan . 101
His oration to the clergy . . . . ib.
King Edward the Martyr . , , . 102
Factious proceedings of Dunstan , . ib.
Monks expelled from the monasteries . . ib.
Death of the king through means of his mo-
ther 103
Succession of popes , . . , . ib.
Wicked character of pope John XII. . . ib.
His deposition from the popedom . . ib.
Otho renews the grants of Charlemagne to
the see of Rome . . ... . ib.
Pope John XIII. imprisoned . . . ib.
Pope Boniface VII. dragged through the
streets of Rome . . . . . ib.
Contests for the papacy . . . . ib.
King Ethelred 104
The Danes return to England . . . ib.
Their cruel oppression of the people . . ib.
Edmund Ironside and Canute . . . ib.
Assassination of Edmund .... 105
Proceedings of Canute . *. . . ib.
Harold ....... ib.
Hardicanute ...... ib.
King Edward the Confessor . . . 106
Visit of William duke of Normandy to Eng-
land ..,..,. ib.
King Harold II ib.
Invasion of England by duke William . . ib.
Conquest of England and death of Harold . 107
Succession of the popes . . . . ib.
Their innovations in religion . . . ib.
Schism in the papacy — three popes together ib.
Pope Victor poisoned by Hildebrand . . ib.
Another schism in the papacy . . . ib.
Violent proceedings of Hildebrand . . ib.
Council at Lateran . . . . , ib.
Opposition in England to pope Nicholas II. 108
Council at Mantua . . . . . ib.
Succession of archbishops of Canterbury . ib.
BOOK IV.
CONTAINING
THE THREE HUNDRED YEARS FROM WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR TO THE TIME OP
JOHN WICKLIFFE.
A.D.
Page
109
, ib.
, ib.
, 110
. ib.
1066. William the Conqueror crowned
His violent measures with the clergy .
1070. Council of Westminster
Lanfranc visits Rome for the paU
Expences of the pall ....
Contest for primacy between York and Can-
terbury ....... ib.
Changes of some sees in England . .111
1075. Council at London . . . . . ib.
Pope Hildebrand, or Gregory VII. . • ib.
His violent proceedings . . . . ib.
Exclusion of the emperors for election of
pope 112
His extravagant claims . . . . ib.
His epistle against the marriage of priests . 113
His decree upon the same . . . . ib.
Opposition of the priests to this law . . ib.
His character drawn by cardinal Bruno . 114
He is seized and imprisoned, and again res-
cued ib.
A.D, Page
1076. Sentence of the council of Worms against
him . . .... 114
His excommunication of the emperor . . 115
1083. Sentence of council of Brixia against the
pope ....... 116
Hildebrand deposed, and again restored . ib.
Death and character of William I. . . 117
Monkish strife about the Gregorian and Sa-
lisbury choir services . . . . ib.
1087. William II. crowned . . . . ib.
His extortions against the clergy . . . ib.
Succession of popes H8
1088. Two popes together ib.
Council at Rome under Urban II. . . ib.
1095. at Claremont . . . ' . ib.
Peter the Hermit ib.
The first crusade . . . . . ib.
Opposition in England to the pope . . ib
Proceedings of pope Urban II. . . . ib.
Auselm, archbishop of Canterbury . . ib.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D.
1995. Contest between Anselm and William IL
The differences between tbe Greek ami Ilo
man churches . . • •
Proceedings of the council of Bayonne
Message of the pope to William IL .
Death and character of this king .
1100. Henry I
Anselm recalled . . • •
The priests in England resist the pope's de
crees against marriage
no;}. Contest between the king and Anselm .
The success of Anselm . • •
His proceedings concerning investitures
Council of Westminster
Its decrees .....
His proceedings against the marriage of
priests .....••
1106. Excommunication and death of the emperor
Henry IV
Contests of the popes with the emperors
1115. Confers between York and Canterbury for
primacy ......
1135. Stephen crowned .....
Reserves the right of bestowing spiritual
livings .....••
Excommunication by bell, book and candle
introduced ....■•
1154. Henry II ilj
Thomas a Becket archbishop of Canterbury . ib
Extent of the British empire in this reign .
The empeftjr Frederick Barbarossa
1155. Contest between Frederick I. and pope
Adrian .....••
Their letters ......
Schism between two popes
Page
A.D
. iiy
1205
. 120
1208
.121
. ib.
. ib.
. ib.
. 122
ib.
1210.
. ib.
. 12;{
. ib.
. ib.
. ib.
1213.
124
125
12(;
ib.
ib.
ib.
127
ib.
ib.
128
The pope puts his foot on the emperor's neck ib.
1164. The history of Thomas a Becket . . . 129
His contest with the king .... 130
Advice of the other bishops to Becket . 1.12
He flies the kingdom . . . . .134
He resigns his see to the pope . . . 135
Letters between the pope and the king . X'AG
Certain letters of Becket . . . .137
1169. Letters of the English bishops to Becket . 138
Letter of two cardinals respecting him . 140
Becket's return to England . . .141
1170. His death and character .... 142
Absurd miracles ascribed to him . . 143
1172. The conquest of Ireland .... 144
Penance imposed on the king . . . ib.
Contest between York and Canterbury re-
vived ....... ib.
Death and character of Henry II. . . 145
The papal form for giving a pall . . ib.
Persecutions by the pope at Tholouse . . ib.
The origin and history of the Waldenses . 146
Their doctrines opposed to popery . 147
Their persecutions ..... 148
1187. Jerusalem captured by the Saracens . . ib.
Origin of the red, white, and green crosses ib.
1189. Richard 1 149
Persecutions of the Jews in England . . ib.
The kings of England and France prepare for
a crusade . . . . . .150
Their arrival at Messina . . . . ib.
Tancred, king of Sicily . . . . ib.
1191. Conquest of Cyprus, and siege of Acre . 151
Shipwreck and imprisonment of King Ri-
chard 152
His release ... . . . ib.
1197. Fulco's conversation with king Richard . ib
Death and character of this king . . 153
1199. King John ib.
He is threatened with an interdict by the
pope ..'... ib.
Death of prince Arthur . . . ib.
1205. Contention among the monks at Canter-
bury ....... ib.
Contest in the election of an archbishop . 154
1215.
1216.
1226.
1245.
1246
Paga
The king's measures against the unruly
clergy . . . . . . . ib.
The pope appoints the archbishop Langton . ib.
The king's spirited letter to the pope . . ib.
The pope's insolent reply .... ib.
England put under interdict . . . ib.
The king's measures against the prelates . 155
The legate Pandulph in England. . . ib.
His audacious language to the king . . ib.
The poj)e excommunicates and deposes the
king ....... 155
Grants England to the king of France . ib.
The prophecy of Peter against the king . 156
The French king prepares to invadtt the realm ib.
John compelled to resign his crown to the
pope ....... ib.
John's letter of resignation . . . ib.
Council of Lateran . . . . . ib.
Decrees against heretics .... 157
Transubstantiation first decreed . . . ib.
The pope excommunicates the English barons
who demanded the Magna Charta . . ib.
The king poisoned by a monk, who was ab-
solved of the sin beforehand . . ib.
City of London permitted first to choose a
mayor ....... ib.
London Bridge rebuilt of stone . . . ib.
Henry III.
Persecution by pope Innocent III. in Alsatia 158
Origin of the Dominican and Franciscan
orders ... . . . ib.
The various orders at this age . . . 159
Prophecy of Hildegardis . . . . ib.
Origin of the Cross-bearers, or Crutched
friars .160
A treatise by Geoffrey Chaucer against the
friars ....... ib.
A complaint of the nobles of England against
the popes and their exactions . . 163
Council at Westminster, cardinal Otho . 164
Extravagant demands of the pope on England ib.
Council at London . . . . . ib.
The contests between the sees of Canterbury
and York finally settled . . . . ib.
The motive for the pope"s extravagant de-
mands ....... ib.
Opposition of the clergy of England to them ib.
Council at Lyons, at which the English com-
plain of the pope's exactions . . . ib.
The complaints of the kingdom of England
made in this council against the pope . 165
The legate's insolence at Oxford . . ib.
Crusade against earl Raymond and the city
of Tholouse . . . . . . ib.
The earl excommunicated and Tholouse be-
sieged . . . . . . .166
Perjury of the legate at Tholouse . ib.
Opposition in England to the papal (Exactions ib
Contest between pope Gregory and the people
of Rome ....... 167
Departure of the church of Rome from pri-
mitive Christianity . . . . ib.
Separation of the Greek and Roman churches 168
The ambitious assumptions of the church of
Rome . . . . . . . ib.
A list of the exactions of the popes in Eng-
land 169
The opposition of the king and nobles . 172
The king's letter to the pope . . . ib.
All papal bulls prevented entering the realm ib.
Supplication of the nobles and commons to
tiie pope ...... 173
The king's letter to the prelates respecting
his rights 174
, Advice of cardinal John Anglicus to the pope ib.
The Greeks justified in continuing separate
from Rome ...... 175
Fabulous miracle in recovery of the French
Via?- from sickness . , . . ib
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D
124«.
1249.
1250.
1261.
1263.
1274.
1303.
Page
EflTects of the pope's misconduct on the
French army and all Christendom . .176
The crusade under the French king . . ib.
William Longspath . . . . . ib.
Failure of the crusade . . . .178
Tragical history of emperor Frederick II. . ib.
His dispute with the pope . . . ib.
His letters to the king of England • .179
His peace with the Saracens . . . 180
The pope's proceedings against the emperor ib.
He promotes treason in the empire . . 181
The emperor's letter to the prelates of the
world ....... ib.
He is supported by the prelates of the empire 182
The pope in council excommunicates him . 184
The wars and contentions which followed . ib.
Death and character of Frederick 11. . IS.'i
Some bold opposers of popery appear . ib.
The blasphemous " Everlasting Gospel'' . 186
Some account of Robert Grosthead . . ib.
This bishop's fearless opposition to the pope ib.
Provisions made at Oxford against foreigners 187
The pope absolves king Henry of his oath to
those provisions ..... 188
Troubles that arose in the realm from this . ib.
The king's letter to the bishop of Hereford
against non-residence .... 189
The battle of Evesham . , . .190
Prince Edward goes against the Turks . 191
He is wounded . . . . . . ib.
He tilts in France with the earl de Chalons . ib.
Edward I.
Pope Boniface claims the kingdom of Scot-
land 192
King Edward denies the pope's claim . . ib.
His arguments in this behalf . . . ib.
Execution of William Wallace . . .193
A.D. Page
The jubilee first appointed . . . . ib.
Strife between the popes and the French king ih.
Their letters to each other . . . .194
The declaration of king Philip's notary Wil-
liam Nagareta against the pope . , ib.
The appeal of king Philip .... 19.5
1304. The po])e is imprisoned and dies . . 196
Exemption from subsidies claimed by the
clergy ....... ih.
The king's measures against them . . ib.
The epistle of Cassiodorus to the church of
England 197
1,307. Edward II.
His troubles connected with Gaveston . . 199
The order of Knights Templar suppressed . ib.
1318. The king opposes the exactions of the pope's
legates 201
Prohibition of Peter's pence . . . ib.
Contest between the emperor Lewis and
pope Clement ..... 203
Lewis poisoned by order of the pope . . ib.
Papal bull containing the privileges of the
jubilee ....... ib.
1327. Edward III.
W^ar with Scotland 204
The king invades France .... 205
1343. Letter of the king and nobles of England to
the pope ...... 206
Letters describing his victories in France . 207
13;52. The king claims the ancient right of the
crown of England to bestow benefices, &c. 209
1364. Ordinance against certain papal bulls being
admitted into England .... 210
Certain writers against popery . . . ib.
William Ockam . . . . . . ib.
Francis Petrarch . . . . .211
Succession of archbishops of Canterbury . ib
BOOK V.
CONTAINING
THE LAST THREE HUNDRED YEARS FROM THE LOOSING OUT OF SATAN.
A.D.
1360.
1363.
1370.
1376.
1378.
1.382.
Page
Examination of Rev. XX. 1 .... 212
The first dawning of Reformation . . 213
The ploughman's complaint . • . ib.
Rupescissa's prophetic parable against the
pope 215
Some account of Richard Armachanus, pri-
mate of Ireland . . . . .216
His arguments against Mendicant friars . 217
The laws of premunire .... 220
Certain authors write against popery . . 221
Mathew Paris ...... ib.
Persecutions at Mentz and Paris . . 222
Certain laws passed in this reign against the
claims of the pope . ' . . . . ib.
The statutes of the parliament of Westmin-
ster against the papal exactions . . . 223
The king s commendation of WicklifTe when
sending him to Rome .... 224
Account of John Wickliffe . . . . ib.
Cited before the bishops .... 226
Richard II ib.
The pope's letter to Oxford against Wickliffe 227
The protestation of Wickliffe
Articles in his works condemned
The archbishop of Canterbury's letter against
bim .......
Examination of Nicholas Hereford, Philip
Reppington, and John Ashton
Excommunication of Hereford and Repping-
ton .......
The alleged statute against heretics exam-
228
229
ib.
A.D. Page
Reppington and Ashton abjure WicklifFe's
doctrines . . . . . .231
1382. Wickliffe's letter to pope Urban VI. . . 232
Henry Spencer, bishop of Norwich . . ib.
The form of the jiope's absolution . . 233
Testimonial of University of Oxford in favour
of John Wickliffe (1406) . . . ib.
Sentence of council of Constance against the
doctrines of Wickliffe (1415) . . .234
Sentence against his bones — to be dug up
and burned ...... ib.
1389. History of William Swinderby, a priest . 235
His recantation . . . . . ib.
The informations laid against him . . 236
His defence ...... 237
K91. The sentence against him .... 238
History of Walter Brute . . . . ib.
His defence 239
His second defence . . . . .241
On the alleged supremacy of the pope . 242
On the absolution of the church of Rome 243
On auricular confession . . . 244
On transubstantiation . . . 246
On the priesthood . . . .247
On exorcisms and other superstitions . 2'J9
On selling masses and purgatory . 250
On Rome as the mystical Babylon . 251
1393. He submits himself to the church . . 252
Bull of pope Boniface against the Lollards . ib.
BuUof the same, addressed to kingRichard II. ib.
The royal commission against heresy . 25,3
Persecution in Leicestersliire . . . 254
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D.
1393.
1395.
1398.
1399.
1400.
1401.
1406.
1409.
1413.
1414.
Articles objected to the accused
Two nuns, Matilda and Margaret Caily, pe
secuted .....
Penances imposed on those who abjured
Peter Pateshul, a friar
Character of Queen Anne .
Parliament at Westminster
Twelve conclusions in favour of a reformation
posted on St. Paul's, and brought before
parliament ......
Pope Boniface IX. . . . . .
Letter of king Richard to the pope, rebuking
the schism in the papacy ....
Deposition and death of king Richard
Henry IV.
History of the martyr William Sautre, a priest
Articles objected to him and his answers
Form of degradation from his priesthood
Sentenced to be burned
His martyrdom ....
Articles exhibited on the church doors
against the king ....
Archbishop of York beheaded
History of the martyr, John Badby
Tiie statute " ex officio"
History of William Thorpe
His examination before the archbishop —
written by himself
History of John Purvey
The doctrines which he taught
Succession of popes ....
Schism in the papacy ....
Three popes at once ....
Letters of king Henry to the pope and car-
dinals ......
History of /o7m i7w*«
Origin of the troubles in Bohemia
Superstitious state of England
Archbishop's mandate for telling aves
Churches suspended for not ringing bells
Penances imposed on some persons for not
providing provender for the archbishop's
horses ......
Statutes against appeals to Rome
Other enactments in reference to church
matters ......
Henry V.
History of Sir John Oldcastle, Lord Cob-
ham .....
His confession of faith
His conference with the archbishop
Judgment of the clergy
His examination
His condemnation
A counterfeit abjuration
Martyrdom of Sir Roger Acton and others
Death of Thomas Arundel, archbishop of
Canterbury ......
Page
254
ih.
25r)
ib.
ib.
ib.
258
ib.
2G1
ib.
ib.
263
ib.
ib.
264
266
ib.
267
268
268
277
ib.
278
ib.
279
ib.
ib.
ib.
280
ib.
ib.
281
ih.
282
ib.
283
284
ib.
286
288
ib.
ib.
A.D. Page
The history of the Bohemians . . . 289
Proceedings against John Huss . . . ib.
His answers to the decree against the Bohe-
mians' and Wickliffe's doctrines . . 291
His excommunication and removal from
Prague . . . . . . . ib.
Story of the owl at the council at Rome . 292
1414. Council of Constance . . . ib.
Its procedure ...... ib.
Its measures for healing the schism of the
papacy 293
1415. The three popes abdicate or are deposed . ib.
Safe conduct given to John Huss . . 294
His arrival at Constance .... 295
His safe conduct violated in his imprison-
ment ....... ib.
Articles against him ..... 296
Flight of pope John XXIII. . . .297
Application of the nobles of Bohemia for the
release of John Huss .... 298
Violent proceedings of the council . . 299
He is brought before the council . . 300
The emperor's address to him . . . ib.
Articles in his writings objected against him 301
Sermon of the bishop of Londy . , . 304
The sentence of the council . . . 306
The form of his degradation . . . 307
His martyrdom ...... 308
Letter concerning the violation of the safe-
conduct .309
Certain letters of John Huss . . . ib.
1416. History of Jerome of Prague . . . 313
His abjuration ...... 314
Sentence against him .... 317
His martyrdom . . . . . ib.
Letter of fifty-four nobles of Moravia in de-
fence of John Huss and Jerome of Prague 318
Persecution in England .... 319
History of John Claydon ... ib.
His martyrdom .... 320
Archbishop's constitution against the Lol-
lards ib.
Accounts of the troubles of Robert Chapel,
a juiest 321
Persecution of certain others . . . 322
The cruel martyrdom of lord Cobham . 323
141". Election of pojie Martin V. ... 324
History of Ziska and tlie Bohemian wars . ib,
1418. Papal bull against the disrnples of Wickliffe,
Huss, and Jerome of Prague . . . 328
Address of the Bohemians to kings and
princes in behalf of the gospel . . 333
Division among the Bohemians or Taborites. 334
The Bohemians send representatives . 336
Their demands . . . . . ib.
1422. Death of Henry V 337
Succession of archbishops of Canterbury . ib.
BOOK VI.
PERTAINING
TO THE LAST THREE HUNDRED YEARS FROM THE LOOSING OUT OF SATAN.
A.D.
1422.
Page
Henry VI 338
Martyrdom of William Taylor . . . ib.
Persecution and penance of John Florence 339
Troubles of Richard Belward . . . ib.
1428. The king's letter for the arrest of William
White and others 340
Some account of William White . .341
His martyrdom, with two other priests . ib.
Penances prescribed in the bishop of Nor-
wich's letter ...... 342
Troubles of John Beverley and John Skilley ib.
History of Margery Backster . . . ib.
A.D. Page
Her fearless answers to the charges against
her 343
Troubles of many godly persons . . 344
1430. Martyrdom of Richard Hovesdon . . ib.
Troubles of Nicholas, canon of Eye . . ib.
Martyrdom of Thomas Bagley and Paul
Craw 345
History of Thomas Rhedon — a Carmelite
friar ib.
1431. The council of Basil 346
Declaration of the council against the pope .S47
1439. Election of pope Felix V 351
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D.
1439.
1440.
1453,
1461.
1473.
1483,
1485.
1494.
1499.
1503.
Debates concerning the Bohemians
On the communion of the cup to the laity .
Petition of the Bohemians
Epistle of ^neas Sylvius . . . .
Two popes together, Eugenius and Felix
Invention of printing . . . .
Constantinople taken by the Turks
Troubles of Reynold Peacock, bishop of
Chichester ......
A jubilee ordained in order to raise money
JEaeas Sylvius elected as pope Pius IL
Succession of the popes
Edward IV. . . .
The troubled state of the realm
Martyrdom of John Goose
The emperor Albert .
Frederick III.
Ladislaus, king of Bohemia
War throughout Europe
Exorbitant exactions of the court of Rome .
Martyrdom of John of Franconia
Examination of John of Wesalia
Origin of the rosary of Our Lady's Psalter .
Edward V. ......
Richard III
Battle of Bosworth-field . . . .
Henry VII
The emperor Maximilian ....
Opposition to popery appearing in Ger-
many, France, and England
Troubles of the godly in England
Martyrdom of Jerome Savanarola
Succession of popes . . . . .
Infamous character of pope Alexander VI.
Character of pope Julius II.
Opposition to him in the council of Turin .
History of the Turks
Mahomet
The Koran
351
352
353
354
ib.
ib.
356
ib.
357
ib.
ib.
358
35!)
.361
ib.
ib.
362
363
364
ib.
365
366
ib.
.367
ib.
368
ib.
ib.
ib.
369
ib.
ib.
370
ib.
371
ib.
A.D. Page
1300. Ottoman 372
1328. OrChanes ib.
1359. Amurath ib.
1389. Bajazet 373
Some account of Tamerlane . . ib.
1403. SoHman Calepinus .... 374
1409. MusaChelebi ib.
1413. Mahomet ib,
1421. Amurath II ib.
Some account of Huniades , . 375
1451. Mahomet II 376
Siege of Constantinople . . . 377
Siege of Belgrade .... 378
1481. Bajazet II 379
1512. Selim 1 380
1516. Solyman . ..... ib.
Siege of Vienna .... 381
Sufferings of the christians under the Turks 386
Prophecies of scriptures concerning the
Turks . - , . . .389
concerning the pope 391
The number of the beast, considered . . 392
Martyrdom of William Tylsworth and others
in Buckinghamshire .... 393
Martyrdom of John Chase of Amersham . ib.
Martyrdom of Laurence Ghest . . 394
Martyrdom of a woman at Chipping-Sodbury ib
Persecutions in Lichfield and Coventry . 395
John Picus earl of Mirandula . , 396
Succession of archbishops of Canterbury . ib.
The proud primacy of the bishops of Rome
described, (a treatise) — The man of sin . 397
The first rising of the bishops of Rome ib.
Their exaltation above kings and em-
perors . ..... 398
Image of antichrist in the temple of God 399
150 cases reserved tor the pope's dis-
pensation ..... 405
BOOK VII.
BEGINNING WITH
THE REIGN OF KING HENRY VIII.
A.D.
1509.
1511.
1514.
1517.
1518.
1519.
1521.
1516.
Henry VIII 407
Contentions among the monkish orders . ib.
Controversy concerning the immaculate con-
ception ..,,., 408
Stace of Europe at this time , , , 409
Persecution in the diocese of London . ib.
Martyrdom of William Sweeting and John
Brewster . . . . . .411
Martyrdom of John Brown . . .412
History of Richard Hunne , . , ib.
His murder in prison , , . . 414
His corpse ordered to be burned . . ib.
The inquest on the body . . . . ib.
Account of Elizabeth Stamford, and others 415
Martyrdom of John Stillman . . . 416
Thomas Man . . .417
Robert Cosin . . . ib.
Christopher Shoomaker . 418
Some account of doctor Colet . . . ib.
Progressof the gospel in England . . 419
Persecution in the diocese of Lincoln . ib.
The king's letter to the bishop of Lincoln . 420
THE REFORMATION.
The then state of the chnrch of Rome . 421
Martin Luther 422
1 he origin of his religious views . . ib.
Commencement of the Reformation . . 423
Tetzel — the Friar ib.
Erasmus' opinion of Luther's first proceed-
ings . . ib.
A.D,
1519.
1521.
1522.
1524.
1529.
1546.
1519.
Page
424
425
Luther cited to Rome
His conference with cardinal Cajetan .
Death of Maximilian, and election of
Charles V 426
Controversy between Luther and Eckius . ib.
Ulric Zuinglius ..... 427
Luther before the diet at Worms . . 428
King Henry's book against Luther . . 433
Death of pope Leo X. . . . . ib.
Election of pope Adrian VI. . . . ib.
Diet at Nuremburg . . , , , ib.
The pope admits a reformation necessary . ib.
Answers of the princes and nobles of the
Empire ...... ib.
Complaints made in the diet at Nuremburg . 436
On remission of sins for money . . ib.
On the immunities of clergy . . . ib.
On the number of holydays . . . ib.
On baptizing bells . . . . ib.
On usury ...... ib.
On licences for vicious living . . . ib.
On exactions of the clergy . . . ib.
On concubinage among the priests . . 437
Pope Clement VII ib.
Carolostad ... . . . ib.
Points of agreement between Luther and
Zuingle . . * . . . ib.
Death of Martin Luther .... 438
The history of Zuingle . . . . ib.
Reformation in Switzerland , , , ib.
Disputation at Baden .... 441
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. Page
1529. Proceedings of CEcolampadius at Basil . 441
The burning of popish images . . • 442
Proceedings of Ferdinand at Spires . . ib.
1531. Death of Zuinglius 443
Martyrdom of Henry Voes, and John Esch . ib.
Henry Sutphen . . . 444
John Clerk . . .446
John Castellne . . . 447
Form of his degradation . . . . ib.
Martyrdom of John Diazius . . . 448
Wolfgang Schuch . . 449
John Huglein . . . ib.
George Carpenter . . ib.
Leonard Keysor . . 450
A.D. Pag8
Martyrdom of Wendelmuta . . . 450
The martyrs of Germany .... 451
France .... 455
Spain .... 469
The Spanish Inquisition .... 471
The martyrs of Italy .... 472
Letter of the martyr Pomponius Algerius . 475
1560. Horrible massacre of protestants in Calabria 478
Persecutions in Provence . . . . ib.
1561. Persecution of the Waldenses
The opinions of the Waldenses
Cruelties practised on them
Invasion of their valleys
485
ib.
487
488
BOOK VIII.
CONTAINING
THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH AFFAIRS APPERTAINING BOTH TO THE ECCLESIASTICAL
AND CIVIL STATES.
A.D.
1519.
1528.
1529.
1530.
1531.
15.32.
1533.
Martyrs burned at Coventry . . . 500
Martyrdom of Patrick Hamilton . . ib.
Henry Forest . . .501
Martyrs burned in Edinburgh . . . ib.
Martyrdom of Thomas Harding . . ib.
Troubles .of Alice Daley and others . . 502
History of cardinal Wolsey . . . 503
The arrival of Campeggio . . . . ib.
The pomp of cardinal Wolsey . . . ib.
The capture of Rome and pope Clement . 504
The title of " Defender of the faith" . 505
Persecution by the cardinal . . . 506
The king's displeasure with him . . ib.
He is brought under premunire . . ib.
Grievances complained of against the clergy. 507
Articles against cardinal Wolsey . . ib.
His death and character .... 508
Troubles of Alderman Humphry Mummuth ib.
Martyrdom of Thomas Hitten . . . ib.
Thomas Bilney and Thomas Arthur . . ib.
Articles against Arthur .... 509
Bilney . . . • ib.
Dialogue between Friar Brusierd and Thos.
Bilney on images ..... 510
Recantation of Bilney . . . .511
His martyrdom ...... 513
Some account of Master Stafford . . ib.
Simon Fish . . . 514
" The supplication of the Beggars" . . ib.
Prohibition'of the New Testament in Eng-
lish - . 517
Tindal's translation of the New Testament . 518
Martyrdom of Richard Byfield . . .519
John Tewksbury . . .520
James Bainham . . . 522
His examination . . . . . . ib.
Three men hanged for burning a rood . • 523
History of /o^w Frt7A . . . .524
Some account of his doctrines . . . ib.
His examination, written by himself . . 526
His martyrdom 527
Martyrdom of Andrew Hewit . . . ib.
History of Thomas Benet .... 528
The form of his excommunication . . ib.
His examination ..... 529
Divorce of queen Catherine . . . 530
The king's oration about the marriage • 531
The queen's defence . . . . , ib.
The king is alienated from the court of
Rome ....... 533
Parliament decrees against papal exactions . ib.
Oath of the popish bishop to the pope . . 534
to the king . . ib.
Marriage with Anne Boleyne . . . ib.
1535.
1536.
1537.
A.D. Page
Birth of Queen Elizabeth .... 524
Cranmer appointed archbishop of Canterbury 535
1534. The power cf the popes abolished in England ib.
The king declared head of the church . . ib.
The university of Cambridge against the
papacy 536
Edmund Bonner against the same . . 537
Bishop Tonstal against the same . . . ib.
Letter of bishops Tonstal and Stokesley to
cardinal Pole ..... 540
Bishop Fisher and Sir T. More executed . 541
History of William Tindal .... 542
His translation of the New Testament . 543
His martyrdom . . . ... . 544
Letters of Tindal . . . . . ib.
Execution of queen Anne .... 546
General council called for Mantua . . ib.
Protestation of England against it . . ib.
The king's marriage with Lady J. Seymour . 548
Treason of some popish priests . . . ib.
Birth of prince Edward .... 549
Bonner appointed bishop of London • . ib.
His oath against the pope . . . . ib.
Articles devised by the king . . . ib.
The royal injunctions .... 550
Idolatrous images removed . . . 554
Account of friar Forrest . . . . ib.
Abbeys and monasteries suppressed . . ib.
1538. History of John Lambert . . . . ib.
His answers to the articles against him —
On marriage of priests . . . 555
On merit of works . . . . ib.
On transubstantiation . . . . ib.
On the sacraments . . . . ib.
On auricular confession . . . ib.
On sufficiency of Scripture . . . 556
On purgatory . . . . . ib.
On invocation of saints . . . ib.
On pilgrimages, &c 557
On relics ib.
On fasting ib.
On images ...... ib.
On the priesthood .... 559
On excommunication . . . . ib.
On the popes 561
His answer to Dr. Taylor's sermon . . 562
His disputation before the king . . . 563
His martyrdom ...... 564
His judgment on transubstantiation . . ib.
Martyrdom of Collins . . . 565
Cowbridge . . * . ib.
Leiton, Puttedew, and Peke 566
King Henry's protest against the council at
Mantua . . . . . . ib
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. Page
1539 Royal injunctions against certain books, &c. 5(i7
Gardiner, bishop of Winchester . . . 568
1540 The six articles 569
Objections to the six articles . . . 570
On transubstantiation . . . . ib.
Doctrines of the primitive Anglican church ib.
Epistle of the Saxon Elfrid . . . .571
The sermon of Easter. day . . . . ib.
The growth of transubstantiation . . 572
Decree of the council of Lateran in 1215 . 57.3
On half communion ib.
Contrary to antiquity . . . . ib.
to the scriptures . . . . ib.
On private masses, &c. .... 574
On the marriage of priests . . . 575
The practice of the primitive church . . ib.
Aveutine's account of this . . . ib.
Many great bishops and others married . 576
On confession ...... 577
History of Thomas Cromwell, earl of Essex . ib.
His favour with the pope . . . . ib.
His rise to favour with the king . . . 578
His speech to the bishops .... 580
Oration of Alisse . . . . . ib.
Zeal of Cromwell for the reformation . . 581
His fall 582
Intrigues of bishop Gardiner . . . ib.
Death of Cromwell 583
The bible translated into English . . ib.
1541. Persecution of Dr. Barnes and others . . 584
Martyrdom of Master Gerrard . . . 586
of William Jerome . . . 589
The bishops divided in their opinions . .591
Persecution on account of the six articles . 592
Martyrdom of John Porter . . . 595
An anecdote concerning a rumour of fire at
Oxford • ib.
Fifth and sixth marriages of the king . . 597
1542. Letter of the king for abolishing idolatry . ib.
Proclamation concerning white meats . . ib.
1543. Troubles at Windsor 598
of Robert Testwood . . . ib.
of Henry Filmer .... 599
Examination of John Marbeck . . . 601
Condemnation and death of these Windsor
martyrs ....... 603
Persecution at Calais ..... 604
A.D. Page
1543. Persecution of Adam Damlip . . . 'J04
of William Smith . . .605
ofDod 607
1544. The six articles mitigated . . . . ib.
The New Testament permitted to the rich,
but prohibited to the poor . . . ib.
Account of the martyrs, Kerby and Clarke . 608
Their examination . . . . . ib.
History of Anne Askew .... 609
Her first examination . . . . ib.
Her second ditto . . . . .611
Her condemnation ..... 612
Her letters to the king and the chancel-
lor 613
1546. Her confessions of faith, and martyrdom . 614
History of queen Catharine Parr . . . ib.
Her escape from the intrigues of her ene-
mies ....... 616
Bishop Gardiner's intrigues against the
reformation . . . . .617
Interview between Henry VIII. and the
French ambassador . . . . ib.
Troubles of Sir George Blage . . . 618
A proclamation against English books . . ib.
A proclamation against the great number of
holydays ...... 620
History of the persecutions in Scotland . ib.
Sentence against sir John Borthwick , . 621
History of Thomas Forrest . . . ib.
Persecution in Perth ..... 622
History of George Wishart . . . ib.
His examination ..... 623
His martyrdom ...... 626
Martyrdom of Adam Wallace . . . 627
The schism about the Paternoster . . 628
Martyrdom of Walter Mille . . • 629
His examination . . . . . ib.
Persecutions in Kent ..... 630
Extreme and unnatural cruelty of the pro-
I cess ....... 631
Protestantism in England before the time of
Luther 632
Three modes of judgment against heretics . ib.
The book of Revelation burnt, with, the mar-
tyr Stile 633
1547. The death of Henry VIII. . . . ib.
Illustration of priestcnxft in France , , ib.
BOOK IX.
CONTAINING
AN ACCOUNT OF THE ACTS AND EVENTS OF THE REIGN OF
KING EDWARD THE SIXTH.
A.D. Page
1547. Edward VI 635
The pious character of the king . . . ib.
His measures for reforming the church . 637
His injunctions respecting the same . . 638
1548. Letter of the council to the archbishop, for
abolishing images 639
Letter concerning communion in both kinds 640
The uniform order of Common Prayer
1549. The king's letter to bishop Bonner
Injunctions of the council to Bonner
The rebels in Devonshire .
Proceedings against bishop Bonner
His deprivation ....
The Latin service abolished
Communion table substituted for altars
Reasons for this change ...
1550.
641
642
643
644
647
655
656
ib.
656
A.D.
concerning the lady
Page
657
1550. Letters concerning the lady Mary
1551. The king's instructions concernir
Mary . 659
History of bishop Gardiner . . . 660
Articles sent to him by the council . . ib.
History of the duke of Somerset, lord pro-
tector 662
1552. His execution 66o
Disputation at Cambridge on the sacra-
ment 666
Bishop Ridley's judgment on the same . ib.
Disputation at Cambridge by Martin Bucer 668
Dialogue on the words — " This is my
body" ib.
1553. Death of Edward VI 672
The lady Mary's dialogue with Ridley . 673
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
BOOK X.
CON'TAININO
THE FIRST ENTERING OF QUEEN MARY TO THE CROWN, WITH THE ALTERATION
OF RELIGION IN THE REALM.
A.D.
1553. Queen Mary .... . .
Queen Mary appeals to the men of Suffolk .
prohibits preaching, printing,
&c
Master Bourne preaches at Paul's Cross
Persecution begins . . . . .
The queen attends the popish mass
Subverts the reformed religion
Disputation at the convocation on transub-
stantiation ......
Cranmer and Ridley, and other bishops, re-
moved .......
Bonner and others restored
1554. Commuication between lady Jane Grey and
Fecknam on faith and transubstantiation .
Death of lady Jane Grey . . . .
Bonner's letter, requiring every one to come
to confession ......
Troubles of the lady Elizabeth .
Bonner absurdly magnifies the priestly of-
fice .......
Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer conveyed to
Oxford ......
Disputation at Oxford on the sacrament
Cranmer disputes . . . , .
Ridley disputes ......
Latimer disputes . . . . .
Account of these disputations by Ridley
Sentence passed ag'ainst them
Page
1)74
()7o
676
677
ib.
(578
ib.
679
684
ib.
685
687
ib.
688
689
ib.
ib.
690
692
696
699
ib.
A.D.
1554.
lo5i;
Pag«
Cranmer defends himself against certain
slanders ...... 701
Latin services again restored . . . 702
New appointments in the church . . ib.
The apology of Master Mantel . . . 70:5
Wyat clears the lady Elizabeth of the charge
against her ...... 704
Declaration of Bradford and others in prison,
on the proposed di.^putation at Cambridge 705
Lady Elizabeth committed to the Tower . 706
Queen Mary marries Philip of Spain . . 707
Images and shrines set up at St. Paul's . ib.
Bonner's violence, when the church bells
were not rung at his visitation . . 708
Story of a shiine in Lancashire . . . ib.
Bonner prohibits scriptures or writings on
the walls of churches . . . . ib.
Persons imprisoned forsellingprotestantbooks 709
Cardinal Pole lands at Dover . . . ib.
Queen Mary's supposed pregnancy . . ib.
Cardinal Pole gives absolution to all Eng-
land for its heresies . . . • 710
Bishop Hooper's letter to the persecuted
protestants . . . ' . . . ib.
Public procession to celebrate the restora-
tion of popery ..... 711
Persecution of the protestant bishops and
ministers . . . . • . ib.
Their supplication to the queen . . 712
BOOK XI.
COMPRISING
A.D.
1555.
THE HISTORY OF THOSE WHO SUFFERED MARTYRDOM AND PERSECUTION
IN THE TIME OF QUEEN MARY.
Page
713
ib.
ib.
The martyrdoms under queen Mary's reign
The history and martyrdom of John Rogers
His examination .....
History and martyrdom of Lawrence San-
ders . . . . . . .719
His letters 720
History and martyi-dom of bishop Hooper . 725
His examination and persecution . . 726
History and martyrdom of Dr. Rowland
Taylor 730
His examination and defence of the marriage
of the clergy ...... 733
Alfonsus, the king's confessor, preaches
against persecution .... 737
The form of absolution for heresy . . 738
History and martj'rdom of Thomas Tomkins ib.
History and martyrdom of William Hunter . 739
His examination ..... 740
Account of Thomas Higbed and Thomas
Causton ...... 742
Their examination ..... 743
Martyrdom of \MIliam Pygot and Stephen
Knight 744
Martyrdom of John Lawrence, priest . ib.
History and martyrdom of bishop Farrer . 745
His examination . . . . . ib.
History and martyrdom of Rawlins White . 746
The queen proposes to restore the abbey Innds 748
The pope's bull for the same arrives . . 749
History and martyrdom of George Marsh . ib.
A.D.
1555.
Page
750
, 753
, 757
ib.
7b8
760
His examination and persecution
His letters ......
History of William Branch, alias Flower
Martyrdom of J. Cardmaker and J. Warne
John Warne's confession of faith
jMartyrdom of John Simson and J. Ardeley
Bonner's proceedings against J. Tooly after
his death ......
History and martyrdom of Thomas Hawkes
His dialogue with bishop Bonner and arch-
deacon Harpsfield, &c. . . , .
A letter by him ......
Martyrdom of Thomas Watts
Articles against him, and his answers
The supposed pregnancy of queen Mary
Royal proclamation against protestant books 768
Idolatrous extracts from " Our Lady's
Matins"
Blasphemous extracts from " Our Lady's
Psalter," by Bonaventure
Three martyrs burned ....
History and martyrdom of Master John
Bradford .....
His examination ....
His conferences with different persons
His dialogue with archbishop of York and
bishop of Chichester ....
His conference with two Spanish friars
His seven reasons for denying transubstan-
tiation 780
761
762
ib.
765
766
ib.
767
769
ib.
771
772
773
777
778
779
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
xxxi
isns.
John Leaf burned with John Bradford
Letterii of John Bradford . . . .
James Trevisam buried in the fields
History of John Bland, written by himself .
His examination ......
His answers against transubstantiation
Examination of Nicholas Sheterden
His martyrdom, with others
His letters ......
Martyrdom of Margaret Polley and others .
Confession of faith of Dirick Carver
John Launder .
Martyrdom of Dirick Carver
Confession of faith of John Denley
His answers on the catholic church
on Latin masses
on images . . . .
on transubstantiation
on auricular confession .
on baptism . . . .
Examination of John Newman
The burning of six martyrs together .
Martyrdom of George Tankervil
Examination of Robert Smith
A godly letter by him . . . .
Martyrdom of Robert Samuel
A letter to the persecuted by him
Examination of Roger Coo
Martyrdom of several persons
Persecution of Robert and John Glover
A letter of Robert Glover, detailing his ex-
amination ......
Cornelius Bungey, martyr . . , .
Account of John and William Glover .
Martyrdom of William Wolsey and Robert
Pygot
History of bishops Ridley and Latimer
Their conference in prison, answering some
objections on the authority of the church
Letters of bishop Ridley . . . .
Account of master Hugli Latimer
Extracts from his letters . . . .
The bishop's prohibition of the Scriptures and
other books in English . . . .
Latimer's letter to Henry VIIL on the read-
ing of the Scriptures in English
Examination of bishop Ridley
on the pope's supremacy
of Latimer . . . .
Ridley again examined . . . .
Latimer again examined ....
Dialogue between Ridley and Brooks
Martyrdom of Ridley and Latimer
Ridley's farewell letter . . . .
lament on the change of religion
Death of Bishop Gardiner
Martyrdom of several persons
History of John Philpot ....
His fourteen examinations
Page
■80
781
78y
ib.
790
791
794
795
796
797
798
799
ib.
800
801
ib.
ib.
ib.
ib.
802
ib.
804
ib.
8or)
808
811
ib.
813
814
ib.
815
819
ib.
820
821
822
829
SX^
830
837
839
842
843
847
849
851
852
854
855
861
863
864
ib.
865
arch-
A.D
1555. His letters
1556. Seven martyrs suffering together
The articles charged against them
Account of Thomas Whittle
Bartlet Green .
Thomas Brown
John Tudson
John W^ent
Joan Lashford .
Isabel Foster
Five martyrs burned
Life and history of Thomas Cranmer,
bishop .....
He is sent to Rome about the king's divorce
His change of opinion on the sacrament
His refusal to consent to a change of succes-
sion in the crown .....
His condemnation at Oxford
His confession of the reformed faith .
The charges against him, and his answers .
His degradation . . . . .
His recantation .....
His renunciation of the same
His martyrdom ......
His letters to the queen, in which he states
his objections against popery .
His letters on papal authority
on Latin masses, &c. .
on half-communion .
on the pope's assumptions .
on transubstantiation .
Five martyrs burned .....
Six martyrs burned at Smithfield in one fire
Examination of William Tyms
Letters of the same .....
Supplication of the inhabitants of Norfolk
and Suffolk to the queen's commissioners
Six martyrs at Colchester . . . .
Martyrdom of an old cripple, and also of a
blind man ......
Three women burned at Smithfield
Martyrdom of Thomas Drowry, a blind boy
Three martyrs burned at Beccies
Persecution in Suffolk ....
Four martyrs burned at Lewes .
Eleven men and two women burned
Their confession of faith ....
Examination of Roger Bernard .
of John Fortune
An account of Julius Palmer, of the univer-
sity of Oxford ......
His examination .....
The horrid cruelty to three women, martyrs
in Guernsey ......
Martyrdom of Thomas Moor
Examination of John Jackson
Martyrdom of Joan Waste, a blind woman .
Persecution and martyrdom of many others
884
889
ib.
890
891
892
893
ib.
ib.
ib.
ib.
894
895
898
ib.
ib.
899
900
902
90.}
904
905
906
ib,
907
ib.
ib.
908
909
910
ib.
912
913
918
ib.
919
ib.
920
ib.
ib.
921
ib.
922
ib.
923
925
926
928
ib,
ib.
930
BOOK xir.
932
934
936
937
A.D.
1557.
COMPRISING
THE PERSECUTIONS AGAINST THE FAITHFUL AND TRUE SERVANTS OF CHRIST, FROM
IHL BEGINNING OF JANUARY 1557, AND THE FIFTH YEAR OF QUEEN MARY.
A.D.
1557. Cardinal Pole's visitation of Cambridge
The bones and books of Martin Bucer and
Paul Phagius burned ....
The oration of Master Ackworth at Cam-
bridge • ,....
Peter Martyr's wife exhumed and buried in
a dunghill, at Oxford
Matters inquired into at the visitation of tne
Universities 938
Ten martyrs burned at Canterbury
Royal commission against protestants ,
Twenty-two persons apprehended at Col-
chester ......
Their confession against transubstantiation .
Five martyrs burned in Smithfield
Three martyrs burned in Southwark .
Examination of Stephen Gratwick ,
Seven martyrs at Maidstone . ,
Page
938
939
ib.
940
941
ib.
942
943
CHRONOLOCilGAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D.
1557.
Page
Examination of Edmund Allen . . 944
Four men and three women burned at Can-
terbury ...... y45
The tragical treatment of Alice Benden . ib.
Examination of Mathew Plaise . . . 946
Ten martyrs burned in one fire at Lewes . ib.
The examinations of Richard Woodman,
written by himself ..... 947
Account of several martyrs . . . 954
Five men and five women burned at Col-
chester . . . . . • . 954
Their answers to their examinations . . 956
George Eagles, martyr , . . . ib.
Examination of Richard Crashfield . . 957
Martyrdom of Mrs. Lewis .... 958
The martyrs burned at Islington . . 959
Letter by R. Roth to the persecuted . . 960
Two women burned at Colchester . . 961
Martyrdom of John Noyes . . . ib.
His scriptural letter to his wife . • . ib.
Martyrdom of Cecily Ormes . . . 962
Persecutions at Lichfield .... V63
at Colchester . . . ib.
Examination of Thomas Spurdance . . ib.
Three persons burned in Sraithfield . . 964
The articles objected against them . . 965
Martyrdom of John Rough, a minister . ib.
of Margaret Mearing . . 966
of Cuthbert Simson and others 967
Royal proclamation against certain books . 969
A p. Pag,
1557. Articles objected to the protestanta assem'
bled at Islington 969
Examination of Roger Holland • , . 970
Six martyrs at Brentford .... 971
Scourging of Thomas Hinshaw, by Bonner 972
History of Richard Yeoman, curate of Hadley ib.
John Alcock . . , .973
Martyrdom of Thomas Benbridge . . ib.
Four burned at Bury St. Edmonds . . 973
Examination of Alice Driver . . . 974
Alexander Gouch, martyr . . . 975
A woman martyred at Exeter . . • ib.
Three men martyred at Bristol . . . 976
The last three martyrs in queen Mary's time ib.
Examination of Richard White . . . 977
An account of some who were whipped . ib.
The troubles of John Lithal, minister . 980
Examination of Elizabeth Young . . 981
William Wood . . , 983
Some account of the lady Elizabeth . . 984
Her arrest ...... yS.I
Committal to the Tower .... 986
Death of queen Mary .... y88
1558. Accession of queen Elizabeth . . . 989
Conference of religion at Westminster . ib.
Arguments for the public services of the
church being in the vernacular tongue . 990
Breaking up of the conference . . . 995
A brief note on the massacres in France . 996
Conclusion of the whole work . , . 997
APPENDIX I
THE MASSACRE OF THE PROTESTANTS IN FRANCE IN 1572.
. 998
APPENDIX II.
A BRIEF DISCOURSE TOUCHING THE GREAT PREPARATIONS MADE BY THE SPANIARDS,
AND OTHER ROMAN CATHOLICS, FOR THAT INVINCIBLE NAVY, INTENDED FOR
THE INVADING AND SURPRISING OF THE REALM OF ENGLAND, TOGETHER WITH
THEIR UTTER OVERTHROW 1015
APPENDIX HI.
CONTAINING
A DISCOURSE TOUCHING THE MANNER OF THE DISCOVERY OF THE GUNPOWDER
TREASON, WITH THE EXAMINATION OF SOME OF THE PRISONERS.
. 1018
APPENDIX IV.
THE HISTORY OF THE IRISH REBELLION IN THE YEAR 1641, WHEN THE PAPISTS
ATTEMPTED TO EXTIRPATE THE PROTESTANTS IN THE KINGDOM OF IRELAND.
BY SIR JOHN TEMPLE, KNT., MASTER OF THE ROLLS, AND ONE OF HIS MAJES
TY'S MOST HONOURABLE PRIVY-COUNCIL AT THAT TIME IN IRELAND. . . lO.'Ja
A P P E N D I X V.
CONTAINING
THE EXECUTION OF JUSTICE IN ENGLAND, NOT FOR RELIGION, BUT FOR TREASON. 1057
iortiut of tfje |{a{lu
THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
To the True and Faithful Congregation of Christ's
Universal Church, with all and singular the Mem-
bers thereof, wheresoever congregated or dispersed,
througliout the Realm of England, a Protestation or
Petition of the Author, wishing to the same abund-
ance of all peace and tranquillity, with the speedy-
coming of Christ the Spouse, to make an end of all
mortal misery.
SoLOMOx. the peaceable prince of Israel, as we read
in the lirst Book of Kings, after he had finished the
building of the Lord's Temple (which he had seven
years in hand), made his petition to the Lord for all that
should pray in the temple, or turn their face tovrard it ;
and his request was granted, the Lord answering him, as
we read in ch. ix. 3. " I have heard thy prayer and have
hallowed this house," &c. ; although tlie infinite Majesty
of God is not to be confined within any material walls,
yet it so pleased his goodness to respect this prayer of
the king, that lie not only promised to hear them who
prayed there, but also filled the same with his own glory.
For we read, " The priests could not stand to minister,
because of the cloud, for the glory of the Lord had fiUed
the house of the Lord," 1 Kings viii. 11.
Upon the like trust in God's gracious goodness, if I,
a sinful wretch, not comparing my work with the building
of that temple, but yet following the zeal of the builder,
might either be so bold as to ask, or so happy as to speed,
after my seven years' labour about this Ecclesiastical
History, I would most humbly crave of Almighty God
to bestow his blessing upon the same ; that as the
prayers of them who prayed in the outward temple were
heard, so all true disposed minds which shall resort to the
reading of this history, containing the acts of God's
holy martyrs, and monuments of his church, may, by
the example of their life, faith, and doctrine, receive
some spiritual fruit to their souls, through the operation
of his grace, that it may be to the advancement of his
glory, and profit of his church, through Christ Jesus our
Lord. Amen.
But as it happened in that temple of Solomon, that
all who came tliither came not to pray, but many to
prate, some to gaze and hear news, some to talk and
walk, some to buy and sell, some to carp and find fault,
and some also at the last to destroy and pull down, as
they did indeed ; (for what is in this world so strong,
but it will be impugned ? what so perfect, but it will be
abused ? so true, that will not be contradicted ? or so
circumspectly done, but wranglers will find fault ?)
Even so in writing this history, I expect that amongst
many weU disposed readers, somewasp's-nesti r otherwiU
be stirred up to buzz about my ears, so dangerous a thing
is it now-a-days, to write or do any good, but either by
flattering a man we must offend the godly, or by true
speaking procure hatred of the wicked. Of such stinging
wasps and buzzing drones I had suflScient trial in my
former edition ; who, if they had found in my book any
just cause to find fault, or upon any true ze.il of truth
had proceeded against the untruths of my history, and
had brought just proofs for the same, I 30uld right well
abide it, for God forbid but that faults, wheresoever they
be, should be detected and accused. And therefore, ac-
cusers in a commonwealth, after my mind, are of no
smaU service.
But then such accusers must beware they do not act
like the dog of whom Cicero in his oration speaks, which
being set in the capitol to frighten away thieves by night,
let the thieves alone, and barked at true men walking in
the day. To bay and bark where true faults are, is not
amiss. But to carp where no cause is ; to spy straws
in others, and leap over their own blocks ; to sweillow
camels and to strain at gnats ; to oppress truth with
lies, and to set up lies for truth ; to blaspheme the dear
martyrs of Christ, and to canonize for saints those whom
scripture would scarcely allow for good subjects ; that is
intolerable : such barking curs, if they were well served,
would be made awhile to stoop : but with these brawling
spirits I intend not at this time much to wrestle.
Wherefore, to leave them a while, till further leisure
serve me to attend upon them, thus much I thought in
the mean season, by way of protestation or petition, to
write unto you, both in general and particular, the true
members and faithful congregation of Christ's church,
wherever either congregated together or dispersed
through the whole realm of England, that for so much
as all these adversaries seek, is to do what they can, by
disciediting of this History, ivith slanders and sinister
surmises to withdraw the readers from it : this, there-
fore, shall be in few words to warn and desire all well-
minded lovers and partakers of Christ's gospel, not to
suffer yourselves to be deceived with the boastings and
hyperbolical speeches of those slandering tongues, what-
ever they have, or shall hereafter, exclaim against the
same ; but impartially deferring your judgment till truth
be tried, that you will first jjeruse, and then refuse ,•
measuring the untruths of this history, not by the scor-
ing up of their hundreds and thousands of lies which
they give out, but wisely weighing the purpose of their
doings according as you find, and so to judge of the
matter.
I allure neither one nor other to read my books ; let
everj^ man do as he pleases. If any shall think his labour
too much in reading this history, his choice is free, either
to read this or any other work. But if the fruit thereof
shall recompence the reader's trouble, then I would
wish no man so light-eared as to be carried away by any
sinister clamour of adversaries, who many times deprave
good doings, not for the faults they find, but only find
faults because they would deprave. As for me and my
history, as my purpose was to profit all and displease
none ; so if skill in any part be wanting, yet hath my
purpose been simple, and the cause no less urgent sdso,
which moved me to take this enterprise in hand.
For first to see the simple flock of Christ, especially
the unlearned sort, so miserably deluded, and all for
ignorance of history, not knowing the course of times,
and true descent of the church, it grieved me that that
part of history had been so long unsupplied in this my
THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE. ENTITLED
country church of England. Again, considering the
multitude of chronicles and history-writers, both in Eng-
land and out of England, of whom the most part have
b?3a either monks or clients to the See of Rome, it
grieved me to behold how partially they handled their
stories. Whose diligent labour, although I cannot but
commend, in committing many things to writing not un-
fruitful to be known, nor unpleasant to be read ; yet I
lamented to see that the principal points, which chiefly
concerned the state of Christ's church, and were most
necessary to be known by all christian people, were
either altogether omitted in their monuments, or if any
mention thereof were inserted, yet all things were drawn
to the honour specially of the church of Rome, or else
to the favour of their own sect of religion. Whereby the
unlearned, hearing and reading in their writings no other
church mentioned or magnified, but only that church
which flourished in this world in riches and riot, were
led to think that no other church stood in all the earth
but only the church of Rome.
In the number of this sort of writers, besides our
monks of England (for every monastery almost had its
chronicler) I miglit also recite both Italian and other
authors, as Platina, Sabellicus, Nauclerus, Martin, An-
tony, Vincent, Onuphrius, Laziard, George Lilius, Poly-
dore Virgil, with many more, who taking upon them to
intermeddle with matters of the church, although they
express some part of the truth in matters concerning the
bishops and see of Rome, yet in suppressing another
part they play with us, as Ananias and Sapphira did
with their money, or as the painter ApeUes did, who,
painting the one lialf of Venus coming out of the sea,
left the otlier half imperfect. So these writers, while
they show us one half of the bishop of Rome, leave
the other half of him imperfect, and utterly untold. For
as they paint him on the one part glittering in wealth
and glory, in showing what succession the popes had
from the chair of St. Peter, when they first began, and
liow long they sat, what cliurches and what famous
buildings they erected, how far their possessions reached,
what laws they made, what councils they called, what
honour they received of kings and emperors, what
princes and countries they brought under their authority,
with other like stratagems of great pomp and royalty ;
so on the other side, what vices these popes brought
with them to their seat, what abominations they prac-
tised, what superstition they maintained, what idolatry
they procured, what wicked doctrine they defended con-
trary to the express word of God, to what heresies tliey
fell, into what division of sects they cut the unity of
christian religion, how some practised by simony, some
by necromancy and sorcery, some by poisoning, some
indenting with the devil to come by their papacy,
what hypocrisy was in their lives, what corruption in
their doctrine, what wars they raised, what bloodshed
they caused, what treachery they traversed against their
lords and emperors, imprisoning some, betraying some
to the templars and Saracens, in bringing others under
their feet, also in beheading some, as they did with
Frederick and Conradine, the heirs and offspring of the
house of Frederick Barbarossa, A. D. 1269. Further-
more, how mightily Almighty God hath stood against
them, how their wars never prospered against the Turks,
how the godly and learned from time to time have ever
opposed their errors, &c. Of these and a thousand
other things not one word hath been said, but all kept
as secret as in auricular confession.
When I considered this partial dealing and corrupt
handling of historians, I thought nothing more wanting
in the church than a fuU and complete history, which
being faithfully collected out of all our monastic writers,
and written monuments, sliould neither contain every
vain written fable, for that would be too much ; nor yet
leave out any thing necessary, for that would be too
little ; but with a moderate discretion taking the best of
every one, should both ease the labour of the reader
from turning over such a number of writers, and should
also open the plain truth of times lying long hid in the
obscure darkness of antiquity. Whereby all studious
readers, beholding as in a glass the stay, course, and
alteration of religion, decay of doctrine, and the contro-
versies of the church, might discern the better between
antiquity and novelty. For if the things which avefrst,
(after the rule of TertuUian) are to be preferred before
those that are later, then is the reading of history very
necessary in the church, to know what went before, and
what followed after ; and therefore, not without cause
in old authors history is called the Witness of Times,
the Light of Verity, the Life of Memory, Teacher of
Life, and Shewer of Antiquity, &c. Without the know-
ledge of which, man's life is bhnd, and soon may fall
into any kind of error, as by manifest experience we see
in these desolate times of the church, when the bishops
of Rome under colour of antiquity have turned truth
into heresy, and brought such new-found devices of
strange doctrine and religion, as in the former age of
the church were never heard of, and which are now be-
lieved, all through ignorance of times, and for lack of
true history.
For to say the truth, if times had been well searched,
or if they who wrote histories had without partiality
gone iipright between God and Baal, halting on neither
side, it might well have been found, that the most part
of all this catholic corruption intruded into the church
by the bishops of Rome, as transubstautiation, eleva-
tion and adoration of the sacrament, auricular confes-
sion, forced vows of priests not to marry, veneration of
images, private and satisfactory masses, the order of
Gregory's mass now used, the usurped authority and
supreme power of the see of Rome, with all the rest of
their ceremonies and weeds of superstition now over-
growing the church ; all these (I say) to be new nothings
lately coined in the mint of Rome, without any stamp of
antiquity, as by reading of this History shall I trust
sufliciently appear. Which history, therefore, I have
here taken in hand, that as other writers heretofore have
emj)loyed their labour to magnify the church of Rome,
so in this history there might appear to all christian
readers the image of both churches, as well of the one
as of the other ; especially of the poor, oppressed and
persecuted church of Christ. Which persecuted church
though it has bf en of long season trodden under foot
by enemies, neglected in the world, not regarded in
histories, and scarce visible or known to worldly eyes,
yet has it been the only true church of God, wherein he
has mightily wrought hitherto, in preserving the same in
all extreme distresses, continually stirring up from time
to time faithful ministers, who have always kept some
sparks of his true doctrine and religion.
Now, forasmuch as the true church of God goetli not
lightly alone, but is accompanied with some other church
of the devil to delace and malign the same, it is neces-
sary that the difference between them should be seen, and
the descent of the right church described from the apos-
tle's time, which hitherto has been lacking in most his-
tories, partly for fear, because men durst not, partly
for ignorance, because men could not discern rightly be-
tween the one and the other, who beholding the church
of Rome so visible and glorious in the eyes of all the
world, so shining in outward beauty, to bear such a port,
to carry such a train and multitude, and to stand in such
high authority, supposed the same to be the only right
catholic mother : the other, because it was not so visibly
known in the world, they thought, therefore, could not be
the true church of Christ. Wherein they were much de-
ceived : for, although the right church of God is not so
invisible in the world that none can see it, yet neither is it
so visible that every worldly eye may perceive it. For
like as is the nature of truth, so is the proper condition
of the true church, that commonly none see it, but such
only as are the members and partakers of it. And there-
fore, they who require that God's holy church should be
evident and visible to the whole world, seem to define the
great synagogue of the world, rather than the true spi-
ritual church of God.
In Christ's time,-who would have thought but that the
congregations and councils of the pharisees had been the
right church ? And yet Christ had another church in
earth besides that ; which, although it was not so mani-
fest in the sight of the world, yet it was the only tme
A PROTESTATION TO THE WHOLE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.
church in the sight of God : to this church Christ refer-
red, speaking of the temple, which he would raise again
the third day. And yet, after that the Lord was risen,
he shewed not himself to the world, but only to his elect,
which were but few. The same church after that in-
creased and multiplied mightily among the Jews, yet the
Jews had not eyes to see God's church, but did perse-
cute it, till at length all their whole nation was de-
stroyed.
After the Jews, came the heathen emperors of Rome,
■who, having the whole power of the world in their hands,
did all the world could do to extinguish the name and
church of Christ ; whose violence continued the space of
three hundred years, all which time the true church of
Christ was not great in the sight of the world, but rather
was abhorred every where, and yet, notwithstanding, the
same small flock, so despised in the world, the Lord
highly regarded, and mightily preserved. For although
many of the christians suffered death, yet was their death
neither loss to them, nor detriment to the church ; but
the more they suffered, the more of their blood in-
creased.
In the time of these emperors, God raised up in this
realm of Britain, divers worthy preachers and witnesses,
as Elnanus, Meduinus, Meltivianus, Amphibolus, Al-
banus, Aaron, Julius, and others, in whose time the doc-
trine of faith, without men's traditions, was sincerely
preached. After their death and martyrdom it pleased
the Lord to provide a general quietness to his church,
whereby the number of his flock began more to increase.
In this age then followed in this land, Fastidius, Ni-
vian, Patrick, Bacchiarius, Dubricius, Congellus, Ken-
riu'c-rn, Helmotus, David, Daniel, Sampson, Elnodugus,
Asaphus, Gildas, Heulanus, Elbodus, Dinothus, Samuel,
Nivius, and many more, who governed the church of
Britain by christian doctrine a long season ; although the
, civil governors for the time were then dissolute and care-
I less (as Gildas very sharply lays to their charge), and so
at length were subdued by the Saxons.
All this while, about the space of four hundred years,
religion remained uncorrupt in Britain, and the word of
Christ was truly preached, till, about the coming of
Austin the monk, and his companions from Rome, many
of the said British preachers were slain by the Saxons.
After that Christian faith began to enter and spring
among the Saxons, after a certain Romish sort, yet, not-
withstanding somewhat more tolerable than were the
times which followed, through the diligent industry of
some godly teachers who then lived amongst them, as
Aidanus, Finianus, Coleman, archbishop of York, Bede,
John of Beverly, Alenin, Noetus, Hucharius, Serlo,
Achardus, Ealtedus, Alexander, Neckham, Negellus,
Fenallus, Alfricus, Sygeferthus, and such others, who,
thougii they erred in some few things, yet they are
not so greatly to be complained of compared with
the abuses that followed. For as yet, the error of tran-
sttbstantiatiou and elevation, with auricular confession,
Ihad not crept in for a public doctrine in Christ's church,
jas by their own Saxon sermon made by vElfric, and set
lout in this present history may appear. During which
time, although the bishops of Rome were held in some
reverence by the clergy, yet they had nothing as yet to do
in making laws touching matters of the church of Eng-
land ; but that appertained only to the kings and gover-
nors of the land, as in this history will be seen.
And thus, although the church of Rome began then to
decline from God, yet during all this time it remained in
some reasonable order, till, at length, the bishops of Rome
began to shoot up in the world, through the liberality of
cod princes, and, especially of Matilda, a noble duchess
^f Italy, who, at her death, made the pope heir of all her
fids, and endowed his see with great revenues ; then
ches begat ambition, and ambition destroyed religion, so
;hat all came to ruin. Out of this corruption sprang
'orth here in England (as did in other places) another
™ mish kind of monkery, worse than the other before,
eing much more drowned in superstition and ceremo-
'es, which was during the tenth century. Of this swarm
'ere Egbert, Aigelbert, Egwine, Boniface, Wilfred, Aga-
hon, James, Remain, Cedda, Dunstan, Oswold, Athel-
wold, Althelwine, duke of Eastangles, Lanfranc, Anselme,
and such other.
And yet in this time also, through God's providence,
the church lacked not some of better knowledge and
judgment, to weigh with the darkness of those days. For
although King Edgar, with Edward, his base son, being
seduced by Dunstan, Oswold, and other monks, was
then a great author and favourer of superstition, erecting
as many monasteries as were Sundays in the year ; yet,
notwithstanding, this continued not long, for soon after
the death of Edgar came King Ethelred, and Queen
Elfthred his mother, with Alferus, duke of Merceland,
and other peers and noble^ of the realm, who displaced
the monks again, and restored the married priests to
their old possessions and livings. Moreover, after that
followed also the Danes, who overthrew those monkish
foundations as fast as King Edgar had set them up
before.
And thus, hitherto, stood the condition of the true
church of Christ, although not without some opposition
and difficulty, yet in some mediate state ot "he truth and
verity, till the time of Pope Ilildebrand, cdled Gregory
YII., which was about the year 1080, and of Pope Inno-
cent III., in the year 1215, by whom all was turned up-
side down, all order broken, discipline dissolved, true
doctrine defaced, christian faith extinguished. Instead
whereof, was set up preaching of men's decrees, dreams
and idle traditions. And whereas before truth was free
to be disputed amongst learned men, now liberty was
turned into law, argument into authority. Whatsoever
the bishop of Rome announced, that stood for an oracle
to be received of all men, without opposition or contra-
diction ; whatever was contrary thereto, was heresy, to
be punished with faggot and flaming fire ! Then the sin-
cere faith of this English church, which held out so long,
began to quail. Then was the clear sunsliine of God's
word overshadowed with mists and darkness, appearing
like sackcloth to the people, who could neither under-
stand what they read, nor yet were permitted to read
what they could understand. In these miserable days,
as the true visible church began now to shrink, and keep
in for fear: so, up start a new sort of players, to furnish
the stage, as school-doctors, canonists, and four orders
of friars, besides other monastic sects and fraternities, of
infinite variety, which have ever since kept such an in-
fluence in the church, that none almost durst stir, neither
Caesar, king, nor subject. \\"hat they defined stood ;
what they approved, was catholic ; what they condemned
was heresy ; whomsoever they accused, few, indeed,
could save. And thus these continued, or rather
reigned in the church, the space of now fourhundred years,
and odd. During which time, although the true church
of Christ durst not openly appear in the face of the
world, being oppressed by tyranny, yet neither was it so
invisible and unknown, but by the providence of the Lord,
some remnant always remained, which not only shewed'
secret good affection to sincere doctrine, but also stood
in open defence of truth against the disordered church of
Rome.
In which catalogue, first to omit Bertram and Beren-
garius, who were before Pope Innocent III., a learned
multitude of sufficient witnesses might here be produced,
whose names are neither obscure, nor doctrine unknown :
as Joachin, abbot of Calabria ; Almeric, a learned bishop,
who was judged an heretic, for holding against images in
the time of the said Innocent; besides the martyrs of
Alsatia, of whom we read an hundred to be burned by
the said Innocent in one day, as writes Herman Mucius.
Add likewise to these, the Waldenses, or Albigenses,
which, to a great number, separated themselves from the
church of Rome. To this number also belonged Rey-
mund, earl of Tholouse, Marsilius Patavius, WiUiam de
S. Amore, Simon Tornacensis, Arnold de Nova Villa,
John Semeca, besides divers other preachers in Suevia.
standing agamsi the pope (A. D. 1440) ; Laurence, of
England, a master of Paris (A. D. 1260) ; Peter John,
a minorite, who was burned after his death (A. D. 1290);
Robert Gallus, a dominie friar (A. D. 1291) ; Robert
Grosthead, bishop of Lincoln, who was called the Ham-
mer of the Romanists (A. D. 1250) ; Lord Peter do
82
THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
Cugneriis (A. D. 1329). To these we may add, more-
over, William Ockam, Bongratius Bergomensis, Leopold,
Andrew Laudensis, Ulric llangenor, treasurer to the
emperor ; John de Gandmio (A. D. 1330), mentioned in
the extravagants, Andreas de Castro, Buridian, Euda,diike
of Burgundy, who counselled the French king not to re-
ceive the new-found constitutions and extravagants of
tlie pope into his realm, Dante AUigerius, an Italian,
who wrote against the pope, monks, and friars, and
against the donation of Constantine (A. D. 1330.) Tau-
lerus, a German preacher; Conrad Hager, imprisoned for
preaching against the mass (A. D. 1339) ; the author of
the hook called Poenitentiarius Asini, compiled ahout the
year 1343 ; Michael Cesenas, a gray friar ; Peter de
Corbaria, with John de Poliaco, mentioned in the extra-
vagants, and condemned by the pope ; John de Castilione,
with Francis de Arcatara, who were burned about the year
of our Lord 1322 ; John Rochtaylada, otherwise called
Haybalus, with another friar, martyred about the year
1346 ; Francis Petrarch, who called Rome the whore of
Babylon, &c. (A. D. 1350) ; George Ariminensis (A. D.
13.50) ; John de Rupe Scissa, imprisoned for certain pro-
phecies against the pope (A. D. i;'i40) ; Gethard Ridder,
who also wrote against monks and friars, a book called
Lacrymae Ecclesiffi (A. D. 1350) ; Godfrid de Fontanis,
William de Landuno ; John, the monk ; Richard Arina-
chanus ; Nicolas Orem, preacher (A. D. 136"4) ; Milit-
zius, a Bohemian, who then preached that antichrist was
come, and was excommunicated for the same (A. D.
1366) ; James Misnensis ; Matthew Parisiensis, a Bo-
hemian born, and a writer against the pope (A. D. 1370);
John Montziger, rector of the university of Ulm (A. D.
1384); Nilus, archbishop of Thessalonica ; Henry de
Jota ; Henry de Hassii, &c. (A. D. 1371.)
I do but recite the principal writers and preachers in
those days. How many thousands there were which
never bowed their knees to Baal, is known to God
alone. Of whom we find in the writings of one Bru-
shius, that six and thirty citizens of Maguntia were
burned (A.D. 1390), who, following the doctrine
of the Waldenses, affirmed the pojie to be the great anti-
christ. Also Massseus records of one hundred and
forty, which, in the province of Narbon, were put to the
fire, for not receiving the decretals of Rome, besides
them that suffered at Paris, to the number of four and
twenty at one time (A.D. 1210) ; and the next year
after were four hundred burnt under the name of
heretics ; besides, also, a certain good hermit, an
Englishman, of whom mention is made in John Bacon
(Dist. 2. (iuaest. 1.), who was committed for disputing
in Paul's church against certain sacraments of the
church of Rome, A.D. 130C.
To descend now somewhat lower in drawing out the
descent of the church. What a multitude was there of
faithful witnesses in the time of John Wicklitf (A.D.
1379), as Ocliff, William Thorp, White, Purvey,
Fatshal, Pain, Gower, Chaucer, Gascoin, William
Swinderby, Walter Brute, Roger Dexter, William
Sautry, about the year 1400. John Badby (A.D.
1410), Nicholas Tailer, Richard Wagstafl', ' Michael
Scrivener, William Smith, John Henry, William Parch-
jaenar, Roger Goldsmith, with an anchoress, called
Matilda, in the city of Leicester, Lord Cobham, Sir
Roger Acton knight, John Beverley preacher, John
Husse, Jerome of Prague, a schoolmaster, with a number
of faithful Bohemians, and Thaborites not to be told ; to
whom I might also add Laurence Valla, and John
Picus, the learned Earl of Mirandula. But why do
1 stand upon recital of names, which are almost
infinite ?
Wherefore, if any one be so deceived as to think,
that the doctrine of the church of Rome (as it now
stands), is of such antiquity, and that it was never
opposed before the time of Luther and Zuinglius, let
him read these histories ; or, if he thinks the said history
not to be of sufficient credit to alter his persuasion, let
him peruse the acts and statutes of parliament passed in
this realm, and therein consider and confer the course of
times. In the 5th Richard XL (A.D. 1382), he may
read of a great number (which are there called evil
persons") going about from town to town in friezf
gowns, preaching to the people, &c. Which preachers
although the words of the statute do term them to be
dissembling persons, preaching divers sermons contain-
ing heresies and notorious errors, to the emblemishment
of christian faith, and of holy church, &c., as the words
do there pretend ; yet notwithstanding every true chris-
tian reader may conceive of those preachers to teach
no other doctrine, than now they hear their own
preachers in pulpits preach against the bishop of Rome,
and the corrupt heresies of his church.
He may also read in the 2nd Henry IV. ch;ip. 15,
(A.D. 1402), of another like company of good preachers
and faithful defenders of true doctrine against blind
heresy and error, whom, although through the corruption
of that time the words of the statute falsely term false
and perverse preachers, under dissembled holiness,
teaching in those days openly and privily new doctrines
and heretical opinions, contrary to the faith and deter-
mination of holy church, &c., yet notwithstanding who-
ever reads histories, and confers the order and descent of
times, shall understand these to be no false teachers,
but faithful witnesses of the truth, not teaching any new
doctrines contrary to the determination of holy church,
but rather shall find that church to be unholy which they
preached against, itself rather teaching heretical opinions,
contrary both to antiquity and the verity of Christ's true
catholic church.
In a letter from Henry Chichesly, Archbishop of Can-
terbury, to Pope Martin the Fifth, in the fifth year of
his popedom, (A.D. 14^2), we find mention is made of
a like number of faithful favourers and followers of
God's holy word, of whom he says " there are many
here in England infected with the heresies of Wickliff
and Husse, and without force of an army they cannot
be suppressed," &c. Whereupon the pope sent two car-
dinals to the archbishop, to cause a tenth to be gathered
of all spiritual and religious men, and the money to be laid
in the apostolic chamber ; and if that were not sufficient,
the residue to be made up of chalices, candlesticks, and
other implements of the church, &c.
Shall we need then any more witnesses to prove this
matter, when you see, so many years ago, whole armies
and multitudes thus standing against the pope ? who,
though they were then termed heretics and schismatics,
yet in that which their enemies called heresy they
served the living Lord within the ark of his true
spiritual and visible church.
And where then is the frivolous boast of the papists,
(who make so much of their painted sheath, and would
needs bear us down), that this government of the church
of Rome, which now is, has been of such an old stand-
ing, time out of mind, even from the primitive antiquity,
and that there never was any other visible church
here in earth for men to follow, besides the said only ca-
tholic mother-church of Rome .' w-hen, as we sufficiently
proved before, by the continual descent of the church till
this present time, that the church, after the doctrine which
is now reformed, is no new begun matter ; but even the old
church, continued by the providence and promise of Christ
still standing, which although it has been of late years
repressed by the tyranny of Roman bishops more than
before, yet notwithstanding it was never so oppressed,
but God ever maintained in it the truth of his gospel,
against the heresies and errors of the church of Rome,
as is to be seen more at full in this history.
Let us now proceed further in deducing this descent of
the church to the year 1501, when grievous afflictions and
bloody persecutions began to ensue upon Christ's church
for his gospel's sake, according as is described in this
history, wherein is to be seen what christian blood has
been spilt, what persecutions raised, what tyranny exer-
cised, what torments devised, vv-hat treachery used against
the poor flock and church of Christ ; in such sort that
since Christ's time greater has not been seen.
And now we come from that time (A.D. 1501),
to the year now present (A.D. 1570). In which the
full seventy years of the Babylonish captivity draws now
well to an end. Or if we reckon from the beginning of
Luther and his nersecution, then lacketh yet sixteen
THE UTILITY OF THIS HISTORY.
years. Now, what the Lord will do with this wicked
world, or what rest he will s^ive to his church after tliese
long sorrows, — he is our Father in Heaven, his will be
done on earth as seemeth best to his divine Majesty.
In the mean time let us, for our parts, with all patient
obedience, wait God's time, and glorify his holy Name,
and edify one another with all humility. And if there
cannot be an end of our disputing and contending one
against another, yet let there be a moderation in it.
And as it is the good will of our God, that Satan sho\dd
be thus let loose amongst us for a short time ; yet let
us strive in the meanwhile what we can to amend the
malice of the time with mutual humanity. Tliey tliat
are in error let them not disdain to learn ; they who
have greater talents of knowledge committed to them, let
them instruct in simplicity them that be simple. No
man lives in that commonwealth where notliingi.s amiss;
but yet because God has so placed us Englishmen here
in one commonwealth, also in one churcli, as in one
ship together; let us not mangle or divide the ship,
which being divided perishes ; but let every man serve
with diligence and discretion in his order, wherein he is
called ; let those that sit at the helm keep well the point
of the needle, to know how and whither the ship goes ;
whatever weatlier betides, the needle, well touched with
tlie stone of God's word, will never fail ; let such as
labour at the oars, start for no tempest, but do what
they can to keep from the rocks ; likewise let those who
are in inferior stations take heed that they move no
sedition nor disturbance against the rowers and mariners.
No storm is so dangerous to a ship on the sea, as dis-
cord and disorder in a commonwealth ; the countries, na-
tions, kingdoms, empires, cities, towns, and houses,
that have been dissolved by discord is so manifest in
history, that I need not spend time in rehearsing ex-
amples. The God of peace, who hath power both of
land and sea, reach forth his merciful hand to hel)) them
up that sink, to keep up them that stand, to still these
winds and surging seas of discord and contention among
us, that we, professing one Christ, may in one unity of
doctrine gather ourselves into one ark of the true church
together, where we, continuing steadfast in faith, may at
the last be conducted safely to the joyful port of our de-
sired landing-place, by his heavenly grace ! To whom,
both in heaven and earth, be all power and glory, with
his Father and the Holy Spirit for ever. Amen.
THE UTILITY OF THIS H 1 S T O R Y
The world being filled with such an infinite multitude of
all kinds of hcoks, I may seem, perha])s, to take a
superfluous and needless matter in hand, at this present
time, to write such volumes, especially of histories, con-
sidering that the world is so greatly pestered, not only
with plenty thereof, but of all other treatises, that now
books seem rather to lack readers, than readers to lack
books. I doubt not but that many do both perceive, and
lament the boldness of many in these days both in writing
and printing this multitude of books ; which, to say the
truth, for my part I lament as much as any man ; and I
would therefore have no man think that I have attempted
this enterprise unadvisedly or with rashness, but rather as
one being not only doubtful, but also both bashful and
fearful within myself for setting the same abroad. For I
perceived how learned this age of ours is in reading of
books, neither could I tell what the judgment of readers
would he, to see so weak a being undertake such a
weighty enterprise, not being sufficiently furnished with
eloquence to do justice to so great a history, or sufficient
to serve for the use of tlie studious, or the delight of the
learned ; and the more I perceived ability to be wanting
in me, the less hold I felt to become a writer.
But again, on the other hand, when I weighed with
myself what memorable acts have occurred in this later
age of the church by the patient sufferings of the worthy
martyrs, I thought it not to be neglected, that so many
precious monuments worthy of being recorded and regis-
tered, should by my default be buried under darkness and
oblivion. I thought somewhat was to be said of them
for their well deserving, and something also for the
benefit which we have received by them. But above all
things, nothing did so urge me forward as the considera--
tion of the common utility which every man may plenti-
fully receive by the reading of those monuments of mar-
tyrology ; and as I have taken tliis history in hand chiefly
for the use of the English church, T have written it in that
tongue which the simple people could best understand.
Now if men commonly delight so much in other chro-
nicles which treat only on matters of ])olicy, and take
pleasure in reading the variable events of worldly afl"airs,
the stratagems of valiant captains, the terror of battle
fields, the sacking of cities, the turmoils of realms and
people ; and if men think it such a great thing in a com-
monwealth to commit to history au account of these
things, and bestow all their wit and eloquence in adorning
the same, how much more meet is it for christians to pre-
serve in remembrance the lives, acts, and doings, not of
bloody warriors, but of the mild and constant martyrs of
Christ, which serve not so much to delight the ear, as to
improve the life, to show us examples of great profit, and
to encourage men to all kind of christian godliliess ?
And first, by reading thereof, we may see a lively testi-
mony of God's mighty working in the life of man, con-
trary to the ojjinion of the atheists ; for like as one said of
Harjialus in times past, that his doings gave a lively testi-
mony against God, because he being so wicked a man,
escaped so long unpunished ; so, contrariwise, in these
men we have a much more assured and plain witness of
God, in whose lives and deaths there appeared such
manifest declarations of God's divine working, while in
such sharpness of torments we behold in them si.ich con-
stant strength above man's reach, such readiness to
answer, such patience in imprisonment, such godliness in
forgiving, such cheerfulness and courage in suffering,
besides the manifold sense and feeling of the Holy Ghost,
which they so plentifully tasted in tlieir aftiictions, as iu
reading their letters we may evidently understand : and
besides this, the mild deaths of the saints avail not a little
to the establishing of a good conscience, to teach us tlie
contemjit of the world, and to bring us to the fear cif
God: moreover, they confirm faith, increase godliness,
abate pride in prosperity, and open a hope of heavenly
comfort in adversity. For what man reading the misery
of these godly persons may not behold therein, as in a
glass, his own case, whether he be godly or godless ?
For if God gave adversity unto good men, wliat may not
the better sort expect, or the evil fear ? And as by
reading of profane histories we are made perhaps more
skilful in warlike affairs ; so by reading this we are made
better in our livings, and besides, are better prepared for
tlie like conflicts, (if by God's permission they shall
happen hereafter) more wise by their doctrine, and more
steadfast by their example.
To be brief, they declare to the world what true chris-
tian fortitude is, and what is the right way to conquer,
which stands not in the power of man, but in the hope of
the resurrection to come, and is now, I trust, at hand.
In consideration whereof, methinks I have good cause to
wish, that not only subjects, but also kings and princes.
THE UTILIIT OF THIS HISTORY.
who commonly delight in heroic stories, would diligently
peruse such monuments of martyrs, and keep them
always in sight, not only to read, but to follow, and
■would paint them upon their walls, cups, rings, and
gates. For doubtless such as these are more worthy of
lionour than an hundred Alexanders, Hectors, Scipios,
and warlike Ca;sars. And thougli the world judge pre-
posterously of things, yet with God, the true Judge, not
tliose that kill one another with a weai)on are to be
reputed, but rather they who being killed in God's
cause do retain an invincible constancy against the threats
of tyrants, and the violence of tormentors. Such as these
are indeed the true conquerors of the world, by whom we
learn true manhood, so many as fight under Christ, and
not under the world. With this valiantness did that
most mild Lamb, and invincible Lion of the tribe of Juda
first of all go before us. Of whose unspeakable fortitude
we hear tliis prophetical admiration, " Who is this,
travelling in the greatness of his strength ?" Is. l.\iii. 1.
Verily, it is the high Son of the high God, once con-
quered of the world, and yet conquering the world after
the same manner he was conquered.
All his martyrs followed in the like course to whom the
ancient church did attribute so much honour, as never
Iving or emperor could purchase in this world, with all
their images, pillars, triumphs, temples, and all their
solemn feasts ; in proof whereof we see with what admi-
ration the memory of those good martyrs was received
and kept among the ancient christians : whereby it is
manifest in what estimation the martyrs were held in
times past; with what gratulation, mirth, and general
joy the afflictions of those godly men, dying in Christ's
quarrel, were sometimes received and solemnized ; and
that not without good and reasonable cause ; for the
church did well consider how much she was beholden to
them, by whose death she understood her treasures to
increase. Now, then, if martyrs are to be compared with
martyrs, I see no cause why the martyrs of our time
deserve any less commendation, than the others in the
primitive church ; who assuredly are in no point inferior
unto them, whether we view the number of them that
Buffered, or the greatness of their torments, or their con-
stancy in dying, or consider the fruit that they brought to
the amendment of posterity, and increase of the gospel.
The primitive martyrs did water with their blood the
truth that was newly springing up ; so these later martyrs
by their deaths restored it again, being so decayed and
fiUen down. They standing in the foreward of the
tattle, did receive the first encounter and violence of
their enemies, and taught us by that means to overcome
euch tyranny ; these with like courage again, like old
beaten soldiers, did win the field in the rear of the
battle. They, like famous husbandmen of the world,
did sow the fields of the church, that first lay unmanured
and waste ; theae with the richness of their blood did
cause it to grow and fructify. Would to God the fruit
might speedily be gathered into the barn, which now only
remains to come !
Now, if we ascribe reputation to godly preachers (and
worthily) who diligently preach the gospel of Christ, when
they live notwithstanding, by the benefit of time, without
all fear of persecution ; how much more cause have we to
praise and extol such men as stoutly spend their lives for
the defence of the same ? All these premises being duly
considered, seeing we have found so famous martyrs in
this our age, let us not fail in publishing and setting forth
their doings, lest in that point we seem more unkind to
them than the writers of the primitive church were to
theirs. And though we repute not their ashes, chains,
and swords as relics ; yet let us yield thus much unto
their commemoration, to glorify the Lord in his saints,
and imitate their death (as much as we may) with like
constancy, or their lives at least with like innocency.
They offered their bodies willingly to the rough handling
of the tormentors ; and is it so great a matter then for us
to mortify our flesh, with all the members thereof ? They
neglected not only the riches and glory of the world for
the love of Christ, but also their lives ; and shall we
then make so great a stir one against another for the
transitory trifles of this world .' They continued in
patient suffering, when they had most wrong done to
them, and when their very heart's blood gushed out of
their bodies ; and yet will we not forgive our poor
brother, be the injury never so small, but are ready for
every trifling ofl'ence to seek his destruction. They
wishing well to all men, did of their own accord forgive
their persecutors ; and therefore ought we, who are now
the posterity and children of the martyrs, not to degene-
rate from their steps, but being admonished, by their
examples, if we cannot express their charity toward all
men, yet at least to imitate the same to our power and
strength. Let us give no cause of offence to any : and
if any offence be given to us, let us overcome it with
patience, forgiving and not revenging the same : and let
us not only keep our hands from shedding of blood, but
our tongues also from hurting the fame of others ; besides,
let us not shrink, if case so require, by martyrdom, or
loss of life, according to their example, to yield up the
same in the defence of the Lord's flock ; which if men
would do, there would be much less contention in the
world than now is. And thus much touching the utility
of this History.
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.
THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS, AND THE ANCIENT
CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS.
Christ our Saviour, in the gospel of St. Matt. xvi. 18,
hearing the confession of Simon Peter, who acknowledged
him to be the Son of God, and perceiving the secret
hand of his Father therein, answered, and alluding to
his name, called him a rock, upon which rock he would
build his church so strong, that the gates of hell should
not prevail against it, &c. In which words three things
are to be noted. First, that Christ will have a church
in this world. Secondly, that the church should be
mightily opposed, not only by the world, but also by the
utmost strength and powers of hell. And, thirdly, that
the same church, notwithstanding the devil and all his ma-
lice, should continue. Which prophecy of Christ we see
wonderfully verified, insomuch that the whole course of
the church to this day, may seem nothing but a verifying
of this prophecy. First, that Christ set up a church,
needs no declaration. Secondly, what princes, kings,
monarchs, governors, and rulers of this world, with their
subjects publicly and privately, with all their strength and
nunning, have bent themselves against this church.
And, thirdly, how the church, notwithstanding all this,
hath yet endured and held its own. It is wondrous
to behold what storms and tempests it hath withstood ;
for the more evident declaration whereof I have written
this history, intending by the favourable aid of Christ
our Lord, not so much to delight the ears as to profit
the hearts of the godly, in perusing antiquities of ancient
vimas, to the end that the wonderful works of God, in
this church, might appear to his glory. Also that the
continuance and proceedings of the church from time to
time, being set forth in these Acts and Monuments,
may redound to the profit of the reader and edification
of christian faith.
For the better accomplishing wliereof, I have thought
good, beginning from the time of the primitive church,
and so continuing to these latter years, to run over the
whole state and course of the church in general, dividing
the whole of this history into five periods.
First, I will treat of the suffering time of the church,
which continued from the apostles' age, about three
hundred years.
Secondly, of the flourishing time of the church, which
lasted other three hundred years.
Thirdly, of the declining time of the church, which
comprehends other three hundred years ; during which
Imie althou<£h the church was much altered in ambition
and pride, rrom the simple sincerity of the primitive
time, yet in outward profession of doctrine and religion
it was something tolerable, and had some face of a church ;
nonvithstanding some corruption of doctrine, with super-
stition and hypocrisy, had even then crept in ; yet in
comparison of that which followed, it might seem as
I have said, something sufferable.
Fourthly, followed the time of antichrist, and desola-
tioa of the church, containing the space of four hundred
years ; in which time both doctrine and sincerity of life
were almost extinguished, namely, in the chief heads and
rulers of this western church, through the means of the
Roman bishops, especially counting from Gregory VII.
called Hildebrand, Innocent III. and the friars, which
crept in with him, till the time of John Wickliffe and
John Husse, during four hundred years.
Fifthly, after this time of antichrist reigning by violence
and tyranny, follows the reformation and purging of the
church of God, wherein antichrist begins to be revealed,
and to appear in his colour, and his doctrine to be detected,
the number of his church decreasing, and the number of the
true church increasing, which time has continued hitherto
about the space of two hundred and eighty years, and how
long it shaU continue more, the Lord and Governor of all
times only knoweth. In these five periods I suppose the
whole course of the church may be comprised ; which
church being universal, and dispersed through all coun-
tries, I shall not be bound to any one nation more than
another ; yet notwithstandmg, I have purposed princi-
pally to tarry upon such historical acts and records, as
most appertain to England and Scotland.
And as the church of Rome, in all these ages, has chal-
lenged to itself the supreme title, and ringleading of the
whole universal church on earth, — in writing of the
church of Christ, I cannot but partly also intermeddle
with the acts and proceedings of the church of Rome ;
for so much as the doings and orderings of all other
churches, as well here in England, as in other nations,
have for this long time chiefly depended upon tiie same.
Wherefore, as it is needful and requisite to have the
doings and orderings of the said church made manifest to
all christian congregations ; so have I framed this history,
according to that purpose. First, in a general descrip -
tion, briefly to declare the misguiding of that church,
comparing the former primitive state of the church of
Rome with these latter times of the same ; which done,
then in a more special way, to prosecute more at large
all the particulars thereof, so far as shall seem profitable
for the public instruction of all other christian churches.
In which church of Rome four things seem to me chiefly
to be considered. To wit. Title, Jurisdiction, Life, and
Doctrine. Wherein I have here to declare, first, con-
cerning the title or primacy of the church, how it first
began, and upon what occasion. Secondly, concerning
the jurisdiction and authority thereof, wliat it was, and
how far it extended. Thirdly, toucliing the disorder
of life and conversation, how inordinate it is. And,
fourthly, the form of doctrine, how superstitious and
idolatrous it has been of late ; of which four, the first
was prejudicial to all bisho])s ; the second, derogatory to
kings and emperors ; the third detestable to all men ;
the fourth, injurious to Christ.
For first, the title and style of that church was .such that
it went beyond all other churches, being called " the Holy
THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS,
Universal Mother Cl\urch, which could not err ; and the
bishop thereof, Holy Father the Pope, Bishop Universal,
Prime of I'riests, ^^upreme head of the Universal Church,
and Vicar of Christ here in earth, which must not be
judged, havinsj all knowledge of scripture, and all laws
contained witliin the chest of his breast."
Secondly, the jurisdiction of that bishop was such,
that challenging to himself both the swords, that is, both
the keys of the scripture and the sceptre of the laity ;
lie not only subdued all bishops under him, but also
advanced himself above kings and emperors, causing
some of them to lie under liis I'tct, some to hold his
stirrup, kings to lead his horse by the bridle, some to
kiss his feet, placing and displacing empei'ors, kings,
dukes, and earls, whom and when he chose, taking upon
him to transfer the empire at his pleasure, from Greece
to France, from France to Germany, preferring and de-
posing wliom lie pleased, and confirming tiiem which were
elected. Also being emperor himself, when the throne
was vacant, pretending authority or power to invest
bishops, to give benefices, to spoil churches, to give
authority to bind and loose, to call general councils, to
judge over the same, to set up religions, to canonize
saints, to take appeals, to bind consciences, to make
laws, to dispense with the law and word of God, to de-
liver from purgatory, to command angels, &c.
Thirdly, what was the life and conversation of the
court of Rome, will be seen in this history.
Fourthly, his doctrine in like manner was tedious to
students, pernicious to men's consciences, injurious to
Christ Jesus, and contrary to itself. In laws more
divers, in volume more large, in diligence and study
more applied to, in vantage and preferment more gainful
than ever was the study and learning of the holy scrip-
ture of God.
These four points being well considered in this history,
I trust it may minister to the christian reader, suffi-
cient instruction to judge what is to be thought of
this church of Rome.
But here it is to be noted, that all these deformities
of vain title, of pretended jurisdiction, of heretical doc-
trine, of schismatical life, came not into the church of
Rome all at one time, nor sprang with tiie beginning of
the church, but with long working, and by little and
little, and came not to full jjerfection till the time, partly
of Pope Boniface III. jiartly of Pope Gregory Vil.
partly of Pope Innocent III. and finally of Pope Boni-
face VIII. ; of which four pojies, tlie ti.st brought in
the Title (A. D. ()07), which was never in such ample
wise before publicly enacted, and received i)ublicly in
the said church of Rome, the second brought in
Jurisdiction (A. D. 107;i) ; the third, which was Pope
Innocent (A. D. 1198), with his rabble of monks and
friars, and with such other bishops as succeeded him,
corrupted and obscured the sincerity of Christ's doc-
trine and manners, and, lastly. Pope Boniface VIII.
(A. D. 12!)4) ; and after him Pope Clement V.
(A. 1). i;505), besides the jurisdiction advanced before
by Pope Hildebrand, added moreover the temporal
sword to be carried before them, and that the succession
of no emperor should be sufficient and lawful, without
the pope's admission, whereby the pope's power was
brought to his full pride and perfection in the fourteenth
century. And thus came up the corruption of the
Romish church in continuance of years by degrees, and
not altogether, nor at one time.
Wherefore, whoever shall have to do with any adver-
saries, about the antiipiity or authority of the church of
Rome, let him well consider when and how, the title,
jurisdiction, and corr\ii)tion of doctrine first began in the
pope's see. And so he shall see, that the church of Rome,
as it is now governed, never descended from the primitive
age of tlie apostles. As the picture of the holy virgin is
not the holy virgin, and as a man painted on the wall is
not a man; so it is to be said of the church of Rome (the
institution and doctrine of the church of Rome I mean),
that although it has the name of the church apostolical,
and brings forth a long genealogy of outward suc-
cession from the apostles, as the Pharisees did in Ciirist's
time bringing their descent from Abraham their father ;
yet all this is in name only, and not in eflfect or matter ; for
the definition of the apostolical church neither now agrees
with this present church of Rome, nor yet the manner,
form, and institution of the Romish church, as it now
stands, had ever any succession from the primitive
church. But as Christ said of the pharisees, that they
were the children not of Abraham, but of the devil ; so
it may be answered, that tliis church of Rome now pre-
sent, with this title, jurisdiction, and doctrine now used,
cannot be fathered upon the apostles, iiur Peter, uor
Linus, but on another author, whom 1 will not here
name.
And here comes in the argument of Pighius, Hosius,
and Eccius, who, arguing for the antiquit\ and authority
of the church of Rome, reason on this minuer.
" That as an ordinary and a known church visible must
be known continually on earth, from the time of the
apostles, to which all other churches must have re-
course ;
And seeing there is no other church visible known to
have endured from the apostles' time, but only the
church of Rome ;
They conclude, therefore, that the church of Rome is
that church whereunto all other churches must have
recourse," &c.
To which I answer, that although the name of the
church and outward succession of bisliops have had
their continuance from the time of the apostles, yet the
definition and matter which makes a true apostolical
church, neither is now in the church of Rome, nor yet
the form and institution of the church now used in Rome,
was ever from the apostles, which apostles were never
authors or fathers of this title, jurisdiction, and doctrine
now taught in Rome, but rather were ever enemies to
the same.
Again, although the necessity of the church, enduring
from the apostles, may and must be granted, yet the
same necessity was not bound to any certain place or
person, but only to faith ; so that wherever, that is,
in whatever church true faith was, there was the
church of Christ. And because the true faith of Christ
must needs ever remain on earth, therefore the church
also must needs remain on earth. And God forbid that
the true faith of Christ should only remain in one city in
the world, and not in another as well. And therefore as
this true and sincere faith of Christ is not given, to re-
main fixedly in one place or city alone ; so neither is
there any one church in the world so ordained and ap-
pointed of God, that all other churches should have their
recourse unto it, for determination of their causes and
controversies.
Now, as to the authorities of the fathers in commen
dation of the church of Rome, whoever will understand
rightly their authorities must learn to make a distinction
between the church of Rome, as it v^as and as it is : for-
asmuch as the church of Rome is not the same church
now which it was then, and nothing agreeing to what it
was then, save only in outward name and place, there-
fore, by this distinction, I answer, the place of Ireueus,
Cyprian, is.c. commending the church of Rome as ca-
tholic and apostolical, and say that these speak of the
church of Rome which then was, and said not untrue,
calling it catholic and aiiostolical, for that the same
church took their ordinary succession of bish()j)s, joined
with the ordinary doctrine and institution, from the
apostles. But, s])eaking of the church of Rome which
now is, we say the said places of the fathers are not true,
neither appertain to the same ; for they neither knew the
church of Rome that now is, neither if they had, would
they ever have judged any thing therein worthy such
commendation.
Our adversaries yet more objecting against us, and
labouring for the antiquity of the Romish church, for
lack of other reasons, are driven to scanning tlie times
and years. What ? (say they) where was this church of
yours before these fifty years .' In answer, we demand
what they mean by this which they call our church ? If
they mean the ordinance and institution of doctrine and
sacraments now received by us, we affirm tliat our
church was in existence when this church of theirs was
AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS.
not yet hatched out of the shell, nor had yet seen the
light ; that is, in the time of the apostles, in the primitive
age, in the time of Gregory I., and the old Roman
church, when as yet no universal pope was received
publicly, but repelled in Rome : nor this fulness of
plenary power yet known, nor this doctrine and abuse of
sacraments yet heard of. In witness whereof we have
the old acts and histories of ancient time to give testi-
mony with us, wherein we have sufficient matter for us
to declare the same form, usage, and institution of this
cur church as now reformed, not to be the beginning of
any new church of our own, but to be the renewing of
the old ancient church of Christ.
And where our adversaries charge us with the faith of
our fathers and godfathers, wherein we were baptized,
accusing us that we are revolted from them and their
faith, wherein we were first christened : we answer, that
we, being first baptized by our fathers and godfathers,
in water, in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of
the Holy Ghost, the same faith wherein we were chris-
tened then, we do retain : and because our godfathers
were themselves also in the same faith, therefore they
cannot say that we have forsaken the faith of our god-
fathers. As for other points of ecclesiastical uses, and
circumstances considered, besides the principal sub-
stance of faith and baptism, if they held any thing which
receded from the doctrine and rule of Christ, therein we
now remove ourselves ; not because we would differ from
them, but because we would not with them remove from
the rule of Christ's doctrine. Neither does our baptism
bind us in all points to the opinions of them that bap-
tized us, but to the faith of him in whose name we were
baptized. For, as if a man were christened by a heretic,
the baptism, notwithstanding, were good, although the
baptizer were naught : so, if our godfathers or fathers,
which christened us, were taught any thing not conso-
nant to christian doctrine in all points, neither is our
baptism worse for that, nor are we bound to follow them
in all things, wherein they themselves did not follow the
true church of Christ.
Wherefore, as it is false, that we have renounced the
faith of our godfathers wherein we were baptized, so is it
not true, that we are removed from the church of Rome ;
but rather I say, and will prove that the church of Rome
has utterly departed from the church of Rome, according
to my former distinction. Which thing the more evi-
dently to declare, I will here compare the church of
Rome with the church of Rome ; and in a general de-
scription set forth the difference of both the churches,
that is, of both the periods of the church of Rome : to
the intent it may be seen whether we or they have most
apostatised from the church of Rome. And here, first,
1 divide the church of Rome into two distinct periods
of time ; first, of those first six hundred years which
were immediately after Christ ; and, secondly, of the
other six hundred years, which now have been in these
our later days : and so, in comparing these two to-
gether, will search out, what difference is between them.
Of which two ages and states of the Roman church, the
first I call the primitive church of Rome, the other 1
call the later church of Rome.
To begin with the order and qualities of life, I ask,
where was this church of theirs in the time of the primi-
tive church of Rome, with this pomp and pride, with
this riches and superfluity, with this worldly splendour
and name of cardinals, with this prancing dissoluteness,
with this extortion, bribing, buying, and selling of
spiritual dignities, these annates, reformations, procura-
tions, exactions, and other practices for money, this
avarice insatiable, ambition intolerable, fleshly filthiness
most detestable, barbarousness and negligence in preach-
ing, promise-breaking faithlessness, poisoning and sup-
planting one another, with such schisms and divisions in
the elections and courts of Rome for these seven hundred
years, with such extreme cruelty, maUce, and tyranny
in burning and persecuting their poor brethren to
death .'
It were too long to dwell particularly upon these
things . and if a man should detail all the schisms in the
chui-ch of Rome, to the numbej of eighteen, what a
volume would it require ? Or if here should be recorded
all that this see has burned and put to death, who would
be able to number them ? Or if all their schemes to get
money should be described, who would be able to recite
them all ? Of which the principal are reckoned at least
at fourteen or fifteen schemes.
I. For annates or vacancies of arch-bishoprics, bishop-
rics, abbacies, priories conventual, and other benefices
elective.
II. For the holding of all spiritual Hvings whatever.
III. New annates for all the same again, as often as
any one of all his spiritual livings be, or are fained to
be, not orderly come by, whereby it has chanced, divers
times, three or four annates to be paid for one benefice.
IV. For giving benefices before they fall, and many
times giving to several persons for money's sake.
V. For resignations, which in many cases the pope
challenges to be reserved to himself.
VI. For commendams.
VII. For compounding with such as be absent from
their charge.
VIII. For dispensations, so as to dispense with age,
with order, with benefices incompatible ; also for irre-
gularity, for adultery, for times of marriage, for mar-
rying in degrees forbidden, for gossips to marry, for
which in France a thousand crowns were paid to Rome
at one time, for dispensing with this canonical affinity of
gossips ; also dispensing for eating meats in times pro-
hibited.
IX. For innumerable privileges, exemptions, graces ;
for not visiting, or visiting by a proctor ; for confirma-
tions of privileges ; for transactions made upon favour of
the pope ; for exchanges of benefices, or making of pen-
sions, with such like.
X. For mandates granted by the pope, to ordinaries,
whereof every ordinary, if he have the collation or pre-
sentation often, may receive one mandate ; if he have
fifty, two mandates ; and for every mandate there comes
to the pope about twenty ducats. And yet so many are
sold, as will come buyers to pay for them.
XI. For the pope's penitentiary ; for absolution of
cases reserved to the pope ; for breaking of vows ; for
translation from one monastery to another, also from
one order to another ; for hcence to enter into certain
monasteries, to carry about altars, with many other
things of like device.
XII. For giving and granting of pardons and indul-
gences, to be read not only in public temples, but also to
be bought in private houses.
XIII. For making notaries, and prothonotaries, and
other offices of the court of Rome.
XIV. For bulls and commissions of new foundations,
or for changing the old ; for reducing regular monaste-
ries to a secular state, or for restoring them again into
the old ; and for other writs about matters in contro-
versy, that ought to be decided by the ordinary.
XV. For giving the pall to archbishops.
By reason of all which deN-ices (besides the annates) it
has been accounted from the king's records in France,
that in the time of Louis IX., the sum of two hundred
thousand crowns, were paid out of France and trans-
ported to Rome. Which sum, since that time, has been
doubled and trebled, besides annates and palls, which
altogether, of late, years, has been considered to make
the total yearly sum going out of France to the pope's
coffers, one hundred thousand crowns. Now, as to what
has been drawn besides from other kingdoms and nations,
let others conjecture.
Wherefore, if the gospel send us to the fruit to know
the tree, what is to be thought of the church of Rome,
with these fruits of hfe ? Or, if we seek the church in
length and number of years, where was then this church
of Rome with these quahties, when the church of Rome
was a persecuted, and not a persecuting church ? And
when the bishops thereof did not make martyrs, as they
now do, but were made martyrs themselves, to the number
of twenty-five, in order one after another ? Or when the
bishops thereof were elected, not by factions conspiring,
not by money or fWends makmg, as they now are, but by
the free voices of the people and of the clergy, with tha
10
THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS.
consent of the emperor, and not by a few conspiring car-
dinals, closed up in a corner, as they now are.
And yet if there were no other difference in the matter,
but only corruption of life, all that, we would impute to
the common frailty of man, and charge them no farther
than we mii^ht charge ourselves. Now over and above
this deformity of life, we have to charge them m greater
points, more nearly touching the substantial ground ot
the church, as in their jurisdiction presumptuously
usurped,— in their title falsely grounded, -and in their
doctrine heretically corrupted. In all which three points
this later church of Rome hath utterly separated itself
from the nature of the ancient church of Rome, and they
have erected to themselves a new church of their own
making, usurping a jurisdiction never known before to
their ancient predecessors. For although the church of
Rome in the primitive time had its due authority, among
other patriarchal churches, over such churches as were
•within its boundary : yet the plenitude of power, spiritual
and temporal, in deposing and dispensing matters not be-
longing to the pope, in taking appeals, in giving elections,
investing in benefices, in exempting himself from obe-
dience and subjection to his ordinary magistrate, was
never received in the old Roman church.
For although Victor, bishop of Rome (A. D. 200),
went to excommunicate the Eastern churches, for the
observation of Easter day : yet neither did he proceed
therein, nor was he permitted by Ireneus to do so. And
although Boniface I., writing to the bishops of Carthage,
required of them to send their appeals to Rome, alleging
the decree of the Nicene council for his authority : the
bishops and clergy of Carthage assembling in a general
council (called the sixth council of Carthage) to the num-
ber of two hundred and seventeen bishops, after they had
perused the decrees of the Nicene council, and found no
such matter as Boniface alleged, made a decree, that none
of that country should make any appeal to that see, &c.
And what wonder if appeals were forbidden then to be
made to Rome, when here in England the kings would
not permit any to appeal to Rome, before the time of
Henry II. ? And also in France the like prohibitions
were expressly made by Louis IX. (A. D. 12()8), which
did forbid by a public instrument, all exactions of the
pope's court within that realm. Also King Philip
(A. D. 121)6) not only restrained aU sending of his sub-
jects to Rome, but also, that no money, armour, or sub-
sidy should be transported out of his kingdom. Also
King Charles V., and his son Charles VI., punished as
traitors certain persons for appealing to Rome. The like
resistance was also made in France, against the pope's
reservations, preventions, and other like practices in the
days of Pope Martin V., also when King Henry VI. in
England, and King Charles VII. in France, did both
agree with the pope, in investing and in collation of bene-
fices : j'et notwithstanding the high court of parliament
in France did not admit the same, but still maintained
the old liberty and customs of the French church. Inso-
much that when the duke of Bedford came with the king's
Letters patents to have the pope's procurations and reser-
vations admitted, the court of parliament would not agree
to the same (A. D. 1425). In the days of King Charles
VII., was set forth in France, The Pragmatic sanction,
as they call it, against the annates, reservations, expecta-
tives, and other proceedings of the popes (A. D. 14;58).
Wherefore what wonder if this jurisdiction of the pope's
tourt in excommunicating, taking appeals, and giving of
Denefices, was not used in the old church of Rome, when
m these latter days it has been so much resisted.
And what should I say of the form of elections now
ased in the church of Rome, being quite changed from
the manner of the old church of their predecessors ? For
in those ancient days, when the church remained in the
apostles only, and a few other disciples, the apostles then,
with prayer and imposition of hands, elected bishops and
ministers; ashy the apostles James was made bishop of
Jerusalem, Paul elected Titus to Crete, and Timothy to
Ephesus. Also Peter ordained Linus and Clement in
Rome, &c. After the time of the apostles, when the
church began to multiply, the election of bishops and
ministers stood in the clergy and the people, with the
consent of the chief magistrate, and so continued during
all the time of the primitive church, till the time of Con-
stantine, who (as write Platinaand Sabellicus), published
a law concerning the election of the Roman bisliop, that
he should be taken for a true bishop, whom the clergy
and people of Rome did choose and elect, without
waiting for any authority of the emperor of Constanti-
nople, or the deputy of Italy : as the custom had ever
been before that day. And here the bishops began first
to extricate their elections and their necks, a little from
the emperor's subjection. But there are many reasons,
rather to think this constitution of Constautine forged and
untrue: for it is taken out of the pope's library, a sus-
pected place, and collected by the keeper of the pope's
library, a suspected author, who carefully compiled
whatever feigned or apocryphal writings he could find in
the pope's chest of records, making any thing on his
master's side.
And as in elections, so also in judiciary power, in de-
ciding causes of faith and of discipline, the state of the
church of Rome now has no conformity with the old
Roman church. For then bishops debated all causes of
faith only by the scriptures ; and other questions of dis-
cipline, they determined by the canons, not of the pope,
but of such as were decreed by the ancient councils of the
church. Whereas now, both the rule of scripture and
sanctions of the old councils are set aside, and all things
for the most part, are decided by certain new and extra-
vagant constitutions, compiled in the pope's canon law,
and practised in his courts.
And whereas the old ordinance, as well of the common
law as of the sacred councils and institution of ancient
fathers, have given to bishops, and other prelates, also to
patrons, and doctors of ecclesiastical benefices, every one
within his own precinct and dominion, also to cathedral
churches and others, to have their free elections, dispos-
ing all ecclesiastical benefices whatever, after their own
wills, as appeareth by the first general council of France,
by the first general council of Nice (cap.fi.), by the ge-
neral council of Antioch (cap. 9). And, likewise, beside
these ancient decrees, in more later years, by Louis IX. of
France, in his constitution, made and provided by full
parliament against the pope's exactions (A. D. 1228),
in these words : " All exactions and oppressive burdens
of money, which the court of Rome hath laid upon the
church of our kingdom (whereby our said kingdom hath
been, hitherto, miserably impoverished), or hereafter shall
impose or lay upon us, we utterly discharge and forbid to be
levied or collected hereafter for any manner of cause, un-
less there come some reasonable, godly, and most urgent
and inevitable necessity ; and that also, not to be done
without the express and voluntary commandment of us,
and of the church of the same our foresaid kingdom, &c."
Now, contrary to these express decrees of general coun-
cils and constitutions, this later church of Rome, dege-
nerating from all the steps of their elders, have taken upon
them, for their own advantage, to intermeddle in dispos-
ing churches, colleges, monasteries, with the collations,
exemptions, election, goods and lands to the same be-
longing, by reason whereof have come in these impropri-
ations, first-fruits, and reservations of benefices, to the
miserable despoiling of parishes, and great decay of
Christian faith, which things among the old Roman
elders were never known.
Likewise, advowsons and pluralities of benefices were
things then as much unknown, as now they are pernicious
to the church, taking away from the flock of Christ all
free election of ministers.
AU these inconveniences, as they first came and crept
in by the pretended authority abused in this later church
of Rome : so it cannot be denied, but the later church of
Rome has taken and attributed to itself much more than
either the limits of (Jod's word do give, or stand with the
example of the old Roman church, in these three things ;
whereof, as mention has before been made, so I will briefly
recapitulate the same.
The first is this, that whatever the scripture gives and
refers, either to the whole church universally, or to every
particular church severally, this church of Rome arrogates
', to itself, absolutely aoii only, both doing injury to other
AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS.
11
chnrclies, and also abusing the scriptures of God. For
although the scripture gives authority to bind and loose,
it limits it neither to person or place, that is, neither to
the city of Rome only, more than to other cities, nor to
the see of Peter more than to other apostles, but gives it
clearly to the church, so that wheresoever the true church
of Christ is, there is annexed power to bind and loose,
given and taken merely as from Christ, and not mediately
by the pope.
The second point wherein this present church of Rome
abuses jurisdiction, contrary to the scripture and steps of
the old Roman church, is this, it extends her authority
further and more amply, than either the warrant of the
word, or example of time will give. For although the
church of Rome has (as other particular churches have)
authority to bind and absolve, yet it has no such autho-
rity to absolve subjects from their oath, subjection, and
loyalty to their rulers and magistrates, to dispense with
perjury, to denounce remission where no earnest repent-
ance is seen before, to number remission by days and
years, to dispense with things expressly forbid;len in tlie
word, or to restrain that which the word makes free, to
burden consciences with constitutions of men, to excom-
municate for worldly matters, as for breaking of parks, for
not ringing of bells at the bishop's coming, for not bring-
ing litter for their horse, for not paying their fees and
rents, for withholding the church goods, for holding on
their prince's side in princely cases, for not going at the
pope's commandment, for not agreeing to the pope's
election in another prince's kingdom, with other such
things, more and more vain than these, &c. Again, al-
though the scripture gives leave and authority to the
bishop and church of Rome, to minister sacraments : yet
it gives no authority to make sacraments, much less to
wovuhip sacraments. And though their authority serves
to baptize men, yet it extends not to christen bells : nei-
ther have they authority by the word of God to add to
the word of God, or take from the same, to set up un-
written tenets under pain of damnation, to make other
articles of belief, to institute strange worship, otherwise
than he hath prescribed, who hath told us how he would
be worshipped, &c.
The third abuse of the pope's jurisdiction stands in
this, that as in spiritual jurisdiction they have vehemently
exceeded the bounds of scripture, so they have impu-
dently intermeddled themselves in temporal jurisdiction,
wherein they had nothing to do. Insomuch that they have
transferred their empire, they have deposed emperors,
kings, princes, rulers, and senators of Rome, and set up
others, or the same again at their pleasure ; they have
proclaimed wars, and have warred themselves. And where-
as emperors in ancient times, have dignified them with
titles, have enlarged them with donations, and have given
them confirmation, they, like ungrateful clients to such
benefactors, have afterwards stamped upon their necks,
have made them to hold their stirrups, some to hold the
bridle of their horse, and have caused them to seek their
confirmation at their hand ; moreover, they have extorted
into their own hands the power and jurisdiction of both
the swords (spiritual and temporal power), especially
since the time of Pope Gregory VII., surnamed Hilde-
brand ; which Hildebrand deposing the emperor Henry
IV., made him give attendance at his city gate. And
after him. Pope Boniface VIII. shewed himself to the
people, on the first day like a bishop, with his keys be-
fore him, and the next day in his imperial robes, and
having a naked sword carried before him, like an em-
peror (A. D. 1298.) And for so much as this inor-
dinate jurisdiction has not only been used by them, but,
also, to this day is maintained at Rome ; let us there-
fore now compare her to the old manner in times past,
meaning the primitive age of the church of the Romans.
Wherein the old bishops of Rome, as they were then
subject to their emperor, so were other bishops of other
nations in like manner subject every one to his own king
and prince, acknowledging them for their lords, and
were ordered by their authority, and obeyed their laws,
and that not only in civil causes, but also ecclesiastical.
Thus was Gregory I. (the Great), subject to Maurice,
and to Phocas, although a vricked emperor. So, also,
both pope and people of Rome took their laws of the
emperors, and submitted to them, not only in the time of
Honorius, an hundred years after Constantine the Great,
but also in the time of Marcian (A. D. 451), and to the
time of Justinian and of Charlemagne. In all which
period the imperial law did rule and bind in Rome, both
in the days of Justinian, and one hundred and fifty years
after ; whereby it may appear false, that the city of
Rome was given by Constantine to the bishop of Rome ;
for Pope Boniface I., writing to the emperor Honorius,
calls Rome the emperor's city ; and the emperor Lo-
thaire appointed magistrates and laws in Rome. More-
over, that both the bishop of Rome, and all other eccle-
siastical persons were in former times, and ought to be
subject to their emperors and lawful magistrates, in
causes as well spiritual as civil, by many evidences may
appear, taken out both of God's law, and man's law.
And first, by God's law, we have the example of godly
King David, who numbered all the priests and levites,
and disposed them into twenty-four orders or courses,
appointing them continually to serve in the ministry,
every one in his proper order and turn : which institu-
tion of the clergy also, good King Hezekiah afterwards
renewed, of whom it is written : " He did that which was
right in the sight of the Lord, according to all that Da-
vid his father did : he removed the high places, and
brake the images," &c. 2 Kings, xviii. 3, 4. The said He-
zekiah also reduced the priests and levites into their
orders as prescribed by David, to serve every one in his
office of ministration, 2 Chron. xxxi. 2. And this order
from David still continued till the time of Zacharias, at
the coming of Christ, who was of the course of Abia, which
was the eighth order of the priests appointed to serve
in the tabernacle, Luke i. 5. To pass over other lighter
offices, such as concerning the ordering of oblations in the
temple, and the repairing of the house of the Lord, we
find Solomon displacing Abiathar the high priest by his
kingly power, and placing Z;vdok in his stead, 1 Kings,
ii. 27. Also, his dedicating the temple of the Lord with
all the people, and blessing all the congregation of Israel,
1 Kings, viii. 55. Judas Maccabeus also elected priests,
such as, being without spot, had a zeal to the law of
the Lord, to purge the temple, which the idolatrous Gen-
tiles had before profaned, 1 Mac. iv. 42.
Also, King Alexander, writing to Jonathan, appointed
him chief priest, 1 Mac. x. 20. Demetrius ordained
Simon and Alchinus in the like office of priesthood.
Jehoshaphat likewise, set judges in the whole land ; so,
also, in Jerusalem he appointed levites and priests, and
the chief of the fathers of Israel, to have the hearing of
causes, and to minister judgment over the people,
2 Chron. xix. 8. By these and many others, is to be
seen, that kings and princes in the old time, had the
dealing in ecclesiastical matters, as in calling the people
to God's service, in cutting down groves, in destroying
images, in gathering tithes into the house of the Lord, in
dedicating the temple, in blessing the people, in casting
down the brazen serpent, in correcting and deposing
priests, in constituting the order and offices of priests, in
commanding such things as pertained to the service and
worship of God, and in punishing the contrary, &c. And
in the New Testament, what means the example of
Christ himself, both giving and teaching tribute to be
given to Caesar ? to Csesar, I say, and not to the high-
priest. "UTiat mean his words to Pilate, not denying
power to be given to him from above ?
And again, declaring the kings of nations to have do-
minion over them, and commanding his disciples not to
do so, giving us to understand the difference between the
regulation of his spiritual kingdom, and of the kingdoms
of this world, commanding all states to be subject under
the rulers and magistrates, in whose regulation is domi-
nion and subjection. Whereunto accords also the doc-
trine of St. Paul, where it is written : " Let every soul
be subject unto the higher powers," Rom.xiii. ; under
whose obedience, neither pope, cardinal, patriarch,
bishop, priest, friar nor monk, is excepted or exempted.
In like agreement with the holy apostle St. Paul, join*
also St. Peter : " Submit yourselves to every ordinance
of man, whether it be the king, as supreme, or onto
12
THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS,
governors," &c. 1 Pet. ii. 13. Let any man now judge,
whether the pope has not done open wrong to the em-
peror, in raising himself above the jurisdiction of his
lawful prince and magistrate.
And as it is proved by God's law, that all ecclesiastical
persons owe subjection to their lawful princes, in mat-
ters temporal as well as spiritual ; so no less may it
be inferred out of man's law, and the examples of the
oldest fathers. The popes' decrees and canons are full
of records, testifying how the ancient church of Rome,
not only received, but also required of the emperors,
laws and constitutions to be made, touching not only
such causes, but also such persons, as were ecclesiasti-
cal. Boniface I. bishop of Rome, sent an humble sup-
plication to the emperor, to provide some remedy against
the ambitious contentions of the clergy concerning the
bishoprick of Rome. Honorius, at his request, directed
and established a law, that none should be made bishop
of Rome through ambition, charging all ecclesiastical
ministers to cease from ambition ; appointing, moreover,
that if two were elected together, neither of them should
be taken, but the election to proceed to another, to be
chosen by a full consent of voices.
To this I add, also, the law and constitution of the
emperor Justinian, ratified and renewed afterwards in the
council of Paris, where all bishops and priests are ex-
pressly forbidden to excommunicate any man, before his
cause was known and proved to be such as the ancient
canons of the church would have him to be excommuni-
cated for. The same Justinian, moreover, in his laws
and constitutions did dispose and ordain in church mat-
ters, so as to have a determinate number of churchmen, or
clerks in churches (Const. 3). Also, concerning monaste-
riesandmonks (Const. 5). How bishops and priests should
be ordained (Const. 6). Concerningthe removing of eccle-
siastical persons from one church to another Also, that
the holy mysteries should not be done in private houses ;
so that whoever should attempt the contrary, should be
deprived (Const. 57). Moreover, concerning clerks
leaving their churches (Const. .58). Also, concerning the
order and manner of funerals (Const. 59). And that bi-
shops should not keep away from their flock (Const. (.'7).
And (Const. 123)., agreeable to the doctrine of St.
Paul, he commands all bishops and priests to sound out
their service, and to celebrate the mysteries, not in a
secret manner, but with a loud voice, so that every tiling
which was said and done, might not only be heard, but
also be understood of the faithful people, whereby it is to
be gathered, that divine prayers and service was then in
the vulgar tongue.
And as Justinian, and other emperors in those days,
had the jurisdiction and government over spiritual mat-
ters and persons, so, also, the like examples may be
brought of other kings in other countries, who had no
less authority in their kingdoms, than the emperors had
in their empire. As in France, Clovis summoned a coun-
cil of thirty-three bishops, at which thirty-three canons
were instituted concerning the government of the church.
Charlemagne called five synods, one at Mentz, the se-
cond at Rome, the third at Rhemes, the fourth at Cabi-
lone, the fifth at Arelate, where sundry ordinances were
given to the clergy, about eight hundred and ten years
after Christ. He also decreed, that only the canonical
books of scripture, and none other, should be read in the
church ; which before had also been decreed (A. D.417),
in the tliird general council of Carthage.
Moreover, he instructs and informs the bishops and
priests in the office of preaching, desiring them not to
suffer any to preach to the people any new doctrine
of their own invention, not agreeing with the word
of God ; and that they themselves will both preach such
things as lead to eternal life, and also set others to do the
same.
Also, the said kings and emperors forbade that any
freeman or citizen should enter into the monastic life,
without a license of the government having been obtain-
ed; for which they gave two reasons : first, that many
not for mere devotion, but for idleness, and avoiding the
king's wars, gave themselves to religion : for that many
were craftily circumvented and deluded by subtle covet-
ous persons, who sought to get from them what property
they had. They also forbade that any young children or
boys should be shaven, or enter into any profession with-
out the will of their parents ; and that no young maiden
should take the veil or profession of a nun, before she
came to sufficient years of discretion, so as to discern
and choose what she should follow.
Moreover, Louis the Pious, before mentioned, with his
son Lothaire, among other ecclesiastical sanctions, or-
dained a godly law, for laymen to communicate the sacra-
ment of the body and blood of the Lord ; and they also
enacted that no goods of the church should be alienated.
Louis II., the son of Lothaire, who succeeded as em-
peror and king of France, about the year 848, caused
Pope Leo IV. to be brought before him, on a charge of
treason. The pope pleaded his cause at the bar, before
the emperor, and was acquitted and released. Which
declares that popes and bishops all that time were in sub-
jection to their kings and emperors.
Moreover, Louis IX. (A. D. 1228) made a law against
the pestiferous simony in the church ; also for the main-
tenance of the liberty of the church of France, and
established a law or decree, against the new inventions,
reservations, preventions, and exactions of the court of
Rome. Philip IV. (A. D. 1303) also set forth a law,
wherein was forbidden any exaction of new tithes and
first fruits, and other unaccustomed collections to be put
upon the church of France. Charles V. (A. D. 1369)
by a law commanded that no bishops or prelates, or their
officials within his kingdom of France, should execute any
censure of suspense, or excommunication, at the pope's
commandment, over or uj)on the cities or towns, corpora-
tions, or commons of his realm. Charles VI. (A. D
1388) provided by a law, that the fruits and rents of
benefices, with other pensions, and bishops' goods that
departed, should no more be exported by the cardinals
and other officials and collectors of the pope unto Rome,
but should be brought to the king, and so restored to
them to whom they did rightly appertain.
The like may also be proved by the examples of our
kings in England, as OfFa, Egbert, Ethelwolf, Alfred,
Edgar, Canute, Edward the Confessor, William the
Conqueror, William Rufus, Henry I., Henry II., till the
time of king John and after. Whose dealing as well in
ecclesiastical cases as temporal, is sufficient to prove what
injury the popes in these latter days have done unto the
emperors, their lawful governors and magistrates ; in
usurping such power and jurisdiction over them, to whom
properly they owe subjection, contrary to the steps and
example of their ancestors, the old Roman bishops ;
although it is not to be denied, but that ecclesiastical
ministers have their power also committed unto them,
after their sort, in the Lord : yet it becomes every man
to know his own place and standing, and to keep wherein
his own precinct doth confine him, and not rashly to
break out into other men's walks. As it is not lawful
for a civil magistrate to intermeddle with a bishop's or a
preacher's function : so it was unseemingly and un-
orderly that Boniface VIII. should have had carried
before him the temporal mace and naked sword of the
emperor ; or that any pope should bear a triple crown,
or take upon him like a lord and king. WTierefore let
every man consider the compass and limitation of hia
charge, and exceed no farther.
The third point wherein the church of Rome has
departed, is in the style and title annexed to the bishop of
that see. As where he is called pope, most holy father,
vicar general, and vicar of Christ, successor of Peter,
universal bishop, prince of priests, head of the church
universal, head bishop of the world, the admiration of the
world, neither God nor man, but a thing between both,
&c., for all these terms are given to him in popish books.
Although the name pope being a Greek name, which is as
much as father, may seem more tolerable, as having been
used in the old time among oishops ; for so Austin was
called of the council of Africa, Jerome, Boniface and
others ; also Cyprian, bishop of Carthage. But that
this or any of these terms were so peculiarly applied to
the bishop of Rome, that other bishops were excluded
from the same, or that any one bishop above the rest had
AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS.
13
the name of Oecumenical, or universal, or head, to the
derogation of other bishops, is to be found neither in his-
tories of the old time, nor in any example of the primitive
church. Before the council of Nice, it is evident that
there was no respect paid to the church of Rome, hut
every church then was ruled by lier own government, till
the year ;525. Then followed the council of Nice, where
it was decreed, that throughout the whole church, which
was now far spread over all the world, certain provinces
or precincts, to the number of four, should be appointed,
every one to have its head church, and chief bishop, who
were called metropolitan or patriarch, and had the over-
sight of such churches as did lie about him. Among
•which patriarchs or metropolitans, the bi.-liop of Rome
had the first place, the bishop of Alexandria the second,
the bishop of Antioch the third, and the bishop of Jeru-
salem was the fourth patriarch. Afterward, in the num-
ber of these patriarchs came in also the bishop of Con-
stantinople in the room of the bishop of Antioch. So
that these four or five metropolitans or patriarchs, had
their peculiar circuits and precincts especially appointed,
in such sort, as one of them sliould not deal within
another's precinct, and also that there should be among
them an equality of honour. Again, speaking of the
said patriarchs or primates, we read in the second and
third chapter of the council of Constantinople, tliat
bishops should not invade the diocese of other bishops
beyond their borders, nor confound together churches,
&c. Moreover, the old doctors for the most and best
part, do accord in one sentence, that all bishops placed
wheresoever in the church of God, are of one merit, of
like honour, and all equally successors together of the
apostles. Also, he that is the author of the book called
Dionysius Areopagita, calleth all tlie bishops of equal
order, and of like honour, &c. All this while the bishop
of Rome was a patriarch, and a metropolitan or bishop of
the first see, but no oecumenical bishop, nor head of tlie
nniversal church, nor any such matter. Insomuch, that
he, with all other bishops, was debarred from that, by a
plain decree of the council of Carthage (Can. '.VJ). "That
the bishop of the first seat shall not be called tlie prince
of priests, or the high priest, or any such thing."
And lest any here should take occasion of cavilling, to
hear him called bishop of the first seat, here is to be
expounded what is meant by the first seat, and why he
was so called : not for any dignity of the person, either
of him which succeeds, or of him whom he is said to
succeed, but only of the place wherein he sits. This is
plainly proved by the council of Chalcedon, cap. 28.
Wherein is manifestly declared the cause why the see of
Rome among all other patriarchal sees is numbered for
the first see by the ancient fathers : for, saith the council,
our forefathers did worthily attribute the chief degree of
honour to the see of old Rome, because the principal
reign or empire was in that city, &c. The same also is
confirmed by Eusebius, declaring, that the excellency of
the Roman empire did advance the popedom of the
Roman bishop above other churches. &c. He says too,
that the coimcil of Nice gave this privilege to the bishop
of Rome, that like as the king of the Romans is named
emperor above all other kings, so the bishop of the same
city of Rome should be called pope above other bishops,
&c. By these places (and many more), it appears, that
though these titles of superiority had been attributed to
the bishop of Rome, yet it remains certain, that the said
bishop received that preferment by man's law, and not by
the law of God.
As touching therefore these titles of pre-eminence, we
shall set forth and declare what history doth say in this
matter. First, we shall see what titles the bishop of
Rome takes and challenges to himself, and what is the
meaning of them. 2. When they first came in, whether
in the primitive time or not, and by whom. 3. How
tliey were first given to the Roman bishops ; that is,
whether of necessaiy duty, or voluntary devotion ; and
whether in respect of Peter, or in respect of the city, or
else of the worthiness of the bishop which sat there.
4. And if the aforesaid names were then given by certain
bishops, unto the bishop of Rome : whether all the said
names were really given. 5. Or whether they were then
received by all bishops of Rome, to whom they were
given, or whether they were refused by some. (i. And
finally, whether they ought to have been refused when
given, or not.
And first to begin with the names and titles now
claimed by and attnl)uted to the bishop of Rome, that is,
the Chief Priest of the World, the Prince of the Church,
Bishop Apostolical, the universal Head of the Church,
the Head and Bishop of the Universal Church, the Suc-
cessor of Peter, most holy Pope, Vicar of God on Earth,
neither God nor man, but a mixed thing between both ;
tlie Patriarch or Metropolitan of the Church of Rome,
the Bishop of the first See, &c. Unto which titles or
stj'les is annexed a triple crown, a triple cross, two
cross keys, a naked sword, seven-fold seals, in token of
the seven-fold gifts of the Holy Ghost, having the
plenary fulness of power, as well of temporal as spiritual
things in his hands : that all things are his, and that
all such princes as have given him any thing, have given
him but his own, having at his will and pleasure to preach
indulgences, and the cross against princes : and that the
emperor and certain other princes, ought to make to him
confession of suljject on at their coronation ; having
authority to depose, and that he has deposed emperors
and the king of France : also to absolve the subjects
from their allegiance to their princes : whom kings have
served for foot-men to lead his horse, and the emperor to
hold his stirrup ; that he may and does give power to
bishops upon the bodies of men, and has granted them
to have prisons ; without whose authority no general
council has any force ; and to whom appeals in all
manner of causes may and ought to be made. That his
decrees are equal with the decrees of the Nicene council,
and are to be observed and taken in no less force than if
they had been confirmed with the heavenly voice of St.
Peter himself. That the bishop of Rome may dispense
above the law, and of injustice make justice, in correcting
and changing laws, for he has the fulness of power.
And if the pope do lead with him innumerable souls by
flocks into hell, yet no man must presume to rebuke his
faults in this world. And, that it stands upon necessity
of salvation to believe in the primacy of the see of Rome,
and to be subject to the same, &c.
Now let us see whether these names and titles were
ever attributed to any in the primitive time of the
bishop of Rome. If our adversaries, being convicted by
plain evidence of history, and example of time, will
yield unto us (as they needs must) in part, and not in the
whole ; let us come then to the particulars, and see what
part they will defend, and derive from the ancient
custom of the primitive church, (that is, from the first
six hundred years, after Christ). First in the Council
of Nice, which was in the year 325, and in the sixth
canon of the said council, we find it so decreed : that in
every province or precinct some one church, and bishop
was appointed to have the inspection and government of
other churches about him, after the ancient custom, as
the words of the council do purport : so that the bishop
of Alexandria should have power of Libya and Pen-
tapolis in Egypt, inasmuch as the bishop of the city of
Rome has the like in the same manner. And so as also
in Antioch and in other countries, let every' church have
its due honour, and consequently that the bishop of Jeru-
salem have his due honour, so that such order be kept,
that the metropolitan cities be not defrauded of their
dignity which to them is due and proper. In this
council, and in the same sixth and seventh canons, the
bishops of Alexandria, of Rome, and of Antioch are
joined together in like manner of dignity, and there
appears no difference of honour to be therein meant ;
also there immediately follows, that no bishop should be
made without consent of their metropolitans, yea and
that the city also of Jerusalem should be under ita
metropolitan, and that the metropoUtan should have the
full power to confirm every bishop made in his province,
After this followed the sixth council of Carthage
(A. D. 420,) at which were assembled two hundred and
seventeen bishops, among whom were Augustine, Pros-
per, Orosius, and divers other famous persons. This
council continued for the space of five years, at which
14
THE DIFFERENCE BE-HVEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS.
there was great contention about the supremacy and
jurisdiction of Rome. Zosimus, the Roman bishop, had
received into the communion of the churcli without any
examination, one that came to complain to liim from
Africa, named Apiarius, a priest whom the metropolitan
with the council of Africa had worthily excommunicated.
Upon this, Zosimus, after having received and shewed
favour to Apiarius, who had appealed to him, sends to
the council his messengers, with these requests : that
Apiarius, whom he had absolved might be received of
them again, and that it might be lawful for bishops or
priests to appeal from the sentence of their metropoli-
tans, and also of the council, to the see of Rome ; that
if any priest or deacon were wrongfully excommunicated
by the bishops of their own province, it should be lawful
for them to remove the hearing and judging of their
cause to their neighbouring bishops ; and that Urban
their bishop, should either be excommunicated, or sent
to Rome, unless he would correct those things that were
to be corrected, &c. For the proof whereof, Zosimus
alleged the words (as he pretended) of the Nicene council.
The council of Carthage hearing this, and remembering
no such thing in the council of Nice, and yet not sus-
pecting the bishop of Rome, to dare wrongfully to falsify
the words of that council, writes to Zosimus, declaring
that they never read, in their common Latin copy of
the Nicene council, any such canon, yet for quietness
sake, they would observe the same until they might
procure the original copies of that council to be sent to
them from Constantinople, Alexandria, and from Antioch.
In like effect afterward they wrote to Pope Boniface I.,
who succeeded Zosimus. And thirdly, also to Celestine,
who shortly after succeeded Boniface.
In the meantime, this council sent to Atticus, patriarch
of Constantinople, and to Cyril, patriarcli of Alexandria,
for the authentic copies in Greek of the Nicene council,
which being sent unto them, and they finding in the true
originals no such canon, as the bishop of Rome had
falsely forged, they wrote a sharp letter to Celestine,
bishop of Rome, in which they styling him " brother
bishop," they declare to him, that they had perused all
the copies of the council of Nice, and could find no such
canon as he and his predecessors had falsely alleged, and
reciting the sixth canon, declared that the decrees of the
Nicene council had committed all and singular persons
ecclesiastical, as well bishops as others, unto the charge
of their metropolitans.
Wherefore they declared that it was not convenient
to bring their matters over to Rome ; neither was
it to be found in the decrees of any council that any
legates should be sent from Rome to them, to decide in
their matters. And they therefore exhorted the bishop
of Rome, not to introduce the swelling pride of the
world into the church of Christ, which church sheweth
and giveth the light of simplicity and of humility to such
as love God, &c. In these letters, moreover, it is signi-
fied tliat Apiarius, whom the bishop of Rome had ab-
solved and received to the communion of the church,
was afterwards found culpable, and therefore the council
proceeded against him, brought him to open confession
of his faults, and so enjoined him due penance for his
demerits, notwithstanding the absolution and inconside-
rate clearing of the bishop of Rome before proceeding.
In short, out of this council of Carthage these points
are to be gathered. First, that the bishops of Rome
were glad to receive such as came to them for succour.
2. That their pride was increased thereby, thinking
and seeking to have all under their subjection.
3. To the intent to allure others to seek them from
their being ready to release and acquit this A])iarius as
guiltless, although he was afterwards found culpable by
his own confession.
4. How that contrary to the acts and doings of the
Romish bishop, this council condemned him, whom the
bishop of Rome had absolved, little respecting the pro-
ceedings of the Romish church.
5. How the bishops of old time have been falsifiers of
ancient councils and writings, whereby it may be sus-
jiected, that they who were not ashamed to falsify and
corrupt the council of Nice, would not st'ck to abuse and
falsify the decretal epistles and writings of particular
bishops and doctors for their own advantage, as they
have often done.
(i. In this council, whereat Augustine was present, and
where the ])resideut Aurelius was called Papa, the bishop
of Rome was culled expressly in their letters merely
bishop of the city of Rome.
7. The dominion of this Roman patriarch, in this
council of Carthage, was cut so short, that it was neither
permitted to them of Africa to appeal over the sea to
him, nor for him to send over his legates to them for
ending their controversies. By which it may sufficiently
appear, that the bishop of Rome in those days was not
at all admitted to be the chief of all other bishops, nor
the head of the universal church of Christ on earth, &c.
8. We hear in this council, causes or reasons given,
why it is not necessary, nor yet convenient for all foreign
causes to be brought to one universal head or judge.
9. Lastly, by the said council of Carthage, we hear a
virtuous exhortation given to the bishop of Rome, that
lie would not induce the meek and humble church of
Christ to fume and swell with the pride of the world, as
has been described. In this, or in some other council of
Carthage, it was moreover provided by express law, and
also specified in the pope's decrees, that no bishop of the
first seat should be called the prince of priests, or the
chief priest, or any such like thing.
Not long before this council, there was celebrated in
Africa another council, at which also Augustine was
present, where it was decreed under pain of excommuni-
cation, that no minister or bishop should appeal over the
sea to the bishop of Rome. Whereby it may appear that
the bishop of Rome at this time was not universally
called by the term of oecumenical or universal bishop,
but bishop of the first seat ; so that if there were any
preferment therein, it was in the reverence of the place,
and not in the authority of the person.
These titles then, as Bishop, Metropolitan, the Bishop
of the first See, Primate, Patriarch, Archbishop ; that is
to say, chief bishop, or head bishop to other bishops of
his province, we deny not that they were in the old time
applied, and might be applied to the bishop of Rome, like
as the same were also applied to other patriarchs in other
chief cities and provinces.
As touching the name likewise of the high priest, or
high priesthood, neither do I deny that it has been
found in old monuments and records of ancient times :
but in such wise and sort as it has been common to
bishops indifferently, and not singularly attributed to
any one bishop or see.
And thus much as touching the name or title of high
priest, or supreme bishop. Which title as I do not deny it
to have been used in the manner and form aforesaid ; so do
I deny this title, as it is now used in Rome, to have been
used, or usually received during all the primitive time of
the church, that is, six hundred years after Christ ; after
the manner of that authority and glory, which in these
days is used and is given to the same ; until the time of
Phocas, the wicked emperor, which was after the year
608. Which title as it is too glorious for any one bishop
in the church of Christ to use : so is it not to be found
in any of the approved and most ancient writers of the
church ; namely these, Cyprian, Basil, Fulgentius,
Chrysostom, Jerome, Ambrose, Augustine, Tertullian :
but rather written against by the same. And therefore
not without cause it is written and testified of Erasmus,
who speaking of the said name, denies plainly the same
to be heard of among the old writers.
The same is also to be affirmed of other presumptuous
titles of like ambition, as the Head of the Universal
Church, the Yicar of Christ in earth. Prince of Priests,
with such like : which all be new found terms, strange
to the ears of the old primitive writers and councils, and
not received openly and commonly before the time of
Boniface III., and the Emperor Phocas.
Now remains the name of the pope, which being a
word which signifies as much as father, was then used,
not as proper only to the bishop of Rome, but common
to all other bishops or personages of worthy excellency.
But now this name is so restrained and abused, that not
AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS.
15
only is it appropriated to the bishop of Rome, but also
distinguishes the authority and pre-eminence of that
bishop alone from all other bishops, for which cause it is
now worthily come into contempt and execration.
Although it cannot be denied, but some in the primitive
time began privately to pretend to that proud and wicked
title of universal bishop, as Menna, and especially John
patriarch of Constantinople, who calling a council at
Constantinople, went about to dignify his throne by the
consent of the council, and the emperor of Constanti-
nople, and obtained the same ; as appears in the fifth
general council of Constantinople, act the first, where
Doth Menna and also John in the said council are titled
" Universal Patriarchs." Concerning which title, al-
though it was then used in Coustantinoi)le through the
sufferance of the emperors, being then willing to have
their imperial city advanced ; yet this title was not in the
city of Rome. And in Constantinople it stood in force
only by man's law. Neither the bishop of Rome, nor
any of the Western churches did acknowledge, but
rather did oppose the same : namely, Pelagius II., and
Gregory I., both bishops at that time of Rome. Pelagius
writing to aU bishops says plainly in these words, " that
no patriarch should take the name of universality at any
time, because that if any be called universal, the name
of patriarch is derogatory from all other. But let this
be far from all faithful men, to will to take that thing to
him, whereby the honour of his brethren is diminished.
Wherefore the said Pelagius charges all such bishops,
that none of them in their letters will name any patriarch
to be universal." What can be more evident than these
words of Pelagius, who was bishop of Rome next before
Gregory? (A.D. 583). In hke manner or more plainly,
and more earnestly writes also Gregory, proving that no
man ought to be called universal bisliop. With sharp
words and rebukes, detesting the same title, calling it
new, foolish, proud, perverse, wicked, profane, and
that to consent unto it, is as much as to deny the faith.
He added further and saith, that whoever goes about to
extol himself above other bishops, in so doing followeth
the act of Satan, to whom it was not sufficient to be
counted equal or like unto other angels. In his epistles
how oft does he repeat and declare the same to be directly
against the gospel, and ancient decrees of councils ;
affirming that none of his predecessors did ever usurp
to himself that style or title, and concludes that whoever
doth so, declares himself to be a forerunner of anti-
christ, &c.
But Gregory, confirming the sentence of Pelagius, had
no small conflicts about this title, both with the patri-
arch, and with the emperor of Constantinople. The
history is thus ; after John had been made a patriarch
of Constantinople, by liis flattery and hypocrisy, and had
obtained of tlie emperor to be extolled above other
bishops, with the name of universal patriarch, and that
he would write to Gregory then bishop of Rome, for his
consent concerning the same, Gregory abiding still in
his constancy, did set himself stoutly against the anti-
christian title, and would give it no place. • Gregory
perceiving the Emperor Maurice to be displeased with
him about the matter, writes to Constantina, the empress,
arguing and declaring in his letters, that the presumption
and pride of him to be universal patriarch, was both
against the rule of the gospel and decrees of the canons ;
namely, the sixth canon of the Nicene council, and the
novelty of that new found title to declare nothing else,
out that the time of antichrist was near. Upon this
Maurice, the emperor, taking displeasure with him, calls
home his soldiers from Italy, and incites the Lombards
against the Romans, who, with their king, set upon the
city of Rome, and besieged it for a whole year, Gregory,
notwithstanding, still remaining in his former constancy.
After these afflictions, Eulogius, patriarch of Alexandria,
writes to Gregory, and in his letters names him universal
pope : which Gregory refuses, and answers as follows :
" Behold : in the preface of your epistle directed to
me, ye have used a word of a proud name, calling me
universal pope, which I pray your hoUness you wUl cease
hereafter to do, for that is derogated from you, what-
Boever is attributed to another more than right ana rea-
son requireth. As for me I seek not mine advancement
in words, but in manners : neither do I account that any
honour wherein the honour of my brethren I see to be
hindered : for my honour I take to be the honour of the
universal church : my honour is the whole and perfect
vigour of my brethren. Then am I honoured when to
no man is denied the due honour which to him belongeth.
For if your holiness call me universal pope, in so doing
you deny yourself to be that, which ye affirm me to be,
universal : but that God forbid. Let these words there-
fore go, which do nothing but puff up vanity, and wound
charity, &c."
It were too long to insert here all such letters of his
concerning this matter, but these shall appear more
largely hereafter in the body of the history, when we
come to the year and time of Gregory, which was well
nigh six hundred years after Christ. In the mean time
this is sufficient to declare, how the church of Rome with
the form and manner of their title of universal supre-
macy now used and maintained, has utterly swerved from
the ancient steps of the primitive church of Rome.
Now let us see what the adversary has to object again
for the title of their universality, or rather singularity.
One objection of our adversaries is this ; although (say
they) no bishop of Rome was ever called, or would be
called by the name of universal bishop, yet it follows
not, therefore, that they are not, or ought not to be heads
of the universal church. Their reason is this :
As St. Peter had the charge of the whole church com-
mitted unto him, although he were not called universal
apostle :
So no more absurd it is for the pope to be called the
head of the whole church, and to have the charge there-
of, although he be not called universal bishop, &c.
Wherein is a double untruth to be noted : first, in that
they pretend Peter to be the head, and to have the charge
of the whole church : if we take here (charge or head)
for dominion or mastership upon or above the church in
all cases judiciary, both spiritual and temporal : for the
words of the Scripture are plain, " Not as being lords
over God's heritage, but being ensamples to the flock,"
1 Pet. v. 3 ; and " But ye shall not be so, but he that is
greatest among you let him be as the younger, and he
that is chief as he that doth serve," Luke xxii. 26.
Again, that the church is greater, or rather the head of
Peter, it is clear, 1 Cor. iii. 22, " AU things are yours,
whether it be Paul, or Apollos, or Cephas, or the world,
or death, or life, and you are Christ's, and Christ is
God's," &c. In which words the dignity of the church
no doubt is preferred above the apostles, and above
Cephas also. Moreover, as the dignity of the wife is
above the servant, so must needs the honour and worthi-
ness of the church (being the spouse of Christ) sur-
mount the state of Peter or other apostles, which be but
servants to Christ and to the church. The same Lord
that said to Peter, " Feed my sheep," said also to the
other, " Go and preach this gospel to all nations."
And he that said to Peter, " Whatsoever thou loosest,"
said also to the other, " ^^^latsoever ye remit in the
earth." Moreover, if the matter go by preaching, Paul
the apostle laboured more therein than ever did Peter
by his own confession, 1 Cor. xv. 10 ; also suffered more
for the same, 2 Cor. xi. 23 ; neither was his doctrine
less sound. Yea, and in one point he went before Peter,
and was teacher and schoolmaster unto Peter, whereas
Peter was by him justly corrected. Gal. ii. 11. Further-
more, teaching is not always nor in all things a point of
mastership, but sometimes a point of service. As if a
Frenchman should be put to an EngUshman to teach
him French, although he excels him in that kind of
knowledge ; yet it foUows not, therefore, that he has ful-
ness of power upon him, to appoint his diet, to rule his
household, to prescribe his laws, to stint his lands, and
such other. Wherefore seeing in travel of teaching, in
pains of preaching, in gifts of tongues, in largeness of
commission, in operation of miracles, in grace of voca-
tion, in receiving the Holy Ghost, in vehemency of tor-
ments, and death for Christ's name, the other apostles
were nothing inferior to Peter : why Peter then should
claim any special prerogative above the rest, I under-
16
THE DIFFERENCE BETM^EEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS,
fitand no cause. As, indeed, he never claimed any : but
the patrons of the apostolical see do claim that for him,
which he never claimed himself: neither if he were here,
would he less abhor it with soul and conscience than we
do now: and yet our abhorrin*; now is not for any malice
of person, or any vantage to ourselves, but only the ve-
hemency of truth, and zeal to Christ and to his Church.
Moreover, if these men would needs have Peter to be
the curate and overseer of the whole universal church
(which was too much for one man to take charge of)
and to be prince of all other apostles, then would I fain
learn of them, what means the right hand of fellowship
between Peter, Paul, and Biirnabas, mentioned Gal. ii. !».
What taking of hands is there between subjects and
their prince, in way of fellowship ? Or where fellowship
is, what mastership is there? Or, again, what state of
mastership is it like that Christ would give to Peter,
who being indeed master of all, took such little master-
ship upon himself, and that not only in inward affection,
but also in outward act ? Although I am not ignorant
that Peter in divers places of the gospel has his commenda-
tion, neitlier do I deny Peter to be worthy of the same.
But yet these words of commendation give to him no
state of superiority, or jurisdiction over all others, to
have all under his subjection.
Thev produce another argument, proving, that the
bishop of Rome was entitled the head of Christ's chuixh,
in the primitive time.
St. Peter, they argue, was called by the ancient
fathers, head of Christ's church ; — And as St. Peter was
bishop of Home : — Therefore, the bishop of Rome was
called head of the church in the old ancient time.
How c:m they prove that St. Peter, although he were
at Rome, and taught at Rome, and suffered at Rome,
yet was bishop and jjrojier ordinary of that city of
Rome ? As to the places of the fathers, to prove this,
I answer concerning Orosius, Tertullian, Cyprian,
Jerome, and Augustine, that where they speak of St.
Peter's c'.iair, or planting the faith at Rome, straight-
w'.y the papist argues thereupon, that Peter was bishop
of Rome. But that does not clearly follow. For the
of5cc of the ai>ostles was to plant the faith in all places,
and in every re^^ion, yet were they not bishops in every
region. And as for the chair, as it is no difference es-
sential that uiaketh a bishop (for so much as a doctor
may hive a chair, and yet be no bishop) so they cannot
conclude by the chair of Peter, that St. Peter was
bishop of Rome. All this proves no more, but that
Peter was at Home, and there taught the faith of Christ,
as Paul did also, and peradventure in a chair likewise :
yet we say not that Paul was therefore bishop of Rome,
but that he was there as an apostle of Christ, whether
he taught there standing on his feet, or sitting in a chair.
In the Scripture commonly the chair signifies doctrine
or judgment, as sitting also declares such as teach or
( 1 ) Barrow, of whose celebrated " Treatise of the Pope's Supre-
macy," Archbishop TiUotson saiii, "He hatli exhausted the subject
«M<1 iiatli said enough to silence this controversy for ever," has
thus expressed himself on this point.
" The discourses of those men, liave evinced that it is hard to
assign the time wlicn Peter was at Home, and that he could never
long abide tliere. For,
" The time which old tradition assi(nieth of his going to Rome,
U rejected liy divers learned men, even of the Roman party.
" He was often in other places, sometimes at Jerusalem, some-
times at Antiocli, sometimes at Babylon, sometimes at Corinth,
sometimes, probably at each of those places unto which he di-
rocteth his catholic epistles. Among which, Lpiphanius saith,
that Peter did often visit I'ontus and Bithynia.
" And that he seldom was at Rome, may well be collected from
St. Paul's writings, for he, writing at different times, one epistle
to Rome and divers epistles from Rome, as that to the Galatians —
that to the ICphesians — that to the Philippians— and that to the
Colossians and the Second to Timothy, doth never mention him
sending any salutation to him or from iimi.
" Particularly St. Peter was not there when St. Paul mention-
ing Tichicus, Onesimus, Aristarchus, Jlarcus and Justus, addeth,
' These alone my fellow-workers unto the kingdom of God, have
been a comfort unto me,' Col. iv. 11.
" He was not tliere when St. Paul said, ' At my first defence no
man stood with me, but a^^ men forsook mo,* 2 Tim. iv. 10.
" He was not there immediately before St. Paul's death, ' When
the time of his departure was at hand,' when he telleth Timothy
that ' All the brethren did salute him,' and naniiug divers of
them omitteth Peter. 2 Tim. iv. 21.
judge, whether they sit in the chair of Moses, or in the
chair of pestilence. Planting Hkewise is a word aposto-
lical, and signifies not the office of a bishop only.,
Wlierefore it is no good argument to say that he sate,
he taught, he planted at Rome, his chair and seat was at
Rome, and that, therefore, he was bishop of Rome.
As for Abdias, Ado, Optatus, and others, I answer
witli this distinction of a bishop, which is to be taken
either generally or specially. And first, generally, a
bishop is he to whomsoever the public cure and charge
of souls is committed, without any limitation of place.
And so the name of bishop is coincident with the office
of apostle, or any public pastor, doctor, or curate, of
the universal flock of Christ. And thus may Paul,
Peter, or any other of the apostles be called bisliops.
So also is Christ himself by express word called bishop
and pastor, 1 Peter ii. 2.5. And thus may Peter well be
named a bishop. But this public and general cliarge
universally over the whole, without limitation, ceased
after Christ and the apostles. For then were bishops
appointed by places and provinces, to have special over-
sight of some particular flock or province, and so to be
resident and attendant only upon the same.
The other view of this name bishop, is to be taken after
a more special sort, which is, when a person is assigned
specially to some one certain place, city, or province,
wliere he is bound to employ his office and charge, and
no where else, according to the old canons of the
apostles, and of the council of Nice. And this bishop
differing from the other, bears the name of his city or
diocese. And thus we deny that Peter the apostle was
ever bishop elected, installed, or intituled to the city
of Rome. And if Ado say that Peter was bishop of Rome
five and twenty years, until the last year of Nero, that is
easily refuted both by the scriptures and histories : for
so we understand by the declaration of St. Paul, Gal. ii. 1.
that fourteen years after his conversion, St. Paul had
Peter by the hand at Jerusalem.
Moreover, Paul witnesses that the charge apostolical
was committed to Peter over the circumcised, Gal. ii. 7,
Also, St. Paul writing to the Romans, in his salutations
to them in Rome, makes no mention of St. Peter, who,
doubtless, should not have been forgotten, if he had then
been in Rome.' Again, St. Peter dating his epistle from
Babylon, was not then at Rome.^
Furthermore, histories record that Peter was at
Pontus five years, then at Antioch seven years. How
could he then be five-and-twenty years at Rome ?
Finally, where our adversary says, that St. Peter was
there five-and-twenty years, until the last year of Nero ;
how can that stand, when St. Paul suffering under Nero
was put to death the same day twelve month, that is,
a whole year after Peter ? But especially, how agrees
this with Scripture, that Christ should make Peter an
apostle universal to walk in all the world ? " Go ye into
" Which things l)eing considered, it is not probable St. Peter
would assumi' the Episcopal Chair at Home, he being little capable
to reside there, and for that other needful affairs would have
forced him to leave so great a church destitute of their pastor.
" Had he done so, he must have given a bad example of non-
residence, a practice that would have been very ill relished in the
primitive church."
(2) It was during the life of our Author, John Fox, that the
Rhemish Testament was published, and though he little thought
that the Papists would identify Babylon with Rome, yet his
" Acts and Monuments " wire scarcely before the world, when
the Khemish Annotators — finding no evidence in the Scriptures to
prove that Peter was ever at Ronie — did actually fasten upon the
dating of his fir.-:t epistle from Babylon, and explain it as a mystir
name for Rome I
Cartwright — who was a contemporary of Fox, and wroie hit
" Confutation of the Rhemists," &:c. during the lifetime of our
Martyrologist, thus writes :
" That i'etcr sat not at Rome is confirmed in that Peter writeth
from Babylon, which to be Babylon in Chaldcii, and not in Italy,
this is an evident reason, for that this Babylon was a place o(
principal abode of the Jews, towards whom Peter's charge spe-
cially lay. Gal. ii. 7. Whereas at this time, the Jews were not
suffered to make their abode in Rome, Acts, xviii. 2. Where-
unto may be added that, writing to the dispersed Jews, and
making rehearsal of divers countries wherein they were, he leaveth
out Chaldea, which, considering the great numbers that remained
there, still after the return into Judea out of Captivity, he would
never have done, unless Chaldea were the place from whence ue
wrote his epistles.-' — Cartwright in loc. [£s.]
AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OP ROME THAT THEN WAS.
17
all the world," Mark xvi. 15. ; and " ye shall be wit-
nesses unto the uttermost part of the earth," Acts i. 8.
And our papists would needs make him a sitting bishop,
and locate him at Rome. How accord tliese — apostle
and bishop — to go and to sit — to all natiom and at Rome
— together ?
Now, the second untruth in the argument is, that be-
cause Peter was the head of the church, therefore the
pope must also be the head of the church, although he
was not called universal bishop for along time. But this
we deny, yea, the matter denies itself by their own posi-
tion ; for the title of universal bishop was not received
at Rome, but refused to the time of Gregory ; then it
must necessarily be granted that the bishops of Rome,
before Gregory, had not the charge of the whole church,
neither could be admitted, by that reason, to be heads
of the church. For, as there can be no head but that which
is universal to the whole body, so none can have charge of
the whole, but he must needs be universal to all parts of
that whereof he has the charge. Wherefore, if a bishop
be he who has the charge of all souls in his diocese,
then he whose charge extends to all churches, and who
must render account for every christian soul within the
whole world, to him cannot be denied the name of a
universal bishop, having the office of a universal bishop.
Orif hebe not a universal bishop, he cannot then have the
charge of the whole, that is, of all the churches of Christ.
This word, universal, in the Greek writers, signifies that
which we in our English tongue call catholic ; yet I sup-
pose our adversaries here will not take universal in that
sense. For after that meaning, as we do not deny that
the bishops of Rome may be universal bishops, so
neither can they deny but other bishops may also be as
universal, that is, as catholic as they. But such as more
distinctly discuss this matter, define universal or ca-
tholic by three things, to wit, by time, place, and person.
So that whatever extends itself to all times, aU places,
and aU persons, that is properly universal or catholic.
And contrariwise, what is to be called universal or ca-
tnolic, reaches to all those three, comprehending all
places, times, and persons, or else it is not to be called
properly universal or catholic. And thus there are
three things which most commonly we caU catholic or
universal ; that is, the church,which is called the catholic
church ; faith, which is called the catholic faith ; a man
whom also we caU a catholic man, because these three
extend themselves so, that no time, place, nor person is
excluded. Which three conditions, if they altogether
concur in the charge of the bishop of Rome, then is it a
universal charge, and he a universal bishop ; if not,
then is his charge neither universal, nor he the head of
the church, nor yet universal bishop. For how these
three can be separated I cannot see, except they prove
t it more evidently than they have done.
And thus much to the objection of our adversaries,
I arguing, that as St. Peter, not being called universal
[apostle, was yet the head of the universal church ; so
the pope, although he was not first called universal
{bishop, had, and might have the charge of the whole
jchurch, and was the universal head of the same.
j Our adversaries, notwithstanding, do busy themselves
to prove out of Theodoret, Ireneus, Ambrose, and Augus-
itine ; that the see of Rome, having the pre-eminence and
j principality, hath been honoured above aU other churches ;
[arguing that Ireneus, Ambrose, Augustine, and Theo-
idoret affirm that the church of Rome is the chief of all
other churches ; and that therefore, the bishop and head
of tliat church is chief and head over all bishops, and head
over all other churches.
But this conclusion is to be denied, for the excellency
«f the church or place does not always argue the excel-
lency of the minister or bishop, nor yet necessarily
causes the same. For in matters of the church which
are spiritual, all pre-eminence stands upon spiritual and
inward gifts as faith, piety, learning, and godly know-
ledge, zeal and fervency in the Holy Ghost, unity of
doctrine, &c. which gifts many times may excel in a
church where the minister or bishop is inferior to
bishops or ministers of other churches. As the most
famous school in a realm has not always the most famous
schoolmaster, nor does it make him thereby more excellent
in learning than all others. So if our adversaries do
mean by this pre-eminence of the church of Rome, such
inward gifts of doctrine, faith, unity, and peace of reli-
gion ; then, I say, the excellency hereof does not arg^e
the excellency of the bishop. But here our adversaries
will reply again and say, that the pre-eminence of the
church of Rome is not meant here so much by inward
gifts and endowments belonging to a christian church,
as by outward authority and dominion over other
churches. Whereto is to be answered : what necessity
is there .' or where did our papists learn, to bring into
the spiritual church of Christ this outward form of civil
policy ? that, as the Roman emperors in times past
governed over all the world, so the Roman bishop must
have his monarchy upon the universal clergy, to make
all other churches to stoop under his subjection ? And
where then are the words of our Saviour? — " But it shall
not be so among you." If they say there must needs
be distinction of degrees in the church, and superiority
must be granted for the discipline of the church, for
quieting of schisms, for setting orders, for commencing
convocations and councils, &c. Against this superiority
we stand not, and therefore we yield to our superior
powers, kings, and princes, our due obedience, and to our
lawful governors under God of both governments, ecclesias-
tical and temporal. Also in the ecclesiastical state, we take
not away the distinction of degrees, such as are ap-
pointed by the primitive church, or by the scripture al-
lowed, as patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, ministers,
and deacons. In which degrees, as we grant diversity of
office, so we admit diversity of dignity. For, as we give
to the minister place above the deacon, to the bishop
above the minister, to the archbishop above the bishop,
so we see no cause of inequality, why one minister
should be above another minister ; one bishop in his de-
gree above another bishop, to deal in his diocese; or one
archbishop above another archbishop. And this is to
keep an order duly and truly in the church.
Now here joins the question between us and the
papists, whether the metropolitan church of Rome, with
the archbishop of the same, ought to be preferred before
other metropolitan churches and archbishops, through
universal Christendom, or not ? To the answer whereof,
if the voice of order might here be heard, it would say,
give to things that be equal and similar, equal honour ;
to things unequal and dissimilar, unequal honour, &c.
Wherefore, seeing the see of Rome is a patriarchal see,
appointed by the primitive church, and the bishop
thereof and archbishop limited within his own border-
ing churches, which the council of Nice calls suburban
churches, as other archbishops be ; he ought, therefore,
to have the honour of an archbishop and such outward pre-
eminence as is due to other archbishops. If he re-
quires more, he breaks the rule of right order, he falls into
presumption, and does wrong unto his equals ; and they
also do wrong unto themselves, who, feeding his ambi-
tion, give more to him than the rule of order requires.
For so much as they yield to him more than is his right,
so much they take from themselves. And this is
the reason why both Gregory and Pelagius reprehend
them, who gave to the archbishop of Constantinople
that which now the bishop of Rome claims to himself,
charging them with the breach of order in these words,
" Lest that while any singular thing is given to one
person, all other priests be deprived of their due honour."
And Pelagius exhorts that no priest give to any arch-
bishop the name of universal bishop, " Lest in so doing-
he take from himself his due honour, while he yields
that which is not due to another." And also in the
same epistle, " If he be called the chief universal pa-
triarch, then is the name of patriarch derogated from
others," &c. Wherefore, seeing the bishop of Rome is
an archbishop, order requires that he should have the
dignity which to archbishops is due ; whatever is added
more, is derogatory to the rest. And thus much con-
cerning distinction of degrees, and order in giving to-
every degree his place and honour.
Wherefore, even if it be admitted that the pope sits
and succeeds in the chair of Peter, and also that he is
c 2
THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS,
the bishop of the greatest city ia the world, yet it follows
not that he should have rule and lordship over all other
bishops and churches of the world. For, first, touching
the succession of Peter, many things are to be con-
sidered : —
I. Whether Peter sat and had his chair in Rome or
not?
II. WTiether he sat there as an apostle, or as a
bishop ?
III. Wliether the sitting in the outward seat of Peter
makes successors of Peter ?
IV. Whether he sits in the chair and seat of Peter
who sits not in the doctrine of Peter ?
V. Whether the succession of Peter makes rather
an apostle than a bishop, and so we should call the
pope the apostle of Rome, and not the bishop of
Rome ?
VI. ^^^lether ecclesiastical functions ought to be
esteemed by ordinary succession of place, or by God's
secret calling and sending ?
VII. Whether it stand by scripture, that any succes-
sion at all is appointed in Christ's church, or why more
from Peter than from other apostles .-'
All which being well discussed, it would appear what
little reason the pope has to take this state upon him,
above all other churches. In the meantime this one
argument may suffice, instead of many, for our adver-
saries to answer at their convenient leisure.
All the true successors of Peter sit in the chair of the
doctrine of Peter, and other apostles uniformly, — but no
popes of tliis latter church of Rome sit in the chair
of St. Peter's and other apostles' doctrine uniformly, —
and therefore no popes of this latter church of Rome
are the true successors of Peter.
And when they have well perused this argument, and
have well compared together the doctrine taught them
by St. Peter, with the doctrine taught now by the popes,
of justitication of a christian-man, of the office of the
law, of the strength and largeness of sin, of men's
merits, of free-will, of works of supererogation, of set-
ting up images, of seven sacraments, of auricular con-
fession, of satisfaction, of sacrifice of the mass, of com-
municating under one kind, of elevating and adoring the
sacramental elements, of Latin service, of invocation, of
prohibition of meats and marriage, of vowing chastity, of
sects and rules of divers religions, of indulgences and
pardons : also of their doctrine now taught concerning
magistrates, of the fulness of power of the see of Rome,
with many other things like to these, then wLU I be glad
to hear what they shall say.
And if they would prove by Ireneus, Ambrose,
Augustine, and Theodore, the bishop of Rome to be the
chief of all bishops, because the city whereof he is
bishop, is the chief and principal above all other
«hurches, it foUoweth no more than this : —
London is the chief city in all England ; and therefore the
bishop of London is the chiefest of aU bishops in this
realm.
Which argument were derogatory to the archbishops
both of Canterbury and York.
Yea, to grant yet more to our adversaries, that these
fathers in giving principality to Rome, referred to the
succession from Peter, and not to the greatness of the
city : yet their argument will fail if it be rightly con-
sidered ; thus.
The apostolical see of Rome, having succession from
Peter, with the bishops thereof, was chief of all other
churches in the primitive time : therefore, the apostolical
see of Rome, with the bishops thereof, having suc-
cession from Peter, ought now to be the chief of all
other churches.
This might follow, if the times were like, or if suc-
cession which gave the cause of pre-eminence, were the
same now, which it was then. But now the time and suc-
cession does not correspond, for then succession was as
well in apostolical doctrine as in apostolical place. Now
the succession of apostolical doctrine has long ceased in
the apostolical see : and nothing remains but only place,
vhich is the least matter of true spiritual and apostolical
Ettccession.
Besides these objections, our adversaries object against
us examples of the primitive time of the church, testi-
monies of general councils, and opinions of ancient
writers taken out of the book of councils, and epistles
decretal, whereby their intent is to prove the foresaid
terms (of the head of the church, ruler of the church,
chief of all other priests) to be applied not only to Peter,
but also to the bishop of Rome within the compass of
the primitive time. To all which objections fully and
exactly to answer in order, would require a whole volume
by itself. In the meantime, leaving the rest to them, to
whom it more properly appertains, I answer with this
short distinction these and all such like places where
St. Peter with his successors are called head of the
church, chief of bishops, prince of the apostles, &c.
In which places this word head, chief, and prince of the
apostles, may be taken two manner of ways : to note
either dominion or else commendation. For we read
sometimes head and chief, to be words not of authority,
but of excellency, whereby is declared the chief and
worthiest among many, and not the possessor and governor
of the whole. Like as in the person of man, the head is
the principal part of the whole body, being endued with
reason, and furnished with senses, by which the whole man
is directed ; so there is derived a metaphor, that to what
man nature or condition has given the greatest excellency
of gifts, he is called head or chief. And yet he has not
always dominion or jurisdiction of the rest. So we call
in our common speec'n those, the head or chief men of the
parish, who for their riches, wisdom, or place, are most
specially noted : after hke phrase of speech we call the
head man of the inquest, him that has first place : and
yet neither of these have any dominion or jurisdiction
over the rest. In a school the chief scholar in learning,
is not therefore the master or governor of his fellows.
Neither has Cicero any title to claim subjection of all
other orators, because he is named the prince of elo-
quence ; and though Homer may be also called prince of
poets, yet poets owe not to Homer anything but fame
and praise.
And what if Peter be called and counted as head and
prince of tlie apostles, for his excellent faith, for his
divine confession, and singular affection to the Lord
Jesus : yet what right has he to challenge authority
over the apostles, or the pope after him over all other
bishops and the whole church of Christ, even though the
pope should have the like excellency of Christ's faith
which Peter had, as would to God he had.
And if our adversaries provoke us to the numbering
of testimonies, and dividing the house (speaking of the
writers and councils of the primitive age) for these tes-
timonies alleged on their side, I could recite out of the
witness of doctors, out of the examples of councils, and
practices of emperors, no less than sixty voices, much
more opposed to their assertion. But I refer it either to
them that have more leisure at this time, or else omit it
to another time, if the good pleasure of the Lord shall
be to grant me further leisure in another book to treat
thereof at large in such order, as shall appear sufficient
to prove by the doctors, general councils, examples
and histories, that the bishops of Rome, during the
first five hundred years after Christ, although for the
greatness of the empire they were somewhat more mag-
nified than the others, and therefore were sought, and
were flattered, and they did set forth themselves more
than they should ; yet by the common consent of the
churches they were stopped of their purpose, so that
by the consent of the most part, within that age, the
bishops of Rome had not this state of title, jurisdiction
and power which they now usurp, but were taken as
archbishops of equal honour, of equal merit with other
archbishops and rulers of the church. And if any pre-
ference was given to them above the rest, yet neither
was it so given by all nor by the most part ; secondly,
neither was it so given by them for any such necessity
of God's word, as did bind them thereto, nor yet so
much for respect of Peter and his succession, as for
certain other causes and respects, as may be gathered
to the number of thirteen.
I. The greatness of the city and monarchy of Rome*
AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS.
1»
II. The authority of the emperor Constantine the
great, the first of the emperors converted to the faith, and
ruling in the same city, by whom the universal liberty
of the church was first promoted ; and the causes of
the bishops then at variance, were committed partly to
the bishop of Rome, partly to other bishops near by,
to be decided, as appears by Eusebius. (lib. 10, cap. 5.)
III. The council of Nice, which confirmed the pre-
eminence of that church to have the oversight of the
churches bordering about it.
IV. The unquiet state of the Greek church, much
troubled in those days with sects, factions, and dis-
sensions.
V. When synods were called by other metropolitans ;
then if the bishops of Rome chanced to be absent,
and their sentence to be required, by the occa-
sion thereof they began at length to take their sen-
tence for a canon or rule ecclesiastical, and to refuse
other synods, where their decree or sentence was not
required.
VI. When any common matter was in hand at other
places, whatever was done, the manner commonly
was to write to the Roman bishop for his appro-
bation for public unity and consent in Christ's
church .
VII. Also sometimes the testimony of the Roman
bishop was wont in those days also to be desired for
admitting teachers and bishops in other churches.
VIII. Their sentence was not only required,
but also often received by other bishops. And
when bishops of other provinces were at any dissen-
sion among themselves, they of their own accord
appealed to the bishop of Rome, desiring him to cite
up both parties, and to have the hearing and deciding
of the cause, as did Macarius and Hesychius send to
Julius, then bishop of Rome, &c.
IX. Certain of the Arians returning from their
Arianism, offered up and exhibited unto the bishops
of Rome their evidences of repentance, and were re-
ceived again, as Ursatius and Valens did to Julius.
(Socrat. lib. 2, cap. 24.)
X. Gratian the emperor made a law that all men
should retain that religion which Damasus, the
bishop of Rome, and Peter, bishop of Alexandria, did
hold. (Sozom. lib. 7, cap. 4.)
XI. If it happened that the bishop of Rome dis-
allowed the ordering of any minister or ministers, the
popes perceiving how diligent and ready they were to
seek their favour, and to send up their messengers to
Rome for their purgation, took thereby no little man-
ner of exaltation. (Theodoret, lib. 5, cap. 23.)
XII. The bishops of Rome had also another art-
ful practice, that in sending out their letters abroad
they were ever harping on the greatness of their
name, and of their apostolic see, and of the primacy of
St. Peter, their predecessor, and priiace of all the
apostles, &c. And this they used to do in every letter,
whensoever they wrote to any, as appeareth in all
their letters decretal, namely, in the letters of Mil-
tiades, Marcellus, and Marcus, &c.
XIII. If any of the Eastern church directed any
writing to them, wherein any signification was con-
tained of never so little reverence given unto them
(as learned men commonly use for modesty's sake)
that was taken by and by, and construed for plain
subjection and due obedience.
Thus you have the first and original grounds, by
means whereof the archbishops of the Romish see
have achieved their great kingdom over Christ's
church, first beginning the mystery of their iniquity
by that which was modestly and voluntarily given
them ; afterward by use and custom claiming it ambi-
tiously of duty and service ; and, lastly, holding fast
that which once they had got into their possession,
so that now in no case can they abide the birds to
call home their feathers again, ' which they so long
have usurped.
And thus much concerning the life, jurisdiction,
and title of the Roman bishops ; in all which (as is
declared) they, and not we, have fallen from the pri-
mitive church of Rome. To these I might also join
the manner of government, wherein the Romish
bishops have no less altered, both from the rule of scrip,
ture, and from the steps of the true church of Rome,
which government as it has been, and ought to be
only spiritual, yet has the bishop of Rome used it of
late years no otherwise than an earthly king or princa
has governed his realm and dominions, with riches,
glory, power, terror, outward strength, force, j)rison,
death, execution, laws, policies, promoting his friends
to dignities, revenging his affections, punishing and
correcting faults against his person more than other
offences committed against God, using and abusing in
all these things the word of God for his pretext and
cloak to work his worldly purpose ; whereas indeed,
the word of God ministers no such power to spiritual
persons, but such as is spiritual, according to the say-
ing of the apostle : the weapons of our warfare, are not
carnal, but spiritual ; such as serve not against flesh
and blood, nor against the weak person of man, but
against Satan and the gates of hell.
Which weapons as they are all spiritual, so ought
they, who have the dealing thereof, to be likewise
spiritual, well furnished with all such gifts and graces
of the Holy Ghost as are meet for the governance of
his spiritual church ; with wisdom and knowledge in
the scripture to instruct the ignorant, with inward in-
telligence and foresight of the crafty operations of
Satan, with power of the Spirit to resist the same,
with practice and experience of temptations, to com-
fort such as be afilicted and oppressed of Satan, with
heavenly discretion to discern spirits, and truth from
untruth, with judgment and knowledge of tongues and
learning to convict error, with zeal of God's glory,
with fervency of prayer, with patience in persecution,
with a mind contented with all cases and states inci-
dent, with tears and compassion on other men's griefs,
with stoutness and courage against proud and stout op-
pressors, with humility towards the poor and miserable,
with the counsel of the Lord Jesus by his Word and
Spirit to direct him in all things, with strength against
sin, with hatred of this world, with the gift of faith,
power of the keys in spiritual causes, as to minister the
word, the sacraments and excommunication when the
word biddeth, that the spirit may be saved, and to recon-
cile again as cause requireth, &c. These and such like
are the matters wherein consist the sinews and strength
of the church, and for true governing the same. But
contrary to these, the bishop and clergy of this later
church of Rome, under the name and pretence of Christ
and his word, have for a long time exercised nothing else
but a worldly dominion, seeking indeed their own glory,
not the glory of Christ ; the riches of this world, not the
lucre of souls ; not feeding the flock, but filling the
purse ; revenging their own wrongs, but neglecting God's
glory ; striving against man only, and killing him, but
not killing the vice nor confuting the error of man ;
strong against flesh and blood, but weak against the
devil ; stout against the simple, but meek against the
mighty ; briefly doing almost all things preposterously,
more like to secular princes than spiritual pastors of
Christ's flock, with outward forcement and fear of pun-
ishment, with prisoning, famishing, hanging, racking,
drowning, beheading, slaying, murdering, and burning,
and warring also : on the other side, with riclies and
treasures, with guard and strength of men, with courc
and cardinals, with pomp and pride about them, with their
triple crown, with the naked sword, with their ordinary
succession, with their laws and executions, their pro-
motions and preferments, their biddings and command-
ings, threatenings and revengings, &c.
In fine, to compare, therefore, the images of a
worldly kingdom, with this kingdom of the pope, there is
no difference, save only that this kingdom of the pope,
under hypocrisy, makes a face of the spiritual sword,
which is the word of God ; but in very deed doth all
things with the temporal sword, that is, with outward
force, differing not from civil and secular government ia
any respect or condition. For as in an earthly king,
dom, first there is a prince or some chief magistrate (.p>
iO
THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS,
pointed, having dominion over his nobles and commons,
containing all his subjects under his statutes and laws;
with which laws notwithstanding he dispenses at his
pleasure ; under whom all other inferior magistrates have
their order and place appointed to rule over the subjects,
and yet to be subject under him ; so if the state and
form of the pope be well considered, we shall see it differs
nothing from the same, but only in the names of the
persons. In civil government, all subjection is referred
to one head ruler, whose authority surmounts all the rest,
and keeps them under obedience. In like manner, the
government of the popish church is committed to one
man, who, as chief steward, overseer, and ruler of Christ's
household, in his absence hath supreme power over all
churches, to direct all the affairs thereof. But here stands
the difference, in civil policy he is called a king or prince ;
here he is called a pope.
The king has next unto him his dukes and earls ; the
pope's nobility stands in his cardinals and legates, who,
though they be no dukes in name, yet in pomp and pride,
will not only give check to them, but also mate to kings
themselves, if they might be suffered, as did Theodore,
Lanfranc, Anselm, Thomas a. Becket, and so would
Thomas Wolsey have done, had not the king given him a
check betimes. In civil policy, next to dukes and earls,
followeth the order of lords, barons, knights, esquires,
gentlemen, with majors, sheriffs, constables, bailiffs,
wardens, &c. The like race is to be seen also, although
under other names, in the pope's policy ; of primates,
bishops, suffragans, provosts, deans, canons, vicars,
archdeacons, priests, deacons, subdeacons, acolyths,
exorcists, lectors, door-keepers, singsters, with other
clerks. And in the other, under wardens comes the
order of scavengers ; so neither does the pope's mo-
narchy lack his chanelrakers, to whom may well be com-
pared that rabblement of abbots, provincials, priors,
monks, and friars, with their convents and nunneries.
Moreover, from justices, judges, lawyers, sergeants,
aciorneys, which be necessary officers in the common-
wealth, what differ the pope's inquisitors, canonists,
doctors, and bachelors of the pope's law, commissaries,
officials, proctors, promoters, with such others, which
serve no less in the spiritual court, and in the consistory,
than the other do in the temporal court. Now whoever
wishes to compare the glory and magnificence of the one
with the glory of the other ; also the power of the one
with the power of the other ; and the riches of the one
with the riches of the other ; I suppose he shall see no
great odds between them both, taking the pope's king-
dom as it stood in his full ruff, and yet stands where
churches are not reformed. As for subtilty and politic
practice there is no man that is impartial that doubts,
or that hath his eyes that sees not, that the pope's
hierarchy, in holding up their state, far excelleth all the
kingdoms of worldly princes.
Thus in comparing the pope's government with civil
governments, as they disagree in little or nothing ; so in
comparing again the same with the order of scriptures,
or with the government that was in the ancient church of
Rome, we shall see no resemblance between them. As
we read in the apostles' time, all the armour of Christ's
ministers was spiritual and full of godly power against the
spiritual enemies of our salvation, governing the church
with peace, patience, humility, true knowledge of God,
the sword of the Spirit, the shield of faith, the breastplate
of righteousness, hearty charity, sincere faith, and a good
conscience ; so after the apostles in the time of Ambrose,
by his own testimony it is to be understood, that the
armour of churchmen was then prayers and tears ; wliere
now the armour of the pope's priesthood is nothing else
but fire and sword, wherewith they keep all things under
their subjection. And here comes tlie enormous and
horrible abuse of excommunication, suspension, and in-
terdict : for many things, for which the civil magistrate
will not commit any citizen to the stocks, the pope's cen-
sure will not hesitate to commit a christian to the devil;
not to speak of other usurped dealings and doings in mat-
ers that belong to the civil sword. As in jjunishing im-
morality and adultery, in administration and probates of
testaments, in bearing civil office; cardinals to be captaiiis
in war, and rulers of regions ; bishops to be presidents
or chancellors ; priests to be stewards in great men'3
houses, or masters of mints, or clerks of the market, or
gardeners to gentlemen, &c. All which I here pass over,
referring them to the consideration of such as have more
leisure to mark the order of their doings, and so to judge
of the same with impartiality, according to the rule of
truth taught in God's word, and the public examples of
the ancient church of Christ in the primitive time.
Thus having discoursed so much concerning the man-
ner of life, title, jurisdiction, and government of the
pope's see (in all which points it is to be seen how this
later church of Rome has receded from the true ancient
church of Rome), it now remains, according to my pro-
mise, to proceed to the fourth and last point, which is
Doctrine ; wherein consists the chief matter that makes
with us and against them, so that they are not to be re-
puted for true catholics, being altered so far ; nor we
other than heretics, if we should now join with them.
For the proof of which let us examine the doctrine and
rites of the church of Rome now used, and compare them
with the teaching of the ancient catholics, that such
simple souls as have been, and yet are seduced, by the false
appearance and image of this pretended and bastardly
church, perceiving what lies within it, may be warned
in time, either to eschew the peril, if they are willing to
be instructed, or, if not, to blame none but themselves for
their own wilful destruction. And although I could here
charge the new-fangled church of the pope with seven or
eight heinous crimes, as blasphemy, idolatry, heresy, su-
perstition, absurdity, vanity, cruelty, and contradiction,
(in which it neither agrees with the old learning of their
predecessors, nor yet with themselves in sundry points),
yet I will, and dare boldly affirm, that in this doctrine of
the pope now taught in the church of Rome, there is
neither any consolation of conscience, nor salvation of
man's soul. For seeing there is no life, nor soul's health
but only in Christ, nor any promise of salvation or comfort
made, but only by faith in the Son of God : what assur-
ance can there be of perfect peace, life, or salvation, where
that which only maketh all, is made least of, and other
things which make least are the most esteemed ? For to
say the simple truth, what else is the whole course and
body of the pope's law now set forth, but a doctrine of
laws, a heap of ceremonies, teaching of traditions, a medi-
ation of merits, a foundation of new religions ? all
which avail not one jot to the justification of our souls
before the terrible judgment of God.
And, therefore, as it may be truly said that tlus doc-
trine of the pope is void of all true comfort and salvation ;
so likewise it seems that these, who addict themselves
so devoutly to the pope's learning, were never earn-
estly afflicted in conscience, never humbled in spirit,
nor broken in heart, never entered into any serious
feeling of God's judgment, nor ever felt the strength
of the law and of death. For if they had, they
should soon have seen their own weakness, and been
driven to Christ ; then should they have seen what a
horrible thing it is to appear before God the Father,
or once to think on him, as Luther saith, without
Christ. And, on the contrary side, then should they
know what a glory, what a kingdom, what liberty
and life it were to be in Christ Jesus by faith, hold-
ing their inheritance, not with the bondson of Ilagar,
but with the free son of Sarah ; by promise, and not
by the law ; by grace, and not by works ; by gift,
and not by deserving ; that God only might be praised,
and not man.
And thus were the old Romans first taught, by St.
Paul writing to the Romans. The same did Cornelius
the Roman, and the first that was baptized of all the
Gentiles, learn of St. Peter, when he received the Holy
Ghost, not by the deeds of the law, but only by
hearing the faith of Jesus preached. And in the same
doctrine, the said churi;h of the Romans con-
tinued many years, so long as they were in af-
fliction. And in the same doctrine the bishop of
Rome, with his Romans, now also should still remain,
1 if they were such ancient catholics as they pretend,
I aud would follow the old mother church of Rome,
AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS.
21
and hold the first liquor wherewith they were first
Eeasoned. But the sweet freshness and bcent of that
liquor, and pleasant perfume, is now clean put out
through other unsavory infusions of the pope's, so
that hardly any taste or piece reniaineth of all that
primitive doctrine, which St. Paul and the other apostles
first planted among the Gentiles. And what marvel
if the Romans now in so long time have lost their
first sap, seeing the church of the Galatiaus in the very
time of St. Paul, their schoolmaster, as soon as he
turned his back a little, were almost turned from the
doctrine of faith, and had much ado to be recovered again.
Of this defection and falling away from the faith,
St. Paul expressly foretells us in his epistles both to
the Thessalonians, and also to Timothy, where he
shews that a defection shall come, and that certain
shall depart from the faith, attending to spirits of
error, &c. 1 Tim. iv. 1 ; and to know what errors
these shall be, the circumstance plainly leads us to
understand in the same place, where the apos-
tle speaks of seared consciences, forbidding men to
marry, and to eat meats ordained of God to be taken
with thanksgiving, for man's sustenance ; most evi-
dently, as with his finger, pointing out unto us the
church of Rome, which not in these points only, but
also in all other conditions is almost utterly revolted
from the pure original sincerity of that doctrine, which
St. Paul planted in the church of the Romans, and of all
other Gentiles, and of which the following is a summary.
I. The doctrine of St. Paul ascribes all our justi-
fication freely and only to faith in Christ, as to
the only means and cause whereby the merits of
Christ's passion can be applied unto us, without any
respect of work or works of the law whatever ;
Ephes. ii. 8, 9 ; and in this doctrine, the church of
the Romans was first planted.
II. The same doctrine of St. Paul, cutting off and
excluding all man's deserving, rests only upon
God's promise, and upon grace, not man's merits:
upon mercy, not man's labouring or running,
Rom. ix. 16 : upon election and calling, not man's
willing, &c.
III. The same doctrine casting down the strength
of man and his natural integrity, as they call it,
concludes all flesh under sin, and makes the same desti-
tute of the glory of God, Rom. iii. 9— 2.'5.
IV. It makes a difference between the law and
the gospel, declaring the use and end of them to be
different ; the one to kill, the other to quicken ; the
one to condemn, the other to justify ; the one to have
an end, the other to be perpetual, &c. : Rom. v. 20. ;
vii. 4. Gal. iii. 10—13.
V. The same doctrine of St. Paul, as it shews a dif-
ference between the law and the gospel, so it makes no
less difference between the righteousness of God and the
righteousness of man, abhorring the one, that is, man's
own righteousness, coming by the law and works ; and
embracing the other which God imputes freely and gra-
ciously to us for Christ his Son's sake, in whom we
believe, Philip, iii. 9. : Rom. iv. 24.
VI. It wipes away all traditions, and constitutions
of men, especially from binding of conscience, calling
them beggarly elements of this world, Gal. iv. 9. Col.
ii. 20—22.
VII. Likewise it rejects and wipes away all curious
Bubtilties, and superfluous speculations, and knows
nothing else but only Christ crucified, which is the only
object to which our faith looks, 1 Cor. ii. 1, 2.
VIII. Furthermore, as the same doctrine of St. Paul
defines all men to he transgressors by the disobedience of
one Adam, though they never touched the apple, they
cwning of his stock by nature ; so doth it prove all men
to be justified by the obedience of one, even Christ,
though they did not his obedience, they being likewise
born of him by spiritual regeneration and faith,
Rom. V. 17—19.
IX. And therefore as all men coming of Adam are
condemned m-iginally, before they grow up to commit
any sin against the law ; so all men regenerated by faith
in Christ are saved originally before they begin to do
any good work of charity, or any other good deed,
Rom. V. 18, 19.
X. The doctrine of St. Paul, considering the high
glory of a christian man's state in Christ Jesus by faith,
first sets him in a perfect peace with Almighty God,
Rom. V. 1. Secondly, exempts him from all condem-
nation, Rom. viii. 1. Thirdly, it matches him with
angels ; it equals him with saints and fellow-citizens of
heaven ; it numbers him with the household of God ;
and inherits him with Jesus Christ himself. Ephes. ii. 19.
Fourthly, it adopts him from the state of a servant, tc
the state of a son of God, crying, " Abba, Father:"
Gal. iv. 6. Fifthly, it opens to him a bold access and
entrance to the high Majesty and throne of grace,
Ephes. ii. 18 ; Heb. iv. 16. Sixthly, it subjects aU
things under him, as ministers, yea, the apostles them-
selves, in their highest office, death, life, things present,
things to come, with the whole world besides, and as-
signs him no spiritual head, but only Christ, saying,
" And you are Christ'c, and Christ is God's,"
1 Cor. iii. 23. Seventhly, it advances and sets him in
a spiritual liberty or freedom, above all terrors of spirit,
either of God's law, or man's law ; above all dreadful
fears of sin, damnation, malediction, rejection, death,
hell, or purgatory ; above all servile bondage of ceremo-
nies, men's precepts, traditions, superstitions, vices,
yokes, customs, or what else soever oppresseth and en-
tangleth the spiritual freedom of a conscience, which
Christ hath set at liberty ; and requireth, moreover, that
we walk and stand stout in that liberty whereto we
are brought with the free son of Sarah, and not suffer
ourselves any more to be clogged with any such servile
bondage ; that is to say, although we must be content to
subject our bodies to all service, and to all men, yet must
we not yield our spiritual consciences and souls as slaves
and servants, to be subject to the fear or bondage of any
thing in this world, for so much as we are made lords
and princes over all things whatsoever that can harm,
bind, or terrify us. Gal. iv. 9.
XI. The right vein of St. Paul's doctrine puts no dif-
ference nor observation in days and times. Gal. iv. 10 :
Col. ii. 16.
XII. It leaveth all meats to be indifferent, with
thanksgiving, to serve the necessity of the body, and not
the body to serve them, Col. ii. 16. 1 Tim. iv. 4.
XIII. It permits marriage without restraint or excep-
tion, lawful and also expedient for all men, having need
thereof, 1 Cor. vii. 2. Heb. xiii. 4.
XIV. It admits no sacrifice for sin, but the sacrifice of
Christ alone, and that done once for all with blood. For
without blood there is no remission of sin, which is
applied to us by faith only, and by nothing else, Heb.
ix. 22.
XV. As touching the holy communion, by the first epistle
of St. Paul to the Corinthians, xi. 23 — 26., we under-
stand, that the use then amongst them was, to have the
participation of the bread called the Lord's body, and of
the cup called the Lord's blood, administered not at an
altar, but at a plain board or table, the congregatioa
there meeting together after the time of their supper,
where not the minister alone did receive, and the other
looked on ; but the whole congregation together did
communicate with reverence and thanksgiving, not lifting
over the priest's head, nor worshipping, nor kneeling,
nor knocking their breasts ; but either sitting at the
supper, or standing after the supper.
XVI. The apostle, besides the sacramental supper,
makes mention of baptism, or washing of regeneration,
although he himself baptized but few, 1 Cor. i. 14., of
other sacraments he makes no mention.
XVII. By the same doctrine of St. Paul, no tongue is
to be used in the congregation, which is not known, and
doth not edify, 1 Cor. xiv. 2.
XVIII. The rule of St. Paul's doctrine subjects every
creature under the obedience of kings and princes, and
ordinary magistrates, ordained of God to have the sword
and authority of public government, to order and dispose
in all things not contrary to God, whatever pertaiueth to
the maintenance of the good, or to the correction of the
evil ; from whose jurisdiction there is no exemption of
22
THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS,
Vocations or persons, whether they be ecclesiastical or
political. And therefore to this office it appertains to
preserve peace, to set things in lawful order, to preserve
christian discipline in the churcli of Christ, to remove
offences, to bridle the disobedient, to provide and procure
wholesome and faithful teachers over the people, to
maintain learning, and set up schools, to have oversight not
only of the people, but also of all ecclesiastical ministers,
to see every one to do his duty, and to remove or punish
8uch as be negligent; also to call councils and synods,
and to provide that the church goods be faithfully dis-
pensed by the hands of true dealers, to the sustenance of
the church, and of true teachers, and to the public neces-
sity of the poor, &c. Rom. xiii. 1. 4. 6., Tit. iii. 1.
XIX. Furthermore, by St. Paul's doctrine, the minis-
ters of Christ's church have their authority and armour
likewise limited to them, which armour is only spiritual
and not carnal, whereby they tight not against flesh and
blood, but against the power of darkness, error, and sin ;
against the sjiiritual seduction and craftiness in heavenly
things, against the works and proceedings of Satan the
j)rince of this world, in comforting weak consciences
against the terrors of the devil and desperation, and
finally against every thought lifted up against Christ, to
subdue every lofty thing to the subjection and power of
Christ Jesus the Son of God. Eph. vi. I'.i — 18.
Briefly to reduce the whole doctrine of St. Paul, it
consists chiefly in these five points :
First, in setting forth the grace, great love and
good will, and free promises of God the Father in Christ
Jesus his Son to mankind, who so loved the world that
he Lath given his own Son for the redemption thereof,
John iii. 16. Who gave his Son to die for us being his
enemies, Rom. v. 8. Who hath quickened us being
dead in sin, Ephes. ii. 1. Who so mercifully hath
reconciled the world to himself by his Son, and also by
his ambassadors desireth us to be reconciled unto him,
8 Cor. V. 20. Who hath given his own Son to be sin for
fcs, 2 Cor. V. 21. To be accursed for us. Gal. iii. I'.i.
Who by firm promise hath assured us of our inherit-
ance, Rom. iv. 16. Who not by the works of riglit-
eousness that we have done, but of his own mercy hath
saved us by the washing of regeneration, Tit. iii. 4.
The second point consists in preacliing and express-
ing the glorious and triumphant majesty of Christ Jesus
the Son of God, and the excellency of his glory ; who
being once dead in the infirmity of the flesh, rose again
with power, and ascending up with majesty, hath led
captivity captive, Eph. iv. 8., who sitteth and reigneth in
glory on the right hand of God in heavenly things above
all principalities, and powers, and dominions, and above
every name that is named, not only in this world, but
also in the world to come, Ephes. i. 21. At whose name
every knee is to bow both in heaven and in earth, and
under the earth, and every tongue to confess our Lord
Christ Jesus to the glory of God the Father, Phil. ii. 10.
In whom and by wlunn all things are made both in
heaven and in earth, things visible and invisible, whether
they be thrones or dominions, or principalities, or
powers, all are by him and for him created, and he is
before all, and all things consist in him who is the
head of his body the church, the beginning and first-
born from the dead, in whom dwelleth all fulness,
Col. i. 16. To whom the Father hath given all judg-
ment, and judgeth no man himself any more, John v. 22.
To whom the Father hath given all things to his hands,
John xiii. ^5. To whom the Father hath given power
over all flesh, John xvii. 2. To whom all power is given
in heaven and earth. Matt, xxviii. 18. In whom all
the promises of God are yea and amen, 2 Cor. i. 20.
Thirdly, he declareth the virtue of his cross and
passion, and what exceeding benefits proceed to us by
the same. By whose blood we have redemption and
remission of our sins, Ephes. i. 7. By whose stripes
we are healed, Isa. liii. 5. By whose cross all things
are made peace, both in heaven and in earth. Col. i. 20.
By whose death we are reconciled, Rom. v. 10. Wlio
hath destroyed death and brought life to light, 2 Tim.
i. 10. Who by death hath destroyed him which had
the power of death, that is, the devil, and hath delivered [
them which lived under fear of death all their life in
bondage, Heb. ii. 14. By whose obedience we are
made righteous, by whose righteousness we are justi-
fied to life, Rom. v. 18. By whose curse we are blessed,
and delivered from the curse of the law. Gal. iii. 13.
By whose blood we that once were far off, are made
near unto God, Ephes. ii. l;{. Who in one body hath
reconciled both Jews and Gentiles unto God, Ephes.
ii. 16. Who by his flesh hath taken away the division
and separation between God and us, abolishing the
law which was set against us in precepts and decrees,
Ephes. ii. 15. Who is our peace, our advocate, and
propitiation for the sins of the whole world, 1 John ii. 2.
Who was made accursed, and sin for us, that we might
be the righteousness of God in him, 2 Cor. v. 21.
Who is made of God for us, our wisdom, and right-
eousness, and sanctification, and redemption, 1 Cor.
i. 30. By whom we have boldness and entrance with
all confidence through faith in him, Ephes. iii. 12.
Who forgiveth all our sins, and hath torn in pieces
the obligation or hand-writing, which was against us
in the law of the commandments, and hath crucified
it upon the cross, and utterly hath despatched and
abolished the same, and hath spoiled principalities and
powers, as in an open show of conquest, triumphing
over them openly in himself, Col. ii. 14. Who justi-
fieth the wicked by faith, Rom. iv. 1. In whom we
are made full and complete. Col. ii. 10., &c.
The fourth branch is, to teach us and inform us,
to whom these benefits of Christ's passion and victory
appertain, and by what means they are applied to us ,
which means is only one, that is by faith in Christ
Jesus, and no other thing. Which faith it pleases
Almighty God to accept for righteousness. And this
righteousness it is which only stands before God, and
none other, as we are plainly taught by the scriptures,
a!id especially by the doctrine of St. Paul. Which
rigliteousness thus rising from faith in Christ, St. Paul
calls the righteousness of God, where he speaks of him-
self, utterly refusing the other righteousness which is of
the law, that he might be found in him, not having his
own righteousness which is of the law, but the righteous-
ness of Christ, which is of faith, Phil. iii. 9. Again,
the apostle writing of the Jews, who sought for right-
eousness and found it not ; and also of the Gentiles,
who sought not for it, and yet found it, shews the
reason why : Because, says he, the one sought it by the
works of the law, and not knowing the righteousness of
God, and seeking to set up their own righteousness, did
not submit themselves to the righteousness which is of
God. The other, which were the Gentiles, and sought
not for it, obtained righteousness, that righteousness
which is of faith, &c., Rom. ix. 30. Also in another
place of the same epistle, St. Paul writing of this right-
eous«iess which cometh of faith, calls it the righteous-
ness of God, in these words : "whom God hath set forth
for a propitiation by faith in his blood, to declare his
righteousness for the remission of sins that are past,
through the forbearance of God," Rom. iii. 25. By
which righteousness it is evident that St. Paul means
the righteousness of faith, which Almighty God now
reveals and makes manifest by the preaching of the gospeJ.
Wilt thou see yet more plainly this righteousness of
God, how it is taken in St. Paul for the righteousness
of faith, and therefore is called the righteousness of
God, because it is imputed only of God to faith, and not
deserved of man ? In the same epistle to the Romans
and in the third chapter, his words are manifest :
" the righteousness of God," says he, " is by faith
of Jesus Christ, unto all, and upon all them that
believe," &c., Rom. iii. 22.
Wherefore whosoever studies to be accepted with God,
and to be found righteous in his sight, let him learn
diligently by the doctrine of St. Paul to make a dif-
ference as far as from heaven to earth, between the
righteousness of works, and the righteousness of faith :
and bring no other means for his justification, or for the
remission of his sins, but only faith apprehending the body
or person of Christ Jesus crucified. For as there is no
way into the house but by the door, so is there no
AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS.
£3
coming to God but by Christ alone, which is by faith.
And as the mortal body, without bodily sustenance of
bread and drink, cannot but perish, so the spiritual soul
of man hath no other refreshing but only by faith in the
body and blood of Christ, whereby to be saved. With
this faith the idolatrous Gentiles apprehended Jesus
Christ, and received thereby ^ighteousnes'^ Cornelius,
(the tirst baptized Roman), so soon as he heard Peter
preach Christ, received straightway the Holy Ghost,
Acts X. 44. Peter himself confessed, and for his con-
fession had the keys of heaven, Matt. xvi. 19. Zaccheus
received the person of Christ into his house, and withal
received salvation both to him and his whole household,
Luke xix. 9. What a sinner was Mary, who had in
her no less than seven devils, and yet because she set
her heart and affection upon that person, many sins
were forgiven her, Luke vii. 47. The right hand thief,
how far was he from all works of the law, and yet by
faith he entered justified into Paradise the same day
with Christ, Luke xxiii. 43. In like manner, although
the poor publican came to the church with less holiness
after the law, yet he went home to his house more
justified than the pharisee with all his works, and all by
reason of faith, Luke xviii. 14. The parable of the
prodigal son which was lost, yet revived again ; also of
the lost piece of silver; and of the lost sheep which went
astray and was found again ; what do these declare, but
that that which is lost by the law is to be recovered by faith
and grace ? Luke xv. 11. And how often do we read in
the gospels : Thy faith hath saved thee, &c. Jesus
seeing their faith, &c. He that believeth in me, I will
raise him up at the last day, &c. Believe also in me,
&c. He that believeth in me hath everlasting life, &c.
Without me ye can do nothing, &c. He that is in me,
&c. He that loveth me, &c. He that heareth me, &c.
He that abideth in me, &c. He that receiveth me, &c.
Unless ye eat my flesh, and drink my blood, &c. That
they may receive forgiveness of sins by faith that is in me,
&c. To him give all the prophets witness, that through
his name, whosoever believeth in him shall receive re-
mission of sins, &c. He that believeth and is baptized,
&c. He that believeth on me, the works that I do shall
he do also, and greater than these, &c. Luke xviii. 42.
Matt. ix. 2. John vi. 40. John xiv. 1. John iii. 'M.
John XV. 5. John xv. 4. John i. 12. John v. 5,'i.
Acts xxvi. 18. Acts X. 4;^. Markx\d. 16. John xiv. 12.
And likewise in the writings of St. Paul, how often do
we hear the name of Christ almost in every third or
fourth line, where he still repeateth : In Christ Jesus, —
by Christ Jesus, — through Jesus Christ our Lord, &c.
Who believe in him, &c. All who believe in him, &c.
Belie\'ing on him, in him, in his name, in the name of
our Lord Jesus Christ, &c. Believe, saith St. Paul to
the jailor, on the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be
saved and thy house, &c.. Acts xvi. 'M.
Thus then thou seest, as the passion of Christ is the
only efficient or personal cause immediate of our salva-
tion ; so is faith the only instrumental or mean cause
that makes the merits of Christ available. For as the
passion of Christ serves to none but such as do believe ;
60 neither does faith (as it is only a bare quality or
action in man's mind) itself justify, unless it be directed
to the body of Christ crucified as to his object, of whom
if receives all his virtue. And therefore, these two must
always jointly concur together, faith, and Christ Jesus
crucified. As for example, when the children of Israel
were bid of Moses to look up to the brazen serpent ;
neither could the serpent have helped them, except they
had looked up, nor yet their looking up have profited
them, unless they had directed their e)^es upon the
serpent, as the only object for them to behold. So our
faith directed to the body of Jesus our Saviour, is the
only means whereby Christ's merits are applied to us,
and we are justified before God, according to the doctrine
of St. Paul, who, in express words defining to us what
this faith is, and how it justifies, saith, " if thou shalt con-
fess with thy mouth the Lord Jesus, and shalt believe in
thy heart that God hath raised him from the dead, thou
shalt be saved," &c. Rom. x. 9. Besides this, whatever
actioa or quality there is in maa, either hope, charity, or
any other kind of faith and believing, be it never so true,
except it apprehend this object which is the body of
Christ the Son of God, it serves not to justification.
And that is the cause why we add this particle (only)
to faith, and say that onli/ faith in Christ justifies us, to
exclude all other actions, qualities, gifts, or works of
man, from the cause of justifying ; for so much as there
is no other knowledge nor gift given of God to man, be
it never so excellent, that can stand before the judgment
of God unto justification, or whereunto any promise of
salvation is annexed ; but only this faith looking up to
the brazen serpent, that is, to the body of Christ Jesus
crucified for us.
As for example, when the Turk says, that he believes
in one living God that made heaven and earth, his belief
therein is true, yet it justifies him not, because it lacks
the right object, which is Christ. So when the Jew
says, that he believes in one God maker of heaven and
earth, and believes also the same God to be omnipotent,
merciful, just, and true of promise, and that he has
elected the seed of Abraham ; true it is that he believes,
and yet all this senes him not, because Christ the Son
of God is not joined withal. And though the said Jew
should be never so devout in his prayers, or charitable ia
alms, or precise in keeping the law, and believe never so
steadfastly that he is elected to be saved ; yet he is never
the nearer to salvation for all this, so long as his faith is
not grounded upon the head comer stone, which is the
person and body of Jesus Christ the true Saviour. After
like sort it may be said of the papist, when he saith,
that he is baptized, and believes in the Father, the Son,
and the Holy Ghost, three persons, and one God, and
also confesses Jesus Christ to be the Son of God, which
died for our sins, and rose again for our righteousness,
&c., his belief therein is true, and indeed would save
him, if he did stay his salvation in this faith, and upon
Christ his Saviour only, according to the promise and
grace of God, and go no further. But that he does not .
for neither does he admit Christ only to be his perfect
Saviour without the help of the patrons, heads, advo-
cates, and mediators, nor yet permits his faith in Christ
only to be the means of his justification, but sets up
other by-means, as hope, charity, sacrifice of the mass,
confession, penance, satisfaction, merits and pardons,
supposing thereby to work his justification before God,
contrary to the word of promise, to the gospel of grace,
and to the doctrine of St. Paul.
And thus much of the true causes of our justification
after the doctrine of St. Paul. Concerning which
causes this distinction is to be added, that as touching
the original causes of our salvation, which are various,
some are external, and without us ; some are internal,
and within us. Of the external causes which are with-
out us, the first and principal is the mercy and grace of
God. On this followeth predestination and election.
Then cometh vocation. The last and next cause to us is
the death and bloodshed of Christ, whereby we are
redeemed, and all these are external causes, because they
are vnthout us. Of internal causes that are in man
through the gift of God, there is but one, and no more
appointed in scripture, that is our faitli in Christ, which
is the gift of God in us. Besides this, there is no gift
of God given to man, virtue, work, merit, nor any thing
else, that is any part or cause of salvation, but only this
gift of faith, to believe in Christ Jesus. And this is the
cause why we hold that faith only justifies, meaning that
amongst all the works, deeds, actions, labours and
operations whatsoever, that man does or can do, there is
nothing in man that works salvation, but only his faith
given to him of God to believe in Christ his Son. And
therefore in the epistle to the Romans, St. Paul
reasoning of the glory of justifying, asks this question,
how boasting of this glory is excluded ; whether by the
law of works ? And concludes no ; ascribing only the
glory thereof to the law of faith, and consequently upon
the same he infers, " we conclude that a man is justified
by faith without the deeds of the law," Rom. iii. 28.
And how then can that be accounted any part of our
justification, which St. Paul utterly debars and excludes ?
1 Of which the whole course of St. Paul's doctrine is full,
24
THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS,
where he still concludes ; " It is the gift of God, not of
•works, lest any man should boast," &c. " Not by works
of ri;»hteoiisuess which we liave done, but according to
his mercy," Ike. " Not according to our works, but ac-
cording to his own purpose and grace which was given us,"
&c. " A mail is not justified by works," &c. " To him
that worketh not, but believeth on him that justifieth the
ungodly, his faith is counted for righteousness," ike.
Eph. ii. 8, y.— Tit. iii. T). 2 Tim. i. 9. Gal. ii. 16.
Rom. iv. 5. By tliese plain declarations, what does he
mean, but utterly to exclude all kind of man's merits, and
works of the law, from the office and dignity of justifying?
And, although lie expresses not the word ouli/ ; yet upon
his exdusives, and negatives, this exceptive must needs
be inferred. And thus much concerning faith in Christ
proved to be the only mean, or instrumental, or condi-
tional cause of our salvation, and no other besides the
same alone, is taught by the doctrine of St. Paul to the
ancient Romans.
The fifth branch, which I note in St. Paul's doc-
trine, is this : that after he has thus established us in
the certainty of our salvation through faith in Christ,
then he exhorts us vehemently to good works, shewing
the true use and end of good works : which is, first,
to shew our obedience and dutiful service unto God,
who hath done so great things for us. Secondly, to
relieve our neighbours with our charity and kindness,
as God hath been kind to us, his enemies. Thirdly,
to stir up others by our example to praise God, to em-
brace the same religion, and to do the like. For it is
requisite, that as God has been so merciful to us, and
gracious in eternal gifts, we should be merciful like-
wise in temporal things. And seeing it has pleased
him of his Fatherly goodness to call us to so high a
vocation, to give the blood of his Son for us, to for-
give us all our sins, to deliver us from this present
■wicked world, to make us citizens of heaven, yea, his
children, more than servants : little then can we do,
and well may we think those benefits ill bestowed, if
we forgive not our neighbours, and shew not some-
thing worthy of that holy calling wherewith he hath
called us, in mortifying our worldly lusts here, and
studying after heavenly things : and, finally, if we being
provoked with such love and kindness, render not again
some love for love, some kindness for kindness, seek-
ing how to walk in the steps which he has prepared
for us to walk in, serving him (so much as we may),
in holiness and righteousness all the days of our life.
And though our obedience shall always be imperfect,
yet we should shew obedience, as loving children to
such a loving father.
And this is the cause why St. Paul so vehemently
and urgently calls upon us to do good works; not that
works should justify, but that we being justified so
mercifully and tenderly through the grace of God,
should not abuse his grace in vain, but endeavour our-
selves, to our uttermost, to render our service again to
him, in such conversation of life as may most make to
his glory, and the profit of our neighbour. And though
the words of our Saviour seem, in some places, to
attribute great rewards in heaven to our obedience and
charity here in earth, that is of his own free grace and
goodness so to impute small matters for great deserts,
and it is not for us to claim any meed thereby, or
thank at his hand, as by any worthiness of our doings ;
110 more than tlie servant can, when he comes from the
plough, and serving the cattle in the field, serves first
his master at home, and waits upon his table : the
master is not bound (saith Christ) to thank his ser-
vant, because he did tlie things that were commanded
him : " So likewise ye," saith he, " when ye shall have
done all those things which are commanded you, say. We
are unprofitable servants ; we have done that which was
our duty to do," Luke xvii. 10.
Again, here also is to be understood, that where
such rewards are ascribed to men's deeds, it is not the
worthiness of the deed itself, but the faith of the doer,
which makes the work to be good in God's sight : for
if an infidel should do the same work that the christian
does, it were nothing but mere sin before God. In
that, therefore, the christian man's work is accepted,
be it never so small (as to give a cup of cold water) the
same is only for his faith sake that does it, and not
for the work which is done. Whereby again we may
learn how faith only justifies a man, and that three
manner of ways : —
First, it justifies the person in making him accepted,
and the child of God by regeneration, before he begin
to do any good work.
Secondly, it justifies a man from sin, in procuring
remission and forgiveness of the same.
Thirdly, it justifies the good deeds and works of man,
not only in bringing forth good fruits, but also in
making the same works to be good and acceptable in
the sight of God, which otherwise were impure and ex-
ecrable in his sight.
The oflSce, therefore, of faith and works is different,
and must not be confounded. Faith goes before, and
regenerates a man, and justifies him in the sight of
God, both in covering his ill deeds, and making his
good deeds acceptable to God, climbing up to heaven,
and there wrestling with God and his judgment for
righteousness, for salvation, and for everlasting life.
Works and charity follow faith, and are exercised here
upon the earth, and have glory only before man, but not
before God, in shewing forth obedience both to God and
to man. Further than this our good works do not
reach, nor have any thing to do in the judgment of God
touching salvation. I speak of our good works (as St.
Paul speaketh, Rom. vii.) as they be ours, and imper-
fect. For if our works could be perfect according to
the perfection of the law, as Christ wrought them in the
perfection of his flesh ; that is, if we could perfect them ;
then, as it is said : " The man which doeth those things
shall live by them," Rom. x. 5. But now seeing the
weakness of our flesh cannot attain thereto, it follows that
all glory of justifying is taken from works, and transferred
only to faith.
And thus much concerning the principal contents of
St. Paul's doctrine : wherein the church of the ancient
Romans was first grounded and planted, and so conti-
nued, or at least did not much alter, during the primi-
tive state of the church. Likewise, the same form o(
doctrine the later Romans should have maintained, and
not have fallen away for any man's preaching, but should
hold him accursed, yea if he were an apostle or angel from
heaven, teaching any other doctrine than that which we
have preached unto you. Gal. i. 8., for so were they
warned before by the apostle St. Paul to do. And yet,
notwithstanding all this forewarning and diligent instruc-
tion of this blessed apostle of the Gentiles, what a defec-
tion of faith is fallen among the Gentiles, especially
among the Romans, whereof the said apostle also fore-
told them so long before, prophesying, that the day of the
Lord shall not come, "except there come a falling away
first, and that man of sin be revealed," &c. 2 Thess. ii. 3.,
meaning a departing and a falling from that faith which
the Holy Ghost had then planted by his ministry among
the Gentiles, as we see it now come to pass in the church
of Rome. Which church is so gone from the faith that
St. Paul taught, that if he were now alive, and saw these
decrees and decretals of the bishop of Rome, these heaps
of ceremonies and traditions, these mass-books, these
festivals and legends, these processionals, hymns, and
sequences, these beads and graduals, and the manner of
their invocation, their canons, censures, and later coun-
cils, such swarms of superstitious monks and friars,
such sects, and so many divers religions— the testament
of St. Francis, the rule of St. Benedict, of St. Bridget,
of St. Anthony, &c. the intricate subtleties and laby-
rinths of the schoolmen, the infinite cases and distinc-
tions of the canonists, the sermons in churches, the
assertions in schools, the glory of the pope, the pride of
the clergy, the cruelty of persecuting prelates with their
officials and promoters : he would say this were not a
defection, but rather a plain destruction, and a ruin of
faith ; neither that this were any true church of Christ,
but a new found religion, or paganism rather, brought in
under the shadow of Christianity, wherein remains al-
most nothing else but the name only of Christ, and the
AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS.
25
outward form of his religion, the true vein and effect
whereof is utterly decayed ; as will soon appear to them
who will examine all the parts of this new Romish
religion.
For save only that they pretend the solemn form and
words of the creed, and are baptized, confessing the
name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Gliost : as
touching all other points, and true sincerity of the
christian faith, which they outwardly profess, they are
utterly degenerated from that which St. Paul and the
word of God first had taught them.
For, they confess the Father in word, but his will
expressed in his word tliey renounce ; his grace they
acknowledge not ; his benefits and jiromises given unto
us in his Son, they receive not ; the vigor of his law they
feel not ; the terror of his judgments they fear not, and
his commandments they observe by traditions and com-
mandments of their own.
Likewise the name of Christ his Son, they confess in word,
but in deed they deface and diminish his office ; his glory
they seek not, but under his name they seek their own
glory ; the power of his blood and passion they know
not, for they neither admit him to be the head of his
church alone, nor Saviour alone, nor to be our only pa-
tron and advocate, but place him with the Virgin Mary,
and other patrons, so that almost every parish in
Christendom has its peculiar patron, besides Christ.
In like manner, they confess the name of the Holy
Ghost, but God himself knoweth how far they are from
the comfort, knowledge, and taste of the Holy Ghost; as
may well appear by their councils, by their expounding
of scripture, by their superstitious ceremonies, by their
outward worshipping, and idolatrous invocation to stocks
and stones, and to dead creatures, by their scrupulous
observation of days, times, places, numbers and ges-
tures ; and no less also by their doctrine, which de-
frauds the poor hearts of simple christians of their due
consolation, joy and liberty in the Holy Ghost, keep-
ing them stiU in a servile bondage, and a doubtful
uncertainty of their salvation, contrary to the working of
the Holy Spirit of God.
And thus the church of Rome, pretending only the
name of Christ and of his religion, is so far altered from
the truth of what it pretends, that under the name of
Christ, it persecutes both Christ and his religion ; work-
ing more harm to the church of Christ than ever did the
open tyrants and persecuting emperors among the hea-
then : not much unlike the old synagogue of the scribes
and pharisees, who, under the name of God, crucified the
Son of God, and under pretence of the law, fought
against the gospel, and under the title of Abraham's
children, persecuted the children of Abraham. And as
they boasting so highly of the temple of the Lord, did,
indeed, destroy the true temple of the Lord ; just so,
these pretended cathoUcs in these days, after they have
raised up a catholic church of their own, and have
armed it with laws, and have gathered a multitude
of priests, prelates, abbots, priors, monks, cardinals,
and also of secular princes, to take their part ; now,
under the name of the catholic church, they persecute
the true catholic church, and colouring their proceeding
still with the name of the Lord, most cruelly put them to
death, who die for the name of the Lord, condemning
them for heretics, schismatics, and rebels, who deny no
part of the creed which they themselves profess, and
whom they cannot convince by any scripture ; but who
will not join with their errors and heresies, contrary to
the honour of God, and truth of his word.
And lest any should think that our protest against the
corrupt errors and manifold deformities of this later
church of Rome proceeds more of rancour or affec-
tion, rather than grounded upon necessary causes and
demonstration, my purpose is to take herein some little
pains, and as I have collected, a little before, the con-
tents of St. Paul's doctrine, wherewith the old church of
Rome was first seasoned and acquainted, so now, in a
like summary table, I will describe the particular
branches and contents of the pope's doctrine, that all
true christian readers, comparing the one with the other,
taaj discern w-.it great alteration there is between the
I church of Rome that now is, and the church of Rotne
that then was planted by the apostles in the primitive
time. And to open to the simple reader some way
whereby he may the better judge in such matters of doc-
trine, and not be deceived in discerning truth from error,
we will first propound certain princi])les or general posi-
tions, as infallible rules or truths of the scripture, where-
by all other doctrines and opinions of men being tried
and examined, as with the touchstone, may the more
easily be judged whether they be true or false, and
whether they make against the scripture, or no.
T/te Fifst Principle.
As sin and death came originally by the disobe-
dience of one to all men of his generation by nature : so
righteousness and life came originally by the obedience of
one to all men regenerated of him by faith and baptism.
Rom. v. 15.
The Second Principle.
The promise of God was freely given to our first
parents without their deserving ; that the seed of the wo-
man should bruise the serpent's head, Gen. iii. 15.
The Third Principle.
Promise was given freely to Abraham before he de-
served any thing, that in his seed all nations should be
blessed, Gen. xii. '.'>.
The Fourth Principle.
We must neither add to, nor diminish from the word
of God, Dent. iv. 2.
The Fifth Principle.
He that doth the works of the law shall live therein,
Levit. xviii. 5. Gal. iii. 12.
The Sia:th Principle.
Accursed is he which abideth not in every thing
that is written in the book of the law, Deut. xxvii. 26.
Gal. ui, 10.
The Seventh Principle.
God only is to be worshipped, Deut. vi. 13. Luke
iv. 8.
The Eighth Principle.
All our righteousnesses are as filthy rags, Isaiah
Mv. 6.
The Ninth Principle.
In all my holy hill they shall not kill nor slay,
saith the Lord, Isaiah xi. 9. Ixv. 25.
The Tenth Principle.
God loveth mercy and obedience more than sacri
fice, Hoseavi. 6. 1 Sam. xv. 22.
T/ie Eleventh Principle.
The law worketh wrath, condemneth and openeth sin,
Rom. iv. 15.; iii. 19, 20.
The Twelfth Principle.
Christ is the end of the law for righteousness to every
one that believeth, Rom. x. 4.
The Thirteenth Principle.
Whosoever believeth and is baptized, shall be saved,
Mark .\vi. 16.
The Fourteenth Principle.
A man is justified by faith without works, freely by
grace, not of ourselves. Gal. ii. 16 ; Ephes. ii. 9.
The Fifteenth Principle.
There is no remission of sins without shedding of
blood, Heb. ix. 22.
The Sixteenth Principle.
^Vhatsoever is not of faith is sin, Rom. xiv. 23. With-
out faith it is impossible to please God, Heb.
xi. 6.
The Seventeenth Principle.
One mediator between God and man, Christ Jesus,
Tim. ii. 5. And he is the propitiation for our sins,
1 John ii. 2.
The Eighteenth Principle.
Whosoever seeketh to be justified by the law, is fallen
from grace. Gal. v. 4.
The Nineteenth Principle.
In Christ all the promises of God are yea and amen,
2 Cor. i. 20.
The Twentieth Principle.
Let every soul be subject unto the higher powe'-s,
giving to Cesar that which is Cesar's, and to Gud
that which is God's, Rom. xiii. 1 ; Mark xii. If.
THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS,
26
As no man can deny these principles and infallible rules
of the scripture, so if they be granted, the doctrine of
the pope's church must be found not to be catholic, but
rather full of errors and heresies, as in the sequel re-
mains more expressly and particularly by the grace of
Christ to be proved. I now proceed to give a summary
account of the errors, heresies, and absurdities, con-
tained in the pope's doctrine, contrary to the rules of
God's word, and the first institution of the church of
Rome.
OF FAITH AND JUSTIFICATION.
First, as to the only means and cause of our justifi-
cation, whereby the merits of Christ's passion are ap-
plied to us and made ours, we saw before how St. Paul
ascribes it only to faith ; as appears by all his epistles,
especially to the Romans. Where, excluding all kind
of works, he ascribes all our salvation, justification,
righteousness, reconciliation, and peace with God, only
unto faith in Christ. Contrary to which doctrine, the
pope and his church has set up divers and sundry other
means of their own devising whereby the merits of
Christ's passion (as they say) are applied to us and
made ours, to the putting away of sins, and for our jus-
tification, such as hope, charity, sacrifice of the mass,
auricular confession, satisfaction, merits of saints, and
holy orders, the pope's pardons, &c. So that Christ's
sacrifice, stripes, and suffering, by this teaching, does
not heal us, though we believe never so well, unless we
add also these works and merits above recited. Which
if it be true, then that is false which Isaiah the prophet
doth promise (chapter liii. 5.)," with his stripes we are
healed," &c. This error and heresy of the church of Rome,
though it seem at first sight to the natural reason of
man to be but of small importance, yet if it be earnestly
considered, it is in very deed the most pernicious heresy
almost that ever crept into the church, upon which, as
the foundation, all or the greater part of the errors,
absurdities, and inconveniences of the pope's church
are grounded. For this being once admitted, that a
man is not justified by his faith in Christ alone, but that
other means must be sought by our own working and
merits to apply the merits of Christ's passion unto us,
then there is neither any certainty left of our salvation,
nor any end to setting up new means and merits of our
own devising for remission of sins. Neither hath there
been any heresy that either hath rebelled more presump-
tuously against the high majesty of God the Father, nor
more perniciously injured the souls of the simple, than
this doctrine.
First of all, it subverts the will and testament of God.
For where almighty God of his mercy has given us his
Son to die for us, and with him has given his full promise,
that whosoever believeth on him, should be saved by
faith, and assigns none other condition, either of the law,
or of works, but only of faith, to be the means be-
tween his Son and us : these men take upon them to
alter this testament that God hath set, and add other
conditions, which the Lord in his word never appointed
nor knew. To whom the words of Jerome may be well
applied upon the epistle to the Galatians, " They make
of the gospel of Christ the gospel of men, or rather the
gospel of the devil," &c.
Secondly, whereas the christian reader in the gospel,
reading of the gr^at grace and sweet promises of God
given to mankind in Christ his Son, might thereby take
much comfort of soul, and be at rest and peace with the
Lord his God : there comes the pestiferous doctrine of
these heretics, wherewith they obscure this free grace of
God, choke the sweet comforts of man in the Holy
Ghost, oppress christian liberty, and bring us into spi-
ritual bondage.
Thirdly, as in this their impious doctrine they shew
themselves manifest enemies to God's grace: so are they
no less injurious to christian men, whom they leave in a
doubtful distrust of God's favour and of their salvation,
contrary to the word and will of God, and right institu-
tion of the apostolic doctrine. And, whereas, they
object to as that we rather leave men's conscience un-
certain, forasmuch as, if life (say they) were not a due
reward, it were uncertain : and now forsomuch as due
debt is certain, and mercy or favour is uncertain, there-
fore (say they) we leaving men's consciences to the
mercy of God, do leave them in a doubtful uncertainty
of their salvation. To this I answer, that due debt, if it
be proved by the law duly deserv'ed, must be certain.
But if the law shall prove it imperfect, or not due, then it is
not certain, neither can there be any thing duly claimed.
Now as touching mercy, so long as it remains secret in
the prince's will, and not known to his subjects, so long
it is uncertain. But when this mercy shall be openly
published by proclamation, ratified by promise, conferred
by will and testament, established in blood, and sealed
with sacraments, then this mercy remains no more
doubtful, but ought firmly to be believed of every true
faithful subject. And, therefore, St. Paul, to establish
our hearts in this assurance, and to answer to this doubt,
in his epistle to the Romans, does teach us, saying,
" Therefore it is of faith, that it might be by grace, to
the end the promise might be sure to all the seed,"
Rom. iv. 16". Meaning, hereby, that works have nothing
to do in this case of justifying, and stating the reason
why : for then our salvation should stand in doubt,
because in working we are never certain whether our
deserts be perfect and sufficient in God's judgment or
no : and, therefore, (saith St. Paul) to the intent our
salvation should be out of all doubt and certain, it stands
not of works in deserving, but of faith in apprehending,
and of God's free grace in promising.
Fourthly, as in this their sinister doctrine they break
this principle of christian religion, which saith that a
man is justified by faith without works, so again it
breaks another principle above rehearsed. For this rule
being granted, that nothing is to be added to God's
word, nor taken from it, then have these men done
wickedly in adding (as they do) to God's word. For
where the word of God limits to our justification no con-
dition but faith, " Believe on the Lord Jesus Christ, and
thou shalt be saved and thy house," &c. Acts xvi. 31,
these add other conditions besides, and such as the word
excludes, as hope, charity, the sacrifice of the mass, the
work of the priest, auricular confession, satisfaction,
meritorious deeds, &c. And thus much concerning the
doctrine of faith and justification. Whereby it may ap-
pear to what horrible blindness and blasphemy the
church of Rome is now fallen, where this kind of doc-
trine is not only suffered, but also publicly professed.
OF WORKS AND THE LAW.
As touching the doctrine of good works, and the law,
what the teaching of St. Paul was to the Romans, we have
seen before. Who, although he excludes good works from
the office of justifying, yet he excludes them not from
the practice and conversation of christian life, but most
earnestly calls upon all faithful believers in Christ to
walk worthy their vocation, to lay down their old con-
versation, to give their members servants of righteous-
ness, to offer their bodies up to God a lively sacrifice,
&c. Whose teaching the reformed churches follow, as
their sermons, their preachings, writings, exhortings,
and lives bear record. Who, although they cannot say
with Christ, " Which of you convinceth me of sin ?" yet
they may say to the adversaries, whosoever of you is
without fault, cast the first stone of reproach against us.
What the errors of the church of Rome are, touching
this part of doctrine, remains to be stated. Their first
error stands in this, that they, misunderstanding the
nature of good works, do call good works, not such as
properly are commanded by the law of God, but such as
are agreeable to the pope's law ; as building of abbeys
and churches, giving to the high altar, founding of
trentals, finding of chanteries, gilding of images, hearing
of masses, going on pilgrimage, fighting for the holy
cross, keeping of vows, entering into orders, fasting of
vigils, creeping to the cross, praying to saints, &c. — all
which are not only reputed for good works, but so pre-
ferred also before all other works, that to these is given
pardon from the pope, double and triplefold, more than
AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS.
27
to any other good work of charity commanded in the
law of x\lmighty God.
Another error also may be noted in the papists, touch-
ing the efficient or formal cause of good works. Al-
tliough they all confess in their books, that '• the grace of
God truly given" is the chief and principal cause there-
of, and works in us " the first justification" (as they call
it), yet the good works after regeneration they refer to
other subordinate causes, under God, as to free-will, or
to " a habit of virtue," or " natural integrity," and
nothing at all to faith, whereas faith only next under
God is the root and fountain of well-doing : as in the
fruits of a good tree, although the planter or the hus-
bandman be the principal agent, and some cause also
may be in the good ground ; yet the immediate cause is
the root that makes the tree fruitful. In like manner,
the grace of God, in a soft and repentant mollified heart,
plants the gift of faith : faith, as a good root, cannot
lie dead or unoccupied, but springs forth, and makes
both the tree fruitful, and the fruit good, which other-
wise had no goodness in them, were it not for the good-
ness of the root from whence they spring ; so St. Paul,
although he had certain works in him, such as they
were before his conversion, yet had he no good works
before the grace of Christ had rooted faith in him : so
Mary Magdalene the sinner, and Zaccheus the publican :
BO all the nations of the Gentiles began to bring forth
fruit, and especially good fruit, when they began to be
ingrafted in Christ, and to receive the root of his faith,
whose fruits before that, were all damnable and unsa-
voury. As touching tlio cause therefore of good works,
there is no other in man but faith, as it is the office of
faith to justify us in heaven, so the nature of it is here in
earth to work by love, as the root works by the sap.
For as a man sees and feels by faith the love and grace
of God toward him in Christ his Son, so he begins to
love again both God and man, and to do for his neigh-
bour as God hath done to him. And hereof properly
springs the running fountain of all good works and deeds
of charity.
Thirdly, as they err in the cause of good works, so
do they err much more in the e)id of the law, and of
good works ; for where St. Paul teaches the law to be
given to this use and end, to convict our transgressions,
to prove us sinners, to shew and condemn our infirmity,
and to drive us to Christ, they take and apply no other
end to the law, but to make us perfect, to keep us from
wrath, aud to make us just before God ! And likewise,
where St. Paul proves all our good works to be im-
perfect, and utterly excludes them from justifying, they
contrariwise teach, as though the end of good works
were to merit remission of sins, to satisfy God, to de-
serve grace, to redeem souls from purgatory, and that
by them the person of the regenerate man pleases God,
and is made just before God. For so they teach most
jFrickedly and horribly, saying, that Christ suffered for
original sin, or sins going before baptism ; but the actual
sins, which follow after baptism, must be done away by
men's merits. And so they assign to Christ the begin-
ning of salvation, or obtaining the first grace (as they
call it), but the perfection or consummation of grace
they give to works and our own strength. Neither can
they bear the doctrine, that we be justified freely by the
mercy of God through faith only apprehending the merits
of Christ. However, all papists do not agree in this error.
For some make a distinction, and say, that we are justified
by Christ principally ; and by the dignity of our own
deeds, less principally. Others hold that we are made
righteous before God, not by our works that go before
L'lith, but by our virtues that follow after. Some again
l(k ■*^^lius expound the saying of St. Paul, " We are justi-
fied by faith," that is (say they) by faith preparing us,
or setting us in a good way to be justified. Others ex-
pound it by faith conjoined together with other virtues ;
others thus, by faith, that is, being formed with charity,
&c. Thus all these derogate from the benefit of Christ,
and attribute unto works a great or the greatest part of our
justification, directly against the true vein of St. Paul's
doctrine, and first institution of the ancient church of
Rome, and against all the principles of holy scripture.
Furthermore, as to the doctrine of the law and good
works, they err in misunderstanding the nature of the
law and works. For where St. Paul argues that the law
is spiritual, and requires of us perfect obedience, which
we being carnal are never able to accomplish, they
affirm otherwise, that the law requires only the outward
obedience of man, and is contented therewith. And this
obedience (they say) man is not only able to perform,
but also to do more and greater things than the law re-
quires. Whereof rise the works of supererogation.
There are also (say they) certain works of the law,
which pertain not to all men, but are counsels left for
perfect men, as matter for them to merit by, and these
they call " works of perfection, or works of supereroga-
tion," adding also unto these new devices, to serve God
after their own traditions besides the word of God, as
monastical vows, wilful poverty, difference of meats and
garments, pilgrimage to relics and saints, worshipping
of the dead, superstitious ceremonies, rosaries, &c. with
such like ; and these they call works of perfection,
which tliey prefer before the others commanded in the
law of God. Insomuch that in comparison of these, the
other necessary duties commanded and commended by
the word of God (as to bear office in the commonwealth,
to live in the godly state of matrimony, to sustain the
office of a servant in a house) are contemned, and ac-
counted as profane in comparison of these.
They teach not rightly of sin, nor after the institution
of the apostles, and the ancient church of Rome, while
they consider not the deepness and largeness of sin, sup-
posing it still to be nothing else but the inward actions
with consent of will, or the outward, such as are against
will ; whereas the strength of sin extends not only to
these, but also comprehends the blindness and ignorance
of the mind, lack of knowledge and true fear of God, the
untowardness of man's mind to God-ward, the privy
rebellion of the heart against the law of God, the unde-
lighturg will of man to God and his word. The sense of
flesh St. Paul also calleth an enemy against God, and
feels in himself, that is, in his flesh, nothing dwelling
but sin.
As touching also original sin, wherein we are born,
which is the destruction of original righteousness, and of
God's image in us (remaining in us, and bringing forth
in us wicked thoughts, affections, and motions of sin
against the law of God, and never ceasing so long as
man lives), this original sin the pope's doctrine doth not
deny, but yet much extenuates it, and holds that this in-
ward concupiscence, and these vicious affections, are not
mortal nor damnable sins, and that this concupiscence in
us is no depravation of the higher, but only of the lower
parts of man, being a thing indifferent, and no less natural
in us than is the appetite to eat and drink, and that
the same is left to remain in the saints after baptism,
to be to them occasion of more meriting.
OF PENANCE OR KEPENTANCE.
This later church of Rome has made a sacrament
of penance, which they say consists of three parts.
Contrition, Confession, and Satisfaction. Contrition (as
they teach) may be had by strength of free-will, without
the law and the Holy Ghost, through man's own action
and endeavour : which contrition must be sufficient,
and so it merits remission of sin. In confession they
require a full rehearsal of all sins, whereby the priest
knowing the crimes, may minister satisfaction accord-
ingly : and this rehearsing of sins deserves remission.
Satisfactions they call works not due, enjoined by the
ghostly father : and this satisfaction (say they) takes
away and changes eternal punishment into temporal
pains, which pains also it mitigates. And again, these
satisfactions may be taken away by the pope's indul-
gence, &c.
This unsavoury and heathenish doctrine of penance dif-
fers much from the true teaching of holy scripture. By the
which teaching, repentance properly contains these thre«
THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS.
parts, contrition, faith, and new life. Contrition is
called in scripture the sorrow of heart, rising upon the
consideration of sin committed, and of the anger of God
provoked, which sorrow drives a man to Christ for suc-
cour, whereupon rises faith. Faith brings aftervs'ard
amendment or newness of life, which we call new obe-
dience bringing forth fruits worthy of repentance.
DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE LAW AND THE GOSPEL.
As there is nothing more necessary and comfortable
for troubled consciences, than to be well instructed in
the difference between the law and the gospel ; so the
church of Rome is much to blame because it confounds
together those two, being in nature so divers and con-
trary one from another, as threatenings, with promises —
things temporal, with things eternal— sorrowful things,
with glad tidings — death, with life — bondage, with free-
dom, &c. Teaching the people that whatever the law
saith, the gospel confirms ; and whatever the gospel
saith, the same is agreeable to the law, and so they make no
difference between Moses and Christ ; save only that
Moses was the giver of the old law, Christ the giver of
the new and a more perfect law. And thus they imagine
the gospel to be nothing else but a new law given by
Christ, binding to the promises thereof the condition of
our doings and deservings, no otherwise than to the old
law. And so they divide the whole law after this dis-
tinction into three parts, to wit, the law of nature, the
law of Moses, and the law of Christ. And as for the
gospel (they say) it is revealed for no other cause, but
to shew to the world more perfect precepts and counsels
than were in the old law ; to the fulfilling whereof they
attribute justification, and so leave the poor consciences
of men in perpetual doubt, and induce other manifold
errors ; bringing the people into a false opinion of Christ,
as though he were not a remedy against the law, but
came as another Moses, to give a new law to the world.
Furthermore, as they make no difference between the
nature of the law, and the nature of the gospel, con-
founding Moses and Christ together ; so neither do they
distinguish the time of the law, and the time of the
gospel asunder. For where St. Paul brings in the law to
be a schoolmaster, and limits his time unto Christ, and
saith that Christ is the end of the law ; that is, where the
law ceases there Christ begins, and where Christ begins
there the law ends : they, on the other hand, make the
law to have no end nor ceasing, but give to it immortal
life and kingdom equal with Christ, so that Christ and
the law together do reign over the soul and conscience
of man. Which is untrue ; for either Christ must give
nlace and the law stand, or the law (the condemnation
and malediction of the law I mean) must end, and Christ
reign. For both these, Christ and the law, grace and
malediction cannot reign and govern together. But
Christ the Son of God, which once died, can die no more,
but must reign for ever. Wherefore the law with its
strength, sting and curse must needs cease and have an
end. And this is what St. Paul, speaking of the triumph
of Christ, saith, that he ascending up led captivity cap-
tive, and hath set man at liberty ; not at liberty to live
as flesh lusteth, neither hath freed him from the use and
exercise of the law, but from the dominion and power of
the law, so that " there is now no condemnation to them
that are in Christ Jesus, which walk not after the flesh,
&c." Rom. viii. 4. And in another place, St. Paul
speaking of the same power and dominion of the law,
saith that Christ " Blotting out the hand-writing of ordi-
nances that was against us, which was contrary to us,
and took it out of the way, nailing it to the cross," Col.
ii. 14. So that as the kingdom of Christ first began upon
the cross, even so upon the same cross, and at the same
time, the kingdom of the law expired, and the male-
diction of the law was so crucified upon the cross, that it
shall never rise again, to have any power against them
that be in Christ Jesus. For like as if a woman be dis-
charged from her first husband, being dead, and has mar-
ied another man, the first husband has no more power
Over her, Rom. vii. 2 ; even so we now being esjioused
unto Christ our second husband, are discharged utterly
from our first husband the law, and as St. Paul saith,
(Rom. vi. 14.) are no more under the law, that is,
under the dominion and malediction of the law, but
under grace, that is, under perpetual remission of sins,
committed not only before our baptism, but as well also
after baptism, and during all our life long. For therein
properly consists the grace of God, in not imputing sin
to us, so often as the repenting sinner rising up by faith,
flies unto Christ, and apprehends God's mercy and re-
mission promised in him, according to the testimony
both of the Psalm, " Blessed is the man to whom the
Lord imputeth no sin," &c. and also of all the prophets,
which (as St. Peter saith) " give witness that through
his name, all that believe in him shall receive remission
of their sins," &c. Acts x. 43. Which being so, as
cannot be denied, then what need these private and ex-
traordinary remissions to be brought into the church by
ear-confession, by meritorious deeds, and by the pope's
pardons ? For if there be no condemnation but by the
law, and if this law itself which was the first husband, be
made captive, crucified, abolished, and departed, what
condemnation tlien can there be to them that be in
Christ Jesus, or by whom should it come } If there be
no condemnation, but a free and general deliverance for
all men, once gotten by the victory of Christ from the
penalty of the law, what needs then any particular re-
mission of sins at sundry times to be sought at the
priest's hands or the pope's pardons ? He that has a
general pardon, needs no particular. If remedy for sin
be general and ])erpetual, once gotten, for ever to all
them that be in Christ Jesus, what needs any other
remedy by auricular confession ? If it be not general
and perpetual, how then is it true that St. Paul saith,
the law is crucified, and condemnation abolished ? Or
how stands redemption perpetual and general, if re-
mission be not general .' For what else is redemption,
but remission of sin, or sins bought out ? Or what else
to kill the law, but to discharge us from condemnation for
ever ? He that delivers his friend for a time out of his
enemy's hand does him good ; but he that kUls the
enemy once out of the way, gives perpetual safety. So
if remission of sins by Christ were for some sins, and
not for all, the law then must needs live still. But now
the killing and crucifying of the law imports full and
absolute remission, and our safety to be perpetual. But
here some will object ; how is remission of sins cer-
tain and perpetual, seeing new offences being daily com-
mitted, do daily require new remission ? I answer : al-
though sins do daily grow, whereby we have need daily
to desire God to " forgive our trespasses," &c. yet not-
withstanding the cause of our remission stands ever one
and perpetual, neither is it to be repeated any more, nor
any other cause to be sought besides that alone. This
cause is the body of Christ sacrificed once upon the
cross for all sins that either have been or shall be com-
mitted. Besides this cause there is no other, neithert
confession nor men's pardons, that remits sins.
Furthermore, as the cause is one and ever perpetual,
which worketh remission of sins to us ; so is the promise
of God ever one, once made, and stands perpetual, that
offers it to the faith of the repenting sinner. And be-
cause the promise of God is always sure and cannot fail, i
which offers remission to all them that believe in Christ,]
being limited neither to time nor number, therefore wel
may boldly conclude, that whenever a repenting sinner
believes, and by faith applies to himself the sacrifice of
Christ, he has by God's own promise, remission of bis
sins, whether they were done before or after baptism.
And, moreover, as the promise of God offers re-
mission to the repentant sinner, by no other means nor
condition, but only one, that is, by faith in Christ ; there-
fore excluding all other means and conditions of man's
working, we say, that what repenting sinner soever be-
lieves in Christ, has already in himself (and needs not
to seek to any priest) perpetual assurance of remission,
not for this time or that time only, but for ever 1 For the
promise saith not, he that believeth in Christ shall be .
pardoned this time, so he sin no more ; neither does iti
say that the law is staid or the sentence reprieved, buti
saith plainly that tiij law, with her condemnation andf
AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS.
29
sentence, is itself condemned and crucified, and shall
never rise again to them that be in Christ Jesus, and
promises without limitation, remission of sins, " To all
that believe in his name," &c. Acts x. 43. And like-
wise in another place, the scripture speaking absolutely,
Baith, " Sin shall not have dominion over you," andaddeth
the reason why, saying, " Because ye are not under the
law but under grace," Rom. vi. 14. Adding this lesson,
not that sinners should sin more because they are under
grace, but only that weak infirmities might be relieved,
broken consciences comforted, and repenting sinners
preserved from desperation, to the praise of God's glory.
For as God forgives not sinners, because they should sin,
so neither does infirmity of falling diminish the grace of
\ Christ, but does rather illustrate the same, as it is written,
' " My strength is made perfect in weakness," 2 Cor. xii.
I 9. And again, " Where sin abounded, grace did much
i more abound," Rom. v. 20.
In remission of sins, therefore, these four things must
concur together : first, the cause that works (which is
j the sacrifice of Christ's body) ; secondly, tlie promise
I that offers ; thirdly, faith that apprehends and applies ;
i; fourthly, the repenting sinner that receives. And al-
I though sins do daily grow, which daily provoke us to
I crave remission ; yet, as touching the cause that works
• remission of our daily sins, and the means which apply
the said cause unto us, they remain always one and per-
' petual ; besides which no other cause nor means is to be
sought of man. So that to them that are repenting sin-
i ners, and in Christ Jesus, there is no law to condemn
! them, though they have deserved condemnation ; but
\\ they are under a perpetual kingdom, and a heaven full
j; of grace, and remission to cover their sins, and not to im-
' pute their iniquities, through the promise of God in
. Christ Jesus our Lord.
And therefore is the doctrine of them wicked and im-
; pious, first, who seek any other cause of remission, than
i only the blood of our Saviour ; secondly, who assign
any other means to apply the blood-shedding of Christ
UQto us, besides only faith ; thirdly and especially, who
so limit and restrain the eternal privilege of Christ's
passion, as though it served only for sins done with-
out and before faith, and that the rest committed after
baptism, must be done away by confession, pardons, and
satisfactory deeds. And all this rises because the true
nature of the law and the gospel is not known, nor the
difference rightly considered between the times of the
one and of the other. Neither, again, do they make any
Idistinction between the malediction of the law, and the
use of the law. And therefore whensoever they hear us
speak of the law (meaning the malediction of the law),
to be abolished, thereupon they maliciously slander us,
as though we spake against the good exercises of the
law, and gave liberty to carnal men to live as they like.
Whereof more shall be said (by the Lord's grace) as
place and time shall hereafter require.
OF FREE-WILL,
Concerning free-will, as it may peradventure in some
case be admitted, that men without grace may do some
outward functions of the law, and keep some outward
observances or traditions : so as to things spiritual and
appertaining to salvation, the strength of man not rege-
nerate by grace, is so infirm and impotent, that he can
perform nothing, neither in doing well nor willing well.
Who, after he be regenerated by grace, may work and
do well, but yet there still remains a great imperfection
of flesh, and a perpetual conflict between the flesh and
the spirit. And thus was the original church of the
ancient Romans first instructed. From which we may
see how far this later church of Rome has degenerated,
which holds and affirms, that men without grace may
perform the obedience of the law, and prepare themselves
to grace by working, so that those works may be meri-
torious, and of congruity obtain grace. Which grace
once obtained, then men may (say they) perfectly per-
form the full obedience of the law, and accomplish those
spiritual actions and works which God requires, and so
those works of condignity deserve everlasting life. As
for the infirmity which still remains in our nitxi e, that
they do not regard nor once speak of.
OF INVOCATION AND ADORATION.
Besides these uncatholic and almost unchristian ab-
surdities and departures from the apostolical faith, let
us consider the manner of their invocation, not to God
alone, as they should ; but to dead men, saying that
saints are to be called upon as mediators of intercession ;
and Christ as the mediator of salvation. And they affirm
moreover, that Christ was a mediator only in the time of
his passion. Which is repugnant to the words of St.
Paul, writing to the old Romans, (chap. viii. 34,) where,
speaking of the intercession of Christ, he says, " Who
is on the right hand of God, who also maketh interces-
sion for us," &c. And if Christ be a mediator of salva-
tion, why need we then any other intercession of saints
for our petitions ? For salvation being once had, what
can we require more ? Or what more does he want to
be obtained of the saints, who is sure to be saved only
by Christ ? And then in their devotions, why do they
teach us thus to pray to the blessed Virgin : " Save all
them that glorify thee," &c. if salvation belong only to
Christ ? unless they purposely study to seem contrary
to themselves.
Hereto also pertains the worshipping of relics, and
the false adoration of sacraments, that is, the outward
signs of the things signified. Add to this also, the profa-
nation of the Lord's Supper, contrary to the use for
which it was ordained, in reserving it after the commu-
nion, in setting it to sale for money, and falsely persuad-
ing both themselves and others, that the priest merits
both to himself that speaketh, and to him that heareth,
only by the mere doing of the work, though the party
that useth the same hath no devotion in him.
OF SACRAMENTS, BAPTISM, AND THE LORD'S SUPPER.
As touching the sacraments, their doctrine likewise is
corrupt and erroneous.
First, they err falsely in the number ; for where the
institution of Christ ordains but two, they have added
five other sacraments.
Secondly, they err in the use ; for where the word has
ordained those sacraments to excite our faith, and to give
us admonitions of spiritual things, they contrariwise teach
that the sacraments do not only stir up faith, but also
that they avail and are effectual without faith, as is to
be found in the writings of Thomas Aquinas, Scotus,
and others.
Thirdly, in the operation and effect of the sacraments
they fail, where, contrary to the mind of the scriptures
they say, that they give grace, and not only do sig-
nify, but also contain and exhibit that which they signify,
to wit, grace and salvation.
Fourthly, they err also in application, applying their
sacraments both to the quick and the dead, to them also
that be absent, to remission of sins, and releasing of
pain, &c.
In the sacrament of baptism they are to be reproved,
not only for adding to the simple words of Christ's in-
stitution divers other new found rites and fancies of men,
but also where the use of the old church of Rome was
only to baptize men, they baptize also bells, and apply
the words of baptism to water, fire, candles, stocks and
stones, &c.
But especially in the Supper of the Lord their doctrine
most filthily swerves from the right mind of the scrip-
tures, from all order, reason and fashion, and is mosi
worthy to be exploded out of all christian churches.
Touching the which sacrament, the first error is their
idolatrous abuse by worshipping, adoring, censing,
knocking, and kneeling unto it, in reserving also and
carrying the same about in pomp and procession in
towns and fields. Secondly, also in the substance
thereof, their teaching is monstrous : they say there is
no substance of bread and wine remaining, but only the
real body and blood of Christ, putting no diS"erence be-
tween calling and making ; because Christ called bread
30
THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH OF ROME THAT NOW IS,
Lis body, therefore, say they, he made it his body, and so
of a wholesome sacrament, they make a perilous idol :
and that which the old church of Rome did ever take to
be a mystery, they turn into a blind mist of mere accidents
to blear the people's eyes, making them believe tliey see
that they see not ; and not to see that which they see,
and to worship a thing made, for their Maker, a crea-
ture for their Creator ; and that which was threshed out
of a wheaten sheaf, they set up in the church, and worship
for a saviour ; and when they have worshipped him, then
they offer him to his father ; and when they have offered
him, then they eat him up, or else close him fast in a pit,
where, if he corrupt and putrify before he be eaten, then
they burn him to powder and ashes. And notwithstand-
ing they know well by scriptures, that the body of Christ
can never corrupt and putrify ; yet for all this corrup-
tion will they needs make it the body of Christ, and burn
all them which believe not that which is against true
christian belief, Acts ii. 27.
OF MATRIMONY.
The order and rule which St. Paul set for marriage is
manifest in his epistle to the Corinthians, where, as he
prefers single life in such as have the gift of continence,
before the married estate ; so, again, in such as have not
the gift, he prefers the married life before the other ; willing
every such one to have his wife, because of fornication,
I Cor. vii. 2. Furthermore, how the apostle allows a
bishop to be the husband of one wife (so he exceeded
not after the manner of the Jews, which were permitted to
have many), and how vehemently he reproves them that
restrain marriage, his Epistles to Timothy do record,
1 Tim. iii. 2, and iv. 3. Moreover, what degrees are
permitted by the law of God to marry, is to be seen in
Lev. xviii. Also how children ought not to marry with-
out the consent of their parents, is apparent by manifest
examples of the scriptures.
Contrary to these ordinances of the scripture, the new
catholics of the pope's church repute and call marriage
a state of imperfection, and prefer single life, be it
never so impure, pretending that where the one replen-
ishes the earth, the other fills heaven. Furthermore, as
good as the third part of Christendom (if it be no more),
both men and women, they keep through compulsory
vows from marriage, having no respect whether they
have the gift or no. Such ministers and priests as are
found to have wives, they not only remove out of place,
but also pronounce sentence of death upon them, and
account their children illegitimate. Again, as good as
the third part of the year they exempt and suspend from
liberty of marriage ; they extend the degrees of forbidden
marriage further than ever did the law of God, even to
the fifth or sixth degree ; which degree, notwithstand-
ing they release again when they choose for money.
Over and besides all this, they have added a new found
prohibition of spiritual kindred, that is, that such as have
been gossips, or godfathers and godmothers together in
christening another man's child, must not marry toge-
ther ; and, finally, in this doctrine of matrimony, they
gain and rake to themselves much money from the peo-
ple, they augment horrible crimes, they nourish adultery,
they fill the world with offences, and give great occasion
of murdering infants.
OF MAGISTRATES AND CIVIL GOVERNMENT.
We have seen before what rules and lessons St. Paul
gave to the old Romans concerning magistrates, to whose
authority he would have all human creatures to be sub-
ject, and how they are the ministers of God, having the
sword given unto them, wherewith they ought to repress
false doctrine and idolatry, and maintain that which is
true and right, Rom. xiii. 1. Now let us survey a little
the pope's proceedings, and mark how far he trans-
gresses in this, as he does in almost all other points, from
true Christianity.
1. The pope, with all his clergy, exempt themselves
from all civil obedience.
2. They arrogate to themselves authority to ordaia
and constitute, without leave or knowledge of the ma-
gistrate.
3. Yea, they take upon them to depose and set up
rulers and magistrates whom they choose.
OF PURGATORY.
The paradoxes, or, rather the fancies of the later
church of Rome, concerning purgatory, are monstrous,
neither old nor apostolical.
1 . They say there is a purgatory, where souls burn
in fire after this life.
2. The pain of purgatory differs nothing from the
pains of hell, but only that it has an end ; the pains of |
hell have none.
3. The painful suffering of this fire fretteth and
purgeth away the sins before committed in the body.
4. The time of these pains endures in some longer, in
some less, according as their sins deserve.
5. After which time of their pains being expired, then
the mercy of God translates them to heavenly bliss^
which the body of Christ has bought for them.
6. The pains of purgatory are so great, that if all the
beggars in the world were seen on the one side, and but
one soul in purgatory on the other side, the whole
world would pity more that one than all the others.
7. The whole time of punishment in this purgatory
must continue so long, till the fire have clean fretted and
purged away the rusty spots of every sinful soul there
burning, unless there come some release.
8. The helps and releases that may shorten the time
of their purgation are the pope's pardons and indul-
gences, sacrifice of the altar, dirges, and trentals, prayer,
fasting, meritorious deeds out of the treasure-house of
the church, alms and charitable deeds of the living,
in satisfying God's justice for them, &c.
9. Lack of belief of purgatory brings to hell.
Many other false errors and great deformities, here-
sies, absurdities, vanities, and follies, besides their blas-
phemous railings, and contumelies, may be noted in the
later church of Rome, wherein they have made manifest
departure from the old faith of Rome, as in depriving
the church of one kind of the sacrament, in taking from
the people the knowledge and reading of God's word, in
praying and speaking to the people, and administering
sacraments in a tongue unknown, in mistaking the au-
thority of the keys, in their unwritten tenets, in making
the authority of the scripture insufficient, in untrue
judgment of the church, and the wrong notes of the
same, in the supremacy of the see of Rome, in their
wrong opinions of antichrist.
But because these, with all other parts of doctrine,
are more copiously, and at large, comprehended in
other books, both in Latin and English, set forth in
these our days ; I shall not travel further herein, espe-
cially seeing the contrariety between the pope's church
and the church of Christ, between the doctrine of the
one, and the doctrine of the other, is so evident, that
he is blind that sees it not, and has no hands almost
that feels it not.
For, whereas the doctrine of Christ is altogether
spiritual, consisting whoUy in spirit and truth, and re^
quires no outward thing to make a true christian man but
only baptism (which is the outward profession of faith),
and receiving the Lord's Supper. Let us now examine
the whole religion of this later church of Rome, and we
shall find it, from top to toe, to consist in nothing else
but altogether in outward and ceremonial exercises ; as
outward confession, absolution at the priest's hand,
outward sacrifice of the mass, buying of pardons, pur-
chasing of obits, worshipping of images and relics, pil-
grimage to this place or that, building of churches,
founding of monasteries, outward works of the law, out-
ward gestures, garments, colours, choice of meats, differ-
ence of times and places, pecuUar rites and observances,
set prayers, and number of prayers prescribed, fasting
of vigils, keeping of holidays, coming to church, hearing
of service, extern succession of bishops, and of Peter's
see, extern form and notes of the church, &c. So that
AND THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF ROME THAT THEN WAS.
31
by this religion to make a true christian and a good
catholic, there is no working of the Holy Ghost re-
quired. As for example, to make this matter more
plain let us here define a christian man after the pope's
making, whereby we may see the better what is to be
judged of the scope of his doctrine.
After the pope's catholic religion, a true christian
man is thus defined ; first, to be baptized in the Latin
tongue (where the godfathers profess they cannot tell
■what), then confirmed by the bishop ; the mother of the
child to be purified, after he be grown in years, then to
come to the church, to keep his fasting days, to fast
in Lent, to come under the priest's blessing, that is, to
be confessed of the priest, to do his penance, at Easter
to take his rites, to hear mass and Divine service, to set
up candles before images, to creep to the cross, to take
holy bread and holy water, to go on procession, to carry
his palms and candle, and to take ashes, to fast in the
ember days, rogation days, and vigils, to keep the
holidays, to pay his tithes and offering days, to go oa
pilgrimage, to buy pardons, to worship his Maker over
the priest's head, to receive the pope for his supreme
head, and to obey his laws, to have his beads, and to
give to the high altar, to take orders if he will be a
priest, to say his matins, to sing his mass, to lift up
fair, to keep his vow, and not to marry, when he is
sick to be absolved and anointed, and take the rites of
the holy church, to be buried in the church-yard, to be
rung for, to be sung for, to be buried in a friar's cowl, to
find a soul-priest, &c.
All which points being observed, who can deny but
this is a devout man, and a perfect christian catholic,
and sure to be saved, as a true, faithful child of the
holy mother church ?
Now look upon this definition, and tell me, good
reader, what faith or spirit, or what working of the Holy
Ghost is required in all this doctrine ? The grace
of our Lord Jesus give the ttrue light of his gospel to
shine in our hearts. Amen.
ACTS AND MONUMENTS,
BOOK I.
CONTAINING
THREE HUNDRED YE.\RS NEXT AFTER CHRIST, WITH THE TEN PERSECUTIONS OF THE
PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
Having tluis prepared the way, let us now (by the grace
of Christ our Lord) enter into the matter : that as we
have set forth the state as well of the primitive as of the
later times of this church of Rome ; so now we may dis-
course of the Acts of every age by itself.
First, To declare of the suffering time of the church,
which contains about three hundred years after Christ.
Secondly, The flourishing and growing time of the
same, containing other three hundred years.
Thirdly, The declining time of the church, and of true
religion, other three hundred years.
Fourthly, Of the time of antichrist, reigning and
raging in the church.
Lastly, Of the reforming time of Christ's church, in
these later three hundred years.
In treating of all which things, our chief purpose shall
be, not so much to intermeddle with outward affairs of
princes, or civil matters, as specially minding ''o prose-
cute such things as appertain to the state of the church ;
as first, to treat of the establishing of christian faith, then
of the persecutions of tyrants, the constancy and pati-
ence of God's saints, the conversion of christian realms
to the faith of Christ, namely, of this realm of England
and Scotland : to declare the maintenance of true doc-
trine, the false practice of prelates, the creeping in of
superstition and hypocrisy, the manifold assaults, wars,
and tumults of the princes of this world against the peo-
ple of God. Wherein may appear the wonderful ope-
ration of Christ's mighty hand, ever working in his
church, and never ceasing to defend the same against his
enemies, according to the verity of his own word, pro-
mising to be with his church while the world shall
Stand.
In the treatment of all which things, two special points
I chiefly commend to the reader, as most recpiisite and
necessary for every christian man to observe and to note
for his own experience and profit ; as first, the disposition
and nature of this world; secondly, the nature and con-
dition of the kingdom of Christ ; the vanity of the one,
and establishment of the other ; the unprosperous and un-
quiet state of the one, ruled by man's violence and
wisdom, ap.d the happy success of the other, ever ruled
by God's blessing and providence ; the wrath and re-
venging hand of God in the one, and his mercy upou
the other. The world I call all such as be without or
against Christ, either by ignorance, not knowing him, or
by heathenish life, not following him, or by violence re-
sisting him. On the other side, the kingdom of Christ
in this world, I take to be all them which belong to the
faith of Christ, and here take his part in this world
against the world ; the number of whom, although it be
much smaller than the other, and is always hated and
molested of the world, yet it is the number which the
Lord peculiarly doth bless and prosper, and ever will.
And this number of Christ's subjects it is which we call
the visible church here on earth. Which visible church,
having in itself a difference of two sorts of people, so is it
to be divided into two ])arts, of which the one stands of
such as are of outward profession only, the other which
by election inwardly, are joined to Christ : the first in
words and lips seem to honour Christ, and are in the
visible church only, but not in the church invisible, and
partake the outward sacraments of Christ, but not the in-
ward blessing of Christ. The other are both in the
visible, and also in the invisible church of Christ, who, not
only in words, and outward profession, but also in heart
do truly serve and honour Christ, partaking not only of
the sacraments, but also of the heavenly blessings and
grace of Christ.
And many times it happens that between these two
parts of this visible church there grows great variance
and mortal persecution, insomuch that sometime the true
church of Christ has no greater enemies than of her own
profession, as happened not only in the time of Christ
and his apostles, but also from time to time almost con-
tinually, and especially in these later days of the church,
under the persecution of antichrist and his retinue.
At the first preaching of Christ, who should rather
have known and received him, than the pharisees and
scribes ? And yet, who persecuted and rejected him
more than they ? What followed ? They in refusing
Christ to be their king, and choosing rather to be sub-
ject to Caesar, were by their own Caesar destroyed.
Whereby is to be learned, what a dangerous thing it is to
refuse the gospel of God.
The like example of God's wrathful punishment is to
be noted no less in the Romans also. For when Tibe-
rius Caesar, having heard by letters from Pontius Pilate^
of the doings of Christ, of his miracles, resiurectiou and
A.D. 36.]
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
S3
I ascension into heaven, and how he was received by many
as God, was himself moved with belief of the same, and
proposed to the senate to have Christ adored as God :
they refused him, because that contrary to the law of the
Romans, he was consecrated (said they) God, before the
senate of Rome had so decreed (Tertul. Apol. cap. 5).
Thus the vain senate, contented with the emperor to
reign over them, and not contented with the meek King
of Glory, the Son of God to be their king ; were, like the
Jews, scourged for their refusing, by the same power
which they themselves did prefer. For as they preferred
the emperor, and rejected Christ, so by the just permis-
sion of God, their own emperors were stirred up against
them, so that the senators themselves were nearly all de-
voured, and the whole city most horribly afflicted for
almost three hundred years. For the same Tiberius,
who for a great part of his reign was a moderate prince,
was afterwards a sharp and heavy tyrant, who neither
favoured his own mother, nor spared his own nephews,
nor the princes of the city, of whom, to the number of
twent}', he left not more than two or three alive. Sue-
tonius reports him to be so stern and tyrannical, that in
his reign, many were unjustly accused, and condemned with
their wives and children. In one day he records twenty
persons drawn to execution. By him, also, through the
' just punishment of God, Pilate, under whom Christ was
, crucified, was accused at Rome, deposed, then banished,
and at length did slay himself. Neither did Herod and Caia-
I phas long escape : and Agrippa also was cast into prison.
In the reign of Tiberius, the Lord Jesus, the Son of
I God, in the four-and-thirtieth year of his age, through the
I malice of the Jews, suffered his blessed passion, for the
I conquering of sin, death, and Satan the prince of this
; world, and rose again the third day. After whose
blessed passion and resurrection, this Tiberius lived six
; years, during which time no persecution was yet stirring
I against the Christians.
; In the next year after the passion of our Saviour, or
I somewhat more, St. Paul was converted to the faith.
I Tiberius, having reigned three-and-twenty years, was
succeeded by Caius Caesar Caligula (A. D. 37), Claudius
Nero (A.D. 41), andDomitius Nero (A. D. 54) ; which
three were likewise scourges to the senate and people of
Rome. Caligula commanded himself to be worshipped
as God, and temples to be erected in his name, and used
to sit in the temple among the gods, requiring his images
to be set up in all temples, and also in the temple at
Jerusalem, His cruel displeasure was such towards the
Romans, that he wished that all the people of Rome had
but one neck, that he might destroy such a multitude.
By Caligula, Herod, the murderer of John Baptist, and
condemner of Christ, was condemned to perpetual banish-
ment, where he died miserably. Caiaphas also, who
wickedly sat in judgment upon Christ, was removed from
the high priests' room, and Jonathan set in his place.
The raging fierceness of this Caligula against the Romans
would not so soon have ceased, had he not been cut off
by the hands of a tribune and other officers, who slew
him in the fourth year of his reign (A. D. 41).
But that which Caligula had only conceived, the other
two which came after, brought to pass ; Claudius Nero
reigned thirteen years with great cruelty, and then died
by poison ; but especially Domitius Nero, who succeed-
ing Claudius, reigned fourteen years, with such fury and
tyranny, that he slew the most part of the senators, and
destroyed the whole order of knighthood in Rome. So
prodigious a monster was he, more like a beast, yea
a devil than a man, that he seemed to be born to the
destruction of men. Such was his wretched cruelty,
that he caused his mother, his brother-in-law, his sister,
his wife, all his instructors, Seneca and Lucan, with many
more of his own kindred and consanguinity, to be put to
death. Moreover, he commanded Rome to be set on
fire in twelve places, and it continued six days and seven
nights in burning (A. D. 64), while he to see .the
example how Troy burned, sung the verses of Homer.
And to avoid the infamy thereof, he laid the fault upon
the christians, and caused them to be persecuted. And
so this miserable emperor continued to reign fourteen
years, till the senate proclaiming him a public enemy to
mankind, condemned him to be drawn through the city
and to be whipped to death. For fear whereof, he fled
in the night to the country, where he was forced to slay
himself. In the latter end of this Domitius Nero, Peter
and Paul were put to death for the testimony and faith of
Christ (A. D. 67).
Thus we see, how the just scourge and indignation of
God ever follows, where Christ Jesus is contemned,
and not received ; as may appear, both by the Romans
who were thus consumed and plagued by their own em-
perors, by civil wars and other casualties. And also by
the destruction of the Jews, who (A. D, 73,) were
destroyed by Titus and Vespasian, to the number of
eleven hundred thousand, besides them which Vespasian
slew in subduing Galilee, and them also which were sold
to vile slavery, to the number of seventeen thousand.
Two thousand were brought with Titus in his triumph ;
of whom he gave part to be devoured of the wild beasts,
and a part were most cruelly slain. All nations and
realms may thus take example, what it is to reject the
visitation of God's truth, and much more to persecute
them which be sent of God for their salvation.
And as this vengeance of God hath thus been shewed
upon both the Jews and the Romans, for their contempt
of Christ, so neither the emperors themselves, for perse-
cuting Christ in his members, escaped without their
just reward. For among those emperors who put so
many christian martyrs to death, few of them escaped
either being slain themselves, or by some miserable end
or other worthily punished. The slaughter of the three
Neroes is declared before. After Nero, Domitius Galba
within seven months was slain by Otho. And so did
Otho afterward slay himself, being overcome by Vitellius.
And was not Vitellius shortly after drawn through the
city of Rome, and after he was tormented thrown into
the Tiber ? Titus, a good emperor, is thought to be poi-
soned by Domitian his brother. Domitian, after he had
been a persecutor of the christians, was slain in his
chamber, with the consent of his wife. Commodus was
murdered. The like end was of Pertinax and Julian.
After Severus died here in England (and lieth at York),
did not his son Caracal slay his brother Geta, and he
slain after by Martial ? Macrinus with his son Diadumenus
were both slain by their own soldiers. Heliogabalus
was slain by his own people, and drawn through the
city and cast into the Tiber. Alexander Severus, that
worthy and learned emperor, although in life and virtues
he was unlike Other emperors, yet experienced the like end,
being slain with his godly mother Mammea, by Maximin.
Maximin also after three years was himself slain by his
soldiers. What should I speak of Maximus and Balbi-
nus in like sort, both slain in Rome ? Of Gordian, slain
by Philip : of Philip, the first christened emperor, slain ;
of wicked Decius drowned, and his son slain the same
time in battle ; of Gallus, and Volusianus his son, em-
perors after Decius, both slain by yEmilianus, who
within three months after, was himself slain. Valerianus
was taken prisoner of the Persians, and there made a
riding fool of by Sapores their king, who used him for a
stool to leap upon his horse, while his son Galienus
sleeping at Rome, either would not, or could not once
proffer to avenge his father's ignominy. At length
Galienus was killed by Aureolus. It were too long here
to speak of Aurelian, another persecutor, slain of his
secretary ; of Tacitus and Florinus his brother, of whom
the first was slain at Pontus ; the other was murdered at
Tarsis ; Probus, although a good emperor, was yet
destroyed by his soldiers. After whom Carus was slain by
lightning. Next to Carus followed the impious and
wicked persecutor Dioclesian, with his fellows, Maximin,
Valerius, Maximinus, Maxentius, and Licinius, under
whom all at one time the greatest and most grievous
persecution was moved against the christians ten years
together. Dioclesian and Maximian deposed themselves
from the empire. Galerius the chief minister of the
persecution, after his terrible persecutions, fell into a
wonderful sickness, and so did swarm with worms, that
being curable neither by surgery nor physic, he con-
fessed that it happened for his cruelty towards the
christians, and so called in his proclamations against
d2
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
[Book I.
them. Maximinus being tormented with pain in his
bowels there di<?d. Maxentius was drowned in the
Tiber. Licinius, beingovercomebyConstantine theGreat,
was deposed, and afterward slain by his soldiers. But
on the other side, after the time of Constantine, when
the faith of Christ was received into the imperial seat,
we read of no emperor after the like sort destroyed or
molested, except it were Julian, or Basil, or Valens.
And thus have we briefly collected out of the chronicles
the miserable state of the emperors of Rome, until the
time of Christian Constantine, with the examples, no less
terrible than manifest, of God's severe justice upon
them, for their contemptuous refusing and persecuting
the faith and name of Christ their Lord.
Moreover, if leisure would suffer me to come more near
home, I could also infer the like examples of this our
country of England, concerning the terrible plagues of
God against the refusing or abusing the benefit of his truth.
We read how God stirred up Gildas to preach to the old
Britains, and to exhort them to repentance and amend-
ment of life, and to warn them of plagues to come if they
repented not. ^Vhat availed it ? Gildas was laughed to
scorn, and taken for a false prophet, and a malicious
preacher. What followed ? God sent in their enemies
on every side and destroyed thern, and gave the land to
other nations. Not many years past, God seeing idola-
try, superstition, hypocrisy, and wicked living used in
this realm, raised up that godly learned man John Wick-
liffe, to preach unto our fathers, and to exhort them to
amend their lives, to forsake their papistry and idolatry,
their hyprocrisy and superstition, and to walk in the fear
of God. His exhortations were not regarded, he with
his sermons were despised, his books and himself after his
death were burnt. What followed ? They slew their
king, and set up three wrong kings, under whom all the
noble blood was slain, and half the commons, in fighting
among themselves for the crown ; and the cities and
towns were decayed, and the land nearly brought to a wil-
derness, compared with what it was before. Since that
time even of late years, God, again having pity of this
realm of England, raised up his prophets ; namely,
William Tindall, Thomas Bilney, John Frith, Doctor
Barnes, Jerome Garret, Anthony Person, with others,
who earnestly laboured to call us to repentance, that the
fierce wrath of God might be turned away from us. But
how were they treated ? They themselves were condemned
and burnt as heretics, and their books condemned and
burnt as heretical. " The time shall come^ saith Christ,
that whosoever killeth you, will think that he doth God
service." John xvi. 1. If God has deferred his punish-
ment, or forgiven us these our wicked deeds, as I trust
he has, let us not therefore be proud and high minded,
but most humbly thank Him for his tender mercies, and
beware of the like ungodly proceedings hereafter. I need
Bot speak of these our later times, which have been in
King Henry's and King Edward's days, seeing the me-
mory thereof is yet fresh and cannot be forgotten. But,
lOf this I am sure, that God yet once again is come to
this church of England, yea, and that more lovingly and
beneficially than ever he did before. For in this visita-
tion he has redressed many abuses, and cleansed his
church of much ungodliness and superstition, and made
it a glorious church. We now declare the persecutions
r,aised up against the servants of Clirist, within the space
of three hundred years after Christ. Which persecu-
tions in number are commonly counted to be ten, besides
the persecutions by the Jews in Jerusalem against the
a,postles, — in which St. Stephen was put to death,
with many others.
After the martyrdom of Stephen, James the apostle
and brother of John suffered. Mention is made of James
in the Acts, xii. 1. Where is declared, how Herod
stretched forth his hand, to afflict certain of the church :
among whom James was one, whom he slew with the sword.
Of this James, Eusebius mentions, that when brought
to the tribunal, he that brought him (and was the cause
of his trouble) seeing him condemned, and that he would
suflfer death : as he went to the execution, being moved
in heart and conscience, confessed himself a Christian.
And so they were led forth, and were beheaded together
(A. D. ^6).
Dorotheus testifies, that Nicanor, one of the seven
deacons, with two thousand others, who believed in Christ,
suffered also the same day, when Stephen sufl'ered.
Dorotheus witnesses also, that Simon, another of the
deacons, was burned. Parmenas, also another of the
deaconSjSufTered.
Thomas preached to the Parthians, Medes, and Per-
sians, also to the Germans, Hiraconies, Bactries, and
Magies. He suffered in Calamina, being slain with &
dart.
Simon Zelotes preached at Mauritania, and in Africa,
and in Britain ; he was crucified.
Judas, brother of James, preached to the Edessens,
and all Mesopotamia ; he was slain in Berito.
Simon, brother to Jude and to James, all sons of Mary
Cleophas, and of Alpheus, was bishop of Jerusalem after
James, and was crucified in a city of Egypt.
Mark the evangelist, and first Bishop of Alexandria,
preached the gospel in Egypt, and there, being drawn
with ropes unto the fire, was burned.
Bartholomew is said also to have preached to the In-
dians, and to have translated the gospel of St. Matthew
into their tongue, where he continued a great space, doing
many miracles. At last in Albania, after divers jierse-
cutions, he was beaten down with staves, then crucified,
and after being flayed, he was at length beheaded.
Andrew, the apostle and brother to Peter, preached
to the Scythians, Saxons, etc. When Andrew, tlirough
his diligent preaching, had brought many to the faith of
Christ ; Egeas the governor, resorted thither, to con-
strain as many as believed Christ to be God, to do
sacrifice to the idols. Andrew thinking good at the be-
ginning to resist the wicked doings of Egeas, went to him,
saying ; that, *' It behoved him to know his judge which"
dwelleth in heaven, and to worship him, and so in wor-
shipping the true God, to revoke his mind from false
gods and blind idols."
But he demanded of him, whether he was the same
Andrew that overthrew the temple of the gods, and per-
suaded men of that sect, which the Romans had com-
manded to be abolished. Andrew plainly aflirmed, that the
princes of the Romans did not understand the truth, and
that the Son of God, coming into the world for man's
sake, had taught and declared how those idols, whom they
so honoured as gods, were not only not gods, but also
most cruel devils, enemies to mankind, teaching the
people nothing else but that with which God is offended,
and being oftendcd turns away and regards them not.
The proconsul commanded Andrew not to teach and
preach such things any more ; or if he did, that he
should be fastened to the cross. Andrew answered, he
would not have preached the honour and glory of
the cross, if he had feared the death of the cross.
Whereupon sentence of condemnation was pronounced.
Andrew seeing afar off the cross prepared, neither
changed countenance nor colour, as the imbecility of
mortal man is wont to do, neither did his blood shrink,
neither did he fail in his speech, his body fainted not,
neither was his mind molested, his understanding did not
fail him, but out of the abundance of his heart his mouth
did speak, and fervent charity did appear in liis words ;
he said, " O cross, most welcome and long looked for;
witli a willing mind joyfully and desirously I come to
thee, being the scholar of him which did hang on thee :
because I have been always thy lover, and have coveted
to embrace thee." So being crucified, he yielded up the
ghost and fell asleep.
Matthew, named Levi, wrote his gospel to the Jews in
the Hebrew tongue, as records Eusebius, (lib. ^. cap. 24.
M). lib. h. cap. 8. cap. 10. Also Irenaeus, lib. 3. cap. L
Hieronymus in Cat. scrip. Eccl.) Concerning this ajiostle
and evangelist, divers things are recorded, but in such sort,
as may greatly be suspected to be some crafty forgery,
for the establishment of later decretals, and Romish doc-
trine, as touching merits, consecration of nuns, the su-
perstitious prescription of Lent-fast, not only in abstain-
ing from all flesh meats, but also separating man and wife,
:urifiBOii of S>t ^ete.
iivioit of S>t %\\ktk
Page 34,
A.D. 36—64.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
35
during the time of Lent. Also, the strict prohibition not
to taste any bodily sustenance, before receiving the Lord's
Supper. Inordainingof mass, and that no nun must marry
after the vow of her profession, with such other like.
It is recorded of Matthias, that after he had preached
to the Jews, he was at length stoned and beheaded.
(Joan, de Monte Regali.)
Philip, the apostle, after he had laboured much in
preaching the word of salvation, suffered in Hierapolis,
being crucified and stoned to death.
After Festiis had sent the apostle Paul to Rome, and
the Jews had lost their hope of performing their mali-
cious vow against him, they fell upon James, the brother
of our Lord, who was bishop at Jerusalem, and required
him before all the people, to deny the faith of Christ ;
but he freely, and with great constancy before all the
multitude, confessed Jesus to be the Son of God, our
Saviour, and our Lord ; whereupon they killed him.
Egesippus thus describes the manner of his death :
When many of the chief persons believed in Christ, there
■was a tumult made of the scribes and pharisees ; there-
fore they gathered together, and said to James, " We
beseech thee restrain the people, for they believe in
Jesus, as though he were the Christ ; we pray thee
persuade the people that they be not deceived ; stand
upon the pillar of the temple that thou mayst be seen
from above, and that thy words may be heard by
all the people." And thus the scribes and pharisees set
James upon the battlements of the temple ; and he said,
wich a great voice, " What do you ask me of Jesus the
Son of Man, seeing that he sitteth on the right hand of
God in heaven, and shall come in the clouds of heaven?"
Many, persuaded of this, glorified God upon the witness
of James, and said, " Hosannah in the highest to the
Son of David !" Then the scribes and the pharisees
said among themselves, " We have done evil, that we
have caused such a testimony of Jesus, but let us go up,
and let us take him, that they, being compelled with
fear, may deny that faith." Therefore they went up,
and threw down the just man, and they took him to
smite him with stones, for he was not yet dead when he
was cast down. But he, turning, fell down upon his
knees, saying, " O Lord God, Father, I beseech thee to
forgive them, for they know not what they do."
This James was so notable a man, that he was had in
honour of all men, insomuch that the wise men of the
Jews, shortly after his martyrdom, imputed the cause of
the besieging of Jerusalem, and other calamities, to the
violence and injury done to this man.
These things being thus declared as to the martyrdom
of the apostles, and the persecution of the Jews, let us
now, by the grace of Christ our Lord, narrate the perse-
cutions raised by the Romans against the christians, till
(1) Foxe here has a marginal note; "This report seems neither
to come from Jerome, nor to be true of Peter."
The manner in which later editions of ' Tlie Fathers' have been
corrupted, and the prodisioiis extent to which they were interpo-
lated in tlie monastic libraries, before the discovery of printing, lias
rendered it a matter of exceeding difficulty to ascertain whether any
statement be truly the genuine opinion of the father to whom il
is ascribed. And in subsequent times the Judex expurgutoriits
has erased so many important sentences, and sometimes whole
paragraphs, that we cannot be certain of anything in tliose ancient
writings. There is at this moment in ttie library of Trinity
College, Dublin, a copy of Chrysostom's worl<s, winch had passed
through the hands of one of the Inquisitors of the Index, and his
pen has been drawn over every sentence that seemed to conflict
with the peculiar views of the Roman church, and not unfre-
quently is the word dele and dcleatur inserted in his handwrit-
ing in the margin.
Foxe seems to regard as an interpolation this passage in Jerome
which describes Peter as being twenty-iive years at Home, but
whether it be genuine or otherwise this much at least is certain, that
it was both a moral and physical impossibility that the statement
could be true in reference to that apostle, as will thus appear :
I. St. Paul was converted in the year 35 ; and three years after-
wards he visited Jerusalem, where he found Peter (Gal. i. 18.)
this was about the year 38, so that at this time St. Peter was not
at Rome.
II. In three years after this, we find St. Peter visiting the
regions about Jerusalem, and justifying his proceedings before the
apostles and brethren in that city (Acts, xi. 2). This was about
the year 41, so that at this time St Peter was not at Rome.
III. In about three years afterwards we find St. James be-
headed (Acts, xii. 2), and imraediatel; after we tind St. I'eter im*
the coming of godly Constantine, which persecutions are
reckoned, by most writers, to the number of ten.
It is marvellous to see and read the incredible numbers
of christian innocents that were slain and tormented,
some one way, some another, as Rabanas saith, " Some
slain with the sword ; some burnt with fire ; some
scourged with whips ; some stabbed with forks : some
fastened to the cross or gibbet ; some drowned in the
sea; some their skins pluckt off; some their tongues
cut off ; some stoned to death ; some killed with cold ;
some starved with hunger ; some their hands cut oft", or
otherwise dismembered." Whereof, Augustine also
saith, "They were bound— imprisoned— killed — tortured
— burned — butchered — cut in pieces," ^c. Although
these punishments were divers, yet the manner of con-
stancy in all these martyrs was one. And notwith-
standing these torments, and the cruelty of the tormen-
tors, yet such was the number of these constant saints
tliat suffered, or, rather such was the power of the Lord
in his saints, that, as Jerome says, " there is no day in
the whole year, to wiiich the number of five thousand
martyrs cannot be ascribed, except only the first day of
January."
THE FIRST PERSECUTION.
The first of these ten persecutions was stirred up by
the Emperor Nero Domitius (A. D. 64). His rage
was so fierce against the christians, as Eusebius records,
that a man might then see cities full of the dead bodies
of men and women cast out naked in the open streets.
Likewise, Orosius writes of Nero, that he was the first
in Rome to raise persecutions against the christians,
and not only in Rome, but through all the provinces,
thinking to destroy the whole name of christians.
In this persecution, the apostle Peter was condemned
and crucified, as some write, at Rome ; although others
doubt it : concerning his life and history, because it is suf-
ficiently described in the gospel, and in the Acts, I need
not make any repetition of it. There are many who re-
late the cause and manner of his death, although they
do not all precisely agree in the time. Jerome says that
after he had been bishop of the church of Antioch, and
had preached to the dispersed of them that believed, of
the circumcision, in Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia,
and Bithynia, in the second year of the Emperor Clau-
dius (A. D. 44), he came to Rome to withstand Simon
Magus, and there kept the priestly chair the space of
five and twenty years, until the last year of Nero, by
whom he was crucified, his head being down, and his
feet upward, himself so requiring, because he was, he
said, unworthy to be crucified after the same form and
manner as the Lord was.'
prisoned at Jerusalem (Acts, xii. 3). This was about the year 44.
So that St. Peter could not have been at Rome at this period.
IV. St. Paul preached at Antioch in about the year 42, remain-
ing there a whole year. He preached there again some years after,
namely, about 46, and it is not improbable that it was during this
visit tliat he had the contention with St. Peter (Gal. ii. 11). So
that Peter was not at that time at Rome.
V. The assembly of the apostles and elders at Jerusalem, to de-
termine the question of the observance of the Jewish rites, or as
the P.ii)ist3 call it, the Council of Jerusalem, was in the year 52.
Now Peter was there and spoke at it (Acts, xv. 7). So that he
could not have been at Rome at this time.
VI. The Kpistle of Paul to the Romans was written in the
year CO, and it contains internal evidence that Peter was not at
Rome at that period.
VII. Tliere is no further mention made of St. Peter in the
sacred history, but we find St. Paul at Rome for two whole years
(Acts, xxviii. 30). These were the years 64 and 65, as nearly ag
they can be computed. It is certain that Peter was not at Rome
during those two years, for in the several epistles which St. Paul
wrote during his residence there, he never mentions that apostle
as being even at Rome, much less being bishop or pope of it
(See note, page 16).
VIII. The martyrdom of Peter was about the year 66, or 67 at
the latest, so that his visit to Rome must have been after 65, and
before 67 ; and this is the probable account of the matter. He
pfrliaps, visited Rome at that time after Paul's imprisonment
and preaching there. And he tlien, perhaps was seized and mar-
tyred.
Thus Foxe is fully justified in saying that it cannot be true of
Peter that he was 25 years at Rome. [Ed.J
^;4
36
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
[Book I.
Paul the apostle, after his great and unspeakable la-
bours in promoting the gospel of Christ, suffered also in
tliis first persecution under Nero, and was beheaded.
Among his other manifold labours and travels in
spreading the doctrine of Christ, he won Sergius Paulus,
the proconsul of Cyprus, to the faith of Christ, where-
upon he took his name, as some suppose, turned from
Saulus to Paulus.
And because it is sufficiently comprehended in the Acts
of the Apostles concerning the wonderful conversion, and
conversation of this most worthy apostle, that which re-
mains of the rest of his history, I will here briefly add how
he was sent up in bonds to Rome, where, remaining two
years together, he disputed daily against the Jews,
proving Christ to be come. And here is to be noted,
that after his first answer, or defence, he was discharged,
and went to preach the gospel in the western parts, and
about the coasts of Italy.
But afterwards being brought the second time before
Nero, this worthy preacher and messenger of the Lord,
in the same day in which Peter was crucified (although
not in the same year, but in the next year following)
was beheaded at Rome for the testimony of Christ.
THE SECOND PERSECUTION.
The first Roman persecution ceased under Vespasian
who srave some rest to the poor christians. After whose
reign the second persecution was moved by the emperor
Domitian (about A. D. 94). Of whom Eusebius and
Orosius write, that he beginning mildly, did afterwards
so far outrage in intolerable pride, that he commanded
himself to be worshipped as God, and that images of
gold and silver in his honour should be set up in the
capitol. The chief nobles of the senators, either upon
envy, or for their goods, he caused to be put to death,
some openly, and some he sent into banishment, there
causing them to be slain privately.
And as his tyranny was unmeasurable, so the intem-
perance of his life was no less. He put to death all the
nephews of Jude, called the Lord's brother, and caused
all that could be found of the stock of David to be slain
(as Vespasian also did before him) for fear, lest he were
yet to come of the house of David, who should enjoy the
kingdom. In the time of this persecutor, Simeon,
bishop of Jerusalem, after other torments, was cru-
cified.
In this persecution, John the apostle and evangelist,
was exiled to Patmos. Of whom various memorable
acts are reported in sundry chronicles. As how he was
put in a vessel of boiling oil, by the proconsul of
Ejihesus. Also, how he raised up a widow and a certain
young man from death to life. How he drank poison
and it hurt him not, raising also to life two which had
drank the same before. These, and such other miracles,
although they may be true, yet, because they are no
articles of our christian belief, I let them pass, and only
content myself with that which I read in Eusebius, de-
claring of him, that in the second persecution, John was
banished into Patmos for the testimony of the word,
(A. D. 97). And after the death of Domitian, John
was released, and came to Ephesus (A. D. 100).
Where he continued and governed the churches in Asia ;
where also he wrote his gospel, and so lived till the year
after the passion of our Lord, threescore and eight,
which was the year of his age one hundred and twenty,
(A. D. 101.)
And, as we now have in hand the story of John the
evangelist, here comes in a great doubt and difficulty,
such as has occupied all the catholic, subtile, illuminate,
and seraphical doctors of the pope's catholic church,
these five hundred years ! The difficulty is this, as au-
ricular confession has been, and is yet received in the
pope's catholic church for an holy and necessary sacra-
ment, extending universally to all christians ; here ariseth
a question, who was the Virgin Mary's confessor or
ghostly father ? But it is decreed and confessed, with
full consent of all the catholics, to be St. John. Who-
ever denies, or doubts of this, is straightways a heretic !
This, then, so determined, arises another question or
doid)t, that seeing our lady was without all original sin,
and also actual or mortal sin, what need had she of any
confessor ? Or what should she confess to him .' for if
she had confessed any sin when she had none, then had
she made herself a liar, and so had sinned indeed. Here,
therefore, gentle reader, in this perplexity these our il-
luminate doctors stand in need of thine aid to help at a
pinch. Albert, the great divine, denies not, but that
she indeed, although most pure, yet confessed to her
ghostly father, to keep the observance of the law, ap-
pointed for such as had that need, which she had not ;
and, therefore (saith he) it was necessary that she
should confess with her mouth. But then here it is to be
asked. What did she say in her confession, when she
had nothing to confess .' To this Albert answers again,
and tells us plainly what she said in her confession,
which was this. That she had received that great grace,
not of any worthiness of her own. And this was it that
she said in her confession. (Albert, cap. 74. super
Evang. Missus est, &c.)
Moreover, to help this case out of all doubt, comes in
famous Thomas of Watring, and thus looses the knot,
saying, that as Christ, although he did owe nothing to
the law, ye notwithstanding received circumcision, to
give to others example of humility and obedience ; in
like manner would our lady shew herself obedient to the
observance of the law, although there was no cause why
she had any need of it. And thus hast thou, gentle
reader, this doubtful question moved and solved, to the
intent I would reveal to thee some part of the deep
divinity of our catholic masters that have ruled and
governed the church in these their late popish days !
But I return again to this second persecution under
Domitian, in which, besides these before mentioned,
and other innumerable godly martyrs, suffering for the
testimony of the Lord Jesus, Flavia, the daughter of one
of the Roman consuls, with many others, was banished
out of Rome for the testimony of Christ.
This Domitian feared the coming of Christ as Herod
did, and therefore commanded them to be killed who
were of the stock of David in Judea. There were re-
maining alive at that time certain of the Lord's kindred,
which were the nephews of Jude, that was called the
Lord's brother after the flesh. When tlie lieutenant of
Judea had brought them to Domitian, the emperor de-
manded. Whether they were of the stock of David ? Which,
when they had granted, he asked again, what possessions
and what substance they had ? They answered. That
they had no more between them in all but nine-and-
thirty acres of ground, and that they got their livin"- and
sustained their families with the hard labours of their
hands, shewing their hands to the emperor, being hard
and rough, worn with labour, to witness that to be true
which they had spoken. Then the emperor, inquirino-
of them concerning the kingdom of Christ, what manner
of kingdom it was, how, and when it should appear .'
They answered. That his kingdom was no worldly thing,
but a heavenly and angelical kingdom, and that it should
appear in the consummation and end of the world, when
he coming in glory, should judge the quick and the dead,
and render to every one according to his deservings.
Domitian, hearing this, let them go, and staid the perse-
cution then moved against the christians.
By this story the cause may appear why the emperors
so persecuted the christians, which causes were chiefly
these : — First, Fear, for the em))erors and senate, not
knowing the nature of Christ's kingdom, feared lest it
would subvert the empire, and therefore they sought by
all possible means, by death and all kinds of torments,
utterly to extinguish the christians. Secondly, Hatred, for
the christians serving only the true living God, despised
their false gods, spake against their idolatrous worship-
])ings, and many times stopped the power of Satan,
working in their idols.
Upon these and such causes, rose up those malicious
slanders, false surmises, infamous lies, and slanderous
accusations of the heathen idolaters against the christian
servants of God, which incited the princes of this world
the more to persecute them ; for whatever crimes malice
could invent, or rash suspicion could minister, were im-
A. D. 64—98.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
37
puted to the christians ; and, whatever happened to the
city or provinces of Rome, either famine, pestilence,
earthquake, wars, wonders, unseasonableness of weather,
or what other evils happened, it was imputed to the
christians.
Also among these causes crept in some piece of covet-
ousness, so that the wicked promoters and accusers, for
lucre sake, and to seize the possessions of the christians,
were the more ready to accuse them.
Thus hast thou, christian reader, first, the causes of
these persecutions ; secondly, the cruel law of their con-
demnation ; thirdly, now hear what was the form of in-
quisition, which was (as is witnessed in the second
apology of Justin) that they should swear to declare the
truth, whether they were in very deed christians or not ;
and if they confessed, then by the law the sentence of
death proceeded.
Neither yet were these tyrants contented with death
only. The kinds of death were various and horrible.
Whatever the cruelty of man's invention could devise
for the punishment of man's body, was practised against
the christians. Crafty trains, outcries of enemies, im-
prisonment, stripes and scourgini^s, drawings, tearings,
stonings, plates of iron laid unto tiiein burning hot, deep
dungeons, racks, strangling in prisons, the teeth of wild
beasts, gridirons, gibbets and gallows, tossing upon the
horns of bulls ; moreover, wlu-a they were thus killed,
their bodies were laid in heaps, and dogs there left to
keep them, that no man mi^lit come to bury them,
neither would any prayer uii.ain for them to be interred
and buried.
As it is impossible to compre'uend tlie names and
number of all the martyrs that suifered in these perse-
cutions, so it is hard in such a variety of matter to keep
a perfect order and course of years and times, especially
as the authors themselves, whom we follow in this pre-
sent work, do disagree both in the times, in the names,
and also in the kind of martyrdom of them that suffered.
As for example, where the common reading and opinion
of the church take Anacletus to succeed after Clement,
next before Evaristus, as bishop of Rome ; Eusebius mak-
ing no mention of Cletus, but of Anacletus, saith. That
Evaristus succeeded next to Clement. Likewise, Ruffinus
and Epiphanius, speaking nothing of Anacletus, make
mention of Linus, and of Cletus, next before Clement, but
say nothing of Anacletus ; whereby it may appear that
Cletus and Anacletus were both one. Moreover, where
Antoninus, Vincentius, Jacobus, Simoneta, Aloisius,
with others, declare of Linus, Cletus, Clement, Anacle-
tus, Evaristus, Alexander, bishops of Rome, that they
died martyrs ; Eusebius, in his ecclesiastical history,
writing of them, makes no mention thereof.
And first, as touching Clement (whom Marianus
Scotus calleth the first bishop of Rome after Peter) they
say that he was sent out into banishment with two thou-
sand christians : but Eusebius only says, that after he had
governed the church of Rome nine years, the said Clement
left the succession thereof to Evaristus.
Of which Evaristus, next bishop of Rome, thus we
find in Irenseus (lib. 3. cap. i>.) Peter and Paul (says
he) committed the charge of that church to Linus ; after
whom came Anacletus, then succeeded Clement, next to
Clement followed Evaristus. Little or nothing remains
of the acts and monuments either of this, or of other
bishops of Rome in those days. Whereby it may ap-
pear that no great account was then made of Roman
bishops, whose acts and deeds were then either so lightly
reputed, or so slenderly committed to history. Not-
withstanding, however, certain decretal epistles are re-
maining, or rather thrust upon us in their names, con-
taining in them little substance of any doctrine, but al-
together stuffed with laws, injunctions, and stately de-
crees, little to the purpose, and still less savouring of the
time then present. Amongst which are also numbered
the two epistles of this Evaristus : who, when he had
given these orders, and had made six priests, two
deacons, and five bishops for sundry places (says the
history) he suffered martyrdom. But what kind of
death, for what cause he suffered, what constancy
be shewed, what was the order or conversation of
his life, is not touched, and that seems, therefore, the
more to be doubted which our new histories say ;
because the old ancient writers have no remembrance
thereof, who otherwise would not have passed such
things over in silence, if they had been true.
After him succeeded Alexander in the governance of
that church, of whose time and death there is the like
discrepancy among the writers.
They who write of the deeds and doings of this bishop,
declare that he had converted a great part of the senators
to the faith of Christ, amongst whom was Hermes, a
great man in Rome.
And then (says the history) about the second year of
Adrian, Aurelian the ruler took Alexander, with Hermes,
his wife, children, and his whole household, to the num-
ber of one thousand two hundred and fifty, and threw
them in prison. And not long after, Alexander with
Euentius his deacon, and Hermes, and the rest, were
burned in a furnace. Theodulus, another deacon o{
Alexander, seeing and rebuking the cruelty of the tyrant,
suffered also the same martyrdom.
Quirinus also, the same time having first his tongue
cut out, then his hands and feet, was beheaded and cast
to the dogs.
Various miracles are reported cf this Alexander, in
the legends and lives of saints ; which as I deny not, but
because I cannot avouch them by any grave testimony
of ancient writers, therefore I dare not affirm them,
but do refer them to the authors and patrons thereof,
where they are found. Notwithstanding, whatever is
to be thought of his miracles, this is to be affirmed
and not doubted, that he was a godly and virtuous
bishop.
THE THIRD PERSECUTION'.
Between the second persecution and the third was
but one year, under the Emperor Nerva, after whom
succeeded Trajan ; and under him followed the third
persecution (A.D. S8). Trajan might seem, in com-
parison of others, a worthy and cominendable prince,
familiar with inferiors, and behaving himself to-
wards his subjects as he himself woxdd have the prince
to be to him, if he were a subject. He was noted
to be a great observer of justice, but toward the chris-
tian religion he was impious and cruel, and caused
the third persecution of the church. In which perse-
cution, Pliny the second, a man learned and famous,
seeing the lamentable slaughter of christians, and
moved with pity, wrote to Trajan the following
epistle : —
"It is my property and manner (my sovereign) to
make relation to you of all those things wherein I
doubt. For who can better either correct ray slackness
or instruct mine ignorance, than you ? 1 was never yet
present myself at the examination and execution of
these christians ; and therefore what punishment is to
be administered, and how far, or how to proceed in such
inquisitions, I am ignorant, not able to resolve in the
matter whether any difterence is to be had in age and
person, whether the young and tender ought to be with
like cruelty intreated as the elder and stronger, whethT
repentance may have any pardon, or whether it may
profit him or not to deny, who has been a christian,
whether the name only of christians, without other
offences, or whether the offences joined with the name
of a christian ought to be punished. In the meantime,
as touching such christians as have been presented to
me, I have kept this order. I have inquired the second
and third time of them whether they were christians,
menacing them with fear of punishment ; and such as
did persevere, I commanded to execution. For thus I
thought, that whatsoever their profession was, yet their
stubbornness and obstinacy ought to be punished. Whe-
ther they were also of the same madness ; whom, be-
cause they were citizens of Rome, I thought to send
them back again to the city. Afterward, in further pro-
cess and handling of this matter, as the sect did further
spread, so the more cases did ensue.
38
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
[Book I.
" There was a paper offered to me, bearing no name,
wherein were contained the names of many which
denied themselves to be christians, contented to do
sacrifice with incense and wine to tue gods, and to your
image (which image I caused to be brought for that
purpose) and to blaspheme Christ, whereto none such
as were true christians indeed could be compelled ; and
those I did discharge and let go. Others confessed that
they had been christians, but afterwards denied the
same, Ike. affirming to me the whole sum of that sect or
error to consist in this, that they were wont at certain
times appointed, to meet before day, and to sing certain
hymns to one Christ tlieir God, and to confederate
among themselves, to abstain from all theft, murder,
and adultery, to keep their faith, and to defraud no man :
which done, then to depart for that time, and afterward
to resort again to take meat in companies together both
men and women one with another and yet without any
act of evil.
" In the truth whereof to be further certified whether it
were so or not, I caused two maidens to be laid on the
rack, and to be examined with torments. But finding
nothing in them, but immoderate superstition, I thought
to cease further inquiry till I might be further advised
from you ; for the matter seemed to me worthy and
needful of advice, especially for the great number of
those that were in danger of your statute. For very
many there were of all ages and states, both men and
women, and more are like heieafter to incur the same
peril of condemnation. For that infection has crept
not only into cities, but villages also and boroughs about.
For as much as we see in many places that the temples
of our gods, which were wont to be desolate, begin now
to be freiiuented, and that they bring sacrifices from
every part to be sold, which before very few were found
willing to buy. It may easily be conjectured what mul-
fitudes of men may be amended, if space and time be
given them, wherein they may be reclaimed."
To the above epistle the emperor returned the follow-
ing answer : —
"The statute concerning christians ye have rightly
txecuted. For no such general law can be enacted
therein all special cases particularly can be comprehended.
Let ihem not be sought for, but if they are brought
and convicted, then let them suffer execution : so not-
withstanding, that whoever shall deny himself to be a
christian, and do it unfeignedly in open audience, and
uo sacrifice to our gods, however he may have been
suspected before, let him be released, upon promise of
amendment. Such writings as have n% names, suffice
not to any just crime or accusation ; for that should
give an evil precedent, neither does it agree with the
example of our time."
Tertullian writing upon this letter of Trajan, thus
says, " O sentence of a confused necessity ; he would
not have them to be sought for as innocent men, and
yet causes them to be punished as persons guilty I"
Thus the rage of that persecution ceased for a time, al-
though many men and cruel officers ceased not to afflict
the christians in various provinces ; and especially if
any occasion were given, or if any commotion were
raised in the provinces abroad, the fault was laid upon
the christians. As in Jerusalem, after the Emperor
Trajan had sent down his command, that whoever could
be found of the stock of David, should be put to death.
Certain sectaries of the Jews accused Simeon, the
bishop of Jerusalem, to have come of the stock of
David, and that he was a christian. Of ^hich accusers
it happened also that some of them likewise were appre-
hended and taken as being of the stock of David, and
BO were justly put to execution themselves who had
sought the destruction of others. Tlie blessed bishop
was scourged, during the space of many days together,
though an hundred and twenty years of age. In his
martyrdom he endured so constant, that both the consul
itnd the multitude marvelled to see him at that age so
constantly to suffer, and so at last being crucified, he
Uwished his course in the Lord, for whom he suffered.
In this persecution Phocas, bishop of Pontus, also
suffered, whom Trajan, because he would not do sacrifice
to Neptune, cast into a hot lime-kiln, and afterward put
into a scalding bath, where the constant godly martyr,
for the testimony of Christ, ended his life, or rather
entered into life.
In the same persecution suffered also Sulpitius and
Servilian, whose wives having been converted by Sabina
to the faith of Christ, were also martyred. Sabina was
beheaded in the days of Adrian. Under whom also
suffered Seraphia, a maiden of Antioch.
In this persecution, beside many others, Ignatius, the
blessed martyr of Christ, who to this day is had in great
reverence, also suffered. Ignatius was ajipointed to the
bishopric of Antioch next in succession after Peter.
Being sent from Syria to Rome, because he professed
Christ, he was given to the wild beasts to be devoured.
It is said of him, that when he passed through Asia, he
strengthened and confirmed the churches through all the
cities as he went, both with his exhortations and preach-
ing of the word of God. And thus when he came to
Smyrna, he wrote one epistle to the church of Ephesus,
and another to the church of Magnesia : also another to
the church of Trallis, in which he saith : — ■
"I, being exercised, and now well acquainted with
their injuries, am taught every day more and more ; but
hereby am I not yet justified. And would to God I
were once come to the beasts, which are prepared for
me, which also I wish with gaping mouths were ready to
come upon me, whom also I will provoke that they with-
out delay may devour me, and forbear me nothing at
all, as those whom before they have not touched or hurt
for fear ! And if they will not unless they be provoked,
I will then enforce them against myself. Pardon me, I
pray you. How beneficial it is to me, I know. Now
begin I to be a scholar ; I esteem no visible things, nor
yet invisible things, so that I may obtain Christ Jesus.
Let the fire, the gallows, the devouring of wild beasts,
the breaking of bones, the pulling asunder of my mem-
bers, the bruising or pressing of my whole body, and the
torments of the devil or hell itself come upon me, so
that I may win Christ Jesus."
Besides this godly Ignatius, many thousands also were
put to death in the same persecution, as appears by the
letter of Pliny. Jerome mentions one Publius, bishop of
Athens, who for the faith of Christ during this persecu-
tion, was martyred.
Next after this, Trajan succeeded the Emperor Adrian,
(A. D. US).
It is stated in the histories, that in the time of Adrian,
Zenon, a noblem m of Rome, with ten thousand two hun-
dred and tluee other persons were slain for Christ. Ten
thousand were crucified in the Mount Ararat, crowned
with crowns of thorn, and thrust into the sides with
sharp darts, after the example of the Lord's passion.
Tliere was one Eustachius, a captain, sent out to war
against the barbarians. After he had by God's grace
valiantly subdued his enemies, and was returning home
with victory, Adrian for joy meeting him in his journey
to bring him home with triumph, first would by the way
do sacrifice to Apollo for the victory, requiring Eusta-
chius to do the same. But Eustachius could by no
means be forced thereto, and being brought to Rome,
with his wife and children suffered martyrdom.
We read also of Faustinus and Jobita, who suffered
with grievous torments. At the sight whereof, one Ca-
locerius, seeing their great patience in so great torments,
cried out with these words, " Verily, great is the God of
tlie Christians.'' Which words being heard, he was forth-
with apprehended, and being brought to the place of
execution, was made partaker of their martyrdom.
Symphorissa, the wife of Getulus the martyr, with her
Steven children, is said about the same time to sufier ;
who first was several times beaten and scourged, after-
wards was hanged up by the hair of her head ; at
last, having a huge stone fastened to her, was thrown
headlong into the river; and her seven children, in like
niunner, with various kinds of punishment martyred by
the tyrant.
Sophia, with her three children : also Seraphia and
A. D. 98.— 161.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
39
Sabina, also Anthia, and her son, who was bishop of j
Apulia ; also Justus and Pastor suffered (A. D. I'M).
While Adrian was at Athens, he purposed to visit
Elusiua, and did so ; where sacrificing to the Gentiles'
gods, he gave free leave and liberty to persecute the
christians. Whereupon Quadratus, a man of no less ex-
celli-nt zeal than of famous learning, being then bishop of
Atliens, did exhibit to the emperor a learned and excel-
lent apology in defence of the christian religion ; where-
in he declared the christians, without any just cause to
be so cruelly treated and persecuted. The like also did
Aristides, another no less excellent philosopher in
Athens, who, being noticed by the emperor for his sin-
gular learning and eloquence, and coming to his pre-
sence, there made before him an eloquent oration.
Moreover he exhibited to the emperor a memorable
apology for the christians, so full of learning and elo-
quence, that as Jerome said, it was a spectacle and ad-
miration to all men in his time, that loved to see
wit and learning. Besides these, there was also ano-
ther named Serenus Granius, a man of great nobility,
who wrote very pithy and grave letters to Adrian,
shewing that it was consonant with no right nor reason,
for the blood of innocents to be given to the rage and
fury of the people, and to be condemned for no fault,
only for the name and sect that they followed.
Thus the goodness of God being moved with the
prayers and constant labour of these excellent men, so
turned the heart of the emperor, that he, being better
informed concerning the order and profession of the
christians, became more favourable to them.
In the days of this Adrian, the Jews rebelled again,
and spoiled the country of Palestine. Against whom the
emperor sent Julius Severus, who overthrew in Judea
fifty castles, and burnt and destroyed nine hundred and
eighty villages and towns, and slew fifty thousand of the
Jews with famine, sickness, sword, and fire ; so that Judah
was almost desolate. But at length Adrian, who was also
named yElius, repaired and enlarged the city of Jeru-
salem, which was called after his name, ^liopolis, or
./Elia : he granted only to the Gentiles and to the christians
to live in it, utterly forbidding the Jews to enter into the
city.
After the death of Adrian, succeeded Antonius Pius,
about the year 140, and reigned twenty and three years,
who for his clemency and modest behaviour had the
name of Pius. His saying was. That he had rather save
one citizen, than destroy a thousand of his adversaries.
At the beginning of his reign, although there was no
edict to persecute the christians^ yet the rage of the
heathen multitude did not cease to afflict the people of
God, imputing and ascribing to the christians whatever
misfortune happened contrary to their desires : more-
over, inventing against them all false crimes whereof to
accuse them. By reason of which, some were put to
death ; altliough, not by the consent of the emperor, who
was so mild and gentle, that either he raised no perse-
cution against the christians, or else he soon stayed the
same being moved ; as may well appear by his letter
sent down to the countries of Asia, in which he writes
these things of the christians :—
" This is their joy and desire, that when they are ac-
cused, they rather covet to die for their God than to live.
Whereby they are victorious, and overcome you, giving
rather their lives, than doing that which you require of
them. And here it shall not be inconvenient to adver-
tise you of the earthquakes which have and do happen
among us, that when at the sight of them you tremble
and are afraid, then you may compare your case with
them. For they, upon a sure confidence of their God,
are bold and fearless, much more than you ; who in the
time of this your ignorance, do both worship other gods,
and neglect the religion of immortality, and such
christians as worship him you drive out, and persecute
unto death. Of these matters, many presidents of our
provinces did write to our father of famous memory,
heretofore. To whom he directed his answer, desiring
them in no case to molest the christians, except they
were found in some prejudicial trespass against the
empire. And to me also, many write, signifying their
mind in like manner ; to whom T have answered to the
same effect and manner as my father did. Wherefore, if
any hereafter shall oft'er any vexation or trouble to such,
having no other cause but only for that they are
christians, let him that is impeached be released, and
discharged free, yea, although he be found to be such
(that is, a christian), and let the accuser sustain the pu-
nishment," &c.
This godly edict of the emperor was proclaimed at
Ephesus, in the public assembly of all Asia. By this
means persecution began to be appeased, through the
merciful providence of God, who would not have his
church to be utterly overthrown.
THE FOURTH PERSECUTION.
After the decease of Antonius Pius, followed his son-
in-law Marcus Aurelius Antonius, with Lucius Verus, his
adopted brother (A. D. 161). Marcus was a stern and
severe man, in whose timeagreat number of christians suf-
fered cruel torments and punishments, both in Asia and
France. In the number of whom was Polycarp, the
bishop of Smyrna, who, in the great rage of this perse-
cution in Asia, was martyred. Of his end and martyr-
dom I thought it here not inexpedient to commit to
history so much as Eusebius declares to be taken out of
a certain epistle, written by those of his own church to
the brethren of Pontus : the tenor of this epistle here fol-
loweth.
" The church which is at Smyrna, to the church which
is at Philomilium, and to all the churches throughout Pon-
tus, mercy to you, peace and the love of God our Father,
and of our Lord Jesus Christ, be multiplied. Amen.
We have written unto you, brethren, of those men which
have suffered martyrdom, and of blessed Polycarp, who
hath ended and appeased this persecution, as it were, by
the shedding his own blood." And in the same epistle,
before they enter into further matter of Polycarp, they
discourse of other martyrs, describing what patience they
shewed in suffering their torments ; which was so ad-
mirable (says the epistle) that the lookers on were
amazed, seeing and beholding how they were so scourged
and whipped, that the inward veins and arteries ap-
peared, yea even so much, that the veiy entrails of their
bodies were seen, and after that, were set upon sharp
shells taken out of the sea, and certain nails and thorns
were put for the martyrs to walk upon, which were
sharpened and pointed. Thus they suil'ered all kind of
punishment and torment that might be devised : and
lastly, were thrown to the wild beasts to be devoured.
Now we will return to Polycarp, of whom the afore-
said letter declares as follows. That in the beginning,
when he heard of these things he was not at all afraid
nor disquieted in mind, but purposed to have tarried
still in the city, till being persuaded by the entreaty of
them that were about him, he hid himself in a village
not far from the city, and there abiding with a few more,
did nothing, night or day, but abode in supplication,
wherein he made his humble petition for the obtaining
of peace unto all the churches throughout the world. It
is further mentioned, that when they were hard at hand,
who so narrowly sought for him, he was forced for the
affection and love of his brethren to fly into another
village, to which place notwithstanding within a little
while after the pursuers came, and found him in the
house, from whence he might have escaped if he would ;
but this he would not do, saying, " The Avill of God be
done." Furthermore, when he knew that they were
come, he came down and spake to them with a cheerful
and pleasant countenance, so that it was a wonder to see
them now beholding his comely age, and his grave
and constant countenance, lamenting that they had so
employed their labour, that so aged a man should be
apprehended. To conclude, he commanded that straight-
way without any delay, tlie table should be laid for
them, and persuaded them that they would eat and dine
'.veil, and required of them boldly, that he might have an
hour's respite to pray. Which being granted, he arose
40
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. [Book I.
and went to pray, and was so replenished with the grace
of God, that they which were present, and hearing the
prayers that he made, were astonished, and many were
sorry that so godly an aged man should be put to
death.
After he had made an end of his prayers, and the hour
was come in which they ought to set forward ; they set him
on an ass, and brought him to the city. And there met
him the Irenarch Herod and his father Nicetes, who
causing him to come into the chariot where they sat,
persuaded him, and said, " What hurt, I pray thee, sh<ill
come thereof, if tliou say (by way of salvation) my lord
Cicsar, and do sacrifice, and tlius save thyself?" But
he made no answer, till they forced him to speak ; he
then said, " I will not do as you counsel me." When
they saw he could not be persuaded, they gave him very
rough language, and purj)Osely molested him, so that in
going down from the chariot, he might hurt or break his
legs But l;e treating very light of tlie matter, as if he
had felt no hurt, went merrily and diligently foi-w-ard,
making liaste to the place ajipointed. The proconsul,
when he was come, gave him counsel to deny his name,
and said to him, " Be good to thyself, and favour thine
old age; take thine oath, and 1 will discharge tliee :
defy Christ." Polycarp answered, " Eighty-six years
have 1 been his servant, yet in all this time liath he not
60 much as once hurt me : how then may I speak evil of
my King and sovereign Lord, who hath thus preserved
me?" Hereupon the proconsul stood up; "I have,"
said he, " wild beasts to whom I will throw thee, unless
thou take a better course." Whereunto Polycarp
answered, " Let them come ; we have determined with
ourselves, that we will not turn us from the better way
to the worse, but rather turn from things that be evil
unto that which is good." "Again," said the pro-
consul, " I will tame thee with fire." Then said Poly-
carp, " You threaten me with fire, which shall burn for
the space of an hour, and shall be within a little while
after extinguished ; but thou knowest not the fire of the
judgment to come, and of everlasting punishment,
which is reserved for the wicked and ungodly. But why
make you all these delays ? Give me what death ye
list." These and many other such things being spoken
by him, he was filled with joy and boldness, and his
countenance appeared so full of grace and favour, that
he was not only not troubled with those things which
the proconsul spake to him, but contrarily, the pro-
consul himself began to be amazed, and sent for the
crier, who in the middle of the stage was commanded to
cry three times, " Polycarp hath confessed himself to be a
christian ;" which words of the crier were no sooner
spoken, but the whole multitude desired that he would let
loose the lion at Polycarp. To whom he made answer,
" That he could not do so, because he had already his
prey." Then they cried again all together with one
voice, that he would burn Polycarp alive. And the
pro-consul had no sooner spoken, but it was at once
performed. For the multitude brought out of their
shops, workhouses and barns, wood and other dry
matter for that purpose.
And thus the pile being laid, and when he had now
put off his garments and undone his girdle, straightway
those instruments which are requisite to such a bon-
fire were brought to him, and when they would have
nailed him to the stake with iron hoops, he said, " Let
me alone as 1 am, for he that hath given me strength to
suffer and abide the fire, shall also give power, that
without this your provision of nails, I shall abide, and
not stir in the midst of this fire." Which when they
heard, they did not nail him, but bound him. There-
fore when his hands were bound behind him, he was
sacrificed, saying, " O Father of thy well-beloved and
blessed Son Jesus Christ, by whom we have attained the
knowledge of thee, the God of angels and ))Owers, and of
every creature, and of all just men which live before
thee, I give thee thanks that thou hast vouchsafed to
grant me this day that I may have my i)art among the
number of the martyrs in the cup of C hrist, unto the
resurrection of eternal life, both of body and soul,
through the operation of thy Holy Spirit, among whom I
shall this day he received into thy sight for an accept-
able sacrifice : and as thou hast prepared and revealed
the same before this time, so thou hast accomplished the
same, O thou most true God, which canst not lie.
Wherefore I in like case for all things praise thee, and
bless thee, and glorify thee by our everlasting bishop,
Jesus Christ, to whom be glory evermore, amen."
The subtle adversary, when he saw the worthiness of
his martyrdom, and that his conversation ewn from his
younger years could not be reproved, ami that he was
adorned with the crown of martyrdom, . nd had now
obtained that incomparable benefit, gave in charge that
we should not take and divide his body, for fear lest the
remnants of the dead corpse should be taken away, and
so worshipi)ed by the people. Whereupon some whis-
pered Nicetes the father of Herod, and his brother
Dalces, to admonish the proconsul, that in no case
should he deliver his body, lest said he, they leave
Christ, and begin to worship Polycarp. And this they
spake, because the Jews had given them secret warning,
and provoked them thereto ; who also watched us, that
we should not take him out of the fire ; not being igno-
rant how that we meant at no time to forsake Christ,
who gave his life for the salvation of the whole world,
(as many I mean as are elected to salvation by him)
neither yet that we could worship any other. For why ?
him we worship as the Son of God, but the martyrs we
love as disciples of the Lord (and that worthily), for
their abundant love towards their king and master, of
whom we also desire and wish to be companions, and to
be made his disciples. When therefore the centurion
saw and perceived the object of the Jews, the corpse
being laid abroad, they burnt the same, as was their
manner.
Thus good Polycarp, with twelve others that came
from Philadelphia, suffered martyrdom at Smyrna ;
which Polycarp especially above the rest is had in
memory, so that in all places among the Gentiles he is
most esteemed.
He was a very aged man, who had served Christ
eighty-six years since the first knowledge of him, and
served also in the ministry about the space of seventy
years : he was the scholar and hearer of John the evan-
gelist, and was placed by John in Smyrna.
It is witnessed by Ireneus, that Polycarp came to Rome
in the time of Anicetus bishop of Rome, about the year
one hundred and fifty-seven; the cause of his coming
hither appears to he about the controversy of Easter
day, wherein the Asians and the Romans disagreed.
And therefore Polycarp, in behalf of the brethren and
church of Asia, took his long journey there to come and
confer with Anicetus. Whereof, writes also Nicephorus,
(lib. 4.) declaring, that Polycarp and Anicetus varied
something in opinion and judgment about that matter,
and that yet notwithstanding, both communicated friendly
the one with the other, in so much that Anicetus in his
church gave place to Polycarp to minister the com-
munion and sacrament of the Lord's supper for honour
sake. Which may be a notable testimony now to us,
that the doctrine concerning the free use and liberty of
ceremonies, was at that time retained in the church
without any offence, or breach of christiem peace in the
church.
In this fourth persecution, besides Polycarp and others
before mentioned, we read of various others, who, at the
same time, did suffer at Smyrna.
Mctrodorus, a minister, was given to the fire, and con-
sumed. Piouius, wJio, after much boldness of speech,
as his apologies exhibited, and his sermons made to the
people in the defence of christian faith, and after much
relieving and comforting of such as were in prison, and
otherwise discomforted, at last was put to cruel tor-
ments, then given to the fire, and so finished his blessed
martyrdom.
And as these suffered in Asia, so in Rome suffered
Felicitas with her seven children ; of whom her first
and eldest son, after he was whipped and scourged with
rods, was pressed to death with leaden weights ; two had
their brains beaten out ; another was cast down head-
long, and had his neck broken ; the rest were beheaded.
A.D. 161.]
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
4t
Last of all, Felicitas the mother was slain with the
sword.
In this fourth persecution, suffered Justin, a man
of learnins; and philosophy, and a great defender of
the christian religion, who presented a book in defence of
our doctrine to the Emperor Antoninus Pius, and to the
Senate. After which he was crowned with the like mar-
tyrdom to those whom he had defended in his book.
Under the same Antoninus also suffered Ptolomy and
Lucius for the confession of Christ, in Alcxandrina.
Coiicordus, a minister 6f the city of .Spolet, because he
would not sacrifice to Ju])iter, but did spit in the face of
the idol, after divers and sundi'y punishments, at last
was bclieided with the sword.
A little before, mention was made of Symphorosa,
wife of Getulus, with her seven sons, whom the chronicle
of Ado declares to be put to death, being fastened to
seven stakes, and so racked up with a puUy, and at last
were thrust through, Crescens in the neck, Julianus in
the breast, Neraesius in the heart, Primitivus iu the
stomach, Justinus cut in every joint of his body, Statteus
run through with spears, Eugenius cut asunder from the
breast to the lower parts, and then cast into a deep pit.
After the martyrdom of whom, Symphorosa, the mother,
did likewise suffer.
Under Marcus Antoninus, and in the same persecution,
suffered the glorious and most constant martyrs of Lyons
and Vienne, two cities in France, giving to Christ a
glorious testimony, and to all christian men a spectacle,
or example of singular constancy and fortitude in Christ
our Saviour ; and as the history of them is written and
set forth by their own churches, where they suffered
(Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 2), I thought good to give it in
their own words, as in the following epistle to their bre-
thren in Asia and Phrygia.
*' The servants of Christ inhabiting the cities of Vienne
and Lyons, to the brethren in Asia and Phrygia, hav-
ing the same faith and hope of redemptioyi irith us :
Peace, grace, and glory from God the Father, and
from Jesus Christ our Lord.
"The greatness of this our tribulation, the furious rage of
the Gentiles eigainst us, and the torments which the
blessed martyrs suffered, we can neither in words, nor
yet in writing, set forth as they desei've. For the adver-
sary in every place practised, and instructed his minis-
ters how, in most spiteful manner, to set them against
the servants of God ; so that not only in our houses,
shops, and markets, were we restrained, but also univer-
sally commanded, that none should be seen in any place.
But God hath always mercy in store, and took out of their
hands such as were weak amongst us, and others he set up
as firm and immoveable pillars, who, by suffering, were
able to abide and valiantly to withstand the enemy, endur-
ing all the punishment they could devise ; they fought
this battle for Christ, esteeming their great troubles but
as light ; thereby shewing that all that may be suffered
in this present life, is not to be compared with the great
glory which shall be shewed upon us after life. They
patiently suffered railings, scourgings, drawings and
haliugs, flinging of stones, imprisonings, and whatever
the rage of the multitude is wont to use against their
enemies ; then being led into the market-place, and
there judged ; after their confession, made openly before
the multitude, they were sent back again to prison.
One Vetius Epagathus, one of the brethren, having
within him the fervent zeal of love, and spirit of God,
could not suffer that wicked judgment which was given
upon the christians ; but being vehemently displeased,
desired that the judge would hear the excuse which he
was minded to make in behalf of the christians, in whom,
said he, is no impiety found. The justice did not grant
him his request, but only asked him, whether he himself
was a christian or not ? And he immediately, with a
loud and bold voice, answered and said, I am a christian.
And thus he was received into the fellowship of the
martyrs, and called the advocate of the christians.
_ By this man's example, the rest of the martyrs were
the more animated with all courage of mind. Some there
were unready and not so well prepared, and as yet weak,
not well able to bear so great a conflict ; of whom there
were ten that fainted, ministering to us much heaviness
and lamentation, who by their example caused the rest,
which were not yet apprehended, to be less willing
thereto. With these also certain men-servants were ap-
prehended, and they, fearing the torments which they
saw the saints suffer, being also compelled thereto by
means of the soldiers, charged against us that we kept
the feastings of Thyestes, and of GLdipus, and many
such other crimes, which are neither to be remembered,
nor named of us, nor yet to be thought that any maa
would ever commit the like.
' ' These things being noised abroad, every man began to
shew cruelty against us, insomuch that those whiuli be-
fore were more gentle, now vehemently disdained us,
and waxed mad against us. And thus was fulhlled that
which was spoken by Christ, saying, " The time will come,
that whosoever killeth you, shall think that he doth God
service." Then suftered the martyrs of God such bitter
persecution as is passing to be told. Satan still shooting
at this mark, to make them to utter some blasphemy by all
possible means. Marvellous therefore was the rage both
of the people and prince, especially against one Sanctus,
who was deacon of the congregation of Vienne, and against
Maturus, being but a little before baptized, but yet a wor-
thy soldier of Christ, and also against Attains, who was the
foundation and pillar of that church, and also against Blan-
dina. Blandina was so rilled with strength and boldness,
that they which had the tormenting of her from morning
to night, gave over for very weariness, and were themselves
overcome, confessing that they could do no more against
her, and marvelled that she yet lived, having her body so
torn and rent : and testified that any one of those tor-
ments alone, without any more, bad been enough to have
plucked the life from her body.
" Sanctus also, another of the martyrs, who in the midst
of his torments endured more pains than the nature of a
man might bear with, abode in such constancy of mind,
that he neither told them his name, nor what countryman
he was, nor in what city brought up, neither whether
he was a freeman or a servant : but every question that
was asked him, he answered, ' I am a christian,' and
this was all that he confessed both of his name, city,
kindred, and all other things in the place of execution :
whereupon both the governor and tormentors were the
more vehemently bent against him : they clapped plates
of brass red hot to the most tender parts of his body, yet
he never shrunk, but was bold and constant in his con-
fession, being strengthened and moistened with the
fountain of lively water, flowing out of Christ's side.
Truly his body was a sufficient witness what torments he
suffered : for it was all drawn together and most pitifully
wounded and scorched, so that it had lost the proper
shape of a man, in whose suffering Christ obtained un-
speakable glory, for he overcame his adversaries, and,
to the instruction of others, declared that notning else
is terrible, or ought to be feared where the love of God
is, and nothing grievous wherein the glory of Christ is
manifested.
"Also Satan now thinking to have settledhimself in the
heart of one Biblias, being one of them who had denied
Christ, and thinking to have caused her, being a weak
and feeble woman in faith, to have damned her soul, in
blaspheming the name of God, brought her to the place
of execution ; but she, in the middle of her torments,
returning to herself, and waking as it were out of her
dead sleep by that temporal pain, called to her remem-
brance the pains of hell fire, and against all expectations
answered the tormentors. Saying, ' How should we
christians eat young infants, (as ye report of us) for
whom it is not lawful to eat the blood of any beast ?'
Upon that, so soon as she had confessed herself to be a
christian, she was martyred. Thus when Christ had
ended those tyrannical torments, by the patience and
suffering of the saints, the Devil yet invented other en-
gines and instruments. For when the christians were
cast into prison, they were shut up iu dark and ugly
dungecns, and were drawn by the feet in a rack or
engine made for that purpose. Very many of them
42
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
[Book I.
were strangled and killed in prisons, whom the Lord in
this manner would have to enjoy everlasting life, and
set forth his glory. And surely these good men were
BO pitifully tormented, that if they had had all the helps
and medicines in the world, it was thought impossible
for them to live, and to be restored. And thus they
remaining in prison, destitute of all human help, were
80 strengthened of the Lord, and confirmed both in body
and mind, that they comforted and stirred up the minds
of the rest.
" Photinus.who was deacon to the bishop of Lyons, was
about eighty-nine years old, and a very feeble man, yet
he was of a lively courage and spirit wlien he was brought
to the judgment-seat; although his body was feeble and
weak, botli because of his old age, and also through
sickness, yet was his life preserved, that Christ might
triumph and be glorified. Being demanded of the chief
ruler, what was the christian man's God .' He an-
swered, If thou be worthy to know, thou shalt know.
He being somewhat touched with these words, caused
him to be beaten. Those that stood next him, did
him all the spite and displeasure that they could,
both with hand and foot, having no regard at all to his
old age or white hairs. And they who were further off
threw at him whatever came next to hand, and every man
thought that he did very wickedly refrain who withheld
his hand from doing the like. He was then thrown into
prison, and within two days after died.
" Then Maturus and Attalus were brought together to
the common scaffold, there in the face of the people to
be cast to the beasts. They suffered the tearing of
wild beasts, and whatever else the frantic people on
every side cried for and willed. And above all the
rest they brought an iron chair, in which their bodies
being set, were fried and scorched, as on a gridiron
fried on the coals. And yet for all that the tor-
mentors ceased not, but waxed more fierce and mad
against them, labouring to overcome the patience of the
saints. Notwithstanding all this, they could not get out
of Sanctus' mouth any other thing but the confession
which at the beginning he declared. And thus these
holy men, after they had long continued alive in most
horrible conflict, were at length slain, being made all
that whole day a spectacle to the world, in place and
instead of the games and sights which were wont to be
exhibited to the people.
" Now the emperor had written that all the confessors
should be punished, and the others let go. The governor
therefore caused all the holy martyrs to be brought to the
sessions, that the assembled multitude might behold them,
and he again examined them ; as many of them as he
thought had the Roman freedom he beheaded, the residue
he gave to the beasts to be devoured. And truly Christ
was much glorified by those who a little before had denied
him, who now contrary to the expectation of the infidels
confessed him even to the death. While they were being
examined, one Alexander, standing somewhat near to the
bar, by signs encouraged such as were examined to con-
fess Christ ; so that by his countenance sometimes re-
joicing, and sometimes sorrowing, he was observed of
the standers by. The people not taking in good part to
see those who had recanted again to stick to their first
confession, cried out against Alexander as one that was
the cause of this matter. And when he was forced by
the judge and demanded what religion he was of.' he
answered, ' I am a Christian.' He had no sooner
spoken the word, but he was condemned to be devoured
by the beasts.
" The blessed Blandina being the last that suffered, after
she had, like a worthy mothef, given exhortations unto her
children, and sent them before as conquerors to their
heavenly King, and had called to her remembrance all
their battles and conflicts, so much rejoiced at her child-
ren's death, and so hastened her own, as though she had
been bidden to a bridal, and not to be thrown to the wild
beasts. After this her pitiful whipping, her delivery to
the beasts, and her torments upon the gridiron, at length
she was put in a net, and thrown to the wild bull ; and
when she bad been sufficiently gored and wounded with
the horns of the beast, and heeded nothing of all that
chanced to her, for the great hope and consolation she
had in Christ and heavenly things, was thus slain, inso-
much that the very heathen men themselves confessed,
that there was never woman put to death, that suffered
so much as this woman did. Neither yet was their furi-
ous cruelty thus assuaged against the christians. For the
cruel barbarous people, like wild beasts, knew not when
the time was to make an end, but invented new and
sundry torments every day against our bodies. Neither
yet did it content them when they had put the christians
to death. For those whom they strangled in their
prisons, they threw to the dogs, setting keepers both day
and night to watch them, that they should not be buried,
and bringing forth the remnant of their bones and bodies,
some half burned, some left of the wild beasts, and some
all mangled, also bringing forth heads of others which
were cut off, and committing them to the charge of the
keepers to see them remain unburied.
" Thus were the bodies of the martyrs made a wonder-
ing stock, and lay six days in the open streets; at length
they burned them, and threw their ashes into the river
Rhone, so that there might appear no remnant of them
upon the earth. And this they did, as if they had been
able to have pulled God out of his seat, and to have
hindered the regeneration of the saints, and taken from
them the hope of the resurrection."
Such was the epistle of the brethren of France to those
of Asia.
Among others that suffered under Antoninus, mention
was made of Justin, who exhibited two apologies in
the defence of christian doctrine, the one to the senate
and the other to the emperor.
Of which apologies, the first he wrote to the senate ;
when with great liberty he declared that he was of neces-
sity compelled to write and utter his mind to them. For
that in persecuting of the christians they highly offended
God, and therefore they had need to be admonished. And
writing to the lieutenant of the city, said, " That he put
men to death and torments for no offence committed, but
only for the confession of the name of Christ ; which pro-
ceedings and judgments neither became the emperor, nor
his son, nor the senate :" defending moreover in the
apology, and clearing the christians of such crimes aa
were falsely laid and objected against them.
And likewise in his second apology writing to the em-
peror, with like gravity and free liberty, he declares to
them how they had the name, being commonly reputed
and taken as virtuous philosophers, maintainers of justice,
lovers of learning ; but whether they were so, their acts
declared. As for him, neither for flattery, nor favour at
their hands, was he constrained thus to write unto them ;
and in plain words he charges the emperor as well as
the senate with manifest wrong, for not granting the
christians that which is not denied to all other malefac-
tors, judging men to death, only for the hatred of the
name. " Other men who are accused," said he, " are
not condemned in judgment, before they are convicted :
but on us, you take our name only for the crime, when
indeed you ought to see justice done upon our accusers.
And again, if a christian being accused only deny that
name, you release him, not being able to charge him
with any other offence : but if he stand to his name, you
condemn him only for his confession ; where indeed it were
your duty rather to examine their manner of life, than
what thing they confess or deny, and according to their
demerits to see justice done."
I find that all his apologies stand upon most strong and
firm proofs, denying that the christians ought at the
will and commandment of the emperor and the senate to
do sacrifice to the idols : for which they being con-
demned, affirm, that they suffer open wrong ; affirming
moreover, that the true and only religion is the religion
of the christians. Although Justin did not so prevail
with the emperor, as to cause him to love his religion,
and become a christian, yet obtained thus much, that
Antoninus writing to his officers in Asia, commanded
them that those christians only who were found guilty of
A.D. 161—193.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
43
any trespass should suffer, and such as were not con^dcted,
should not therefore for the name only be punished,
because they were called christians.
Besides this Justin, there were at the same time in
Asia, Apollinaris, bishop of Hieropolis, and Melito,
bishop of Sardis, who exhibited learned and eloquent
apologies in defence of Christ's religion, as Quad-
ratus and Aristides above mentioned did to the emperor,
whereby they moved him somewhat to stay the rage of
his persecution. In like manner did this Apollinaris
and Melito defend the cause of the christians. Of this
Alelito, Eusebius makes mention in his fourth book, and
quotes certain parts of his apology in these words," The
godly suffer persecution by occasion of certain proclama-
tions and edicts proclaimed throughout Asia, for villanous
sycophants, robbers, and spoilers of other men's goods,
grounding themselves upon those proclamations, and
taking occasion of them, rob openly night and day, and spoil
those which do no harm. Which if it be done by your
commandment, be it so ; for a good prince will never
command but good things, and so we will be contented
to sustain the honour of this death. This only we most
humbly beseech your majesty, that calling before you
and examining the authors of this tumult and contention,
your grace would justly judge whether we are worthy of
cruel death, or quiet life. And then if it be not your plea-
sure, and that it proceedeth not by your commandment
(which indeed against your barbarous enemies were too
bad) the more a great deal we are petitioners to your high-
ness, that hereafter you will vouchsafe to hear us, who
are so vexed and oppressed with this kind of villanous
robberies."
Thus much out of the apology of Melito, who in writ-
ing to Onesimus, gives us the benefit of knowing the true
catalogue and the names of all the authentic books of the
Old Testament, received in the time of the primitive
church. Concerning the number and names whereof,
Melito in his letter to Onesimus declares ; how that re-
turning into the parts where these things were done and
preached, he there diligently inquired concerning the
books of the Old Testament, the names whereof he sub-
scribes, and sends to him as follows, the five books
of Moses, (Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deu-
teronomy,) Joshua, the Judges, Ruth, four books of
Kings, two books of Chronicles, the Psalms, Proverbs
of Solomon, the book of Wisdom, the Preacher, the
Song of Songs, Job, the prophets Isaiah, Jeremiah,
Twelve Prophets in one book, Daniel, Ezekiel, Ezra.
And thus much of this matter which I thought here to
record, for it is not unprofitable for these later times to
understand what in the first times was received and
admitted as authentic, and what otherwise.
But to return to the apologies of Apollinaris and
Melito, whether it was by the occasion of these apologies, or
whether it was through the writing of Athenagoras, a phi-
losopher, and a legate of the christians, is uncertain : but
this is certain, that the persecution at that time was stayed.
After the death of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, his
son Lucius Antoninus Commodus succeeded (A.D. 180),
who reigned thirteen years.
In the time of Commodus, although he was an in-
commodious prince to the senators of Rome, yet there
was, notwithstanding, some rest from persecution through
the whole church of Christ, by what occasion is not
certain. Some think that it came through Marcia, the
emperor's concubine, who favoured the christians ; but
however it came, the fury of the raging enemies was
then somewhat mitigated, and peace weis given by the
grace of Christ unto the church throughout the whole
world. At which time the doctrine of the gospel in-
fluenced the hearts of all sorts of people, and drew
them to the true religion of God, insomuch that many,
both rich and noble personages of Rome, with their
whole families and households, joined themselves to the
church of Christ.
The Emperor Commodus, upon one of his birth-days,
having called the people of Rome together, clothed him-
self with great royalty, having his lion's skin upon
him, and offered sacrifices to Hercules and Jupiter,
causing it to be proclaimed through the city, that Her-
cules was the patron and defender of the city. There
was the same time at Rome, Vincentius, Eusebius,
Peregrinus, and Potentianus, learned men and instructors
of the people, who, following the steps of the apostles,
went about from place to place where the gospel was not
yet preached, converting the Gentiles to the faith of
Christ. These, hearing of the madness of the emperor,
and of the people, began to reprove their idolatrous
blindness, teaching in the villages and tcwns, all that heard
them to believe upon the true and only God, and to
come away from such worshipping of devils, and to give
honour to God alone, who only is to be worshipped, ex-
horting them to repent and to be baptized. One Julius, a
senator, hearing their preaching, was converted with
others to the religion of Christ. But the emperor hearing
thereof caused them to be ajiprehended, and to be com-
pelled to sacrifice to Hercules, which when they stoutly
refused, after divers grievous torments, they were at last
pressed to death with leaden weights.
Julius being a senator of Rome, and now won by the
preaching of these blessed men to the faith of Christ,
did soon invite them and brought them home to his
house, where being more fully instructed by them in the
christian religion, he believed the gospel, and was bap-
tized with all his family ; he did not keep his faith close
and secret, but with a marvellous and sincere zeal,
openly professed it, wishing and praying that it might
be given to him by God, not only to believe in Christ,
but also to hazard his life for him. The emperor hear-
ing that Julius had forsaken his old religion, and become
a christian, forthwith sent for him, and said, " O Julius,
what madness has possessed thee, that thou dost fall
from the religion of thy forefathers, who acknowledged
and worshipped their gods, and now dost embrace a new
and fond kind of reUgion of the christians r" Julius
having now a good occasion to shew his faith, gave an
account thereof to him, and affirmed that Hercules and
Jupiter were false gods, and how the worshippers of
them should perish with eternal damnation. The em-
peror hearing how he condemned and despised his gods,
was very wroth, and committed him forthwith to the
master of the soldiers, a very cruel and fierce man,
charging him either to see Julius sacrifice to Hercules,
or if he still refused, to slay him : and JuUus continuing
steadfast in the faith, was beaten to death with cudgels.
THE FIFTH PERSECUTION.
After the death of Commodus, Pertinax reigned but
a few months, after whom succeeded Severus (A. D. 19.3),
under whom the fifth persecution was raised against the
christian saints : he reigned eighteen years, and for the
first ten years was very favourable to the christians :
afterward through sinister suggestions and malicious
accusations of the malignant, he was so incensed against
them, that he commanded by proclamations that the chris-
tians should be no more tolerated. Thus the rage of the
emperor being inflamed against them, great persecution
was stirred up on every side, whereby an infinite number
of martyrs were slain about the year of our Lord
205, as Eusebius in his sixth book records. The
crimes and false accusations objected against the chris-
tians are partly touched before ; as sedition and rebellion
against the emperor, sacrilege, murdering of infants,
and eating raw flesh. It was also objected against them
that they worshipped the head of an ass ; I find no
certain cause whence this charge arose, except it were,
perhaps, by the Jews. Also they were charged for wor-
shipping the sun, because before the sun rose, they
assembled together, singing their morning hymns unto
the Lord, or else because they prayed towards the east :
but they were specially accused because they would not
worship idolatrous gods.
The place where the force of this persecution most
raged, was Africa. The number that suffered was innu-
merable. The first was Leonides, the father of Origen,
who was beheaded. Origen being yet young, was fer-
vently attached to the doctrine of Christ's faith, by the
operation of God's heavenly providence, and partly also
by the diligent education of his father, who brought
H
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
[Hook I.
bim up from nis youth most studiously in all good lite-
rature, but especially in the reading and exercise of the
holy scripture, wherein he had such inward and mystical
speculation, that many times he would ask his father
questions of the meaning of this place or that place in
the scripture, insomuch that his father would often un-
cover his breast being aslee]), and kiss it, giving thanks
to God which had made him so happy a father of such a
happy child. After the death of his father, all his goods
having been confiscated to the emperor, Origen, with his
poor mother and six brethren, were brought to such ex-
treme poverty, that he sustained both himself and them
by teaching a school : till at length, being weary of the
profession, he transferred his study only to the know-
ledge and seeking of divine scripture, and such other
learning as conduced to the same.
They that write of the life of Origen, testify of him
that he was of quick and sharp wit, very patient of
labour, learned in various tongues, of a spare diet, of a
strict life, and a great faster ; he was often in danger of
being stoned of the multitude ; and sometimes by the
provision of christian men had his house guarded about
with soldiers, for the safety of those who daily resorted
to hear his readings. Among others who resorted to
him, and were his hearers, was Plutarch, who died a
martyr ; and with him Serenus, his brother, who was
burned; Heraclides and Heron, who were both be-
headed ; Serenus, who was also beheaded ; Rhais and
Potamiena, who was tormented with pitch poured upon
her, and martyred with her mother, Marcella, who died
also in the fire.
Besides these that suffered in this persecution of
Severus, one Andoclus, whom Polycarp had sent into
France, because he had spread there the doctrine of
Christ, was apprehended by Severus, and hrst beaten with
staves and bats, and afterwards beheaded.
About the same time, Ireneus was martyred with a
great multitude of others, for the confession and doc-
trine of Christ. This Ireneus was a great writer, and
great searcher of all kind of learning. After the mar-
tyrdom of Photinus, he was appointed bishop of Lyons,
where he continued about the space of twenty-three
years. In the time of Ireneus the state of the church
was much troubled, not only by outward persecution,
but also by divers sects and errors then stirring, against
W'hich he diligently laboured and wrote much. The
nature of this man, well agreeing with his name, was
such, that he ever loved peace, and sought to set agree-
ment when any controversy rose in the church. And
therefore, when the question of keeping the Easter-day
was renewed in the church between Victor, bishop of
Rome, and the churches of Asia, and when Victor would
have excommunicated them as schismatics, for disagree-
ing from him therein, Ireneus, with other brethren of
the French church, sorry to see such a contention
among brethren for such a trifle, assembled themselves
together in a council, and directing their letter with
their common consent subscribed, sent unto Victor,
entreating him to stay his purpose, and not to proceed
in excommunicating his brethren for that matter. Al-
though they themselves agreed with him in observing
the Sunday Easter as he did ; yet with great reasons
and arguments they exhorted him not to deal so rigor-
ously with his other brethren, following the ancient
custom of their country in that behalf. And besides
this, he wrote divers other letters abroad concerning the
same contention, declaring the excommunication of
Victor to be of no force.
Not long after Ireneus, followed alsoTertullian, a man
expert both in Greek and Latin, having great gifts in
disputing, and in eloquent writing, as his books de-
clare, and as the commendation of all learned men
testifies.
Such men God raised up from time to time, as pillars
and stays for his poor church, as he did this TertuUian
in these dangerous days of persecution. For when the
christians were vexed with wrongs, and falsely accused
by the Gentiles, TertuUian, taking their cause in hand,
de'"f>n(led them against the persecutors, and against their
slwideroas accusations, declaring they were falsely
belied and wrongfully persecuted, not for any desert of
theirs, but only for tlie hatred of their name. And yet
he proves in the same apology, that the religion of the
christians was not impaired by persecution, but rather
increased. "The more'' (says he) "we are mown
down of you, the more we rise up. The blood of chris-
tians is seed. For what man, in beholding the painful
torments, and the perfect patience of them, will not
search and inquire what is the cause ? And when he
has found it out, who will not agree to it ? And when
he agrees to it, who will not desire to sufler for it .'
Thus this sect will never die, but the more it is cut
down, the more it grows. For every man seeing and
wondering at the sufferance of the saints, is movea
the more thereby to search the cause ; in searching, he
finds it, and finding he follows it.
Thus TertuUian, in this time of persecution, defended
the innocency of the christians against the blaspliemy
of the adversaries ; and moreover, for the instruction of
the church, he compiled many works, some of which are
extant, some are not to be found. Notwithstanding
the great learning and many virtues of this worthy man,
certain errors aad blemishes are noted in his doctrine.
This by the way will be sufficient to admonish the reader
never to look for perfection in any man in this world ;
however excellent he may be, some blemish or other
joins itself with him.
And now, to return again to the order of bishops of
Rome. After Eleutherius, succeeded Victor (A. D.
185}. This Victor was a great stirrer in the controversy
of Easter-day, for which he would have proceeded in ex-
communication against the churches of Asia, had not
Ireneus, with the counsel of his brethren, repressed his
violence. As to that controversy of Easter in those days
of the primitive church, the original cause of it was this,
as Eusebius, Socrates, Platina, and others record. It
is certain that the apostles, being only attentive to the
doctrine of salvation, gave no heed to the observation of
days and times, nor did ' they bind the church to any
ceremonies and rites, except those things mentioned in
the Acts (xv. 2!)), as things strangled and blood, which
was ordained then of the Holy Ghost, not without a
most urgent and necessary cause, touched partly in the
history before. For when the murdering and blood of
infants was commonly charged by the heathen persecu-
tors against the christians, they had no other argument
to help themselves, nor to refute the adversary, but only
their own law, by which they were commanded to ab-
stain, not only from all men's blood, but also from the
blood of all common beasts. And, therefore, that
law seems to be given by the Holy Ghost, and continued
in the church so long as the cause, that is, the persecu-
tions of the heathen Gentiles,continued. Besides these,
we read of no other ceremonies or rites, which the apos-
tles greatly regarded, but they left such things free to the
liberty of christians, every man to use his own discretion,
for the using or not using thereof ; so that concerning
all the ceremonial observations of days, times, places,
meats, drinks, vestures, and such others, the diversity
among men was not greatly noted, nor any uniformity
greatly required.
The doctrine of christian liberty remained whole in
the church till the time of Victor. Neither did the vio-
lence of Victor take such effect, but that the doctrine of
christian liberty was defended and maintained by means
of Ireneus and others, and so continued in the church J
till after the council of Nice. I
But to return to Victor again, we will shew what di-
versity there was in observing the day of Easter. In
the time of Pius, the question of Easter began first to
be moved ; he decreed the observation of that day to be
changed from the wonted manner of the fourteenth day
of the moon, in the first month, to the next Sunday
after. After him came Anicetus, Soter, and Eleuthe-
rius, bishops of Rome, who also determined the same.
Against these stood Melito, bishop of Sardis, Polycarp,
and as some think, Egesippus, with other learned men of
Asia. Which Polycarp being sent by the brethren of Asia,
came to Rome, to confer with Anicetus in that matter ;
and although after long debating, they could not agree, yet^ ^
A.D. 193-222.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
45
nottrithstanding, they both communicated together with
reverence, and separated in peace. And so the celebra-
tion of Easter-day remained as a thing indifFerent in the
church till the time of Victor, who, following after
Anicetus and his fellows, and chiefly stirring in this mat-
ter, endeavoured by all means to draw, or, rather to
subdue the churches of Asia to his opinions, thinking,
moreover, to excommunicate all those bishops and
the churches of Asia, as heretics and schismatics, who
disagreed from the Roman order, had not Ireneus other-
wise restrained him from so doing (A. D. I'Jl). Thus,
then the uniformity of keeping that holy day first began
I to be required as a thing necessary, and all they ac-
I counted as heretics and schismatics, who dissented from
j the bishop and tradition of Rome.
I With Victor, stood Theophilus, bishop of Cesarea,
; Narcissus of Jerusalem, Ireneus of Lyons, Palmas of
! Pontus, Banchillus of Corinth, the bishop of Ostroena,
and others ; all of whom condescended to have the cele-
bration of Easter upon the Sunday, because they would
differ from the Jews in all things as much as they might,
and partly because the resurrection of the Lord fell on
; the same day.
On the contrary side there were divers bishops in
' Asia, of whom the principal was Polycratts, bishop of
; Ephesus, who, being assembled with a great multitude
, of bishops and brethren of those parts, by the common
I Rssent of the rest, wrote to Victor, and to the church of
Rome, declaring that they had ever from the beginning
observed tliat day, according to the rule of scripture un-
changed, neither adding nor altering any thing from the
same; alleging, moreover, the examples of the apostles,
and holy fathers their predecessors, as Philip, the apos-
tle, with his three daughters at Hieropolis ; also John
the apostlj and evangelist, at Ephesus, Polycarp at
Smyrna, Tliraseas, bishop and martyr at Eumenia ;
likewise of Sagaris, bishop and martyr at Laodicea ;
holy Papirius and Melito at Sardis. Besides these,
seven bishops, also of his own kindred, and his own an-
cestors, all of whom observed the solemnity of Easter-day,
after the same manner as we do now.
Victor, being not a little moved herewith, by letters
again denounced against them (more bold upon authority
than wise in his commission), violent excommunication,
although by the wise handling of Ireneus and other
learned men, the matter was staid, and Victor otherwise
persuaded. What the persuasions of Ireneus were,
partly appear in Eusebius (lib. 5. cap. 2(j), to this effect :
That the variance and difference of ceremonies is no
strange matter in the church of Christ, as this variety is
not only in the day of Easter, but also in the manner
of fasting, and in other usages among the christians ; for
some fast one day, some two days, some fast more.
And this varying mode of fasting in the churches began
not only in our time, but was among our fore-elders.
And yet with all this diversity they were in unity among
themselves, and so should we be ; neither does this differ-
ence of ceremonies hinder, but rather commends the
unity of faith. And he brings forth the examples of the
fathers, of Telesphorus, Pius, Anicetus, Soter, Eleu-
thenus, and such others, who neither observed the same
usage themselves, nor prescribed it to others, and yet
notwithstanding kept christian charity with such as came
to communicate with them, not observing the same form
of things which they observed, as ajipeared by Polycarp
and Anicetus, who, although they agreed not in one uni-
torm custom of rites, yet refused not to communicate to-
gether, the one giving reverence to the other. Thus, the
controversy being taken up between Ireneus and Victor,
the matter remained free to the time of the Nicene council.
After \ ictor, Zephirinus succeeded in the see of Rome,
(about A. p. 20;}j. To this Zephirinus two epistles are
ascribed ; but as of the epistles of other Roman bishops,
so 1 say and verily suppose of this, that neither the
etyle, nor the matter therein contained, nor the state of
the time, warranted us to think of them otherwise than
IS forged letters ; letters not written by these fathers,
nor m those times, but crafty and wickedly packed in
by some, who, to set up the primacy of Rome, have
most pestilently abused the authority of these noly and
ancient fathers, to deceive the simple church.
Severus, the persecutor, reigned eighteen years ; and
about the later time of his reign came with his army into
Britain, where, after many conflicts with the Britons in
the north, he cast up a ditch with a mighty wall made of
earth and turfs, and strong stakes, to the length of one
hundred and thirty-two miles from the one side of the
sea to the other, beginning at the Tyne and reaching to
the Scottish sea, which done, he removed to York, and
there died, (A. D. 211), leaving his two sons Basianus,
(surnamed Caracalla,) and Geta, joint emperors.
After Caracalla and Macrinus, Heliogabalus succeeded
to the empire, who may rather be called a monster than
a man, so prodigious was his life in all gluttony and
filthiness. To let pass his sumptuous vestures which he
would only wear of gold, and most costly silks ; his
shoes glistering with precious stones finely engraved, he
never wore one garment twice, he was never two days
served with one kind of meat ; some days his company
was served with the brains of ostriches, and another day
with the tongues of popinjays and other sweet singing
birds. When he was near the sea he never used fish ;
but in places far distant from the sea, all his house was
served with most delicate fishes ; at one supper he was
served with seven thousand fishes, and five thousand
fowls. He sacrificed young children, and preferred the
most abandoned characters to the highest offices in the
state, as public dancers, minstrels, charioteers, and such
like ; in one word, he was an enemy to all honesty and
good order. And when he was foretold by his sorcerers
and astronomers, that he should die a violent death, he
provided ropes of silk to hang himself, swords of gold to
kill himself, and strong poison in precious caskets to
poison himself, if he should be forced thereto ; more
over, he made a high tower, having the floor of boards
covered with gold plate, and bordered with precious
stones, from which tower he would throw himself down,
if he should be pursued of his enemies. But, notwith-
standing all his provision, he was slain of the soldiers,
drawn through the city, and cast into the Tiber, after he
had reigned two years and eight months, as witnesseth
Eutropius ; others say four years.
This Heliogabalus, having no issue, adopted as his son
and heir Aurelius Alexander Severus, the son of Mam-
mea, who began to reign A. D. 222, and continued
thirteen years, who is much commended as being virtu-
ous, wise, gentle, liberal, and hurtful to no man. Among
his other virtues, it appears also that he was friendly and
favourable to the christians.
And thus this good emperor continued the space of
thirteen years ; at length, at a commotion in Germany,
he was slain with his mother Mammea. After him suc-
ceeded Maximinus, contrary to the mind of the senate,
only appointed by the soldiers to be emperor. During
the reign of Severus, although the church of Christ had
not perfect peace, yet it had some tranquillity from per-
secution.
At this time were converted Tiburtius, and Valerianus,
the husband of Cecilia, who both, being noblemen of
Rome, remained constant in the faith unto the end and
suffered martyrdom. Of this Cecilia it is written that
after she had brought Valerian her husband, and Tiburtius
his brother to the knowledge and faith of Christ, and with
her exhortations had made them constant unto martyr-
dom, she was apprehended and brought to the idols to do
sacrifice ; which, when she abhorred to do, she was to be
presented before the judge to have the condemnation of
death. In the meantime, the Serjeants and officers who
were about her, beholding her comely beauty, and her
prudent conversation, began with many persuasive
words to solicit her to favour herself, and such excellent
beauty, and not to cast herself away, &c. But she so
replied to them with reasons and godly exhortations,
that by the grace of Almighty God their hearts began to
kindle, and at length to yield to that religion, which be-
fore they persecuted. She perceiving this, desired of
the judge a little respite, which being granted, she sent
'or Urbanus, the bishop, home to her house, to establish
46
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
[Book I.
and ground them in the faith of Christ ; and so they,
with divers others, were baptized, both men and women,
to the number (as the history says) of four hundred
persons, among whom was one Gordian, a nobleman.
This done, this blessed martyr was brought before the
judge, where she was condemned, and inclosed in a hot
bath ; but remaining there a whole day and night with-
out any hurt, she was brought out again, and was be-
headed.
Under the same Alexander Severus, various others
are there said to have suffered martyrdom, as one
Agapetus, of the age of fifteen years, who, being apj)re-
hended and condemned at Preneste in Italy, because he
would not sacrifice to idols, was assailed with sundry
torments : — first, scourged with whips, then hanged up
by the feet, and after having hot water poured ujion
him, at last was cast to the wild beasts.
Also, with the same Agapetus is numbered Calepodius,
a minister of Rome, whose body was first drawn
through the city of Rome, and afterwards cast into the
Tiber.
Then follows Pammachius, a senator of Rome, with
his wife and children, and others, both men and women,
to the nnmber of forty-two. Also, another noble sena-
tor of Rome, named Simplicius, all which together, in one
day, had their heads smitten oflF.and hanged up in divers
gates of the city, for a terror of others, that none should
profess the name of Christ.
Besides these suffered also Quiritius, a nobleman of
Rome, who, with his mother Julia, and a great number
more, were likewise put to death.
Also, Tiberius and Valerianus, citizens of Rome, and
brethren, suffered the same time, being bruised and
broken with bats, and afterwards beheaded.
Also, Martina, a christian maiden, who, after divers
bitter punishments, being constant in her faith, suffered
in like manner by the sword.
THE SIXTH PERSECUTION.
After the death of the Emperor Alexander Severus,
who, with his mother Mammea (as is said) was murder-
ed in Germany, followed Maximinus, chosen by the will of
the soldiers, rather than by the authority of the senate,
(A.D. 2.'55.) who raised up the sixth persecution against the
christians, especially against the teachers and leaders of
the church, thinking thereby the sooner to vanquish the
rest, if the captains were removed out of the way. In
the time of this persecution, Origen wrote his book on
martyrdom, which book, if it were extant, would give us
some knowledge of such as suffered in this persecution,
who are now unknown, and no doubt but they were a
great number, and would have been still greater, had
not the provident mercy of God shortened his days, and
bridled his tyranny, for he reigned but three years.
After him succeeded Gordian (A. D. 238), a man no less
studious for the utility of the commonwealth, than mild
and gentle to the christians. This Gordian, after he had
governed the empire of Rome with much peace and
tranriuillity for six years, was slain by Philip, the emperor
after him.
In the days of these emperors above recited, was Pon-
tianus, bishop of Rome, who succeeded next after
Urban (A. D. 230). He was banished under Maxi-
minus, and died in the beginning of the reign of Gordian.
In his decretal epistles (which seem likewise to be
forged), he appears very devout, after the example of
other bishops, to uphold the dignity of priests, and of
clergymen, saying, that God has them so familiar with
him, that by them he accepts the offerings and oblations
of others, he forgives their sins, and reconciles them unto
him. Also, that they make the body of the Lord with
their own mouth, and give it to others, &c. How this
doctrine stands with the testament of God, and the glory
of Christ, let C\\e reader use his own judgment.
Other notable fathers also in the same time were
raised up in the church, as Philetus, bishop of Antioch,
and after him Zebenus, bishop of the same place.
To these also may be added Ammonius, the school-
master of Origen, and also the kinsman of Porphyry, the
great enemy of Christ. As he left various books in de-
fence of Christ's religion, so, also, he constantly perse-
vered in the doctrine of Christ, which he had received in
the beginning.
After the decease of Pontianus, bishop of Rome, suc-
ceeded Anterius, who, because he caused the acts and
deaths of the martyrs to be written, was put to martyr-
dom himself, by Maximinus the judge. Next to this
bishop was Fabian, of whom more is to be said here-
after.
Hippolytus also was a bishop and a martyr. He was
a great writer, and left many works in the church. He
lived about A. D. 230.
Prudentius, in his Peristephanon, making mention of
great heaps of martyrs buried by threescore together,
sjjeaks also of Hippolytus, and says that he was drawn
with wild horses through fields, dales, and bushes, and
describes a pitiful story.
After the Emperor Gordian, the empire fell to Philip,
(A. D. 244), who, with Philip his son, reigned about six
years. This Philip, with his son, and all his family, was
christened and converted by Fabian and Origen, who by
letters exhorted him and Severa his wife, to be baptized,
being the first of all the emperors that brought in
Christianity into the imperial seat. However, Pompo-
nius Letus reports him to be a dissembling prince ; this
is certain, that for his Christianity he was slain, with his
son, by Decius, one of his captains.
THE SEVENTH PERSECUTION.
Philip being slain, Decius invaded the crown (A. D.
249). By him a terrible persecution was moved against
the christians. The occasion of his hatred and jierse-
cution against them was chiefly because the treasures
of the emperor were committed to Fabian.
This Fabian, being a married man (as Platina writes),
was made bishop of Rome after Anterius, in which func-
tion he remained to the time of Decius ; who, either
because Philip had committed to him his treasures, or
because of the hatred he bare to Philip, caused him to be
put to death, sending out, moreover, his proclamation
into all quarters, that all who professed the name of
Christ should be slain.
To this Fabian, Origen wrote one of his works. This
Origen (as was stated before) was bold and fervent in
assisting, comforting, exhorting, and kissing the mar-
tyrs that were imprisoned and suffered for the name of
Christ. To the danger of his own life he continued
teaching, writing, confuting, exhorting, and expounding,
about the space of fifty-two years, and sustained great
persecutions, but especially under Decius, as Eusebius
testifies, declaring that for the doctrine of Christ, he sus-
tained bands and torments in his body, racking with bars
of iron, dungeons, besides terrible threats of death and
burning.
Epiphanius writes, that being urged to sacrifice to
idols, and taking the boughs in his hand, wherewith the
heathen were wont to honour their gods, he called upon
the christians to carry them in honour of Christ ; which
fact, the church of Alexandria not approving, removed
him from their communion : whereupon Origen, driven
away with shame and sorrow out of Alexandria, went
into Judea, where, being in Jerusalem among the con-
gregation, and there requested of the priests and minis-
ters (he being also a priest) to make some exhortation in
the church, he refused a great while. At length, by
importunate petition being constrained, he rose up, and
turning the book, as though he would have expounded
some place of the scripture, he only read this verse : " God
saith unto the wicked, what lia>t thou to <lo, to de-
clare my statutes, or that thou shouldest take my cove-
nant in thy mouth," Ps. 1. 16. Which being read, he
shut the book, and sat down weeping and wailing, the
whole congregation also weeping and lamenting with him.
Nicephorus, and others who write of this persecution
under Decius, declare the horribleness of it to be so
great, and the martyrs who suffered so innumerable, that
he says, it is as easy to number the sands of the sea, as
to recite the particular names of those whom this perse«
A.D. 222—249.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
47
cution devoured. Although, therefore, it be hard here
to insert all persons that died in this persecution, yet such
as are most notable in history, I will briefly touch by the
grace of him for whose cause they suffered.
Alexander was appointed bishop of Jerusalem, where
he continued a very aged man, above forty years gover-
nor of that church, till the time of Decius, when being
brought from Jerusalem to Cesarea into the judgment
place, after a constant and evident confession of his
faith made before the judge, he was committed to prison,
and there finished his life.
Babylas, bishop of Antioch, also died in prison under
Decius.
We read in Chrysostom, a noble and long history of
one Babylas, a martyr, who about these times was put
to death for not sutfering a certain emperor to enter
into the temple of the christians after a cruel murder
committed, the history of which murder is this : There
was a certain emperor, who upon conclusion of peace
with a certain nation, had received for hostage or surety
of peace, the son of the king, being of young and
tender age, on condition that he should not be molested
by them, and that they should never be vexed by him.
Upon this the king's son was delivered, not without
great care and fear of the father, to the emperor, who,
contrary to promise, caused him in a short time to be
slain. This horrible fact being committed, the tyrant
with all haste would enter into the temple of the chris-
tians, where Babylas being bishop or minister, withstood
him that he should not approach that place. The em-
peror, not a little incensed, in great rage bade him
forthwith to be laid in prison with as many irons as he
could bear, and from thence shortly after to be brought
forth to death and execution. Babylas, going boldly to
his martyrdom, desired after his death to be buried with
his irons and bands, and so he was.
In the city of Antioch, Vincentius speaks of forty
young maidens who suffered martyrdom in the persecu-
tion of Decius.
In the country of Phrygia, Vincentius also speaks of
one Peter, who was apprehended, and suffered bitter
torments for Christ's name, under Optimus the procon-
sul ; and in Tjoada likewise, of other martyrs that there
suffered.
Also in Babylon, divers christian confessors were
found by Decius, and led away into Spain, to be executed
there.
In the country of Cappadocia, in like manner, Gcrma-
nus, Theophilus, Cesarius, and Vitalus suffered martyr-
dom for Christ. jNIention is also made of Polychronius,
bishop of Babylon, and in Pamphilia, of Nestor, the
bishop, that died martyrs.
At Perside, Olympiades and Maximus ; in Tyrus, also
a maiden named Anatolia, and Audax gave up their lives
for the testimony of Christ's name.
Eusebius moreover in his sixth book recites out of the
epistles of Dionysius Alexandrinus, many that sufiered
at Alexandria ; which extracts from Dionysius, as they
are cited in Eusebius, I thought good here for the
ancientness of the author, to insert, in his own words,
and in our language, as he wrote them to Fabius, bishop
of Antioch, as follows :
" This persecution," says he, "began not with the
proclamation set forth by the emperor, but began a
whole year before, by the occasion and means of a
wicked person, a soothsayer, and a follower of wicked
arts ; who, coming to our city here, stirred up the mul-
titude of the heathen against us, and incited them to
maintain their own old superstition ; whereby, they
obtaining full power to prosecute their wicked purpose,
declared all their religion to consist in idolatrous worship
of devils, and in our destruction. And first flying upon
a certain priest of ours, named Metra, they apprehended
him, and brought him forth to make him speak after
their wicked blasphemy ; which, when he would not do,
they laid upon him with staves and clubs, and with sharp
reeds pricked his face and eyes, and afterward bringing
him out into the suburbs, there they stoned him to
death. Then they took a faithful woman, called Quinta,
and brought her to the temple of their idols, to compel
her to worship with them : which, when she refused to
do, and abhorred their idols, they bound her feet, and
drew her through the whole street of tlie city upon the
hard stones, and so dashing her against millstones,
and scourging her with whips, brought her to the same
place of the suburbs, as they did the other before, where
she likewise ended her life. This done, in a great
outrage, and with a multitude running together, they
burst into the houses of the religious and godly chris-
tians, spoiling, sacking, and carrying away all that they
could find of any value. Such things as were of less
value, and of wood, they brought into the open market,
and set them on fire. In the mean time, the brethren
witlidrew themselves, taking patiently and no less joy-
fully, the spoiling of their goods, than they did of whom
St. Paul testifies, Heb. x. 32.
" Amongst the rest that were taken, there was a
certain woman well stricken in years, named Apoliinia,
whom they brought forth, and dashing all her teeth out
of her jaws, made a great fire before the city, threaten-
ing to cast her into the same, unless she would blaspheme
with them and deny Christ ; whereat she pausing a little,
as one that would consider with herself, suddenly leaped
into the midst of the fire, and there was burned.
" There was also one Serapion, whom they took in his
own house, and after they had assailed him with sundry
kinds of torments, and had broken almost all the joints
of his body, they cast him down from an upper loft, and
so he completed his martyrdom. Thus was there no way
neither private nor public, left for us, neither by day
nor by night to escape, all the people making an outcry
against us, that unless we uttered words of blasphemy,
we should be drawn to the fire and burned. And this
outrageous tumult endured a certain space, but at length,
as the Lord would, the miserable wretches fell at dissen-
sion among themselves, which turned the cruelty they
exercised against us upon their own heads. And so
had we a little breathing time for a season, while the
fury of the heathen people by this occasion assuaged.
" Shortly after this, word was brought to us that the
state of the empire, which before was something favour-
able to us, was altered and changed against us, putting
us in great fear. And soon followed the edict of the
emperor so terrible and cruel, that according to the fore-
warning of the Lord, the elect (if it had been possible)
might have been thereby subverted. Upon that edict
such fear came over us all, that there were many, espe-
cially of the richer sort, of whom some for fear, came
running, some were led by the occasion of time, some
were drawn by their neighbours being cited by name, to
those impure and idolatrous sacrifices. Others came
trembling and shaking, not as men who should sacrifice,
but who should be sacrificed themselves, the niult'tude
laughing them to scorn. Some again came boldly to the
altars, declaring themselves never to have been of that
profession, of whom it is said, that they shall hardly be
saved. Of the rest, some followed one part, some
another, some ran away, some were taken ; of whom
certain continued constant in bands and torments ;
others again after long imprisonments, before they
should come before the judge, renounced their faith.
Some also, after they suffered torments, yet after re-
volted. But others being as strong as blessed and
valiant pillars of the Lord's, fortified with constancy
agreeing to their faith, were made faithful martyrs of the
kingdom of God.
" Of whom the first was Julian, a man diseased with
the gout, and not able to walk, being carried by two men,
the old man confessing the Lord with a perfect faith,
was laid upon camels, and there scourged, at length cast
into the fire, and with great constancy was so consumed.
" As these were going to their martyrdom, there was
a certain soldier, who in their defence took part against
them that railed upon them. For which cause the people
crying out against him, he also was apprehended, and
being constant in his profession, was forthwith beheaded.
" Likewise one Macar, being admonished and ex-
horted of the judge to deny his faith, and not agreeing to
his persuasions, was burned alive.
*' After these suffered Epimachus, and one Alexander,
4S
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
[Book I.
who being long det lined in prison and in bands, after in-
numerable pains and torments with razors and scourges,
were also cast into the burning tire with four women,
who all there ended their martyrdom.
" Also Amnionarion, an holy maiden, wliom the cruel
judge h;td long anj bitterly tormented, because; she had
assured him before, that no punishment should cause
lier to yield to his request, and constantly performing
the same, she suffered likewise martyrdom with two
other women, one of whom was an aged matron, named
Mercuria, the other was called Dionysia, being a mother
of many fair children, whom yet she loved not above the
Lord. These, after they could not be overcome by any
torments of the cruel judge, but he rather ashamed and
confounded to be overcome by feeble women, at length
being past feeling of all torments, were slain with the
sword.
" Heron, Ater, and Isidorus, and with them Diosco-
rus, also a cliild of fifteen years, were crowned with the
same crown of martyrdom. The judge began with the
child, thinking him more easy to be won with words to
entice him, than with torments to constrain him. But
he persisted immoveable, giving place neither to persua-
sions nor punishment. The rest, after he had grievously
tormented them, being constant in their profession, he
committed to the fire. The judge, greatly marvelling at
Dioscorus for his wise answers and grave constancy, dis-
missed him, sparing his age to a longer respite ; which
Dioscorus is yet with us at this present, waiting for a
long trial.
" Nemesion was accused as a companion of thieves,
but being acquitted before the centurion, was tlien
accused of Christianity, and for that cause was brought to
the president ; who most unrighteously tormenting and
scourging him double, at length burned liim to deatli
among the thieves, making him a blessed martyr.
" There were standing before the tribunal seat, certain
of the warriors or knights, whose names were Animon,
Zenon, Ptolomeus, Ingenuus, and with them a certain
aged man called Theophilus ; who, when a christian man
was examined, seeing him for fear ready to decline and
faU away, did almost burst for sorrow within themselves,
making signs to him with their hands, to be constant.
This being noted of all the standers by, they were ready
to lay hold upon them ; but they preventing tliis matter,
pressed up of their own accord before to the bench of the
judge, ]irofessing themselves to be christians. Insomuch
that both tlie president with the benchers, were all
astonished, the christians, who were judged, were more
emboldened to suffer, and the judges thereby terrified.
This done, they departed from the place, glad and re-
joicing for the testimony that they had given of their
faith. Many others besides, were in other cities and
towns rent and torn asunder by the heathen, among
whom I will speak of one as worthy of memory.
" lschirion,who'.vasin the service of a certain nobleman,
was commanded of his master to make sacrifice, and for
not obeying was therefore rebuked : after persisting in
the same, he was grievously threatened with sharp and
menacing words. At last his master, when he could not
prevail against liim, taking a stake or pike in his hands,
ran him tri.-ough the body and slew him.
" What shall I speak of the multitude of those, who
wandering in deserts and mountains, were consumed with
hunger, thirst, cold, sickness, thieves, or wild beasts, of
whose blessed victory tliey who are yet alive are wit-
nesses ? In the number of whom, one I will speak of,
among others, named Cheremon, bishop of Nilus, an aged
man: he with his wife, flying to the mountains of Arabia,
never returned again, nor ever could be seen after. And
though they were sought for diligently by their brethren,
yet neither they nor their bodies were found : many others
there were, who flying to the mountains of Arabia were
taken by the Arabs : of whom some with much money
could scarce be ransomed, some were never heard of
yet to this present day," (Eusebius, lib. 6. cap. 41,
42., &c.)
Thus much out of the epistles of Dionysius.
Moreover, Dionysius in another place, writing to Ger-
manus, oi his own dangers and of others, sustained in this
persecution, and before this persecution of Decius, thus
speaks, " I behold before the sight of God, I lie not, and
He knoweth, I lie not, how that 1 having no regard of
mine own life, and not without the motion of God,
did fly and avoid the danger of this persecution. Yea,
and also before that this persecution of Decius did rage
against us, Sabinus the same hour sent a farmer to seek
me, at which time I remaining at home waited three days
for his coming. These three days being past, upon the
fourth day, the Lord (iod so willing and commanding me
to fly, and also marvellously opening to me the way, I with
my children and many other brethren went out together.
And that this did not come of myself, but was the work of
God's providence, the sequel of those things declared,
wherein afterward I was not unprofitable peradventure
to some," &c.
Bergomensis makes relation of many martyred under
Decius, as Meniatus, who suffered at Florence ; Aga-
tha, a maiden of Sicily, who is said to have suffered
many and bitter torments, with imprisonment, with beat-
ings, with famine, with racking, being rolled also upon
sharp shells and hot coals.
It is impossible to recite all that sufiTered in this per-
secution, when whole multitudes went into wildernesses
and mountains, wandering without succour or comfort,
some starved with hunger and cold, some consumed v.-ith
sickness, some taken and carried away by barbarous
thieves.
Mention is made of Triphon, a man of great holiness,
and constancy in his suffering, who for his confession or
Christ's name, was afflicted with divers and grievous tor-
ments, and at length put to death with the sword.
When Decius had erected a temple in the midst of the
city of Ephesus, compelling all that were in the city to
sacrifice to the idols : seven christians were found, who
refusing the idolatrous worship, were accused to the
emperor to be christians. Although they openly professed
and did not deny that they were christians ; because
they were soldiers in the emperor's service, respite was
given them for a time to deliberate with themselves, till
the return of the emperor, who was then going to v,-ar.
In the mean time, the emperor being departed, they
taking counsel together, went and hid themselves in some
secret caves of the mount Celius. The emperor return-
ing again, after great search had been made for them,
hearing where they were, caused the mouth of tlie cave
to be closed up with heaps of stones, that they, not able
to get out, should be famished within. And thus were
those good men martyred.
Agathon, of Alexandria, for rebuking of certain per-
sons scornfully deriding the dead bodies of the christians,
was cried out and railed on of the people, and afterward
accused to the judge, and was condemned to lose his
head.
Also Paulus and Andreas, whom the proconsul of Tro-
ada gave to the people; being scourged, and drawn out.
of the city, were trodden to death with the feet of the^
people.
Among others that sufiTered imder this wicked Decius,
there is mention made of one Justin, a priest, and ofJj
Nicostratus, a deacon, also Fortius, a priest, who is re-
ported to have been the converter of Philip, the emperor. «|
Abdon and Sennas, two noblemen, because they had
buried the christians, were accused to Decius, and brought
to Rome ; where, being commanded to sacrifice to dead
idols, they would not obey ; and were given to the wild
beasts to be devoured. '
One Secundianus was accused to be a christian, whicU
profession when he stoutly maintained, he was command- 'I
cd to prison. As the soldiers were leading him to the '
gaol, Verianus and Marcellianus confessed themselves '|
christians, and were apprehended, and being commanded'
to sacrifice, they did spit upon the idols, and so they
were beaten with truncheons, and afterwards were hangerf
and tormented, having fire set to their sides.
To give the history of the lives and suflferings of all,
who were martyred in this terrible persecution, were too
long, and almost infinite : briefly therefore to rehearse
the names of such as we find alleged out of a treatise of |
Bade, shall be at this time sufficient. Under Deci«
A.D. 249— 251.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
49
suffered Hippolitus and Concordia, Hiereneus and Abun-
dus, Victoria, a maiden, being noble personages of Antioch ;
Bellias, bishop of the city of Apollonia, Leacus, Tirsus,
and Gallinetus. Nazanzo, Triphon in the city of Egypt,
called Tamas, Phileas bishop, Philocomus, witli many
others in Perside, Philcronius a bishop of Babylon ; The-
siplion bishop of Pamphilia, Neffor bishop ia Corduba,
Pannenius a priest, with divers more. In the province
called Colonia, Circensis, Marianus, and Jacobus. In
Africa, Nemesianus, FelLx, Rogatianus a priest, Felicissi-
mus. At Rome, Jovinus, Basileus, also two maidens named
Ruffina and Secunda, TertuUianus, Valerianus, Neme-
sius, Sempronianus and Olympius. In Spain, Teragon.
At Verona, Zeno the bishop. At Cesarea, Marinus and
Archemius. In the town of Milan, Privatus the bishop,
Theodorus, surnamed Gregorius, bishop of Pontus.
Now that I have recorded sufficiently of them, who
under this tempest of Decius gave their lives to martyr-
dom for the testimony of Christ : it remains that a few
words also be spoken of such as for fear or frailty in this
persecution did shrink and slide from the truth of their
confession. In the number of whom, was Serapion,
a very aged man. Of whom Dionysius Alexandrinus
writes to Fabius, declaring that this Serapion was an
old man, who lived amongst them a sincere and upright
life for a long time, but at length fell. This Serapion
often desired to be received again, but no man listened
to him, for he had sacrificed before. Not long after
this, he fell into sickness, when he remained three days
dumb, and benumbed of all his senses. The fourth day,
beginning to recover a little, he called to him his sisteii
son, and said, " How long, how long (my son) do you
hold me here ? Make haste, I pray you, that I
may be absolved. Call some of the ministers to me:"
and so, saying no more, he held his peace again as dumb
and speechless. The boy ran (it was then night) to the
minister, who, being sick, could not come with the mes-
senger, but said, " As he always desired that such as lay
dying, if they wished to be received and reconciled, and
especially if they required it earnestly, should be ad-
mitted, whereby with the better hope and confidence they
may depart hence :" therefore he gave to the boy a little
of the eucharist, desiring him co crumble it into the cup,
and so to drop it into the mouth of the old man. With
this the boy returned, bringing with him the holy eu-
charist. As he was now near at hand, before he had entered
in, Serapion, the old man speaking again, said, " Comest
thou, my son ?" The messenger answered, " The priest
is sick, and cannot come ; but do as he desires you, and
let me go." And the boy mixed the eucharist, and
dropt it in softly into the mouth of the old man,
who, after he had tasted a little, immediately gave up
the ghost.
Dionysius, in his epistles, also writing to Fabius, and
lamenting the great terror of this persecution, declares
how many worthy and notable christians, for fear and
horror of the great tyranny thereof, did shew themselves
feeble and weak men ; of whom, some for dread, some
of their own accord, others after great torments suffered,
yet afterwards revolted from the constancy of their profes-
sion. Also St. Cyprian recites with great sorrow, and
testifies how a great number at the first threatening of
the adversary, neither being compelled nor thrown down
with any violence of the enemy, but of their voluntary
weakness fell down themselves. " Neither," says he, "tar-
rying while the judge should put incense in their hands,
but before any stroke was stricken in the field, turned
their backs, and played the cowards ; not only coming to
their sacrifices, but pretending to come without compul-
sion, bringing moreover their infants and children, either
put into their hands, or taking them with them of their
own accord, and exhorting moreover others to do the
like after their example."
Upon the occasion of these and others, which were
a great number that fell and renounced the faith in
this persecution of Decius, first rose up the heresy
of Novatus, who, in these days, made a great disturb-
ance in the church, holding this opinion, that they,
which once renounced the faith, and for fear of torments
nad offered incense to the idols, although they repented,
yet could not afterward be reconciled, nor adn itted to
the church of Christ. This Novatus being first priest
under Cyprian at Carthage, afterward by stirring up dis-
cord and factions began to disturb the bishopric of Cy-
prian, to appoint there a deacon against the bishoji's mind
or knowledge, also to allure and separate certain of the
brethren from the bishop, all which is declared by Cyprian,
(lib. 2. epist. 8.) After this, Novatus goingtoRome, kept
there the like stir with Cornelius, as the same Cornelius
testifies in Eusebius, (lib. (i. cap. 4.'^.) setting himself up
as bishop of Rome, against Cornelius, who was the law-
ful bishop. He allured to him, to be his adherents,
three or four good men and holy confessors, who had
suffered great torments for their confession, whose names
were Maximus, Urbanus, Sidonius, and Celerinus. After
this he enticed three simple bishops about the coasts of
Italy, to repair to Rome, under the pretence to make an
end of certain controversies then in hand ; he then
caused them to lay their hands upon him, and to make
him bishop, which they did. Thus, there were two bi-
shops together in one church of Rome, Novatus and
Cornelius, which was unseemly, and contrary to the
discipline of the church. And hereupon arises the true
cause and meaning of St. Cyprian, writing in his epistles
so much of one bishop, and of the unity to be kept in
ecclesiastical government. And in like sort also Corne-
lius himself writes of one bishop, saying, " He knew not
that there ought to be one bishop in a catholic church,"
&c. This by the way, (not out of the way I trust,) I have
bricriy touched, to detect and refute the cavilling of the
papists, who falsely apply these passages of Cyprian and
Cornelius to maintain the pope's supreme mastership
alone, over the whole universal church of Christ in all
places ; when their meaning is otherwise, how that
every one catholic church or diocese ought to have one
bishop over it, not that the whole world ought to be
subject to the dominion of him that is bishop of Rome.
Now, to return to the history again. Novatus being
thus bishop, took not a little upon him, endeavouring
by all means to defeat Cornelius, and to allure the i)eo-
ple from him ; insomuch that when Novatus came to the
distributing of the offerings, and should give every man
his part, he compelled the simple persons every man to
swear that they would adhere to him, before they should
receive of the benediction, and of the collects, or obla-
tions, holding both their hands in his, and speaking these
words unto them : " Swear to me by the body and blood
of our Lord Jesus Christ, that thou wilt not leave me
and go to Cornelius." He held their bands, till they,
swearing unto him, instead of Amen (to be said at the
receiving of the bread), should answer, " I will not return
to Cornelius." Where, note by the way, that the Latin
book of Christoferson's translation, in this place, craftily
leaves out the name of bread. This story being written
in Eusebius, and also contained in Nicephorus, although
not in the same order of words, yet in effect drawn out
of him, declares in plain words in both authors, that the
sacrament of the body of Christ is termed with the plain
name of bread, after the consecration.
And thus much of Novatus, against whom, as Euse-
bius testifies, a synod was holden at Rome, of sixty bi-
shops, in the time of Cornelius, under the reign of
Decius (A. D. 251), whereby it may be supposed that
the heat of the persecution at that time was somewhat
calmed.
After Fabian, next succeeded to the bishopric of Rome,
Cornelius, whom Cyprian notes to be a worthy bishop,
and much recommended for Ids great virtue, chosen
to that ofl5ce, not so much by his own consent, as by
the full agreement both of the clergj'men, and also of
the people.
In this persecution of Decius, he demeaned himself
very constantly, and faithfully, sustaining great conflicts
with the adversaries. By the commandment of Decius
he was banished, and afterwards sent his letters to
Cyprian, bishop of Carthage, and Cyprian again to him.
This coming to the ears of Decius, the emperor, he
sends for Cornelius, asking him how he durst be so bold
to shew such stubbornness, that he neither caring for the
gods, nor fearing the displeasure of his princes, durst
b2
60
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUflONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
[Book I.
give and receive letters from others, against tlic common-
wealth? To whom Cornelius answering cleared him-
self, declaring to the emperor, that he had, indeed, writ-
ten letters, and received answers concerning the
praises and honouring of Christ, and the salvation of
Boals, but nothing as touching any matter of the com-
monwealth. Then Decius, moved with anger, com-
manded him to be beaten with scourging, and so to be
brought to the Temple of Mars, either there to do sacri-
fice, or to suffer the extremity. But he, rather willing
to die, than to commit such iniquity, ))repared himself
to martyrdom. And so commending the charge of tlie
church unto Steplianus liis archdeacon, he was brought
to the way of Appius, where he ended his life in faithful
martyrdom.
And thus much of the tyranny of this wicked Decius
against God's saints. Now to touch also the power of
God's vengeance and punishment against liim. Like as
■we commonly see a vehement tempest not continue long,
so it happened with this tyrannical tormentor, who,
reigning but two years, was slain with his son in battle
with the barbarians; as he had slain Philip and his son
before, so was he, with his son, slain by the righteous
judgment of God himself.
Neither did the just hand of God plague the emperor
only, but also all the persecutors of his word throughout
ill provinces and dominions ; amongst whom the Lord,
immediately after the death of Decius, sent such a
phigue and pestilence, lasting for the space of ten year*
together, as is horrible to hear, and almost inci-edibk to
believe. And although the greatness of tlie plague
touched also the christians somewhat, yet it scourged
the heathen idolaters much more, lieside that the order
of their behaviour in the one and in the other was very
ditl'erent. For, as Dionysius records, tlie christians,
through brotherly love and piety, did not refuse one to
visit and comfort another, and to minister to him what
ratcl rei.|uiied, notwithstanding it was great danger
to them, for tliere were many who, in closing up their
cj^es, in washing their bodies, and interring them in
the ground, took the disease, and soon followed them
to their graves. Yet all this stayed them not from
doing their duty, and shewing mercy one to another ;
whereas the heathens contrarily being extremely
visited by the hand of God, felt tlie plague, but consi-
dered not the striker, nor did they consider their neigh-
bour, but every man, shifting for himself, cared not one
for another, but sucli as were infected, they would cast
out of doors half dead to be devoured of dogs and wild
beasts, some they let die within their houses without all
Buccour, some they suffered to lie unburied, for that no
man durst come near them ; and yet, notwithstanding
their care not to come near the sick, the pestilence
followed them whithersoever they went, and miserably
consumed them.
Tlie Emjieror Gallus, who, with his son Volusianus,
succeeded Decius (A. D. 251), was somewhat quiet in
the beginning of his reign, yet shortly after, following
the stej)s of Decius, he set forth edicts in like manner
for the persecution of christians, although in this edict
we find no number of martyrs to have suffered, but this
persecution was only in the banishment of bishops or
guides of the flock. We do not read of otlier sufferings
or executions, for the terrible pestilence following imme-
diately, kept the barbarous heathen othenvise occujjied.
Cyprian, being now banished, yet had no less care of his
flock and of the whole church than if he had been jire-
sent with them, and therefore never ceased in his ejiistles
continually to exhort and call upon them to be constant
in their profession and patient in their afflictions.
Amongst others whom he comforted in his banishment,
(although he was in that case to be comforted himself,)
were certain that were condemned to labour in the
mines, whose names were Nemesianus, Felix, Lucius,
with other bishops, priests, and deacons, to whom he
writes, " How it is no shame but a glory, not to be feared,
but to be rejoiced at, to sufler banishment or other pains
for Christ ; and confirming them in the same, or rather
commending them, signifies how worthily they show
themselves to be as valiant captains of virtue, exciting
both by the confessions of their mouth, and by the suf.
fering of their bodies, the hearts of the brethren to
christian martyrdom, whose example was and is a great
confirmation to many, both women and children, to follow
the like ; as for punishment and suffering, it is (saith he)
a thing not execrable to a christian; for a christian man's
breast, whose hojie doth wholly consist in the cross,
dreadeth neither bat nor club ; wounds and scars of the
body are ornaments to a christian man, such as bring no
shame nor dishonesty to the party, but rather prefer
and free him with the Lord. And although in the
mines where the metals are digged there are no beds for
christian men's bodies to take their rest, yet they have
their rest in Christ ; and though their weary bones lie
upon the cold ground, yet it is no pain to lie with
Christ. Their feet have been fettered with bands and
chains, but he is happily bound of man, whom the Lord
Christ doth loose ; happily doth he lie tied in the stocks,
whose feet thereby are made swifter to run to heaven.
Neither can any man tie a christian so fast, but he run-
neth so much the faster for his garland of life. They
have no garments to save them from cold, but he that
putteth on Christ is sufficiently clothed. Do their
liunairy bodies lack bread ? ' But man liveth not by
bread only, but by every word proceeding from the
mouth of God.' Your deformity (saith he) shall be
turned to honour, your mourning to«joy, your pain to
l>leasure and infinite felicity. And if this do grieve you
that you cannot now employ your sacrifices and obla-
tions after your wonted manner, yet your daily sacrifice
ceaseth not, which is a contrite and humble heart, as
when you offer up daily your bodies a lively and a glori-
ous sacrifice unto the Lord, which is the sacrifice that
pleaseth God. And though your labour be great, yet is
the reward greater, which is most certain to follow ; for
God beholding and looking down upon them that confess
his iiame, in their willing mind approveth them, in their
striving helpeth them, in their victory crowneth them,
rewarding that in us which he hath performed, and
crowning that in us which he hath perfected." With
these and such like comfortable words he doth animate
his brethren, admonishing them that they are now in a
joyful journey, hasting apace to the mansions of the
martyrs, there to enjoy after this darkness an eternal
light and brightness greater tlian all their sufferings, ac-
cording to the apostle's saying, ' The suff'erings of this
present time are not worthy to he compared with the
glory which shall be revealed in us,' Romans viii. 18.
And with like words of sweet comfon and consolation,
writing to Seagrius and Rogatianus, who were in prison
and bonds for the testimony of truth, Ke encourages
them to continue steadfast and patient in the way wherein
they have begun to run ; for that they have the Lord
with them, their helper and defender, who promises to
be with us to the world's end ; and therefore he exhorts
them to set before their eyes, in their death immortality,
in their pain everlasting glory, of whom it is written,
" Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of Ids
saints." Although before men they suffered torments,
yet their hope is full of immortality, and being vexed in
small things, they shall be well requited in great
matters ; " For the Lord hath tried them as gold in the
fire." lie admonishes them that it is appointed from
the beginning of the world, that righteousness should
suffer here in secular conflicts ; for so just Abel was slain
in the beginning of the world, and after him all just and
good men, the ju-ophets also and the apostles sent of the
Lord himself; unto whom the Lord first gave an ex-
amjile in himself, teaching that there is no coming to
his kingdom, but by that way which he entered himself,
saying by tliese words, " He that loveth his life shall
lose it." And again, " Fear ye not them that kill the
body, but are not able to kill the soul." And 8t. Paul
likewise, admonishing all them who would be partakers
of the promises of the Lord, to follow the Lord, saith,
"If we suffer we shall also reign with him."
At the same time, Lucius, bishop of Rome, was sent
to banishment, who succeeded next after Cornelius,
(about A. D. 2;')3), although he did not long continue in
this banishment, but returned home to his church.
1
A.D. 251— 259.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
51
After him next came Stephen, bishop of Rome.
After the reign of Gallus, and his son Volus'^nus,
Emilianus, who slew them both by civil sedition, suc-
'ceeded in their place, who reigned but three months,
and was also slain. Next to whom Valerian, and his
son Gahenus, were advanced to the empire (A. D. 2.5.'}).
About the changing of these emperors the persecution
which first began by Decius, and afterward slacked in
the time of Gallus, was now extinguished for a time,
partly for the great plague reigning in all places, partly
by the change of the emperors, (although it was not very
long) : for Valerian, in the beginning of his reign, for
three or four years, was very courteous and gentle to the
people of God, and well accepted of the senate.
Neither was there any of all tlie emperors before him,
even of those who openly professed Christ, that shewed
themselves so loving and familiar toward the christians
as he did. In so much that his whole court was filled
with holy saints, and servants of Christ, and godly
persons, so that his house might seem to be made a
church of God. But, by the malice of Satan, through
wicked counsel, these quiet days did not endure very
long. For in process of time this Valerian being
charmed or incensed by a certain Egyptian, a chief
ruler of the heathen synagogue of the Egyptians, was so
far infatuated a»d bewitclied, that through the detesta-
ble provocations of that devilish Egyptian, he was
wholly turned to abominable idols, and to execrable im-
piety, in sacrificing young infants, and quaitering bodies,
and dividing the entrails of new-born children ; and so,
proceeding in his fury, he moved the eighth persecution
against the christians, whom the wicked Ei,7ptian could
not endure (A. D. 257).
THE EIGHTH PEKSECUnON.
The chief original cause of this persecution is partly
sienified before, namely through the influence of the wick-
ed" Egyptian : but as this was the outward and political
cause, so St. Cyprian shews other causes. We (says
he) must understand and confess that this oppression
and calamity which has wasted for the most part our
whole comj)any, and daily consumes it, lises chiefly of
our own wickedness and sins, while we walk not in the
way of the Lord, nor observe his precepts left unto us
for our institution. The Lord observed the will of his
Father in all points, but we observe not the will of the
Lord, having all our mind and study set upon lucre and
possessions, given to pride, full of emulation and dis-
sension, void of simplicity and faithful dealing, re-
nouncing this world in word only, but nothing in deed,
every man pleasing himself, and dis]ileasing all others.
And therefore are we thus scourged, and worthily : for
what stripes and scourges do we not deserve, when the
confessors themselves (such as have stood the trial of
their confession) and such as ought to be an example to
the rest of well-doing, do keep no discipline. And
therefore because some such there be, proudly puffed up
«vith this swelling and unmannerly boasting of their con-
fession, these torments come, such as do not easily send
us to the crown, excejjt by the mercy of God : some,
being taken away by quickness of death, do escajie
the tediousness of punishment. These things do we
suffer for our sins and deserts.
Finally, in the end of the epistle, Cyprian adds, " the
Lord vouchsafes to many of his servants to foreshew
the restoring of his church, asd the stable quiet of our
health and safeguard ; after rain fair weather, after
darkness light, after stormy tempest peaceable calm, the
fatherly help of his love, the wont and old glory of his
divine Majesty, whereby both the blasphemy of the per-
secutor shall be repressed, and the repentance of such
as have fallen be reformed, and the strong and stable
confidence of them that stand shall rejoice and glory."
As to the crimes and accusations in this persecution
laid to the charge of the christians, this was the prin-
cipal : that tl-.ey refused to do worship to idols and to the
emperors ; and that they professed the name of Christ :
besides, all the calamities and evils that hapjjened in the
world, as wars famine, and pestilence, were imputed to
the christians. Against all which accusations Cyprian
eloquently defends the christians.
Cyprian was born in Carthage, and was an idolater
and Gentile, given to the study and practice of the magi-
cal arts : of his conversion and baptism he himself in
his first book and second epistle, writes an eloquent his-
tory. His conversion was through the grace of God,
and the means of Cecilius, a priest, and througli the
occasion of hearing the history of the prophet Jonas.
Immediately upon his conversion he distributed among
the poor all his substance, and being ordained a priest,
was not long after constituted bishop of the church of
Carthage.
He was courteous and gentle, loving and full of
patience, and yet strict and severe in his office, accord-
ing as the cause required : he was most loving and kind
toward his brethren, and took much pains in helping
and relieving the martyrs.
Now a few words touching his exile and martyr-
dom. He himself states that he voluntarily absented
himself, lest he should do more hurt than good to the
church, by reason of his presence ; and from the desolate
places of his banishment, wherein he was oftentimes
sought for, he writes to his brethren. But after he re-
turned out of exile in the reign of Valerian, he was
the second time banished by Paternus, the proconsul
of Africa. But when Paternus was dead, Galienus
Marimus succeeded him, who, finding Cyprian in a
garden, caused him to be apprehended, and to be brought
before the idols to offer sacrifice, and on his refusing, the
proconsul condemned him to have his head cut off; he
jjatiently and willingly submitted his neck to the stroke
of the sword. And so this blessed martyr ended this
present life in the Lord (A.D. 259).
Now to speak something of his works and books left
behind him, although aU that he wrote do not remain :
some are missing, some again are not written in his own
name : but such as be certainly his may be soon discerned
by the style and sense. Such is the eloquence of his
phrase, and gravity of his sentence, vigour of wit,
power in persuasion, so differing from all others, tliat he
cannot easily be imitated. Of which extant books, as
the eloquence is worthily commended by the school of rhe-
toricians, so is the authority of no less reputation, not
only in this age of the church, but also among the ancient
fathers.
As we have set forth the commendation of this blessed
martyr Cyi>rian, we must take heed that we do not
incur the old and common danger, which the Papists are
commonlv accustomed to run into, whose fault is almost
always to be immoderate and excessive in their proceed-
ings, making too much of every thing. Thus in speaking
of the Holy Sacraments, they make more of them than the
nature of sacraments require ; not using them, but abusing
them, not referring or applying them, but adoring them,
not taking them in their kind, for things godly, as they
are, but taking them for God himself, turning religion
into superstition, and the creature to the Creator, the
sign to the thing signified, &c. To the church likewise
and ceremonies of the church, to general councils, to the
blessed virgin Mary mother of Christ, to the bishop of
Rome, &c., they are not contented to attribute that
which is sufficient, but they exceed the bounds of judg-
ment and of verity, judging so of the church and general
councils, as though they never could, or never did err in
any jot. That the blessed mother of Christ was blessed
among women, and a virgin full of grace, the scriptures
and truth allow : but to say that she was born without
original sin, or to make of her an advocate or mother of
mercy, there they run further than truth will bear. The
ceremonies were first ordained to serve only for the sake
of order, to which they have at length attributed so much
that they have set in them a great part of our religion,
yea, and also of salvation. And what thing is there
wherein the Papists have not exceeded ?
Wherefore, to avoid this common error of the Papists,
we must beware in commending the doctors and writers
of the church, that truth and consideration go with our
commendation. For though this cannot be denied, but
that Cyprian, and other blessed martyrs were holy men ;
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. [Book 1.
vet notwithstanding, they were men, that is, such as
nii-ht have, and had their falls and faults ; men, I say,_
and not angels, nor gods ; saved hy God, not saviours of
men, nor patrons of grace. And though they were also
men of excellent learning, yet with their learning they
had also their errors; and though their books be (as
they ought to be) of great authority, yet they ought
not to be equal with the scriptures. And although they
said well in most things, yet it is not therefore enough
that what they said must stand for a truth. That pre-
eminence of authority only belongs to the word of God,
and not to the pen of man. For of men and doctors,
be they never so famous, there is none that is free from
fault. In Origen (although in his time the admiration
of his learning was singular) yet how many things there
are which the church now does not hold. For examin-
ing him by the scriptures, where he said well, they admit
him, where otherwise, they leave him. In Polycarp, the
church has corrected and altered that which he held in
ceiehratin" Easter. Neither can holy and blessed Igna
tius be defended in all his sayings ; as where he makes
the fasting upon the Sunday or the Sabbath day as
great an offence, as to kill Christ himself: (Ignat. Epist.
ad Philip.) contrary to this saying of St. Paul, " Let
no man judge you in meat or in drink," Col. ii. 16.
Ireneus held that man was not made perfect in the be-
ginning. He seems also to defend free will in man, in
spiritual things. He says that Christ suffered after he
was fifty years old. Tertullian is noted to be a millina-
riau ; also to have been a montanist. He held also with
Justin, Cyprian and others, that the angels fell first for
the love of women. He defends free will of man after
the corruption of nature, inclining also to the error of
them which defend the possibility of keeping God's law.
Justin also seems to have inclined to the error of the
millinarians, also of the fall of certain angels by women,
of free will of man, of possibility of keeping the law, and
such others. Neither was Cyprian wholly exempt from
error, he, contrary to the doctrine of the church, held
with rebaptizing such as were before baptized of here-
tics. Of Augustine likewise, of Ambrose, Jerome,
Chrysostom, the same may be said, that all of them had
their peculiar faults and errors, whereof it were too long
and out of our purpose to treat at present.
About this time suffered also Sixtus II., bishop of
Rome, who, being accused of being a christian, was
brought with his six deacons to the place of execution,
where he, with Nemesius and the deacons, were beheaded
and suffered martyrdom.
Now let us enter upon the history of that most con-
stant and courageous martyr of Christ, St. Lawrence,
whose words and works deserve to be as fresh and green
in christian hearts, as is the flourishing laurel tree. This
thirsty heart, longing after the water of life, was de-
sirous to pass unto it through the strait door of bitter
death, when he saw his vigilant shepherd, Sixtus, led as
an harmless lamb, of harmful tyrants to his death.
Let us draw near to the fire of martyred Lawrence,
that our cold hearts may be warmed thereby. The mer-
ciless persecutor, understanding this virtuous Levite, not
only to be a minister of the sacraments, but a distributor,
also, of the church riches, promised to himself a double
prey, by the apprehension of one poor soul. First with
the rake of avarice to scrape to himself the treasure of
poor christians : then, with the fiery fork of tyranny, so
to toss and turmoil them, that they should wax weary of
their profession. With furious face, and cruel coun-
tenance, the greedy wolf demanded where this deacon
Lawrence had bestowed the substance of the church?
Who craving three days' respite, promised to declare
where the treasure might be had. In the mean time, he
caused a good number of poor christians to be congre-
gated : so when the day of his answer was come, the
persecutor strictly charged him to stand to his promise.
Then valiant Lawrence, stretching out his arms over the
poor, said : " These are the precious treasure of the
church, these are the treasure indeed, in whom the faith
of Christ reigneth, in whom Jesus Christ hath his man-
sion-place. What more precious jewels can Christ have,
than those in whom he hath '-romised to dwell ? For so
it is written, ' I was hungry, and ye gave me to eat ; I
was thirsty, and ye gave me to drink ; I was houseless,
and ye lodged me.' .\nd again ; ' Look what ye have done
to the least of these, the same have ye done to me.' Oh,»
what tongue is able to express the fury and madness of
the tyrant's heart ! How he stamped, he stared, he
ramped, he fared, as one out of his wits. His eyes
glowed like fire, his mouth foamed like a boar, his teeth
grinned like a hell-hound. Now he might be called, not a
reasonable man, but a roaring lion. " Kindle the fire,"
he cried, " spare no wood. Hath this villain dehided
the emperor? away with him— away with him. Whip
him with scourges, jerk him with rods, buffet him with
fists, brand him with clubs. Does the traitor jest with
the emperor ? Pinch him with fiery tongs, gird him with
burning plates ; bring out the strongest chains, and the
fire-forKs, and the grated bed of iron ; put it on the fire I
bind the rebel hand and foot ; and when the bed is hot,
on with him 1 Roast him, broil him, toss him, turn him :
on pain of our high displeasure do every man his office,
0 ye tormentors." The word was no sooner spoken,
but all was done.
After many cruel handlings, this meek lamb was laid,
1 will not say on his fiery bed of iron, but on his soft bed
of down. So mightily God wrought with his martyr
Lawrence ; so miraculously God tempered his element,
the fire, that it was not a bed of consuming pain, but a
pallet of nourishing rest to Lawreftce. Not Lawrence,
but the emperor, might seem to be tormented : the one
broiling in the flesh, the other burning in the heart.
O rare and unaccustomed patience ! O faith invincible 1
that not only notburnest, but by means unspeakable dost
recreate, refresh, establish, and strengthen those that
are burned, afflicted, and troubled. And why dost thou
so mightily comfort the persecuted ? Because, through
thee they believe in God's infallible promises. By thee
this glorious martyr overcomes his torments, vanquishes
this tyrant, confounds his enemies, confirms the chris-
tians, sleeps in peace, and reigns in glory. The God of
might and mercy grant us grace, by the life of Lawrence,
to learn to live in Christ, and by his death to learn to
die for Christ. Amen.
Such is the wisdom and providence of God, that the
blood of his dear saints (like good seed) never falls in
vain to the ground, but it brings some increase: so it
pleased the Lord to work at the martyrdom of this holy
Lawrence, that by the constant confession of this worthy
and valiant deacon, a certain soldier of Rome, being con-
verted to the same faith, desired forthwith to be baptized
of him ; for which he was called to the judge, scourged,
and afterwards beheaded.
Under the same Valerian, Dionysius, bishop of Alex-
andria, suffered much attliction and banishment, with
certain other brethren : of which he writes himself.
Dionysius, with three of his deacons, came to Emilianus
the president, who signified to them the clemency of his
emperors, who had granted them pardon of life, so that
they would worship the gods of the empire ; trusting, as
he said, that they would not show themselves ungrateful
to the clemency of them which so gently did exhort them.
To this Dionysius said : " We worship not many, nor
divers gods, but only that one God, who is the Creator
of all things, and hath committed to our lords. Valerian
and Galien, the government of their empire, making to
him our prayers incessantly, for their prosperous health
and continuance." Then the president said : " And
what hurt is it, if you both worshij) your God, what god
soever he be, and these our gods also ?" Dionysius an-
swered, " We worship none other, but as we have said."
Emilianus the president, said, " I see you are ungrateful
men, and consider not the benignity of the emperor ;
wherefore you shall remain no longer in this city, but
shall be sent out to the parts of Libya ; neither shall
it be lawful for you to collect your assemblies, or to re-
sort, as ye are wont, to your burial places. And if any
of you shall be found out of your places, where you are
appointed, at your peril be it." Dionysius, speaking of
himself, saith : " Although I was sick, yet he urged me
so strictly to depart, that he would not give me one day's
respite. And yet neither am I altogether absent from
A.D. 2r.9— 270.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
the society of the Lord's flock ; I am absent in body,
yet present in spirit ; and a great congregation remained
with me, as well of those brethren which followed me out
of the city, as also of them which were remaining there
out of Egypt. And there the Lord opened to me the
door of his word : although at first I was persecuted and
stoned among them, yet afterward a great number of
them turned from their idols, and were converted to the
Lord ; and so the word was preached to them : which
ministry, after we had accomplished there, the Lord
removed us to another place. For Emilianus translated
us to more sharp and stricter places of Libya."
Moreover, Dionysius, making mention in his epistle
of them which were afflicted in this persecution of Va-
lerian, says, " It were supettluous here to recite the
names, peculiarly of all our brethren slain in this perse-
cution ; this is certain, that there were men, women,
young men, maidens, old wives, soldiers, simple inno-
cents, and of all sorts and ages of men ; of whom some
with scourgings and fire, some with the sword, obtained
the victory, and got the crown. Some continued a great
time, and yet have been reserved. In which number I
am reserved hitherto, to some other time known unto
the Lord, who saith, ' In the time accepted I have heard
thee, and in the day of salvation I have helped thee,' &c.
Neither does the president yet cease cruelly murdering
such as are brought before him, tearing some with tor-
ments, imprisoning and keeping some in custody, com-
manding that no man should come to them, inquiring
also who resorted unto them. Yet, notwithstanding,
God comforts the afflicted with cheerfulness, and the
daily resort of the brethren."
As touching Dionysius himself, the histories report,
that he survived all these troubles and persecutions, by
the providence of God, and lived to about the year A.D.
268, and so departed in peace in great age.
In Cesarea Palestine, suffered also at the same time,
Priscus, Malchus and Alexander, which three dwelling
in the country, and good men, seeing the valiant courage
of the christians, so boldly to venture, so constantly to
stand, and so patiently to suffer in this persecution,
beffan to accuse their own cowardly negligence, to see
others so zealous and valiant, and themselves so cold
and faint-hearted : so, consulting and agreeing with
themselves, they came to Cesarea, and declared what
they were, and obtained the end they came for, being
given to the wild beasts.
There suffered also in Africa, three constant maidens.
Maxima, Donatilla, and Secunda, who had vinegar and
gall given for their drink, then were tried with scourges,
after that were tormented upon the gibbet, and rubbed
with lime, then were scorched upon the fiery grid-iron,
and at last were cast to the wild beasts.
In Simela, a city in Italy, one Pontius being appre-
hended, by the commandment of Claudius the president,
was first hanged upon the rack, and was then cast to the
wild beasts.
Zenon, bishop of Verona, is said also to have suffered
martyrdom in the same persecution.
Fructuosus, bishop of Tarraconia, in Spain, with his
two deacons, Augurius and Eulogius, suffered also mar-
tyrdom, being burned after six days' imprisonment in
this persecution. The charge of the judge to the bishop
was, " That he should worship the gods whom the em-
peror Galien worshipped." To whom Fructuosus, the
bishop, answered, " Nay, I worship no dumb god of
stocks and blocks, whom Galien worships, but I wor-
ship the lord and master of GaUen, the Father and
Creator of all times, and his only Son sent down to us,
of whose flock I am here the pastor and shepherd."
At this word, Emilianus answered again, " Nay, say not
thou art, but say thou wast." And forthwith commanded
them to be committed to the fire, where (as is said) their
bands and manacles being loosed by the fire, they
lifted up their hands to heaven, praising the living God,
to the great admiration of them that stood by, praying
also that the element might work his full force upon
them, and speedily dispatch them.
And thus continued wicked Valerian in his tyranny
against the saints of Christ. But as all the tyrants
before, and oppressors of the christians had their de-
served reward at the just hand of God, " which ren-
dereth to every man according to his works;" so this
cruel Valerian felt the just stroke of his hand, whose
indignation he had provoked ; for making his expedition
against the Persians, he fell into the hands of his ene-
mies (A. D. 2(j0), where he led his wretched age in a
more wretched captivity. Insomuch, that Sapor, the king
of the Persians, used him for his riding-block : for
whensoever the king would mount his horse openly in
the sight of the people. Valerian was brought forth
instead of a block, for the king to tread upon his back in
going to his horseback. And so continued this blockish
butcherly emperor with shame and sport enough to his
final end.
Eusebius, in a certain sermon, declares a cruel hand-
ling of him, affirming that he was slain, writing in these
words : " and thou, V^alerian, for so much as thou hast
exercised the same cruelty in murdering of the subjects
of God, therefore hast proved unto us the righteous
judgment of God, in that thyself hast been bound in
chains, and carried away for a captive slave with thy
gorgeous purple, and thy imperial attire, and at length
also, being commanded of Sapor, king of the Persians,
to be slain and powdered with salt, hast set up unto all
men a perpetual monument of thine own wretched-
ness," &.C.
Galien succeeded his father Valerian (A. D. 260),
and being (us is thought) terrified by the example of his
father, removed, at least moderated, the persecution
stirred up by the edicts of Valerian.
By which some peace was granted under Galien to
the church of Christ ; although there were some who
suffered, of whom was one Marinus. This Marinus
being a warrior and a nobleman in Cesarea, stood for
the dignity of a certain order, which by right was next
to fall upon him, had not the envious ambition of him,
that should follow after him, supplanted him both of
office and life ; for he accused him of being a christian,
and therefore said that he was not to be admitted unto
their offices, which was against their religion. Where-
upon, Achaius, then being judge, examined him of his
faith ; who finding him to be a christian indeed, and
constantly to stand to his profession, gave him three
hours to deliberate and advise with himself. There was
at the same time in Cesarea, a bishop named Theotech-
nus, who perceiving him to stand in doubtful deliberation
and perplexity, took him by the hand and brought him
into the church of the christians, laying before him
a sword and a book of the New Testament, and desired
him to take his free choice which of them both he would
prefer. The soldier immediately without delay, ran to
the book of the gospel, taking that before the sword.
And thus, he being animated by the bishop, presented
himself boldly before the judge, by whose sentence he
was beheaded, and died a martyr.
After the death of Galien, followed Claudius, a
quiet emperor (A.D. 268). This Claudius reigned but
two years, after whom came his brother Quintilian, who
reigned only seventeen days, and was succeeded by
Aurelian (A.D. 270) ; under whom Orosius numbers the
ninth persecution against the christians.
THE NINTH PERSECUTION.
Hitherto from the captivity of Valerian, the church
was in some quietness till the death of Quintilian, as
has been declared ; after whom Aurehan possessed the
crown ; who in the beginning of his reign shewed him-
self a moderate and discreet prince. He was severe of
nature, and rigorous in correcting, dissolute in manners;
and as his beginning was not unfruitful to the common-
wealth, so neither was he any great disturber of the
christians, whom he not only tolerated in their religion,
but also their councils. Notwithstanding in progress of
time, through sinister motion and instigation of certain
about him, his nature, somewhat inclinable to severity,
was altered to a plain tyranny ; which tyranny he first
shewed, beginning with the death of his own sister's
son. After that he proceeded either to move, or at least
5f
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
[Book L
to purposs persecution against the christians : although
that wicked purpose of tiie emi)eror the merciful woric-
ing of God soon overthrew. For as the edict or procla-
mation should have been denounced for the persecuting
of the christians, and the emperor was now ready to
subscribe the edict with his hand, he was suddenly terri-
fied with lightning, and so stopped from his wicked
tyranny. Not long after he was slain (A.D. 275).
Thus Aurelian rather intended than moved perse-
cution.
After Aurelian, the succession of the empire fell to
Tacitus, who reigned only six months ; his brother
Florianus succeeded him, who reigned two months ; and
after him followed Marcus Aurelius, suraamed Probus,
(A.D. 276.)
Mention is made before of Eusebius, whom God stir-
red up to visit and comfort the saints that were in prison
and bonds, and to bury the bodies of the blessed mar-
tyrs, not without great peril of his own life, who afterwards
was made bishop of Laodicea. But before he came
to Laodicea to be bishop there, while he remained at
Alexandria, the city was besieged by the Romans. In
which siege half of the city held with the Romans, and
the other half withstood them. In that part which
went with the Roman captain was Eusebius : wiih the
other half that resisted the Romans was Anatholius,
governor of the school of Alexandria. This Anatho-
lius, perceiving the citizens to be in miserable distress
of famine and destruction, sends to Eusebius, who was
then with the Romans, and certifies him of the lament-
able penury and peril of the city, instructing him more-
over what to do in the matter : Eusebius, understanding
the case, repairs to the captain requesting this favour of
him, that so many as would fly out of the city from
their enemies, might be allowed to escape and pass
freely, which was granted. As Eusebius was thus la-
bouring with the captain, Anatholius, on the other side,
laboured with the citizens, saying, I shall counsel you
ID this miserable lack of things to remove out of your
city i'll the women, young children, and aged men, with
such others as are feeble and impotent, and not suffer
them to perish here with famine. The senate hearing
this, and understanding moreover the grant of the Roman
captain promising them their safety, consented to the
proposal of Anatholius ; who taking especial care of
those that belonged to the church, calls them together,
and telling them what they should do, and what had
been obtained for them, caused them to leave the city.
At their coming out, Eusebius was ready to receive
and refresh them, whereby not only they, but the
whole city of Alexandria was preserved from de-
struction.
By this short history of Eusebius and Anatholius, the
reader may partly understand what was the practice of
the prelates in those days in the church, that they were
then only employed in saving life, and succouring the
people among whom they lived ; to which practice if we
compnre the practice of our later prelates of the church
of Rome, I suppose no little difference will appear.
The Emperor Marcus Aurelius Probus was a w-ise and
■virtuous prince, and no less valiant in martial affairs
than fortunate in the success of the same. During this
time we read of no persecution stirring in the clmrch,
but much quietness as well in matters of religion as also
in the commonwealth.
Cams, with his two sons, succeeded next after Probus
in the empire (A.D. 282).
All this time we read of no great persecution stirring
in the church ; it was in quiet and tranquillity to the
nineteenth year of Dioclesian (A.D. 'MYA) ; so that the
peace of the church, which God gave to his people,
seems to continue above forty-four years. During
which time of peace and tranciuillity, the church of the
Lord did mightily increase and flourish, insomuch that
amongst the emperors themselves there were many
which not only bore good will and favour to them of our
profession, but also committed unto them ofhces and
governments over countries and nations. What need
to speak of those who not only lived under the emperors
iu liberty, but also were familiar in the court with the
princes themselves, entertained with great honour and
special favour beyond the other servitors of the court ?
As was Dorotheus, with his wife, children, and whole
family, highly accepted and advanced in the palace of
the emperor ; also Gorgonius in like manner with various
others, who, for their doctrine and learning which they
professed, were in great estimation with their princes.
Bishops of cities and dioceses were also held in the same
reverence by the presidents and rulers where they lived ;
who not only suffered them to live in peace, but also
had them in great regard so long as they kept themselves
upright, and continued in God's favour. Who is able
to number at that time the mighty and innumerable
multitudes and congregations assembling together in
every city, and the notable concourses of such as daily
flocked to the common oratories to pray .' For which
cause they, not being able to be contained in their old
houses, had large cliurches built new from the foun-
dation. Eusebius says the church of Christ grew and
shot up daily more and more, spreading through all
quarters, which neither the en^^ of men could infringe,
nor any devil enchant, nor the crafty policy of man sup-
plant, so long as the protection of God went with his
people.
But as the common nature of all men, being of itself
unruly and untoward, always seeks and desires pros-
perity, and yet can never use prosperity well ; always
would have peace, and yet having peace, always abuses
the same; so likewise, it happened with these men, who
through great liberty and prosperity, began to degene-
rate, and one to work against another, striving and con-
tending amongst themselves, on every occasion ; bishops
against bishops, and people against people, moving
hatred and sedition one against another. And thus,
whilst they were given only to the study of contentions,
threatenings, emulations, mutual hatred and di.'Cord,
every man seeking his own ambition, and persecuting
one another ; then, I say, the Lord, according to the voiirf
of Jeremiah, tookaway the beauty of the daugliter of Mou
and the glory of Israel fell down from heaven ; neithei
did he remember the footstool of his feet in the day of
his wrath. And the Lord overturned all the comely
ornaments of Israel, and destroyed all her gorgeous
buildings, and according to the saying of the psalm, sub-
verted and extinguished the testament of his servant,
and profaned his sanctuary in the destruction of his
churches, and in laying waste the buildings thereof, lie
stroke down to the ground, and diminished her days,
and over all this poured upon her confusion. All these
things were fulfilled upon us, when we saw the tenijiles
razed from the top to the ground, and the sacred scrip-
tures to be burnt in the open market-place, and tlie
pastors of the church to hide themselves, some here,
some there ; others taken j)risoners with great shame,
were mocked by their enemies, when also according to
the saying of the prophet in another place, contempt was
poured out upon the princes, and they caused to go out
of the way, and not to keep the straight path.
THE TENTH PERSECUTION.
By reason whereof (the wrath of God being kindled
against his church) the tenth and last jiersecution arose
against the christians, so horrible and grievous, that it
makes the pen almost to tremble to write it ; so tedious
that never was any persecution before or since to be
compared to it for the time it continued, lasting the
space of ten years together. Although this persecution
passed through the hands of different tyrants, yet it
principally bears the name of Dioclesian, who succeeded
to the empire next after Carus and his sons (A. D. 284).
After being established in the empire, and seeing on
every side many commotions rising up against him,
which he was not well able himself to sustain, in the
beginning of his reign he chose for his colleague, Maxi-
mian. Which two emperors chose two other noblemen,
Galerius and Constantius, whom they called Cesars. Of
whom Galerius was sent into the east parts against the
Persians. Constantius was sent over to this our country
of England, where he took to wife Helena, the daughter
I
A.D. 275—303] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
5*
of king Coill, a maiden excelling in beauty, and no less
in learning, of whom was born Constantine the Great.
All this while no persecution was yet stirred by these
i four princes against the church of Christ, but they
I governed the commonwealth quietly and moderately ;
wherefore God prospered their doings and affairs, and
gave them great victories. By reason of which victories,
Dioclesian and Maximian puffed up in pride, ordained a
solemn triumph at Rome, after which triumph Dioclesian
gave commandment that he should be worshi])ped as
God, saying, that he was brother to the sun and moon,
and adorning his shoes with gold and precious stones,
commanded the people to kiss bis feet.
And not long after began the great and grievous perse-
cution of the christians, moved by the outrageous cruelty
of Dioclesian, who commanded all the churches of the
christians to be spoiled and cast to the earth, and the
books of the holy scripture to be burned.
Thus most violent proclamations were set forth, for
the overthrowing of the christians' temples throughout
all the Roman empire. And this was the first edict by
Dioclesian. The next proclamation that came forth,
was for the burning of the books of the holy scripture ;
which was done in the open market-place ; then next to
that were edicts given for the displacing of such as were
magistrates, and that with great ignominy, and all others
whoever bore any office, imprisoning such as were of the
common sort, if they would not abjure Christianity, and
subscribe to the heathen religion.
Not long after, new edicts were sent forth, for their
cruelty not inferior to the first ; for the casting of the
elders and bishops into prison, and then constraining
them with sundry kinds of punishments to offer to their
idols. Then followed a great persecution among the
governors of the church, among whom n;any stood man-
fully, passing through many exceeding bitter torments,
many of them being tormented and examined in various
ways, some scourged all over their bodies with whips and
scourges, some with racks and intolerable raisings of the
flesh, were excruciated, some one way, some another
way put to death. Some again were violently drawn to
the impure sacrifice, and as though they had sacrificed,
when indeed they did not, were let go. Some neither
coming to their altars, nor touching any piece of
their sacrifices, were yet said by them that stood by, to
have sacrificed, and so suffering that false defamation of
their enemies, went quietly away. Others were carried
and cast away as dead men, being but half dead. Some
they cast down upon the pavement, and trailing them a
great space by the legs, made the people believe that
they had sacrificed. Others there were which stoutly
withstood them, affirming with a loud voice that they
had done no such sacrifice. Some of whom said they
were christians, and gloried in the profession of that
name : some cried, saying, that they neither had, nor
would ever be partakers of that idolatry ; and those,
being buffetted on the face and mouth with the hands of
the soldifers, were made to hold their peace, and so
thrust out with violence. And if the saints seemed
never so little to do what their enemies would have them,
they were made much of ; although all this purpose of the
adversary did not prevail against the holy and constant
servants of Christ. Yet there were many of the weak
sort, who for fear and infirmity fell and gave over, even
at the first brunt.
At the first coming down of these edicts into Ni-
comedia, a christian nobleman, moved by the zeal of
God, after the proclamation was set up, went and took
it down, and openly tore it in pieces, not fearing the
presence of the two emperors, then in the city. For
which act he was put to a most bitter death, which death
he endured even to the last gasp with great faith and
constancy.
What number of martyrs, and what blood was shed
throughout all cities and regions for the name of Christ,
can hardly be told. At that time the bishop of Sidon
was martyred. Sylvanus, the bishop of Gazensis, with
nine and thirty others, were slain in the metal- mines of
Phenicia. Pamphilus, the elder of Cesarea, being the
glory of that congregation, died a most worthy martyr.
In Syria, all the chief teachers of the congregation
were first committed to prison, a most heavy and cruel
spectacle to behold ; and also the bishops, elders, and
deacons, who were all esteemed as men-killers, and per-
petrators of most wicked facts. After that, we read of
another whose name was Tirannion, who was made nifcat
for tlie fishes of the sea, and of Zenobius, a good phy-
sician, who also was slain with brickbats in the same
place.
Eusebius mentions others who were not tormented to
death, but every day terrified without ceasing ; others
that were brought to the altars and commanded to do
sacrifice, who would rather thrust their right hand into
the fire, than touch the profane or wicked sucrifice ;
also some others, that before they were apprehended,
would cast themselves down from steep places, lest being
taken they should commit any thing against thtir profes-
sion. Also two fair maidens, with their mothei*, who had
carefully brought them up, even from their infancy in aU
godliness, being long sought for, and at last found, and
strictly kept by their keepers, threw themselves down
headlong into a river ; and two other young maidens
being sisters, and of a worshipful stock, indued with
many goodly virtues, who were cast by the persecutors
into the sea. But Sylvanus, the bishop of Emissa, the
notable martyr, together with certain others, was thrown
to the wild beasts.
The christians in Mesopotamia were moksted with
many and various torments ; they were hanged up by the
feet, and their head downwards, and suffocated with the
smoke of a small fire ; and also in Cappadocia, where the
martyrs had their legs broken.
So outrageous was the beginning of the persecution
which the emperor made in Nicomedia, that he refrained
not from the slaughter of the children of emperors,
neither yet from the slaughter of the chief princes of his
court, whom a little before he made as much of, as if
they had been his own children. Among whom was
Peter, who suffered various torments, being stripped
naked, and lifted up, his whole body was so beaten with
whips and torn, that a man might see the bare bones ;
and afterwards they mingled vinegar and salt together,
and poured it upon the most tender parts of his body ;
and lastly, roasted him at a soft fire, as a man would
roast flesh to eat ; and so this victorious martyr ended iiis
life. Dorotheus and Gorgonius being in a great autho-
rity under the emperor, after various torments, were
strangled with a halter ; both of whom being of the
privy chamber, when they saw the grievous punishment
of Peter, their household companion, exclaimed, " Where-
fore, O emperor, do you punish in Peter that opinion
which is in all us ? Why is this which we all confess
accounted an offence in him ? We are of the same faith,
religion, and judgment that he is of." Therefore he
commanded them to be brought forth, and to be tor-
mented with like pains as Peter was, and afterwards
hanged. After whom Anthimus, the bishop of Nico-
media, after he had made a notable confession, bringing
with him a great company of martyrs, was beheaded.
These men being thus dispatched, the emperor vainly
thought that he might cause the rest to do whatever he
pleased. To this end came Lucianus, the elder of the
congregation of Antioch, and was martyred after he had
made his apology before the emperor. (Eusebius, lib. 8.
cap. 13.)
Hermanns also, that monster, caused Serena, the wife
of Dioclesian the emperor, to be martyred for the chris-
tian religion ; so much did the rage of persecution ut-
terly forget all natural affections. Other martyrs of
Nicomedia, as Eulampius and Eulampia, Agape, Irene,
Chionia, and Anastasia, were bound hand and foot to a
post and burnt. About that time there assembled
together in their temple many christian men to cele-
brate the nativity of Christ, some of every age and sort.
Maximian, thinking this a very fit occasion to execute his
tyranny upon the poor christians, gave orders to burn
the temple ; the doors being shut and fastened round
about, they came with fire, but first commanded the
cryer with a loud voice to cry. That whoever would save
his life should come out of the temple, and do sacrifice
5G
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
[Book ^
upon the next altar of Jupiter they came to ; and unless
Ihey would do this they should all be burnt with the
temple. Then one stepping up in the temple, answered
in the name of all the rest, with great courage and bold-
ness of mind, that they were all christians, and believed
that Christ was their only God and king, and that they
would do sacrifice to him, with his Father, and the Holy
Ghost ; and that they were now all ready to be offered
to him. With these words the fire was kindled and en-
veloped the temple, and .some thousands of men, women,
and children were burnt. There was a city in Phrygia,
to wliich the emperor sent his edicts, that they should
do sacrifice to the gods and worship idols ; all the citi-
zens, the mayor himself, the questor, and chief captain,
confessed that they were all christians. The city, upon
this, was besieged and set on fire, with all the people.
In Mi'litina. a region of Armenia, the bishops and elders
were case in prison. In Arabrace, Eustratius was
martyred. This man, beholding the constancy of the
martyrs, thirsted with the desire of martyrdom, for he
had privily learned the christian religion. Therefore he
professed that he was a christian, openly execrating the
madness and vanity of the wicked heathens. He tliere-
fore being carried away, was tied up, being first most
bitterly beaten. After that he was parched with fire put
into his bowels, and then basted with salt and vinegar,
and lastly, so scorched and bemangled with sharp and
cutting shells, that his whole body seemed to be all one
continual wound. After this he was carried away to
Sebastia, where, with his companion Orestes, he was
burnt. But at Alexandria, especially, the christians and
martyrs suffered most notable conflicts. In this persecu-
tion of Alexandria, the principal that then suffered were
Peter the bishop of Alexandria, with the elders of the
same, most worthy martyrs ; as Faustus, Didius, and
Ammonius ; also, Phileas, Ilesichius, Pachiminus, and
Theodoras ; all of wliom were bishops of the churches
within Egypt, and besides them many other distin-
guished men. The whole legion of christian soldiers,
which lay at Thebes in Egypt, under the christian
Captain Mauritius, when they would not obey the
emperor's commandment, touching the worshipping of
images, were decimated to death once, and then again,
and at last, througli the exhortation of Mauritius, died
all together like constant martyrs. Likewise, at Antino,
divers christian soldiers, notwitlistanding they were se-
riously dissuaded, suffered death together, among whom
■were Ascla, Philemon, and Apollonius. And also in the
other parts of Africa and Mauritania there was great
persecution. Also in Sammium, of which place Chroni-
con makes mention, and Sicily, where there were seventy-
nine martyrs slain for the profession of Christ.
Now let us come to Europe : at Nicopolis, the mar-
tyrs were most miserably and pitifully handled. Euphe-
mia suffered in Chalcedon.
Agricola aiid Vitalis, at Bohemia. And at Aquileia,
the emperor commanded every man to kill the christians.
And among those martyrs were Felices and Fortunatus.
In all jjlaces of Italy the persecution became great. In
France, Ilectionarus play^^d the cruel hellhound, of whose
great cruelty against the christians many histories are
full. And at j\Iassilia, Maximian set forth his decree,
that either they should all do sacrifice unto the heathen
gods, or else be all slain witli various kinds of torments.
Therefore many nuu-tyrs died there for the glory of
Christ.
In many places of Spain, there was great persecution,
as at Emerita, where Eulalia suffered ; and Adula, where
Vincentius, Sabina, and Christina also suffered. At Tole-
tura, Leucadia the virgin, suffered ; at Cesarea Augusta,
eighteen were put to death, besides a great number of
other martyrs who suffered under Decian. the governor,
who afflicted with persecution all the coasts of Spain.
Rectionarus made such persecution at Trevers that the
blood of the christian men that were slain ran like small
brooks, and coloured great and main rivers. Neither
yet did this suftice him, but from thence he sent certain
horsemen with his letters, commanding them to ride into
every place, and charge all such as had taken and appre-
hended any christians, that they should immediately put
them to death.
Bede says, that this persecution reached even to the
Britains. And the chronicle of Martinus, and the " Nose-
gay of Time" declare, that all the christians in Britain
were utterly destroyed. The kinds of death and punish-
ment were so great and horrible, as no man is able to
express. In the beginning, the emperor threatened them
with bonds and imprisonment ; but within a \\ hile, when
he began to work the matter in good earnest, he devised
innumerable sorts of torments and punishments, as whip-
pings, andscourgings, rackings, horrible scrapings, sword,
fire, and shipboats, wherein a great number being put
were sunk and drowned in the bottom of the sea. Also
hanging them upon crosses, binding them to the bodies
of dead trees, with their heads downward, hanging them
by the middles upon gallows till they died for hunger ;
throwing them alive to such kind of wild beasts as would
devour them ; as lions, bears, leopards, and wild bulls.
Pricking and thrusting them with bodkins and talons
of beasts till they were almost dead ; lifting them up
on high with their heads downward, with other sorts of
punishments most tragical, or rather tyrannical and piti-
ful to describe. As first, the binding of them to trees,
and to the houghs thereof ; the pulling and tearing
asunder of their members and joints, being tied to the
boughs an^l arms of trees. The mangling of them with
axes, the choaking of them with smoke by small fires, the
dismembeiiii!; of their hands, ears and feet, with other
joints; the holy martyrs of Alexandria suffered scorch-
ing and broiling with coals, not unto death, but every
day renewed. With sucli kind of torments the martyrs
at Antioch were afflicted. But in Pontus, other horri-
ble punishments, and fearful to be heard, did the martyrs
of Christ suffer ; some of wliom had sharp bodkins thrust
in their finger ends under their nails ; some were
sprinkled witii boiling lead, having their most necessary
members cut from them ; others suffering most intoler-
able, and undurable torments and ])ains.
Phileas, the bishop of the Thumitans, a man singularly
well learned, hath described, in his epistle to the Thumi.
tans, which epistle is to be found in Eusebius, (lib. viii,
cap. 10), how great the persecution which reigned in
Alexandria was, and with how many and sundry kinds
of new devised punishments the martyrs were afflicted,
of which we will here briefly recite a part. " Because
every man might torment the holy martyrs as they
pleased, some beat them with cudgels, some with rods,
some with whips, some with thongs, and some with
cords ; and this example of heating was executed with
nuich cruelty. For some of them having their hands
hound behind their backs, were lifted up upon timber
logs, and witli certain instruments their members and
joints were stretched forth, whereupon their whole
bodies hanging were subject to the will of the tonncutors.
who were conmsanded to afHict them with all manner of
torments, and not on their sides only (as hoiiiicides
were) but all over their bodies, thighs, and legs, they
s(M'atched them with the talons and claws of wild beasts.
Others were seen to hang by one hand upon the engine,
whereby they might t'eel the more grievous pulling out
of the rest of their joints and members. Otiiers were
honiul to pillars with their faces turned to the wall,
having no sujijjort under their feet, and were violently
drawn down with the weight of their bodies. And this
they suH'ered, not only during the time of their examina-
tion, and while the sheriff had to do with them, but also
tlie whole day long. And whilst the judge went thus
from one to another, he appointed certain officers to at-
tend upon those he left, that they might not he let down,
until either through the intolerableness of the pain, or
by the extremity of the cold, they were near the point of
death. And, further, they were commanded that they
should not shew one spark of mercy or compassion upon
us, but so extremely and furiously did they deal with us,
as though our souls and bodies should have died
together."
Thus wrote Phileas to the church where he was
bishop, before he receired the sentence of death, being
I
D. 303— 305. ! THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
57
yet in bonds ; and in the same he exhorts his brethren con-
stantly to persist after his death, in the truth of Christ.
But as ail their torments were marvellous and notable
for their horribleness, and most grievous and sharp, yet,
notwithstanding, these martyrs were neither dismayed
noi overcome, but rather confirmed and strengthened,
so clieerfuUy and joyfully they sustained whatever was
Jilt upon them. Eusebius says, that he himself beheld
the great persecution that was done in Thebaide ; inso-
much that the very swords of the hangmen and perse-
cutors being blunt with the great and often slaughter,
they, themselves, for weariness sat down to rest, and
others were obliged to take their places. And yet, not-
withstanding all this, the murdered christians shewed
the marvellous readiness, willingness, and divine forti-
tude with which they were endowed ; with courage, joy,
and smiling, receiving the sentence of death pronounced
upon them, and sung even unto the last gasp, hymns
and psalms to God.
Some there were, also, that were overcome with fear
and threatenings, and by their own infirmities, and went
back, amone: whom Socrates names Miletius ; and Atha-
nusiu*. in his second apology, names the bishop of Licus.
Of the fall of Marcellinus, the bishop of Rome, I will
speak afterwards ; for he being persuaded by others, and
especially of the Emperor Dioclesian himself, did sacri-
I fice to the idols, whereupon he was excommunicated.
The number of the martyrs increased daily, sometimes
I ten, sometimes twenty were slain at once , sometimes
' thirty, and oftentimes threescore, and sometimes a hun-
dred in one day, men, women, and children, by divers
kinds of death. Also Damasus, Beda, Orosius, Hono-
rius, and others do witness, that there were slain in this
persecution by the names of martyrs, within the space
of thirty days, seventeen thousand persons, besides a
great number that were condemned to the metal mines
and quarries with like cruelty.
At Alexandria, Peter the bishop, with three hundred
others were slain with axes ; Gereon was beheaded at Colo-
niaAgrippina,with three hundred of his fellows; Mauritius,
the captain of the christian soldiers, with his fellows, six
thousand six hundred and sixty-six. Victor, in the city
of Troy, now called Xanthus, with his fellows, three
hundred and threescore were slain. Reginus recites the
names of many other martyrs, to the number of one
hundred and twenty.
And as mention has been made of Mauritius and
Victor, I thought good here to insert a more particular
account of them taken out of Ado, and other historians,
as follows :
"Mauritius came out of Syria into France and Italy,
being captain of the band of the Theban soldiers, to the
number of six thousand six hundred and sixty, being sent
for by Maximian, to go against the rebellious Bangandes ;
i but rather, as it should seem, by the reason of the tyrant,
j who thought he might better in these quarters use his
! tyranny upon the christians, than in the eastern pa; t.
; These Thebans, with Mauritius the captain, after they
I had entered into Rome, were confirmed in the faith by
. Marcellus the blessed bishop, promising by oath th.it
j they would rather be slain of their enemies, than forsake
that faith which they had received. At that time the Cesa-
reans were encamped not far from the town called Ottodor,
I where Maximian offered sacrifice to his devils, and called
I all the soldiers both of the east and west to the same,
I strictly charging them by the altars of his gods, that thev
I would fight against those rebels the Bangandes, and
1 persecute the christian enemies of the emperor's gods ;
j which commandment was shewed to the Theban host,
I who were also encamped about the river Rhone; but
I they would in no wise come to Ottodor, for every man
I agreed rather to die in that place than either to sacrifice
j to the gods, or bear armour against the christians. The
I emperor being very wroth with them, commanded every
! tenth man of that whole band to be put to the sword, to
I which they committed their necks with great joy. To
! which notable and great strength of faith, Mauritius
I himself was a great encourager, who exhorted and ani-
I mated his soldiers both to fortitude and constancy. Who,
being called to the emperor, answered him thus, ' We
are, O emperor! your soldiers, but yet also, to speak
freely, the servants of God. We owe to thee service of
war, to him innocency. Of thee we receive for our
labour wages ; of him the beginning of life. But in this
we may in no wise obey thee, O em])eror! to deny God
our author and Lord, and not only ours, but your
Lord likewise. If we be not so extremely forced that
we ofiend him, doubtless, as we have hitherto done, we
will yet obey you ; but we will rather obey him than you.
We offer here our hands against any other enemies ;
but to defile our hands with the blood of innocents, that
we may not do. These right hands of ours have skill to
fight against tlie wicked and true enemies ; but to spoU.
and murder the godly and citizens, they have no skill at
all. We have in remembrance how we took armour in
hand, for the defence of the citizens, and not against
them. We fought always for justice sake, piety, and for
the health of innocents. These have been always the
rewards of our perils and labour. We have fought in
the quarrel of faith, which in no wise we can keep to you,
if we do not shew the same to our God. We first sware
upon the sacraments of our God, then afterward to the
king ; and do you think the second will avail us, if wo
break the first ? By us you would plague the christians
to do which feat we are only commanded by you. We
are here ready to confess God the author of all things,
and believe in his son Jesus Christ our Lord. We see
before our eyes our fellows, and the partakers of our
labours put to the sword, and we sprinkled with their
blood. We have not bewailed nor mourned the death of
our blessed companions, but rather have been glad, and
have rejoiced thereat, for that they have been counted
worthy to suffer for the Lord their God. The extreme
necessity of death cannot move us against your majesty,
neither yet any desperation, O emperor, which is wont
in venturous affairs to do much, shall arm us against you.
Behold here we cast down our weapons, and resist not,
for that we had rather to be killed, than kill ; and die
guiltless, than live guilty. Whatsoever more ye will
command, appoint, and enjoin us, we are here ready to
suffer, yea, both fire and sword, and whatsoever other
torments. We confess ourselves to be christians, we
cannot persecute christians, nor will do sacrifice to your
devilish idols.'
" With which answer, the emperor, being much dis-
pleased, commanded the second time the tenth man of
those that were left to be murdered. That cruelty also
being accomplished, at length, when the christian soldiers
would in no wise condescend to his mind, he set upon
them with his whole host, both footmen and horsemen,
and charged them to kill them all ; they making no resist-
ance, but throwing down their armour, yielded their lives
to the persecutors, and offered to them their naked
bodies, and were thus slain.
" Victor was not of that band ; but being an old soldier,
was dismissed for his age ; he coming suddenly upon
them as they were banqueting and making merry
with the spoils of the holy martyrs, was bidden to sit
down with them ; who asking the cause of their great
rejoicing, and understanding the truth thereof, detested
tiie guests, and refused to eat with them. And then
it being demanded of him whether he were a christian or
no ? he openly confessed that he was a christian, and
ever would be. Upon which they rushed upon him, and
killed him, and made him partner of the like martyr-
dom »nd honour.
Dioclesian and Maximinian, seeing the number of the
christians rather increase than diminish, notwithstand-
ing all the cruelty that they could show, were now oue
of all hope of rooting them out ; and loathing the shed-
ding of more blood, they at last ceased of their own ac-
cord to jiut any more christians to death. But yet they
tormented great multitudes, thrustingout their right eyes,
and maiming their left legs with a searing-iron, con-
demned them to the mines, not so much for the use of
their labour, as for the desire of afflicting them.
When Dioclesian and Maximinian had reigned to-
gether emperors twenty-one years, they abdicated the
throne, Dioclesian at K-icomedia, and Maximinian at
Midiolan, both of them led a private life. (A. D. 305.)
58
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. [Book I.
In the beginning of this persecution, you heard how
Dioclesian, being made emperor, took to himMaximinian.
Also how these two governing as emperors together,
chose two others as Cesars under them, namely, Galerius
Maximinus, and Coustantius the father of Constantine
the Great. So Dioclesian and Maximinian being now
displaced, the Imperial Dominion remained with Con-
stantius and Galerius Maximinus, which two divided the
■whole monarchy between them. Maximinus governing
the eastern countries, and Constantius the western parts.
Galerius Maximinus appointed Maximius and Severus
to be the two Cesars. And these were the emperors
and Cesars who, succeeding after Dioclesian and Maxi-
minian, continued that persecution which Dioclesian and
Maximinian began, save only that Constantius, with his
son Constantine was no great doer therein, but rather a
maintainer and supporter of the christians. Which Con-
stantius was a prince very excellent, civil, meek, gentle,
liberal, and desirous to do good unto those who had any
private authority under him. To these virtues he added
yet a more worthy ornament, that is, devotion, love,
and affection towards the word of God, which caused
great peace and tranquillity, in all his provinces. He
neither levied any wars contrary to piety and christian reli-
gion, neither did he destroy the churches, but commanded
that the christians should be preserved and defended.
Galerius Maximinus, joint-emperor with Constantius,
was so great an idolater, that he built up temples in
every city, and repaired those that were fallen in decay.
And he chose out the most worthy of his political magis-
trates to be the idols' priests, and ordained that they
should execute their office with great authority and dignity,
and also with warlike pomp. But he was much opposed to
christian piety and religion, and in the eastern churches
exercised cruel persecution.
He was at length revoked from his cruelty by the just
judgment and punishment of God. For he was suddenly
seized witli a most extraordinary and desperate disease,
which, beginning outwardly in his flesh, from thence pro-
ceeded to the inward parts of his body. The physicians
not being able to cure him, he was at length put in
remembrance that this disease was sent from God, and
began to think of the wickedness that he had done
agamst the saints of God, and so coming again to himself,
first confessed to God all his offences, and then forthwith
connnanded all men to cease from the persecutions of
the christians. Requiring moreover that they should
set uji his imperial proclamations for the restoring of
tlieir temjiles, and that the christians in their assem-
blies should devoutly j'ray to their God for the emperor.
Then was the persecution stayed, and the imperial pro-
clamations were set up in every city, containing the
countermand of those things which were before decreed
agiinst the christians.
The governors therefore of every province, released all
such prisoners as were condemned to the mines, and to
perpetual imprisonment for their faith. This seemed to
them as unlooked for, and as light to travellers in a dark
nigiit. They gathered themselves together in every city,
they called their synods and councils, and marvelled much
at the sudden change and alteration. The infidels them-
selves extolled the only and true God of the christians.
The christians received again all their former liberties ;
and such as fell away before in the time of persecution,
repented themselves, and after having done penance, they
returned again to the church. Now the christians re-
joiced in every city, praising God with hymns and
psalms. This was a marvellous sudden alteration of the
church, from a most unhappy state into a better : but
the tyrant Maximinus scarcely suffered this peace to con-
tinue six months unviolated ; for he took frcnn the chris-
tians all liberty to assemble and congregate in church-
yards.
And the emperor by-and-bye commanded to be pub-
lished throughout every city, and to be hung in the
midst of every city (which was never done before) the
edicts against the christians, graven in tables of brass.
And the children in the schools, with great noise and
clapping of hands, did every day resound the blasphe-
oiies of Pilate unto Jesus, and whatever other things
were devised of the magistrates, after a most despitef
manner.
Thus came it to pass, that at length the persecutiot
was as great as ever, and the magistrates of every proj
vince were very severe against the christians; some thej
condemned to death, and some to exile. Among whoE
they condemned three christiang at Emisa, in Phenicia^
with whom Sylvanus the bishop, a very old man, being
forty years in the ecclesiastical function, was condemned
to death. At Nicomedia, Lucianus, the elder of An*
tioch, being brought thither, after he had exhibited to
the emperor his apology concerning the doctrine of the
christians, was cast into prison, and after put to death.
At Alexandria, Peter, a most worthy bishop, was be-
headed, with whom many other Egyptian bishoj)s also
died. Quirinus, the bishop of Scescanus, having a
hand-mill tied about his neck, was tin own headlong from
the bridge into the flood, and there a long while floated
above the water, and when he opened his mouth to
speak to the lookers on, that they should not be dis-
mayed by his punishment, he was drowned. At Rome
died Marcellus, the bishop, as saith Platina ; also Timo-
theus the elder, with many other bishops and priests,
were martyred. To conclude, many in sundi-y places
everywhere were martyred, whose names the book inti-
tuled Fasciculus Temporum declareth ; as Victorianus,
Symphorianus, Castorius with his wife, Castulus, Cesa-
rius, Mennas, Nobilis, Dorotheus, Gorgonius, Petrus,
and other innumerable martyrs ; Erasmus, Bonifacius,
Juliana, Cosmas, Damianus, Basilinus, with seven
others. Dorothea, Theophilus, Theodosia, Vitalis,
Agricola, Acha, Philemon, Hireneus, Januarius, Festus,
Desiderius, Gregorius, Spoletanus, Agapes, Chionia, Hi-
renea, Theodora, and two hundred threescore and ten other
martyrs. Florianus, Primus and Felicianus, Vitus, and
Modestus, Crescentia, Albinius, Rogatianus, Donatianus,
Pancratius, Catharina, Margareta, Lucia the virgin, and
Antheus the king, with many thousand martyrs more.
Simplicius, Fanstinus, Beatrix, Panthaleon, Georgius,
Justius, Leocandia, Anthonia, and other more (to an
infinite number) suffered martyrdom in this persecution,
whose names God hath written in the book of life. Also
Felix, Victor, with his parents, Lucia the widow, Gemcr
nianus, with threescore and nineteen others. Sabinus,
Anastasia, Chrysogonus, Felix and Audactus, Adrianus,
Natholia, Eugenia. Agnes also, when she was but
thirteen years old, was martyred. Eusebius, in his
eighth book, and fifteenth chapter, mentions these kinds
of torments and punishments inflicted on the christians ;
" Fire, wild beasts, the sword, crucifyings, the bottom of
the sea, the cutting and burning of members, the thrust,
ing out of eyes, dismembering of the whole body, hun-
ger, imprisonment, and whatsoever other cruelty the
magistrates could devise." All which notwithstanding,
the godly ones manfully endured, rather than do sacrifice
as they were bid, to the idols. Neither yet could the
christians live safely in the wilderness, but were fetched
even from thence to death and torments, insomuch that
this was a more grievous persecution under Maximinus
the Tyrant, than was the former cruel persecution under
Maximinian the Prince.
And as you have heard that the cruel edict of Maximinus
proclaimed against the christians, was graven in brass
which he thought should perpetually endure to the abolish-
ing of Christ and his religion : now mark the great handy-
work of God, which immediately fell upon the same;
for there soon followed a most unseasonable drought,
with famine and pestilence among the people. By which
famine and pestilence the people were greatly consumed ;
great numbers died in the cities, but many more in the
countrv and villages, so 'that most part of the husband-
men and countrymen died with the famine and pestilence.
There were many who, bringing out their best treasure,
were glad to give it for any kind of sustenance, were it
never so little ; others, selling away their possessions,
came to extreme poverty and beggary ; some eating grass,
and other unwholesome herbs, were obliged to fill them-
selves with such food as did hurt and poison their
bodies. Also, a number of women in the cities, being
brought to extreme misery, were constrained to depart
A. D. 305—312.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
from the city, and to beg through the country. Some
others being weak and faint, wandering up and down,
iand not able to stand for feebleness, fell down in the
middle of the streets, and holding up their hands, most
pitifully cried for some scraps or fragments of bread to
be given them, and being at the last gasp, ready to give
up the ghost, and not able to utter any other words, yet
cried out that they were hungry. The market-place,
streets, lanes, and alleys lay full of dead and naked
bodies, being cast out and unburied, to the pitiful and
grievous beholding of them that saw them, wherefore
many were eaten of dogs.
In like manner, the pestilence spreading through all
houses and ranks of men, destroyed many, especially
those, who, having plenty of victuals, escaped the famine.
Thus, the rich princes, the presidents, and magistrates,
being the more apt to receive the infection, by reason of
their plenty, were quickly cut off. The miserable mul-
titude being consumed with famine and with pestilence,
all places were full of mourning, neither was there any
thing else seen, but wailing and weeping in every corner ;
so that what with famine and pestilence, death in a short
time brake up and consumed whole households, two or
three dead bodies being carried out together from one
house to one funeral.
These were the rewards of the vain boasts of Maxinii-
,nus and his edicts, which he published in all towns and
cities against us, when it was evident to all men how di-
Jigent and charitable the christians were to them in all
ithis their miserable extremity. For they only in all this
itime of distress, shewed compassion upon them, travel-
ling every day, some in curing the sick, and some in
burying the dead, who were forsaken by their own kin-
dred. Some of the christians calling and gathering the
multitude together, who were in danger of famine, dis-
tributed bread to them, whereby they gave occasion to
all men to glorify the God of the christians, and to con-
fess them to be the true worshippers of God, as appeared
iby their works. By the means liereof, the great God
and defender of the christians, who before had shewed
his anger and indignation against all men, for their
wrongful afflicting of us, opened again to us the com-
fortable light of his Providence, so that peace fell upon us,
las light unto them that sit in darkness, to the great ad-
biiration of all men, who easily perceive God himself to
jbe a perpetual director of our doings, who many times
chastens his people with calamities for a time to exercise
them, but after sufficient correction, again shews himself
merciful and favourable to them who with faith call
upon him.
Thus, at that time was fulfilled most plainly and evi-
dently the true promise of Christ to his church, that the
gates of hell shall not prevail against his church builded
upon his faith, as may sufficiently appear by these ten
^persecutions above described ; in which, as no man can
deny, but that Satan and his malignant world assayed
the uttermost of their power and might to overthrow the
church of Jesus ; so all men must needs grant, that read
these histories, that when Satan and the gates of hell
had done their worst, yet they did not prevail against
(this mount of Sion, nor ever shall. For else what was
to be thought, when so many emperors and tyrants to-
gether, Dioclesian, Maximinian, Galerius, Severus,
Maxentius, Licinius, with their captains and officers,
were let loose, like so many lions, upon a scattered and
unarmed flock of sheep, intending nothing else but the
utter subversion of all Christianity, and especially also
1 , The truth of this narrative is very far from beins established
BO us to justify an author in admittins it without some qualifica-
tion. It is now most generally regarded as a fiction, which was
tiiilt upon some dream of the emperor. Jiosheim tlius notices it:
" It is easy indeed, to refute the opinion of those wlio look
upnii this prodiiy as a cunning fiction, invented by the emperor
t. p iiiiimate his troops in the ensuing battle, or who consider tlie
narration as wholly liibulous. The sentiment also of those who
limagine tliat this pretended cross was no more than a natural
Iplienoiiienon in a solar halo, is perhaps more ingenious than
solid and convincing ; nor, in the third place, do we tliinlv it suf-
licitntly proved that tlie Divine Power interposed here to contirm
t!ie wavering failh of Constantine, by a stujiendous miracle. The
Oiily hy, othesis Ihea » hicli remains, is, that we consider this
when laws were set up in brass against the christians, as
a thing perpetually to stand ; what was here to be
looked for, but a final desolation of the name and reli-
gion of christians ? But what followed, you have partly
heard, and more is to be marked in the history fol-
lowing.
Maxentius, son of Maximinian, having been declared
emperor at Rome (A. D. 306), by his grievous tyranny
and unspeakable wickedness, oppressed the citizens and
senators, who sent their complaints to Constantine, de-
siring him to help and release their country and city of
Rome. Constantine, understanding their miserable and
pitiful state, first sent letters to Maxentius, desiring and
exhorting him to restrain his corrupt doings, and great
cruelty. But when no letters nor exhortations would
j)revail, at length, pitying the woful case of the Romans,
he gathered together his army in Britain and France,
therewith to repress the violent rage of the tyrant
Maxentius. Thus, Constantine, sufficiently furnished
with strength of men, but especially with strength of
God, began his journey towards Italy, which was about
the last year of the persecution (A. D. 312). Maxen-
tius, understanding of the coming of Constantine, and
trusting more to his devilish art of magic, than to the good
will of his subjects, durst not shew himself out of the
city, nor encounter him in the open field, but with secret
garrisons laid in wait for him by the way ; with whom
Constantine had many skirmishes, and by the power of
the Lord vanquished them, and put them to flight. Not-
withstanding Constantine was in great dread of Maxen-
tius as he approached Rome, being in great doubt and jier-
plexity in himself, and revolving many things in his mind,
as he drew towards the city, he looked up to heaven,
and in the south part, about the going down of the sun,
he saw a great brightness in heaven, appearing in the
form of a cross, with certain stars of equal size, giving
this inscription : in hoc vince, that is, In this overcome.
(Eusebius de vita Constant, lib. 2. Niceph. lib. 7. cap. 29.
Eutrop.lib.il. Sozom.lib. Leap. 3. Socrat. lib. Lcap.2.
Urspergensis, Chronic. Paul. Diacon.lib. 11). Thismira-
culous vision Eusebius Pamphilius declares to be true in
his first book (the Life of Constantine), and testifies
that he had heard Constantine himself often report, and
also swear this to be true and certain, which he saw with
liis own eyes in heaven, and also his soldiers about
him. At the sight of which, he was greatly asto-
nished, and consulted with his men upon the meaning
of it. The same night Christ appeared to him in his
sleep, with the sign of the same cross which he had seen
in the heavens, bidding him inscribe his banners with
that figure, and carry it before him in the wars, and so
he should have the victory.'
Here it is to be noted, that this sign of the cross, and
these letters added, in hoc vince, was given to him by God,
not to induce any superstitious worship of the cross, as
though the cross itself had any power or strength in it,
to obtain victory, but only to be an admonition to him,
to seek and aspire to the knowledge and faith of him,
who was crucified upon the cross for the salvation of
him, and of all the world, and so to set forth the glory of
his name, as came to pass aftei-wards. This by the way.
Now to return to the history.
The day following, after this night's vision, Constantine
caused a cross to be made of gold and precious stone, and
to be borne before him instead of his standard, and so with
much hope of victory, and great confidence, as one armed
from heaven, he advanced against his enemy. Maxcn-
famous cross as a vision presented to the emperor in a dream.'
Mosheim, c. iv. p. 1.
Eusebius gives the narration on the sole authority of Constan-
tine, who imagined that he had seen this cross ; it was natural that
in the troubled sleep of tlie emperor, on tlie eve of so eventful a
battle, his dreams should be vivid, and their impression strong;
but it is remarkable that Eusebius gives no evidence from the
thousands of persons in the army who must have seen it, if it were
really a miraculous display of the Divine Power, neither Sozomen
nor Ruffin, who wrote so soon after, make any mentien of it.
And it has been thought that Eusebius, hearing the emperor,
narrating his dream, mistook him as narrating u fact, for Con-
stantine always stated that he was inlluenced by a dream in
making use of the sign of the cross in hi» army. [Eb.J
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTION* IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
60
tiu8, being constrained by force to come, be advances
out of the city, sends all his army to join witli him in
the field beyond the river Tiber, where he was put to
such a flight, and driven to such exigence, that in retir-
ing back with liaste to get into the city, be was over-
turned by the fall of his horse into the bottom of the
river, and being unable to get out from the weight of his
armour, he, with a great part of his men, were drowned.
We read in history of many victories and great con-
quests, yet we never read, and never shall, of any victory
so wholesome, so desirable, so opportune to mankind, as
this was, which made an end of so much bloodshed, and
obtained liberty and life to the posterity of so many ge-
nerations. For although some persecution was yet stir-
ring in the east by Maximinus, and Licinius, who had
been appointed Cssar in room of Severus, yet in Rome,
and in all the west, no martyr died after this heavenly
victor)'. And also in the east Constantine so vanquished
the tyrants, and so established the peace of the church,
that for the space of a thousand years after that, we read
of no open persecution against the christians, until the
time of John Wicklilfe, when the bishops of Rome began
to persecute the true members of Christ, as shall ap-
pear in further process of this history. So happy and
glorious was this victory of Constantine, sirnamed the
Great. For joy and gladness of which the citizens who
bad sent for him, brought him into the city of Rome
with great triumph, where he with the cross was most
honourably received, and the triumph celebrated for the
space of seven days together, having his image set up
in the Market-place, holding in his right hand the sign
of the cross, with this inscription : " Wiih this saving
sign, the true token of fortitude, I have rescued and
delivered our city from the yoke of the tyrant."
(Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 9.)
By this victory of Constantine, no little tranquillity
came to the church of Christ. Although in the east the
storm was not yet altogether quieted, yet here in Europe
great tranquillity followed, and continued in the church
without any open slaughter for a thousand years (to the
time of John Wickliffe and the Waldenses, as is before
mentioned) by the means of the godly beginning of good
Constantine, who, with his fellow, Licinius, being now
established in their dominion, set forth their general
proclamation or edict, that no man should be constrained
to any religion, but that all men should have liberty,
that the christians might continue in their profession
without any danger, and whosoever pleased might freely
join them. Which thing was very well received and highly
approved by the Romans, and all wise men.
The copy of the imperial constitution of Constantine
and Licinius, for the establishing of the free wor-
shippinff of God after the christian relit/ion.
" Not long ago we, considering with ourselves, that
liberty and freedom of religion ought not in any case to be
prohibited, but that free leave ought to be given to every
man to do therein according to his will and mind. We
have given commandment to all men to qualify matters
of religion as they themselves thought good, and that
also the christians should keep the opinions and faith of
their religion ; but because many and sundry opinions
spring and increase through the liberty granted by our
first license, we thought good to add thereunto, and to
make plain those things whereby perchance some
in time to come may be hindered from their religious
observance. When, therefore, by prosperous success,
I, Constantine Augustus, and I, Licinius Augustus,
came to Mediolanum, and there sat in council upon such
things as served for the utility and profit of the com-
monwealth ; these things amongst others we thought
would be beneficiel to all men ; before all other things
we purposed to establish those things wherein the true
reverence and worship of God is comprehended ; that
is, to give to the christians free choice to follow what re-
ligion they think good, and whereby the same sincerity
and celestial grace which is in every jilace received, may
also be embraced and accepted of all our loving sub-
jects. According, therefore, unto this our pleasure
[Book 1.
upon good advisement and sound judgment we have
decreed, that no man be denied to choose and foUov the
christian observance or religion, but that tiiis liberty be
given to every man, that he may apply his mind to what
religion he thinketh meet himself, whereby God may
perform upon us all his accustomed care and goodness.
To the intent therefore you might know that this is our
pleasure, we thought it necessary to write this unto you,
whereby all tliese errors and opinions which are con-
tained in our former letters sent to you in behalf of the
christians, and which seem very indiscreet and con-
trary to our clemency, may be made frustrate and anni-
hilated. Now, therefore, we firmly and freely will and
command that every man have free liberty to observe
the christian religion, and that without any grief or
molestation he may be suffered to do the same. These
things have we thought good to signify unto you by plain
words, that we have given to the christians free and
absolute power to keep and use their religion. And as
this liberty is absolutely given by us unto them, to use
and exercise their former observance, if any be disposed,
it is manifest that the same helpeth much to establish
the public tranquillity of our time, every man to have
liberty to use and choose what kind of worshipping he
p'jcases himself. And this is done of us for the intent,
that we would have no man forced to one religion more
than another. And this thing also amongst others we
have provided for the christians, that they may again
have possession of the places in which they have been
accustomed to make their assemblies ; so that if any
have bought or purchased the same either of us, or of
any other, we command the same places without either
money or other recompense, forthwith and without
delay, to be restored to the christians. And if any man
have obtained the same by gift from us, and shall require
any recompense to be made to them in that behalf, then
let the christians repair to the president (being the judge
appointed for that place) that consideration may be had
of those men by our benignity ; all which things we will
and command, that you see freely given and restored to
the society of the christians, without any delay. And
because the christians themselves are understood to
have had not only those places wherein they were
accustomed to resort together, but certain other peculiar
places also, not being private to any one man, but be-
longing to their church and society ; you shall see also
all those to be restored unto the christians, that is to
say, to every fellowship and company of them, accord-
ing to the decree whereof we have made mention, provi-
ded that the order we have taken in the mean time be
observed, that if any (taking no recompense) shall re-
store the same lands and possessions, they shall not
mistrust, but be sure to be saved harmless by us. In
all these things it shall be your part to employ your
diligence in the behalf of the aforesaid company of the
christians, wliereby this our commandment may speedily
be accomplished, and also in this case by our clemency
the common and public peace may be preserved. For
undoubtedly by this means, as we have said before, the
good- will and favour of God towards us (whereof in
many cases we have had good experience) shall always
continue with us. And to the intent that this our con-
stitution may be notified to all men, it shall be requisite
that the copy of these our letters be set up in all places,
that men may read and know the same, lest any should
be ignorant thereof."
By this history I doubt not but that the reader con-
siders and beholds the marvellous working of God's
mighty power ; to see so many emperors at one time
confederate together against the Lord and Christ his
anointed, who having the subjection of the whole world
under their dominion, exerted their whole might to ex-
tirpate the name of Christ, and of christians. Wherein
if the power of man could have prevailed, what could
they not do ? or what could they do more than they did ?
If policy or devices could have served, what policy was
there lacking? If torments or pains of death could
have helped, what cruelty of torment could be invented
by man, which was not attempted ? If laws, edicts,
A.D.305— 323.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
61
proclamations, written not only in tables, but engraven
in brass, could have stood, all this was practised against
the weak christians. And yet, notwithstanding, to see
how no counsel can stand against the Lord, observe
how all these be gone, and yet Christ and his church still
stand. Only Maximinus now in tlie eastern parts re-
mained, who bore a deadly hatred against the christians,
to whom Constantine and Licinius caused this constitu-
tion of theirs to be delivered. At the sight of which,
although he was somewhat appalled, and defeated of his
purpose ; yet as he saw himself too weak to resist the
authority of Constantine and Licinius, the superior
princes, he dissembled, as though he himself had desired
the quiet of the christians ; but shortly after, making
war, and fighting a battle with Licinius, he lost the
victory, and coming home again, he took great indignation
against the priests and prophets of his gods, whom be-
fore that time he had great regard to and honoured ;
and depending upon whose answers and enchantments,
be began his war against Licinius. But after he per-
ceived himself to be deceived by them, as by wicked
enchanters and deceivers, and such as had betrayed his
safety and person, he put them to death. And he
shortly after, oppressed with a mortal disease, glorified
the God of the christians, and made a most absolute law
for their safety and preservation.
Thus the Lord makes his enemies, be they never so
stern and stout, at length to stoop, and their hearts to
confess him, as this Maximinus did, who not long after
ended his life, leaving no more tyrants alive to trouble
the church, except Licinius.
This Licinius being a Dane born, and first made Caesar
by Galerius, as is above specified, was afterwards joined
with Constantine in the government of the empire, and
in setting forth the edicts, which we have before described,
although all this seems to have been done by him with a
dissembling mind. For so he is described in all his-
tories, to be a man passing all others in desire of in-
satiable riches, hasty, stubborn, and furious. He was
such an enemy to learning, that he named the same a
poison and a common pestilence, and especially the
knowledge of the laws. He thought no vice worse
became a prince than learning, because he himself was
unlearned.
There was between him and Constantine in the be-
ginning great familiarity, and such agreement, that Con-
stantine gave to him his sister Constantia in matrimony.
Neither would any man have thought him to have been
of any other religion than Constantine was of, he seemed
in all things to agree so well with him. He made a
decree with Constantine in the behalf of the christians, as
we have shewed. Such was Licinius in the beginning ;
but afterwards he began to conspire against the person
of Constantine, but finding he could not prevail in his
conspiracies he began vehemently to liate him, and not
only to reject the christian religion, but also to hate the
same. He said he would become an enemy to the chris-
tians, because in their assemblies and meetings they
prayed not for him, but for Constantine. Therefore first
by little and little, and that secretly, he went about to
wrong and hurt the christians, and banished them his
court. Then he commanded that all those who were
knights of the honourable order should be deprived,
unless tliey would do sacrifice to devils. The same
persecution he afterward stretched from his court into
all his provinces.
Tlie flittering officers that were under him, thinking
by tliis means to please him, slew many bishops, and
without any cause put them to death, as though they had
been homicides and heinous offenders ; they cut their
bodies into small pieces in the manner of a butcher, and
threw them into the sea to feed the fishes. What shall
we say of the e.xiles and confiscations of good and virtuous
men ? For he took by violence every man's substance,
and cared not by what means he came by it ; threatening
them with death, unless they would give it up. He ban-
ished those who had committed no evil. He commanded
that many honourable men should be put out of the way ;
and gave their daughters to his followers. Which cruel
outrage caused many godly men to forsake their houses,
of their own accord ; and flee to the woods, fields, desert
places, and mountains, which were the only habitations and
resting-places of the poor and miserable christians. Of
those worthy men and famous martyrs, who in this perse-
cution found the way to heaven, was Theodorus, who first
being hanged upon the cross, had nails thrust into his arm-
pits, and after that, his head stricken oif. Also another
Theodorus, the bishop of Tyre ; Basil also, the bishop of
Amasenus ; Nicholas the bishop of Mirorus, Gregory of
Armenia ; after that Paul of Neocesarea, who had both his
hands cut off with a searing iron. Besides these in the city
of Sebastia, there were forty worthy men and christian
soldiers in the cold time of winter drowned in a horse-
pond. The wives of those forty good men were carried
to Heraclea, acity in Thracia, and there, with a certain
deacon whose name was Amones, were, after innumerable
torments, slain with the sword. Licinius was determined
to have overrun all the christians, to which neither will nor
opportunity were wanted. But God brought Constantine
into those parts to oppose him.
Divers battles were fought between them, the first in
Hungary, where Licinius was overthrown ; then he fled
into Macedonia, and repairing his army was again dis-
comfited. Finally, being vanquished both by sea and
land, he, lastly, at Nicomedia yielded himself to Constan-
tine, and was commanded to live a private life in Thes-
alia, where at length he was slain by the soldiers.
Thus you have heard the end and conclusion of all the
seven tyrants who were the authors and workers of this
tenth and last persecution against the true people of
God. The chief captain and promoter of which per-
secution, was Dioclesian, who died at Salona, as
some say, by his own poison (A. D. 313). The next
was Maximinian, who, (as is said) was hanged by Con-
stantine at Marseilles (A. D. 310). Then died Gale-
rius, plagued with an horrible disease sent of God (A. D.
311). Severus was slain by Maximinian, father of
Maxentius, the wicked tyrant (A. D. 307), who was
overcome and vanquished of Constantine (A. D. 312).
Maximinus, the sixth tyrant, not long after, who being
overcome by Licinius, died (A. D. 313). Lastly, this
Licinius was overcome by Constantine, and slain
(A. D. 323). Only Constantius, the father of Constan-
tine, being a good and a godly emperor, died in the third
vear of the persecution (A. D. 30(i), and was buried at
York.
It now remains, after having described these persecu-
tors, to gather up the names and stories of certain par-
ticular martyrs, who are worthy of special memory, for
the singular constancy and fortitude shewed in their
sufferings and cruel torments; it is impossible to include
the names of all who suftered in this tenth persecution ;
but tlie most notable we here insert, for the edification
of other christians.
When Dioclesian and Maximinian, the pagan em-
perors, had directed their letters with all severity for the
persecuting of the christians, Alban, being then an
infidel, received into his house a certain clerk, flying
from the persecutor's hands, whom when Alban beheld,
continually both day and night to persevere in watching
and prayer, he began to imitate the example of his faith
and virtuous life ; whereupon being instructed, he
became a christian. The wicked prince was in-
formed that this good man and confessor of Christ was
harboured in Alban's house, whereupon he gave charge
to the soldiers to make diligent search as soon as they
came to the house of Alban; he by-and-bye putting on
the apparel which his guest usually wore, offered himself
in the stead of the other, to the soldiers, who binding
him, brought him forthwith to the judge. It happened
that when Alban was brought to the judge, they found
the judge at the altars, offering sacrifice unto devils,
who, as soon as he saw Alban, was in a great rage that
he should presume to give himself a prisoner for his
guest whom he harboured, and he commanded him to
be brought before the images of the devils whom he wor-
shipped, saying, "Because thou hadst rather hide and
convey away a rebel, than deliver him to the officers (as a
contemner of our gods) that he should not suffer pu-
nishment and merit of his blasphemy, the f unishmeat
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
62
he sliould have had, thou shalt suffer for him, if I per-
ceive thee any whit to revolt from our manner of v/or-
shipping." But blessed Alban, who of his own accord
had bewrayed that he was a christian, feared not at all
the menaces of the prince, but being armed with the
spiritual armour, openly pronounced that he would not
obey his commandment. Then said the judge, " Of
what stock or kindred art thou come?" Alban an-
swered, " What is that to you ? Of what stock soever I
came of, if you desire to hear the verity of my religion,
I call vou to witness that I am a christian." Then
the judge answered with fury, " If thou wilt enjoy the
felicity of this present life, do sacrifice to these mighty
gods." Alban replied, " These sacrifices which ye offer
unto devils, can neither help them that offer them,
neither yet can they accomplish the desires and prayers
of their suppliants ; but rather shall they who ofier sa-
crifice to these idols, receive for their meed everlasting
pains of hell fire." The judge, when he heard these
words, was passing angry, and commanded the tormen-
tors to whip this holy confessor of God, endeavouring to
overcome the constancy of his heart with stripes. And
when he was cruelly beaten, he yet suffered the same
patiently, nay, joyfully, for the Lord's sake. Then,
when the judge saw that he would not with torments be
overcome, nor be seduced from the worship of the chris-
tian religion, he commanded him to be beheaded.
The rest of this story that follows in the narration of
Bede, as of drying up the river, as Alban went to the
place of his execution ; then of making a well-spring in
the top of the hill, and of the falling out of the eyes of
him that did behead him (with such other prodigious
miracles mentioned in history ), they seem more legend-
like than truth-like.
The Uke estimation I have of the long history, wherein
is written at large a fabulous discourse of all the doings
and miracles of St. Alban.
But among all evidences sufficient to disprove these
legends of Alban, nothing makes more against, than
the very story itself: as where he brings in the head of
che holy martyr to speak to the people after it was
smitten off from the body. Also, where he brings in the
angels going up and coming down in a pillar of fire, and
singing all the night long. Also, in the river which
Alban made dry, such as were drowned before in the
bottom were found alive. With other such like monk-
ish miracles, and gross fables, wherewith these abbey
monks were wont, in times past, to deceive the churcli
of God, and to beguile the whole world for their own
advantage. Notwithstanding I write not this to any
derogation of the blessed and faithful martyr of God,
who was the first that I did ever find in this realm to
suffer martyrdom for the testimony of Christ. And
worthy no doubt of all commendation, especially of us
here in this land ; whose christian faith in the Lord, and
charity towards his neighbour, I pray God we may all
follow. As also I wish, moreover, that the stories both
of him, and of all other christian martyrs, might have
been delivered to us simple as they were, without the
admixture of all these abbey-like additions of monkish
miracles, wherewith they were wont to paint out the
glory of such saints the most, by whose offerings they
were accustomed to receive most advantage.
The Clerk mentioned in this story, whom Alban re-
ceived into his house, flying into Wales, was brought
back again, and martyred, with cruel torments.
The time of martyrdom of this blessed Alban and the
other, seems to be about the second or third year of the
tenth persecution, under Dioclesian, before the coming
of Constantius to his government. Where, by the way
is to be noted, that this realm of Britain was never
touched with any other of the nine persecutions, before
this tenth persecution of Dioclesian and Maximinian.
In which persecution our histories record, that all Chris-
tianity was almost destroyed in the whole island, the
churches subverted, all books of the scripture burned,
many of the faithful, both men and women were slain ;
among whom, the first and chief (as has been said) was
Alban. And thus much touching the martyrs of Britain.
Now from England to return again to other countries,
[Book Ij
where this persecution raged more vehemently, we wil]
add (the I^ord willing) the histories of others, that be-
ginning with Romanus, the notable and admirable sol-
dier and true servant of Christ, whose history is set
forth in Prudentius as follows ; so lamentably desciibed
by him, that it will be hard for any man with dry cheeks
to hear it.
" Pitiless Galerius with his grand captain Asclepiades,
violently invaded the city of Antioch, intending by force
of arms to drive all christians utterly to renounce their
pure reUgion. The christians, as God would, were at
that time congregated together, to whom Romanus has-
tily ran, declaring that tlie wolves were at hand which
would devour the christian flock ; ' But fear not,' said
he, • neither let this imminent peril disturb you, my
brethren.' It was brought to pass, by the great grace
of God working in Romanus, that old men and matrons,
fathers and mothers, young men and maidens, were all
of one will and mind, most ready to shed their blood in
defence of their christian profession. Word was brought
to the captain, that the band of armed soldiers was not
able to wrest the staff of faith out of the hand of the
armed congregation, and all because that one Romanus
did so mightily encourage them, that they hesitated not
to offer their naked throats, -wishing gloriously to die for
the name of Christ. ' Seek out that rebel (quoth the
captain) and bring him to me, that he may answer for
the whole sect.' He was apprehended, and being bound
as a sheep appointed to the slaughter-house, was pre-
sented to the emperor, who, with wrathful countenance
beholding him, said, ' What.' Art thou the author of
this sedition ? Art thou the cause why so many shall
lose their lives ? By the gods I swear thou shalt smart
for it, and first in thy flesh shalt thou suffer the pains,
whereunto thou hast encouraged the hearts of thy fel-
lows.' Romanus answered, ' O emperor, I joyfully
embrace thy sentence, I refuse not to be sacrificed for
my brethren, and that by as cruel means as thou mayst
invent ; and, whereas thy soldiers were repelled from
the christian congregation, that was, because it was not
fit for idolaters and worshippers of devils, to enter the
holy house of God, and to pollute the place of true
prayer.' Then Asclepiades, wholly inflamed with this
stout answer, commanded him to be trussed up, and his
bowels drawn out. The executioners themselves, more
pitiful in heart than the captain, said, ' Not so, sir, this
man is of noble parentage, it is unlawful to put a noble-
man to so ignoble a death.' ' Scourge him then with
whips (quoth the captain) with knaps of lead at the
ends.' Instead of tears, sighs, and groans, Romanus
sung psalms all the time of his whipping, requiring them
not to favour him for nobility sake ; ' Not the blood of
my progenitors (said he) but christian profession makes
me noble.' Then with great power of spirit he in-
veighed against the captain, laughing to scorn the false
gods of the heathen, with the idolatrous worshij)ping of
them, affirming the god of the christians to be the true
God that created heaven and earth, before whose judg-
ment-seat all nations shall appear. But the wholesome
words of the martyr were as oil to the fire of the
captain's fury. The more the martyr spake, the madder
he was, insomuch that he commanded the martyr's sides
to be lanced with knives, until the bones ajipeared white
again. ' I am sorry, O captain (quoth the martyr) not
that my flesh shall be thus cut and mangled, but for thy
cause am I sorrowful, who, being corrupted with damna-
ble errors, seducest others.' The second time he
preached at large the living God, and the Lord Jesus
Christ his well beloved Son, and eternal life through
faith in his blood ; expressing therewith the abomination
of idolatry, with a vehement exhortation to worship and
adore the living God. At these words Asclepiades com-
manded the tormentors to strike Romanus on the mouth,
that his teeth being stricken out, his pronunciation at
least might be impaired. The commandment was obeyed,
his face buffetted, his eye-lids torn with their nails, his
cheeks scotched with knives, the skin of his beard was
plucked by Uttle and httle from the flesh ; finally, his
seemly face was wholly defaced. The meek martyr said,
' I thank thee, O captain, that thou hast opened unto
A. D. 323.] THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
63
me many mouths, wherein I may preach my Lord and
Saviour Christ. Look how many wounds I have, so
many mouths I have kiuding and praising God." The
captain, astonished with this singular constancy, com-
manded them to cease from the tortures. He threatened
cruel lire, revded the noble martyr, and blasphemed
God, saying, " The crucified Christ is but a yesterday's
god, the gods of the Gentiles are of most antiquity."
«' Here again, Romanus made a long oration of the eter-
nity of Christ, of his human nature, of the death, and
satisfaction of Christ for all mankind. Which done, he
said, ' Give me a child, O captain, but seven years of
&se. which age is free from malice and other vices, where-
with ripe age is commonly infected, and thou slialt hear
what he will say.' His request was granted. A pretty
boy was called out of the multitude, and set before him.
* Tell me, my babe," quoth the martyr, " whether thou
think it reason, that we worship one Christ, and in Christ
one Father, or else that we worship many gods?" Unto
whom the babe answered, " That certainly, whatever it
be til it man affirm to be God, must needs be one ; and as
this one is Christ, of necessity Christ must be the true
God ; for that there be many Gods, we children cannot
believe." The captain much astonished at this, said,
"Thou young villain and traitor, where, and of whom
learaedst thou this lesson?" " Of my mother," quoth
tie child, " with whose milk I sucked in this lesson, that
1 must lielleve in Christ." The mother was called, and
she gladly appeared. The captain commanded the child
to be hoised up and scourged. The pitiful beholders of this
pitiless aot, could not refrain from tears : the joyful and
glad motlier alone stood with dry cheeks : yea, she re-
buked her sweet babe for craving a draught of cold water, she
charijed him to thirst after the cup that the infants of Bethle-
hem once drank of, forgettingtheir mother's milk ; she will-
ed iiuaio lemeuiberlitile Isaac, who beholding the sword
theiv-vvith, and the altar whereon he should be sacrificed,
Willi. ii,"ly olTered his tender neck to his father's sword.
Vriiile tliis counsel was giving, the butcherly tormentor
])lucked the skin from the crown of his head, hair and all.
The mother cried, "Suffer it, my child; anon thou shalt
pass to him that will adorn thy naked head with a crown
of eternal glory." The child, thus counselled and en-
couraged, received the stripes with a smiling countenance.
The captain perceiving the child invincible, and himself
vanquished, committed the blessed babe to the stinking
prison, commanding the torments of Romanus to be re-
newed and increased, as the chief author of this evil.
" Thus was Romanus brought forth again to new stripes,
the punishments to be renewed and received upon his
old sores, in so much as the bare bones appeared, the
flesh all torn away.
" Yea, no longer could the tyrant forbear, but he must
needs draw nearer to the sentence of death. " Is it painful
to thee (said he) to tarry so long alive ? A flaming fire
shall be prepared for thee by-and-by, wherein thou and
that boy, thy fellow of rebellion, shall be consumed into
ashes. Romanus and the babe were led to the place of
execution. As they laid hands on Romanus, he looked
back, saying, " I appeal from this thy tyranny, O unjust
judge, unto the righteous throne of Christ that upright
judge ; not because I fear thy cruel torments and merci-
less handlings, but that thy judgments may be known to
be cruel and bloody." Now when they were come to
tVie place, the tormentors required the child of the mother,
for she had taken it up in her arms ; and she only kissing
it, delivered the babe ; " Farewell," she said, " my sweet
child." And as the hangman applied his sword to the
babe's neck, she sang on this manner :
All laud and praise with heart and voice,
O Lord we yield to thee ;
To whom the death of all thy saints,
We know most dear to be.
" The innocent's head being cut off, the mother wrapped
it up in her garment, and laid it on her breast. On the
other side a mighty fire was made, whereinto Romanus
was cast. His sorrowful hfe and pains being ended, he
now enjoys quiet rest in the Lord, with perpetual hope
of his miserable body to be restored again, with his soul,
into a better life.
' ' Gordius was a citizen of Cesarea, a worthy soldier, and
captain of a hundred men. In the time of extreme per-
secution, he refused any longer to execute his charge, and
willingly chose exile, and lived many years in the desert
a religious and solitary life. But on a certain day when
a solemn feast of Mars was celebrated in the city of
Cesarea, and many people were assembled in the theatre
to behold the games, he left the desert, and got up into
the chief place of the theatre, and with a loud voice ut-
tered this saying of the apostle, " Behold I was found of
them that sought me not, and I was manifest to ther.i
that asked not for me." At this noise, the multitude
looked about to see who it was that made such exclama-
tion. As soon as it was known to be Gordius, the crier
commanded silence, and he was brought to the sheriff,
who was present, and ordained the games. When he
was asked the question who he was, from whence, and
for what purpose he came thither, he telling the whole
truth, answered; "I am come to publish, that I set
nothing by your decrees against the christian religion,
but that I profess Jesus Christ to be my hope and safety."
The sheriff was greatly moved with these words, and
poured all his displeasure upon Gordius, command-
ing the executioners to bring out the scourges. Gordius
answered, " That it would be an hinderance and damage
to him, if he could not suffer and endure divers tor-
ments and punishments for Christ's cause. The sheriff
being more offended with his boldness, commanded him
to feel as many kinds of torments as there were. With
all which, Gordius, notwithstanding, could not be mas-
tered or overcome ; but lifting up his eyes unto heaven,
singeth this saying out of the Psalms, " The Lord is my
helper, I will not fear what man can do to me :" and also
this saying, " I will fear no evil, because thou Lord art
with me."
" When the shei-iff saw that he could win but little by
torment, he tried by gentleness and enticing words, to
turn the stout and valiant mind of Gordius. He promised
him if he would deny Christ, he would make him a
captain, and give him riches, treasure, and whatever he
desired. But it was all in vain. The magistrate thoroughly
angry prepared to condemn him ; and caused him to be
taken out of the city to be burnt. Great multitudes went
out of the city, to see him put to execution; some take
him in their arms, and lovingly kiss him, persuading him
to save himself, and that with 'tears. To whom Gordius
answered, " Weep not, I pray you, for me, but rather for
the enemies of God, who always make war against the
christians ; weep, I say, for them who prepare for us a
fire, purchasing hell fire for themselves in the day of
vengeance ; and cease, I pray you, to molest and disquiet
my settled mind : for truly, I am ready for the name of
Christ to suffer and endure a thousand deaths if need
were. Some others came unto him, who persuaded him
to deny Christ with his mouth, and to keep his consci-
ence to himself. " My tongue," saith he, " which by the
goodness of God I have, cannot be brought to deny the
author and giver of the same ; for with the heart we
believe imto righteousness, and with the tongue we con-
fess unto salvation." He spake many more such words ;
but especially persuading the beholders to suffer death,
and desire martyrdom. After all which, with a cheerful
and glad countenance, never changing so much as his
colour, he willingly gave himself to be burnt."
Not much unlike the history of Gordius is the history
also of Menas an Egyptian, who was likewise a soldier;
in this persecution of Dioclesian, he forsook all, and
went into the desert, where for a long time he gave him-
self to abstinence, watching, and meditation of the
scriptures. At length returning again to the city Cotis,
there in the open theatre, he with a loud voice openly
proclaimed himself to be a christian, and upon this was
brought to Pyrrhus the president; who demanded of
him his faith, when he made this answer, " It is right
that I should confess God, in whom is light and no
darkness, forsomuch as Paul teaches that with the heart we
beUeve to righteousness, and with the mouth confession
is made unto salvation." After this the innocent martyr
64
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
[Book I,
was most painfully pinched and tortured with sundry-
punishments. In all wliich notwithstanding lie shewed
a constant heart, and invincible taitli, having in the
midst of liis torments these words in his nioutii : " There
IS nothing in my mind lliat can be conij)ared to the
kingdom of heaven : neither is all tlie world, if it were
weighed in a balance, to be compared with the price of
one soul ; who is able to separate us from the love of
Jesus (Jhrist our Lord ? Shall atHiction or anguish ? I
have thus learned of my Lord and my king, not to fear
them which kill the body and have no power to kill the
soul, but to fear him rather, who hath power to destroy
botli body and soul in hell fire." To make the story
short, after he had sutfercd manifold torments, at last
the sentence of death was pronounced upon him,
which was that he should be beheaded. Menas being
then led to the i)lace of execution, said, " I give thee
thanks, my Lord and God, who hast accepted me as a
partaker of thy precious death, and hast not given me to
be devoured of my fierce enemies, but hast made me to
remain constant in thy pure faith unto this my latter
end." And so this blessed soldier fighting valiantly
under the banner of Christ, lost his head, and won his
soul.
Basil, in a certain sermon concerning forty martyrs,
mentions tliis story, not unworthy to be recorded. There
came into a certain place, the emperor's marshal or
officer, with the edict which the emperor had issued
against the christians, tliat whoever confessed Christ,
should after many torments suffer death. And first they
privily suborned certain to detect and accuse the chris-
tians wiiom they had found out, or had laid wait for.
Upon this, the sword, the gibbet, the wheel, and the
whips were brought forth ; at the terrible sight of which,
the hearts of the beholders shook and trembled. Some
fled for fear, some stood in doubt what to do ; some
were so terrified at beholding these engines, and tor-
menting instruments, that they denied their faith. But
some began to suffer, and for a time did abide the con-
flict and agony of martyrdom, but vanquished at length,
by the intolerable pain of their torments, made ship-
wreck of their consciences, and lost the glory of their
confession. Among others, there were at that time forty
young soldiers, who, after the marshal had shown the
emperor's edict, and required of all men obedience to
the same, freely and boldly confessed themselves to be
christians, and declared to him their names. The mar-
shal, somewhat amazed at their boldness of speech,
stands m doubt what was best to do. Yet forthwith he
tries to win them with fair words, advising them to
consider their youth, and that they should not change a
sweet and pleasant life, for a cruel and untimely death :
after that he promised them money and honourable
offices in the emperor's name. But they little esteeming
all these things, brake forth into a long and bold oration,
affirming that they neither desired life, dignity, nor
money, but only the celestial kingdom of Christ, saying
further, that they are ready for the love and faitli they
have in God, to endure the affliction of the wlieel, the
cross and the fire. The rude marslial being herewith
offended, devised a new kind of punishment. He bad
seen in the middle of the city a certain great pond,
which lay exposed to the cold northern wind, for it was
in the winter time ; he caused them all to be put into
this pond, atul kept tliere all that night ; but they com-
forting one another, received this their ajjpointt'd )iunish-
ment with cheerfulness, and said, as they were putting
off their clothes, " We put off not our clothes, but we
put oft' the old man, which is corrupt according to the
deceitful lust. We give thee thanks, f) Lord, that with
this our apparel we may also jmt off by thy grace, the
sinful man ; for by means of the serpent we once put
him on, and by the means of Jesus Christ we now put
him off." When they had thus said, they were brought
naked into the place where they felt most vehement
cold ; insomuch that their bodies became stiff therewith.
As soon as it was day, they were brought to the fire, in
which they were consumed, and their ashes thrown into
the flood.
la this fellowship and company of martyrs, we cannot
leave out, or forget the history of Cyrus. This Cyrus was
a physician born in Alexandria, who, flying into Egjpt
in the persecution of Dioclesian and Maximinian, led a
solitary life in Arabia, being much spoken of for his
learning. After a certain time one John, born in the
city of Edessa, joined himself to Cyrus, leaving the
soldier's life, which before that time he had exercised.
But while the persecution raged in a city in Egypt,
called Canope, a certain godly christian woman, called
Athanasia, and her three daughters, Theoctiste, Theo-
dota, and Eudoxia, with whom Cyrus was well ac
quainted, were cast into prison for the confession
of their faith : he, fearing their weakness, accompanied
with his brother John, came and visited them for their
better confirmation, at which time, Lirianus was chief
captain and lieutenant of Egypt, of whose wickedness
and cruelty, especially against females, Athanasius makes
mention in his apologies, and in his epistles. This
Cyrus, therefore, and John, being accused and appre-
hended, as those by whose persuasions the daughters of
Athanasia despised the gods and the emperor's religion,
and could not be brought to do sacrifice, were, after the
publication of their constant confession, put to cfeath by
the sword, — Athanasia also, and her three daughters,
being condemned to death.
There was a lieutenant-general of Dioclesian named
Sebastian, born in France, who, by his exhortations,
encouraged many martyrs of Christ to constancy, and
kept them in the faith. He being, therefore, accused to
the emperor, was commanded to be apprehended, and
brought into the open field, where he was thrust through
t'le body with innumerable arrows b his own bohliers.
Other martyrs suffered with Sebastian, anmng whom
were Nicostratusi with Zoe his wife; Tranquillinus,
with Martia his wife ; Traglinus, Claudius, Castor,
Tibertius, Castellus, Marcus, and Marcellinus, with
many others.
In a certain exhortation of Ambrose, he commends
the martyrdoms of Agricola and Vitalis, who suil'ered
also in the same persecution. This Vitalis was servant
to Agricola, who both had determined to give their lives
with other martyrs, for the name of Clirist. Vitalis,
being sent before by his master, to offer himself to
martyrdom, fell first into the hands of persecutors, who
laboured by all means to cause him to deny Christ ;
which, when he would in no case do, but stoutly per-
sisted in the confession of his faith, they began to exer-
cise him with all kind of torments, so unmercifully, that
there was no whole skin left on all his body. So Vitalis,
in the midst of the agony and painful torments, in a
short prayer commended himself to God, and gave up
his life. After him, the tormentors set upon Agricola,
his master, whose virtuous manners being singularly
well liked, and known to the enemies, his suffering was
the longer deferred. But Agricola not abiding the long
delay, and driving off, and provoking the adversaries to
be quicker, was, at length, fastened to the cross, and so
finished his martyrdom, which he so long desired.
No less worthy of commemoration is the lamentable
martyrdom of Vincentius. This Vincentius was a
Spanish priest, a godly and virtuous man, who at this
time suffered martyrdom at Valence, under Dacian, the
president. Bergomensis gives an account of his mar-
tyrdom, taken out of a certain sermon of St. Augustine,
as follows: " Our heart conceived not a vain and fruit
less sight (as it were in beholding of lamentable tra-
gedies), but certainly a great and marvellous siglit ;ii 1
with singular pleasure received it, when the painful p.is-
sion of victorious Vincentius was read to us. is t.n.ij
any so heavy hearted that will not be moved in the con-
templation of this immoveable martyr, so manly, or,
rather so godly, fighting against tlie craft and sublilty of
that Serpent, against the tyranny of Dacian, against the
horrors of death, and by the mighty Spirit of his God, con-
(lucring all ? But let us in few words rehearse the num-i
her of his torments, though the pains thereof cannot bel
expressed in many words. First, Dacian caused thai
martyr to be laid upon the rack, and all the joints of his j
body distended, until they cracked again. This beingj
done in the most extreme and cruel manner, all th«j
A. D. 323.]
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
65
members of his painful body were grievously pierced
with deadly wounds. Thirdly, they tore his flesh with
iron combs sharply filed. And in order that the tor-
mentors might not omit any cruelty on the meek and
mild martyr's flesh, they themselves also were scourged
at the president's commandment. And lest his pains
might seem too easy, they laid his body, being all out
of joint, on an iron grate, and tearing it with iron hooks,
they seared it with fiery plates, sprinkling him with
burning salt. Last of all, this mighty martyr was cast
into a dungeon, the floor of which was thickly spread
with the sharpest shells that could be got, his feet being
then fast locked in the stocks, he was left alone without
any worldly comfort ; but the Lord his God was with
him, the Holy Spirit of God (whose office is to comfort
the godly afflicted), filled his heart with joy and glad-
ness. Hast thou prepared a terrible rack, (O, cruel
tyrant ! O, devouring lion !) for the martyr's bed ? the
Lord shall make that bed soft and sweet unto him.
Dost thou rack his bones and joints all asunder .' His
bones, his joints, his hairs, are all numbered. Dost
thou torment his flesh with mortal wounds ? tlie Lord
shall pour abundantly into all his sores of his oil of
gladness. Thy scraping combs, tliy sharp fleshhooks,
thy hot searing irons, thy parched salt, thy noisome pri-
son, thy cutting shelis, thy pinching stocks, shall all
work together for good to this patient martyr. All
sliall work contrary to thy expectation, he shall reap
great joy into the barn of his soul, out of this mighty har-
vest of pains that thou hast brought him into. Yea,
thou shalt find him Vincentius indeed, that is, a van-
quisher, a triumpher, a conqueror, subduing thy mad-
ness by his meekness, thy tyranny by his patience, thy
manifold tortures by the manifold graces of God, where-
with he is plentifully enriched."
In this catalogue of holy martyrs, that suffered in this
I tenth persecution, there are very many more mentioned
j in various authors, beside them whom we have hitherto
i comprehended, as Philoromus, a man of noble birth,
and great possessions in Alexandria, who, being per-
suaded by his friends to favour himself, to consider his
wife and children, not only rejected their counsels, but
. also was not moved by the threats and torments of the
Judge, but kept the confession of Christ inviolate unto
I death, and was beheaded.
I Of like dignity also was Procopius in Palestine, who,
i after his conversion, brake his images of silver and gold,
and distributed the same to the poor, and after ail kind
(of torments, racking, cording, tearing his flesh, goring,
I stabbing, and firing, at length had his head also smitten
'off.
To these may be added also Georgius, a young man of
Cappadocia, who, stoutly inveighing against the impious
idolatry of the emperoi's, was apprehended and cast
into prison, then torn with hooked irons, burnt with hot
lime, stretched with cords, £.fter that his hands and feet
with other members of his body being cut off, at last
had his head cut off with a sword.
With these aforenamed, add also Sergius and Bacchius,
Panthaleon, a physician in Nicomedia, Theodorus of the
icity of Amasia, Faustus a martyr of Egy]it, Gereon,
Iwith three hundred and eighteen fellow martyrs, who
jsuffered about Celeur. Hermogenes, the president of
I Athens, who being converted by the constancy of one
iMenas, and Eugraphus in their torments, suffered also for
;the like faith ; also Samonas Gurias and Abibus. Hieron
lalso, with certain of his confessors, under Maximinus,
Judes and Domuas, who suffered with many other mar-
tyrs, above mentioned, at Nicomedia. Evelasius and
iMaximinus, the emperor's officers, whom Fausta, the
maiden, converted in her torments. Also Thirsus,
Lucius, CaUinicius, Apollonius, Philemon, Asilas, Leo-
(nides, with Arrianus, president of Thebaide. Cyprian,
likewise, a citizen of Antioch, who, after he had con-
itinued a long time a filthy magician, or sorcerer, at length
was converted and made a deacon, then a priest, and at
last the bishop of Antioch. This Cyprian, with Justina,
a maiden, suffered among the martyrs. Also Glicerios
at Nicomedia, Felix a minister, Fortunatus, Achilleus,
deacons in the cit^ of Yolent. Arthemius of Rome,
Ciriacus, deacon to Marcellus, the bishop, Carpophorus,
priest, at Thuscia, with Abundus, his deacon. Also
Claudius Sirinus Antoninus, who suffered with MarceU
liiius, the bisliop. Cucusatus, in the city of Barcinona.
Felix, bishop of Apulia, with Adauctus, and Januarius
his priest, Fortunatus and Septimus his readers, who
suffered in the city Venusina, under Dioclesian.
No less admirable and wonderful was the constancy
also of women, who in the same persecution gave their
bodies to the tormentors, and their lives for the testi-
mony of Christ, with no less boldness of spirit than the
men themselves. Of whom we will narrate some exam-
ples, such as seem most notable, beginning with Eulalia.
There is a city in Portugal called Emerita, wherein
dwelt, and was brought up, a maiden born of noble paren-
tage, whose name was Eulalia. Emerita was a rich and
celebrated city, yet was it more adorned and celebrated by
the martyrdom, blood, and sepulchre of this blessed Eu-
lalia. She had refused great and honourable offers in
marriage as one not delighting in courtly dalliance, neither
yet taking pleasure in purple and gorgeous apparel, or
costly ornaments ; but forsaking and despising all these
pompous allurements, she shewed herself most earnest
in preparing her journey to her hoped inheritance, and
heavenly patronage. As she was modest and discreet
in behaviour, so was she also witty and sharp in answer-
ing her enemies. But when the furious rage of perse-
cution forced her to join herself with God's children in
the household of faith, and when the christians were
commanded to offer incense and sacrifice to devils or
idol gods, then the blessed spirit of Eulalia began to
kindle, and being of a prompt and ready wit, and
pouring out her heart before God, provoked thereby the
force and rage of her enemies against her. But the
godly care of her parents, fearing lest the willing mind
of this damsel, so ready to die for Christ, might be the
cause of her own death, hid her and kept her close at
their house in the country, being a great way out of the
city. She yet disliking that quiet life, and not wishing
any delay, softly steals out of the doors in the night ; and
leaving the common road, passed through the thorny
and briary places ; and although the silent night was
dark and dreadful, yet she had with her the Lord and
giver of light. And as the children of Israel coming
out of Egypt, had* by the mighty power of God, a
cloudy pillar for their guide in the day, and a flame of
fire in the night, so had this godly maiden, travelUng in
tliis dark night, when flying and forsaking the place
where filthy idolatry abounded ; she was not oppressed
with the dreadful darkness of the night.
In the morning, witli a bold courage she goes to the
tribunal, and in the midst of them all with a loud voice
crying out, said, " I pray you what a shame is it for you
thus to destroy and kill men's souls, and to throw their
bodies alive against the rocks, and cause them to deny
the omnipotent God ? Would you know (O you unfor-
tunate) what I am ? Behold, I am one of the christians,
an enemy to your devilish sacrifices, I spurn your idols
under my feet, I confess God omnipotent with my heart
and mouth. Isis, Apollo and Venus, what are they?
Maximinus himself, what is he ? The one a thing of
nought, for that they be the works of men's hands; the
other but a castaway, because he worships them. There-
fore, they are both frivolous; Maximinus is a lord of
substance, and yet he himself falls down before a stone,
and vows the honour of his dignity to those that are
much inferior to his vassals. Why then does he oppress-
so tyrannically, more worthy and courageous spirits than
himself? He must needs be a good guide and an up--
right judge, who feedeth upon innocent blood, doth rent
and tear the bodies of godly men, and what is more,
hath his delight in destroying and subverting the faith.
" Go to therefore, burn, cut, and mangle these earthly
members. It is an easy matter to break a brittle sub-
stance, but the inward mind thou shalt not hurt." Thea
the judge in a great rage, said, " Hangman, take her,
and pull her out by the hair of her head, and torment
her to the uttermost, let her feel the power of our coun.
try's gods, and let her know what the imperial govern-
ment of a prince is. But yet, O thou sturdy girl, £un
66
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
[Book 1.
would I have thee (if it were possible) before thou die,
to revoke this thy wickedness. Behold what pleasures
thou mayest enjoy by the honourable house thou earnest
of, thy fallen house and progeny follows thee to death
with lamentable tears, and the nobility of thy kindred
makes doleful lamentation for thee. What meanest
thou ? Wilt thou kill thyself so young a flower, and so
near these honourable marriages and great dowries thou
mayest enjoy ? Does not the glistering and golden
pomp of a bridal move thee .' Does not the piety of
thine ancestors touch thee ? Wlio is not grieved by thy
rashness and weakness ? Behold here the furniture
ready prepared for thy terrible death ; either thou shalt
be beheaded with this sword, or else with these wild
beasts shalt thou be pulled in pieces, or else being cast
into the fiery flames, thou shalt be consumed to ashes.
What great matter is it for thee, I pray thee, to escape
all this ? If thou wilt but take and put with thy fingers
a little salt and incense into the censers, thou shalt be
delivered from all these punishments." To this Eulalia
made no answer, but throws down the idols, and spurns
with her feet the incense prepared for the censers. Then
without further delay, the executioners took her, and
pulled one joint from another, and with the talons of
wild beasts tore her sides to the hard bones ; she all this
while singing and praising God in this wise : " Behold,
O Lord, I will not forget thee ; what a pleasure is it for
them, O Christ, that remember thy triumphant victories,
to attain unto these high dignities ! and she still calls
upon that holy name, all stained and imbrued with her
own blood." This she sang with a bold spirit, neither
lamenting nor yet weeping, but being glad and cheerful,
abandoning from her mind all heaviness and grief, when
as out of a warm fountain, her mangled members bathed
her white and fair skin with fresh blood. Then they
proceed to the last and final torment, which was not only
the goring and wounding of her mangled body with the
iron grate and hurdle, and terrible harrowing of her
flesh, but burned her on every side with flaming torches ;
wtien the cracking flame reaching the crown of her
hi'ad consumed her ; so she rested in peace.
As you have now heard the christian life, and constant
death of Eulalia, worthy of praise and commendation, so
no less worthy was the blessed Agnes, that constant
damsel and martyr of God, who as she was of honour-
able parents in Rome, so she lies there honourably buried.
She was very young when she was first dedicated to
Christ, and boldly resisted the edicts of the emperor ;
and would net through idolatry deny or forsake the holy
faith. She willingly offered her body to hard and pain-
ful torments, not refusing to sufi'er whatever it should be,
yea though it were death itself. She was therefore
ordered to be beheaded. And when she saw a sturdy
and cruel fellow stand behind her, and approaching near
to her with a naked sword in his hand, " 1 am now glad,"
said she, " and rejoice that thou art come. I will
willingly receive into my bosom the length of this sword,
that thus married unto Christ my spouse, I may sur-
mount and escape all the darkness of this world. O
eternal governor, vouchsafe to open the gates of heaven,
once shut up against all the inhabitants of the earth, and
receive, O Christ, my soul that seeks thee !" Thus
speaking, and kneeling upon her knees, she prays to
Christ in heaven, that her neck might be the readier for
the sword. The executioner then with his bloody hand
finished her hope, and at one stroke cut ofl" her head,
and by such short and swift death prevented her feeling
the pain of it.
I have oftentimes before complained, that the histories
of saints have been mixed up with many false additions,
and fabulous inventions of men, who either of a super-
stitious devotion, or of a subtle practice, have so mangled
their histories and lives, that very few remain simple and
nncorrupt. This I especially find in the history of good
Katherine, whom I have now in hand ; although I do
not doubt that there was great holiness in her life, excel-
lency in her knowledge, constancy in her death, yet that
all things be true that are told of her, I do not affirm,
neither am I bound to think so. Of the many strange
fictions of her some seem incredible, some impudent.
As where Petrus de Natalibus writing of her conversion
declares, how that Katherine sleeping before a certain
picture or table of the crucifix, Christ with his mothei
Mary appeared unto her ; and when Mary had otfered
her unto Christ to be his wife, he first refused her for
her blackness I The next time she being baptized, Mary
appearing again, offered her to marry with Christ, who
then being pleased, was espoused to him and married,
having a golden ring the same time put on her finger in
her sleep ! Bergomensis writes, that because in the
sight of the peoi)le she openly resisted the emperor
Maxentius to his face, and rebuked him for his cmelty,
she was committed to prison. The same night an angel
came to her, comforting her and exhorting her to be
strong and constant unto the martyrdom, for she was
accepted iu the sight of God, and that the Lord would
be with her, and that he would give her a mouth and
wisdom which her enemies should not withstand ; with
many other things which 1 here omit. I also omit con-
cerning the fifty philosophers, whom she convicted in
disputation, and converted to our religion, and who died
martyrs for the same. At length, after she had endured
the rack, and the four sharp cutting wheels, she was
beheaded, and so finished her martyrdom.
Among the works of Basil, a certain oration is extant
concerning Julitta the martyr, who came to her martyr-
dom by this occasion. A certain avaricious and greedy
person of great authority, violently took from her all her
goods, lands, chattels, and servants, contrary to all
equity and right. She complained to the judges ; a day
was appointed when the cause should be heard. The
spoiled woman, and the spoiling extortioner stood forth
together : the woman declared her cause, the man,
frowningly, beheld her face. When she had proved that
the goods were her own, and that he had dealt wrong-
fully with her, the wicked extortioner, preferring vile
worldly substance to the rightful claims of a christian
body, affirmed her action to be of no force, because she
was an outlaw in not observing the emperor's gods. His
allegation was allowed as good. Whereupon incense
and fire were prepared for her to worship the gods, and
unless she would do this, neither the emperor's protec-
tion, laws, or judgment, should be extended to her, nor
should she enjoy life in that commonwealth. When this
handmaid of the Lord heard these words, she said,
" Farewell life, welcome death ; farewell riches, welcome
poverty. All that I have, if it were a thousand times
more, 1 would rather lose, than speak one wicked and
blasphemous word against God my Creator. I yield thee,
O my God, most hearty thanks for this gift of grace,
that I can contemn and despise this frail and transitory
world, esteeming christian profession above all trea-
sures." After this, when any question was demanded,
her answer was, " I am the servant of Jesus Christ."
Her kindred and acquaintance flocking to her, advised
her to change her mind ; but that she refused, with de-
testation of their idolatry. Forthwith the judge con-
demned her to the fire, and the joyful martyr embraced
the sentence as a most sweet and delectable thing. She
prepares herself for the flames, in countenance, gesture
and words, declaring the joy of her heart, and then em-
bracing the fire, she sweetly slept in the Lord.
Beside these, divers godly women have been faithful
martyrs. Barbara, a noble woman in Th\iscia, after
miserable imprisonment, sharp cords, and burning
flames put to her sides, was at last beheaded. Fausta, a
maiden, suffered under Maximinus : by her Euelasius, a
ruler of the emperor's palace, and Maximinus, tlie pre-
sident, were both converted, and also suffered martyrdom.
Juliana, a maiden of singular beauty, in Nicomedia,
after divers agonies, suffered likewise under Maximinus.
Anasia, a maiden of Tliessalonica, also suffered under
Maximinus. Justina, who suffered with Cyprian bishop
of Antioch. Tecla, Lucia, and Agatha, were also mar-
tyrs ; all of whom glorified the Lord Christ with their
constant martyrdom, in this tenth and last persecution
of Dioclesian.
During the time of this persecution, the following
bishops of Rome succeeded each other ; Caius, who suc-
ceeded Sixtus, Marcellinus, Maixellus (whom Eusebiui
A..D 323.J
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
67
does not irietition),Eusebius, and Miltiades ; all of whom
died martyrs in the tempest of this persecution. After
. the martyrdom of Caius, Marce linus was ordained
bishop : he being brought by Dioclesian to the idols,
■ first yielded to their idolatry, and was seen to sacrifice ;
but having been excommunicated by the christians, he
fell into such repentance, that he returned again to Dio-
■ clesian, and standing to his former confession, and pub-
licly condemning the idolatry of the heathen, he recover-
ed the crown of martyrdom, suffering with Claudius,
Cyrinus, and Antoninus.
Marcellus, likewise, was urged by Maxentius to re-
nounce his bishopric and religion, and to sacrifice with
jthem to idols, and when he refused, he was beaten with
sticks and expelled the city. Having entered the house
of Lucina, a widow, he assembled the congregation, which,
when it came to the ears of Maxentius the tyrant, he
turned the house of Lucina into a stable, and made Mar-
i cellus the keeper of the beasts ; who died from the effects
I' of this cruel treatment.
|: Among the decretal epistles, in the book of general
councils, there is a long account of the judgment and
condemnation of Marcellinus, which patrons of popery in
these days take great hold of to prove the supremacy of
the pope to be above all general councils, and that he
ought not to be subject to the condemnation of any one.
The bishops of this council of Sinuesse did condemn
Marcellinus, for the words of the council are plain.
l" They subscribed to his condemnation, and condemned
ihim to be expelled out of the city." Moreover, the
|forty-two witnesses against Marcellinus were brought in
{by the same council, and the verdict of the witnesses was
'demanded and received. What does all this declare,
but that the bishop of Rome was called there, and did
iappear before the judgment-seat of the council, and there
Istood subject to their sentence and authority, by the which
|Le was expelled from the city. For he being urged of them
to condemn himself, did so ; prostrating himself, and
weeping before them. Whereupon they immediately
proceeded to the sentence against him, condemning and
pronouncing him to be expelled the city. Now, whether
jby tliis may be gathered that the bishops of Rome ought
tiot to be cited, accused, and condemned by any person
mr persons, let the impartial reader simply judge.
! And thus have been given the histories and names of
[those blessed saints who suffered in the time of the per-
isecution, from the nineteenth year of Dioclesian to the
■seventh and last year of Maxentius, with the deaths also
and punishments of those tormentors and ci-uel tyrants,
who were the captains of the same persecution. And
iiere ended (blessed be Christ) these persecutions in the
kvestern churches of Europe, so far as the dominion of
IConstantine chiefly extended. Yet in Asia, under Lici-
nius, persecution did not cease for four years after.
In Persia, about this time, under the king Sapor, many
valiant and constant martyrs suffered, Acindimus, Pega-
sius, Anempodistus, Epidephorus, Simeon archbishop of
Selucia, Ctesiphon another bishop of Persia, with other
ministers and religious men of that region, to the num-
ber of one hundred and twenty-eight. The idolatrous
magicians in Persia, taking counsel together against the
christians, accused Simeon and Ctesiphon to Sapor the
king, of being favourable to the Roman emperor, and of
betraying to him what was done in Persia. Whereupon
Sapor was greatly irritated against the christians, op-
pressing them with taxes and tributes, utterly impover-
rSshing them and killing all their priests with the sword.
Afrer that he calls for Simeon the archbishop, who
there before the king declared himself a valiant captain
of Christ's church. For when Sapor had commanded
him to be led to suffer torments, he neither shrunk for
any fear, nor asked for any pardon ; whereat the king
partly wondering and partly offended, asked, " Why
he did not kneel down as he was wont to do before ?"
Simeon answered to this, " Before this time I was not
brought unto you in bonds to betray the true God, as I
am now ; and so long I refused not to perform that
which the order and custom of the realm required of me ;
but now it is not lawful for me so to do, for now I come
to stand in defence of our religion and true doctrine."
Wlien Simeon had thus answered, the king persisting^ in
his purpose, offered to him the choice either to wor-
ship with him after his manner (promising to him many
great gifts, if he would do so) or if he would not,
threatened destruction to him and to all the other chris-
tians within his land. But Simeon, neither allured with
his promises, nor terrified with his threatenings, con-
tinued constant in his purpose, so that he could neither
be seduced to idolatrous worship, nor to betray the truth
of his religion. For which he was committed into bonds,
and commanded to be kept until the king's pleasure
should be known.
It happened as he was going to prison, that there was
sitting at the king's gate a certain euaucb, an old tutor
or school-master of the king's, named Usthazares, who
had been once a christian, and afterward falling from his
profession, joined with the heathenish multitude in theii
idolatry. This Usthazares sitting at the door of the
king's palace, and seeing Simeon passing by to jirison,
rose up and reverenced the bishop. Simeon again, with
sharp words (as time would permit) rebuked him, and in
great anger cried out against him, who being once a
christian, had cowardly revolted from his profession,
and returned to the heathenish idolatry. Hearing these
words, the eunuch forthwith burst into tears, and laying
aside his courtly apparel, which was sumptuous and
costly, he put on a black suit as the token of mourning,
sitting before the court gates, and weeping, he said,
" Woe is me, with what hope, with what face shall 1
look hereafter for my God, who have now denied him,
when as this Simeon my familiar acquaintance, thus
passing by me, so much disdains me, that he refuses
with one gentle word to salute me ?"
These words being brought to the ears of the king
procured against him no little indignation. Whereupon
Sapor the king sending for him, first with gentle words
and courtly promises, began to speak to him, asking him,
"What cause he had to mourn so, and whether there was
any thing in his house which was denied him, or which
he had not at his own will and asking ?" Whereunto
Usthazares answering again, said, "That there was no-
thing in that earthly house which v.'as lacking to him, or
which he desired. Yea would to God " (said he) " O king,
any other grief or calamity in all the world, whatsoever
it were, had happened to me rather than this, for which
I do most justly mourn ! For this grieves me, that I
am this day alive, who should rather have died long
since, than see this sun, which for your pleasure, I ap-
peared to worship against my heart and mind ; for which
cause I am doubly worthy of death : First, for that I
have denied Christ ; secondly, because I did dissemble
with you." Sapor being astonished at the sudden altera-
tion of this man, and doubting whether to be angry with
the enchanters or with him ; whether to treat him with
gentleness or with rigour, at length commanded Ustha-
zares his ancient servant and first tutor to be beheaded. As
he was going to the place of execution, he desired of the
executioners a little to stay, that he might send a message
to the king, which was this, that for all the old and faithful
sei-vice he had done to his father and to him, he would now
requite him with this one office, to cause a public crier to
proclaim the following words, " That Usthazares was be-
headed, not for any treachery or crime committed against
the king or the realm, but only because he was a christian,
and would not at the king's pleasure deny his God." And
so according to his request, it was performed and granted.
Usthazares desired the cause of his death to be published,
because his shrinking back from Christ had been a great
occasion to many christians to do the like ; so now the
same, hearing that Usthazares died for no other cause
than the religion of Christ, they might learn by his ex-
ample to be fervent and constant in their profession.
And thus the blessed eunuch did consummate his martyr-
dom. Of which Simeon hearing in prison, was very
joyful, and gave God thanks ; who the following day, being
brought forch before the king, and still refusing at the
king's request to worship visible creatures, was likewise
by the commandment of the king beheaded, with a great
number more, who the same day suffered to the number
of an hundred and more; all which were put to death,
6H
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
[Book I.
bffore Simeon, he standing by and exhorting them with
comfortable words ; admonishing them to stand firm
and steadfast in the Lord ; preaching and teaching them
concerning death, resurrection, and true piety ; and
proving by the scriptures that which he liad said to be
true, declaring moreover, tliat it was true life indeed so
to die, and that it was death indeed to deny or betray
God for fear of punishment : and added further, that
there was no man alive but must needs die. " For as
much as it is appointed all men here to have an end.
But those things which follow hereafter are eternal, which
shall not come to all men after one sort. But as the
condition and trade of life differ in different men, and are
EOtin all men like, so the time shall come, when all men
in a moment shall receive according to their doings in
this present life immortal rewards : such as have here
done well, life and glory ; such as have done evil, per-
petual punishment." With these words of comfortable
exhortation, the holy martyrs willingly yielded up their
lives to death. After whom at last followed Simeon,
with two other priests or ministers of his church : Abe-
decalaas and Ananias, which also with him were par-
takers of the same martyrdom.
At the suffering of those above mentioned, it happened
that Pusices, one of the king's officers, and overseers ot
his artificers, was there present, who seeing Ananias
being an aged old father, somewhat to shake and tremble
at the sight of them that suffered, " O father," said he,
" alittle moment shut thine eyes and be strong, and shortly
thou shalt see the sight of God." Upon these words,
Pusices was immediately apprehended, and brought to the
king ; he there confessed himself to be a christian, and
because he was very bold and hardy before the king in this
cause of Christ's faith, was most cruelly handled in the
execution of his martyrdom. For they made a hole in the
upper part of his neck to thrust in their hand, and pluck-
ed his tongue out of his mouth, and so he was put to
death. At which time also the daughter of Pusices, a
godly maiden, was apprehended and put to death.
The following year, upon the same day, when the
christians celebrated the remembrance of the Lord's
passion, which we call Good Friday before Easter, Sapor I
the king issued a cruel and sharp edict throughout all his ,
land, condemning to death all who confessed themselves
to be christians. So that an innumerable multitude ot
christians, through the wicked procuring of the malig.
nant magicians, suffered death by the sword, both in the
city and the towns. Some being sought for, and some
offering themselves willingly, lest they should seem by
their silence to deny Christ. Thus all the christians
that could be found were slain, and many also of the
king's own court and household. Amongst whom was
Azades an eunuch, one whom the king loved and favour-
ed. After the king understood that Azades was put to
death, being very sorry for him, he commanded that no
christians should be slain exce])t those who were the doc-
tors and teachers of the christian religion.
In the same time it happened that the queen fell into
a severe disease ; upon which the cruel Jews, with the
wicked magicians, falsely accused Trabula, the sister of
Simeon the martyr, with another sister also of hers, of
having wrought privy charms to hurt the queen, for the
revenging of the death of Simeon. This accusation
being believed, innocent Trab\ila, with her sister, were
condemned and cut asunder with a saw, whose quarters
being hung upon stakes, the queen passed between them,
thinking thereby to be delivered of her sickness.
Now as the king had commanded that no christians
should be put to death, but only such as were the
teachers and leaders of the flock, the magicians left no
means untried to set forward the matter. Whereby
great affliction and ))ersecution arose among the bishops
and teachers of the church.
Miserable, and almost innumerable were the slaughters
wnder the reign of this Sapor, of bishops, ministers,
deacons, monks, nuns, and other ecclesiastical persons,
who cleaved to the doctrine of Christ, and suffered for
the same. The names of the bishops, besides the other
multitude taken in the persecution are, Barbasimes,
PouIuB, Gaddiabes, Sabinus, Mareas, Mocius, Johannes,
Hormisdas, Papas, Jacobus, Romas, Maares, Agas,
Bochres, Abdas, Abiesus, Joannes, Abramius, Agdelas,
Sabores, Isaac, Dausas, Bicor also with Maureanda his
fellow bishop, and the rest of his churches under him, to
the number of two hundred and fifty persons. It is not
possible for any history to comprehend the whole multi-
tude of those that suffered in this persecution, the mai>
uer of their apprehension, the cruelness of their tor-
ments, how and in what places they suffered. The num
ber of them that can be reckoned comes to the sum of
•sixteen thousand men and women.
The rumour of this miserable affliction of the chris-
'^ians in the kingdom of Persia, coming to the ears of the
Ii}m])eror Constantine, put him in great heaviness, not
knowing how to help in the matter, which indeed was
>'ery difficult for him to do. At the same time it hap.
oened that certain ambassadors were at Rome from
>apor, king of Persia ; to whom Constantine readily
granted all their requests, thinking thereby to obtain
'lie more friendship at their king's hands, and that at
his request he would be good to the christians ; he wrote,
therefore, to Sapor in their behalf, and sent his epistle
by the ambassadors :
Declaring to him he should stand much beholden
to him, if at his request he would give some quiet
and rest to the christians, in whose religion there
was nothing which he could justly blame. " For,"
said he, " in their sacrifices they kill nothing, and shed
no blood, but only offer up unbloody sacrifices, in
making their prayers unto God ; they delight not in
bloodshedding ; but only in the soul that loves virtue,
and follows that doctrine and knowledge which is agree-
ing to true piety. And, therefore, such men as learn so
to believe and to worship God, are more to be com-
mended." Moreover, he assures him he would find God
more merciful to him, if he would embrace the godly
piety and truth of the christians, &c. And in the end
of the epistle Constantine adds these words : — " What
joy — what gladness would it be to my heart, to hear
that the state also of the Persians flourishes, as I wish it
to do, by your encouraging the christians ? So that
both you with them, and they with you, in long prospe-
rity may enjoy as much felicity together as your hearts
would desire, and in so doing no doubt ye shall. For
so shall you have God, who is the Author and Creator of
all this universal world, merciful and gracious to you.
These men, therefore, I commend to you upon your
kingly honour, and upon your clemency and piety
wherewith you are endued, I commit them to you, de-
siring you to receive them according to your humanity
and benignity, and convenient to your estate ; in so
doing you will now both procure to yourself grace
through your faith, and also will grant to me great pleasure
and a benefit worthy of thanks." .
This letter, written by Constantine to King Sapor,
shews what care this godly prince had for them that be-
lieved in Christ, not only in his own monarchy, but also
in all places of the world.
Under the Emperor Julian the apostate, many suffered
martyrdom by the idolaters. Of the lamentable tragedy
of Marcus Arethusius the bishop, Sozomen, and also
Theodoret, thus write —
" This raan, at the commandment of Constantine,
pulled down a certain temple dedicated to idols, and, in-
stead thereof, built up a church where the christians
might congregate. The Arethusians remembering the
little good will that Julian bare unto him, .accused him
as a traitor and enemy to him. At the first, according
as the scripture teacheth, he prepared himself to flee ;
l)ut when lie perceived that there were certain of his
kinsmen or friends apprehended in his stead, returning
of his own accord, he offered himself to those that
thirsted for his blood. When they had got him in their
possession, as men neither pitying his old age and worn
years, nor abashed at the virtuous conversation of a ma«
so distinguished, both by his life and doctrine, they first
stript him naked, and pitifully beat" him ; then they cast
him into a foul filthy sink, and then bringing him out*
A. D. 323.]
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
6y
they caused boys to pierce him with sharp sticks.
Lastly, they put him in a basket, and anointing him with
honey and broth, they hung him up in the heat of the
suti, as meat for wasps and flies. And all this they did
to him to force him either to build the temple again, or
else to give so much money as should pay for its building ;
but as he purposed with himself to suffer and abide their
grievous torments, so he refused to do what they de-
manded. At length, taking him to be but a poor man,
and not able to pay such a sum of money, they promised
to forgive him one-half, if he would pay the other. But
he hanging in the basket pitifully wounded with the
sharpened sticks, and bitten by the wasps, not only con-
cealed his pain, but also derided those wicked ones, and
called them base, low, and worldly people, and declared
himself to be exalted and set on high. When at length
they demanded of him but a small sum of money, he
answered thus ; ' It is as great wickedness to give one
penny in a case of impiety, as to bestow the whole.'
Thus they not being able to prevail against him, let him
down, and leaving him, went their way, so that every
man might learn at his mouth the example of true piety
and faithfulness."
Although the treating of these persecutions of Persia
somewhat stray out of the order of time and place, yet,
as these holy martyrs also gave so faithful a testimony of
the Lord Jesus with their blood, I thought it improper
to pass over them without some testimony. And here
these persecutions of the primitive church ended.
It may perhaps astonish some, while reading the
[history of these terrible persecutions, that God the
(Almighty director of all things, should suffer his own
Ifaithfui servants, believing in his only begotten son
■Jesus, to be so cruelly and wrongfully tormented and
put to death, and that during so many years together.
To which astonishment I have nothing to answer, but to
isay in the words of Jerome, " We ought not to be
iastonished to see the wicked prevail against the holy ;
ifor, as in the beginning of the world, we see that Abel
the just was killed by wicked Cain, and that the sons of
Israel were afflicted by the Egyptians, so even the Lord
fiimself was crucified by the Jews, Barabbas the thief
ibeing let go. Time would not suffice me to recite how
jthe godly suffer in this world while the wicked flourish
and prevail ; whatever be the cause this is sufficient for
lus, and may be to all men, that we are sure these afflic-
:ions and persecutions of God's people in this world
3ome not by any chance or blind fortune, but by the
ippointment and forewarning of God. For so in the
bid law, by the affliction of the children of Israel, he
prefigured these persecutions of the christians. So by
jthe words of Christ's own mouth in the gospel he
jForewarned his church of these troubles, neither did
he suffer these great afflictions to fall upon his servants,
pefore he had warned them sufficiently by special reve-
lation in the Apocalypse of John his servant ; in which he
Ideclared to his church, not only what troubles were
(coming, where, and by whom they should come, but
jalso in plain numbers, if the words of the prophecy be
|well understood, assigns the true time, how long the
persecutions should continue, and when they should
cease. For as there is no doubt, but by the beast with
peven heads, bearing the whore of Babylon, drunken
fwith the blood of saints, is signified the city of Rome,
JBo in my judgment the forty-two months (in the thir-
eenth of the Apocalypse) is to be expounded by taking
very month for a sabbath of years ; that is, reckoning a
taouth for seven years, so that forty and two such sabbaths
jof years make up the number of years between the time
jofChrist's death and the last year of the persecution of
jMaxentius, when Constantine, fighting under the banner
(of Christ, overcame him, and made an end of all perse-
icution within the monarchy of Rome, i The number of
these years amounted to two hundred ninety and four,
(1) That oar author has not succeeded in so elucidating this
remarkable portion of scripture, as to free it from the numberless
difficulties that envelope it, is no more than must be said of
every other commentator who has undertaken the exposition of
Hafultiiled prophecy.
to which, if the other six years of persecution under
Licinius in Asia be added, it fills up full three hundred
years. And so long continued the persecution of Christ's
people, under the heathen tyrants and emperors, of the
monarchy of Rome, according to the number of the forty
and two months specified in the thirteenth of the Apo-
calypse. For the better explanation of which, because
the matter being of no small importance, greatly apper-
tains to the public utility of the church ; and lest any
should suspect me of following any private interpreta-
tion of mine own, I thought good to communicate to
the reader what has been imparted unto me, in the open-
ing of these mystical numbers in this aforesaid book of
the Revelation as follows :
While I was engaged in these histories, and consi-
dered the exceeding rage of these persecutions, the in-
tolerable torments of the blessed saints, so cruelly
racked, torn, and plucked in pieces with all kinds of tor-
tures that could be devised, more bitter than death
itself ; I could not without great sorrow of mind, be-
hold their grievous afflictions, or write of their bloody
sufferings ; and the hotter the persecutions grew, the
more my sympathy with them increased ; not only pity-
ing their woful case, but almost reasoning with God,
thus foolishly thinking why God of his goodness should
suffer his children and servants to be so vehemently tor-
mented and afflicted ? If mortal things were governed
by heavenly Providence (as must needs be granted),
why did the wicked thus flourish, and the godly suffer ?
If sinners deserved punishment, they alone were not sin-
ners, and why was their death above all others so sharp
and bitter ? At least, why should the Lord suffer the
vehemency of these horrible persecutions to endure so
long, shewing no certain determined end of their
tribulations, whereby they knowing the appointed
determination of Almighty God with more consola-
tion might endure the same ? As the Israelites in the
captivity of Babylon had seventy years limited unto
them ; and under Pharaoh they were promised a deli-
verance ; and also under the Syrian tyrants threescore
and two weeks were assigned to them. But in these
persecutions I could find no end determined for their
deliverance. Whereupon much marvelling with myself,
I searched the Book of Revelation to see whether any
thing might be there found ; and although I perceived
the beast there described to signify the empire of Rome,
which had power to overcome the saints ; yet concerning
the time and continuance of these persecutions under the
beast, I found nothing to satisfy my doubt. For al-
though I read there of forty-two months, of a time,
times, and half a time, of one thousand two hundred
and threescore days ; yet all this by computation coming
but to three years and a half, came nothing near the
long continuance of these persecutions, which lasted
three hundred years. Thus being vexed in spirit, about
the reckoning of these numbers and years ; it so hap-
pened upon a Sunday in the morning, I lying in my bed,
and musing about these numbers, suddenly it occurred
to my mind, to count these months by sabbaths, as the
weeks of Daniel are counted by sabbaths. Whereupon
I began to reckon the forty-two months by sabbaths ;
first of months, that would not serve ; then by sabbaths
of years, wherein I began to feel some probable under-
standing. Yet not satisfied herewith, in order to make
the matter more sure, I repaired to certain merchants of
mine acquaintance, of whom one is departed a true faithful
servant of the Lord, the other two are yet alive, and wit-
nesses hereof. To whom the number of these aforesaid
forty-two months being propounded and examined by
sabbaths of years, the whole sum was found to amount
to two hundred and ninety-four years, the full time of
these persecutions, neither more nor less.
Now this one clasp being opened, the other numbers
that follow are plain and manifest to the intelligent
He has however miscalculated the dates of his first period of
300 years— for from the crucifixion of our Lord to the defeat of
Maxenlius by Constantine, (A. D. 312,) was a period of only 279
years, which added to tlie 6 years of persecution under Liciniui^
would be only 285 years, instead of the precise 300. [Ed.]
79
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
[Book I
reader. For where mention is made of three years and
a half, of one time, two times and half a time, also of
one thousand two hundred and threescore days, all
these come to one reckoning and signify forty and two
months, by which months, as is said, is sigiiifted the
whole time of these primitive persecutions, as here in
order may appear.
TITE MYSTICAL NUMBERS IN THE APOCALYPSE
OPENED.
First, where mention is made (Revelation xi. 3), that
the two prophets shall prophesy 12G0 days ; and also
that the woman flying into tlie desert, shall there be fed
12()0 days : (Rev. xii. 6.) who knoweth not tliat 12(i0 days
make three years and a half ? that is, forty-two months.
Secondly, where we read (chap.xi.8.) the bodies of the
two aforesaid prophets shall lie in the streets of the great
city unburied the space of three days and a half, and
after the said three days and a half they shall revive
again, &c., let the hours of these three days and a half
(which be 42), be reckoned every day for a sabbath of
years, or else every day for a month, and they come to
forty-two months.
Thirdly, where it is said (Rev. xii. 14.) that the woman
had two wings given her to fly unto the desert for a time,
times and half a time : give for one time one year, or
one day ; for two times, two years or two days ; for half
a time, half a year, or half a day ; and so it is manifest,
that these three years and a half amount to forty-two
mouths.
Fourthly, account these forty-two months aforesaid,
which the beast had power to make (Revelations xi), by
sabbath of years ; that is, seven years for a month, or
every month for seven years, and it amounteth to two
hundred and ninety-four years.
And so we just have the years, days, times, and months
of these aforesaid persecutions under the beast, neither
shorter nor longer, reckoning from the death of John
Baptist under Herod, to the end of Maxentius, and of
Licinius, the two last great persecutors, the one in the
West, the other in the East, who were both vanquished
by godly Constantine. And so peace was given to the
church, although not in such ample wise, but that many
tumults and troubles afterward ensued, yet they lasted
not long : and the chief brunt of these Roman perse-
cutions which the Holy Ghost especially considered
above all other in this his Revelation thus ended in the
time of Constantine. Then was the great dragon, the
devil, to wit, the fierce rage and power of his malicious
persecuting, chained for a thousand years after this, so
that he could not prevail, but the power and glory of the
gospel gradually increasing and spreading with great joy
and liberty, so prevailed that at length it got the upper
hand and replenished the whole earth, rightly verifying
therein the water of Ezekiel, which issuing out of the
right side of the altar, the further it ran, the deeper it
grew, till at length it replenished the whole ocean, and
healed all the fishes therein. So also the course of the
gospel proceeding of small and hard beginnings still
kept his stream : the more it was stopped, the swifter it
ran : by blood it feeded, by death it quickened, by cut-
ting it multiplied, through violence it sprung ; till at
last out of thraldom and ojjpression burst forth into
perfect liberty, and flourished in all prosperity. Would
that the christians could have used this liberty wisely
and moderately, and not abused it, forgetting their for-
mer estate to their own pride, pomp, and worldly ease,
as it afterwards came to pass, of which more is to be
said (the Lord willing) in the proper place and time.
And thus much touching the prophetical numbers in
the Apocalypse. In which the eternal wisdom and high
providence of Almighty God is to be magnified, so dis-
posing and governing his church, that no adversity or
perturbation happens at any time to it, which his wisdom
does not fore-see and pre-ordain ; neither doth he pre-
ordain or determine anything which he does not most
truly perform, both fore-seeing the beginning of such
persecutions, and determining the end of them, how
long to continue, and when to cease.
Thus much by the way I have mentioned, lest any
should be surprised to read of the church being so long
and for so many years under such miserable and extieme
afllictions, wherein neither chance nor fortune, nor dis-
position of man, has had any place, but only the fore-
counsel and determination of the Lord governing and
disposing the same, who not only suffered them, and fore-
saw tliose persecutions before they occurred, but also ap-
pointed the times and years how long they should last,
and when they should have an end, as by the forty-two
months in the eleventh and twelfth chapters of Reve-
lation has beeen declared. Which months, containing
two hundred ninety and four years (if they be rightly
gathered), make the full time between the first year of
the persecution of Christ under the Jews and Herod,
till the last year of persecution under Licinius ; which
was from the nativity of Christ, in the year ;{24. After
which year according to the preordinate council of God,
when his severity had been sufficiently declared upon his
own house, it pleased him to shew mercy again, and to
bind up Satan the old serpent, according to the twentieth
chapter of the Revelation, for the space of a thousand
years ; that is, from the time of Licinius to the time of
John Wickliffe and John Husse. During all which
time, although certain conflicts and tumults have been
among christian bishops themselves in the church, yet
no universal murdering persecution was stirring before
the preaching of Wicklifle, Husse, and such others, as
in the further process of this history (Christ willing and
aiding us) shall appear.
Thus having discoursed at length of these horrible
persecutions and heavy afflictions of the christian mar-
tyrs ; now by the grace of God, coming out of this red
sea of bloody persecution, leaving Pharaoh and his host
behind, let us sing gloriously to the worthy name of our
God, who through the blood of the Lamb after long and
tedious afflictions, at length has visited his people with
comfort, has chained Satan, has sent his meek Moses
(gentle Constantine I mean), by whom it has pleased
the Lord to work deliverance to his captive people, to
set his servants at liberty, to turn their mourning into
joy, to magnify the church of his Son, to destroy the
idols of all the world, to grant life and liberty (and
would God also not so much riches) unto them who be-
fore were the abjects of all the world, and aU by the
means of godly Constantine, the meek and most chris-
tian emperor, of whose divine victories against so many
tyrants and emperors, persecutors of Christ's people,
and lastly, against Licinius (A. D. 324), of whose other
noble acts and prowesses, of whose blessed virtues
and his happy birth and progeny, we have partly com-
prehended before, and part now remains to be de-
clared.
This Constantine was the son of Constantius, the
emperor, a good and virtuous child of a good and vir-
tuous father, born in Britain (as says Eutropius),
whose mother was named Helena, daughter of King
Coilus ; although Ambrose, in his funeral oration on
the death of Theodosius says, she was an innholder's
daughter. He was a most bountiful and gracious prince,
having a desire to encourage learning, and often used to
read and study himself. He had wonderful success and
prosperity in all things he took in hand, the reason of
which was truly sui)posed to be because he was so great
a favourer of the christian faith. When he had onco
embraced this faith he ever after most devoutly and reli-
giously reverenced it, and commanded by special pro-
clamation, that every man should profess the same reli-
gion throughout all the Roman empire. The wor»
shipping of idols (whereto he was addicted by the
allurement of Fausta, his wife, so that he did sacrifice
to them) after the discomfiture of Maxentius in battle,
he utterly abjured ; but he deferred his baptism to his
old age, because he had determined a journey into Persia,
and thought to have been baptized in Jordan. (Euseb.
lib. 4. De vita Constantini.)
.\s to his natural disposition and wit, he was very
eloquent, a good philosopher, and sharp and ingenious
in disputation. He was accustomed to say that an em-
peror ought to refuse no labour for the utility of thi
A.D. 323.]
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
71
commonwealth ; yea, and to adventure the mangling of
his body for the remedy thereof.
He first entered into the empire by the mercy of
God, who after long waves of doleful persecution
would restore to his church peace and tranquillity
(A. D. 311), as Eusebius accounts in his chronicle.
The church enjoyed great peace and tranquillity under
the reign of this good emperor, who took great pains in
the preservation thereof. First, before he had subdued
Licinius, he set forth many edicts for the restitution of
the goods oi' the church, for bringing back the christians
out of exile, for quieting the dissensions of the doctors
or bisliops of the churcli, for the setting of them free
from public charges, and such like even as his Consti-
tutions declare, in which is contained this prayer of the
good Constautine : —
"To thee therefore now I pray : Oh most mighty God,
that thou wilt vouchsafe to be merciful, and pardon all
the eastern parts, and the inhabitants of the same, being
oppressed with calamity : and that by me thy servant
thou wilt of thy goodness help and relieve the same.
And these things crave I not rashly at thy hands, O Lord,
most mighty and holiest God of all. For I being per-
suaded by the only oracles, have both begun and also
finislied wholesome and profitable things : and further, by
the bearing and shewing of thine ensign, have overcome a
mighty and strong host ; and when any necessity of the
commonwealth committed to my charge requires, (follow-
ing those signs and tokens of thy virtues) I boldly go
forth and fight against mine enemies : and for this cause
I have sacrificed my soul imto thee, purified and cleansed
both with thy love and fear. Yea, truly, thy name do I
sincerely love, and thy power do I reverence, which by
many tokens and wonders hast shewed and confirmed
thereby my belief and faith. Therefore will I do my en-
deavour, and bend myself thereunto, that I may rebuild
thy most holy house, which those wicked and ungodly
emperors have laid waste ; thy people do I desire to bring
and establish in firm peace and tranquillity, and that for
the public utility of all the inhabitants of the earth.
Those which yet err, and are out of the way, enjoy the
benefit of peace and quietness, with and amongst the
number of the faithful : for I trust the restitution of the
like society and participation may be a means to bring
them also that err into the perfect way of truth. Let
no man therefore be grievous one unto another, but what
every man thinketh best, that let him do : for such as
are wise, ought thoroughly to be persuaded, that they only
rtiean to live holily, and as they should do, whom the
Sjiirit of God moveth to take their delight and recreation
in reading in his holy will : and if others wilfully will go
out of the way, cleaving to the synagogues of false doc-
trine, they may at their own peril. As for us, we have
the most worthy house or church of God's truth, which
he according to his own goodness and nature hath given
us. And this also we wish unto them, that with like
participation and common consent, they may feel with
us the same delectation of mind. For this our religion
is neither new, nor newly invented, but it is as old as we
believe the creation of the world to be, and which God
hath commanded to be celebrated with such worship as
pleased him : but all living men are liars, and are deceived
with divers and sundry allusions. Thou, O God, for
Christ thy Son's sake, suffer not this wickedness again
to root : thou hast set up a clear burning light, that
thereby as many as thou hast chosen may come unto thee,
these thy miracles approve the same. It is thy power
that keepeth us in inuocency and fidelity. The sun and
the moon run their appointed course. Neither yet in
ranging.wise do the stars wander to what place of the
world they choose themselves. The days, years, months,
and times keep their appointed turns. The earth abideth
firm and unmoveable at thy word : and the wind at the
time (by thee directed) stormeth and bloweth. The
streaming watery floods ebb in time according as they
flow. The raging sea abideth within her bounded limits :
and for that the ocean stretcheth out herself in equal
length and breadth with the whole earth, this must be
wrought with some marvellous workmanship of thine own
hand. Which thing, unless it were at thy will made and
disposed : without all doubt so great difference and par-
tition between, would ere this time have brought utter
ruin and destruction both to the life of man, and to all
that belongeth to man beside. Which for that they have
such great and huge conflicts amongst themselves, as also
the invisible spirits have ; we give thee thanks, O Lord
most mighty, God of all gods, that all mankind hath not
been destroyed thereby. Surely even as greatly as thy
benignity and gentleness is manifested by divers and
sundry benefits bestowed upon us, so much also is the
same set forth and declared in the discipline of thy eter-
nal word, to those that be heavenly wise, and apply
themselves to the attainment of sincere and true virtue.
But if any such there be that little regard, or have but
small respect unto the consideration thereof, let them
not blame or lay a fault in others that do the same : for
that physic whereby health is obtained, is manifestly
offered unto all men. Now therefore let no man go about
to subvert that, which experience itself doth shew (of ne-
cessity) to be pure and good. Let us therefore altogether
use the participation of this benefit bestowed upon us ; that
is to say, the benefit of peace and tranquillity, setting
apart all controversy. And let no man hurt or be pre-
judicial to his fellow for that thing wherein he thinketh
himself to have done well. If by that, which any man
knoweth and hath experience of, he thinketh he may pro-
fit his neighbour, let him do the same ; if not, let him
give over and remit it till another time ; for there is a
great diversity betwixt the willing and voluntary em-
bracing of religion, and that when a man is thereunto en«
forced and compelled."
Such was the goodness of this emperor Constantine,
or rather such was the providence of Almighty God toward
his church in stirring him up, that all his care was how
to benefit and enlarge the same. Neither was it enough
for him to deliver the church and people of God from
outward vexation of foreign tyrants and persecutors.
His godly care was no less excited in quieting the inward
dissensions and disturbance of the church, among the
christian bishops themselves. Nor did his vigilance less
extend to erecting, restoring, and enriching the churches
of God in all cities, and in providing for the ministers of
the same.
In writing to Miltia.des bishop of Rome, and to Marcus,
he declares in his letters, how Cecilianus bishop of Car-
thage had been accused to him by divers of his colleagues
and fellow bishops. Wherefore his will is, that the said
Cecilianus with ten bishops his accusers, with ten other
his defendants should repair to him at Rome ; where
with the assistance of the aforesaid Miltiades, Rheticus,
Maternus, Marinus, and of their other fellow colleagues,
the cause of Cecilianus might be heard and rightly ex-
amined, so that all schism and division might be cut oflF
from among them, wherein the fervent desire of Con-
stantine to peace and unity may well appear.
Upon the like cause also, he writes to Chrestus bishop
of Syracuse ; being so desirous to nourish peace and
concord in the church, that he offers to him, with his
under ministers and three servants, his free carriage to
come up to him to the council of other bishops, for the
agreeing of certain matters belonging to the church.
To the provinces likewise of Palestine and the parts
about, he directs his edict in the behalf of the christians,
for the releasing of such as were in captivity, and for
the restoring again of them which had sustained any loss
in the former persecution, and for the refreshing of such
as had been oppressed with any ignominy or molestation
for their confession sake ; declaring in the said edict
how that his whole body, life and soul, and whatsoever is
in him, he owes to God and to the service of him, &c.
Moreover, he writes another letter to Eusebius, for
the edifying of new christian churches, and restoring of
them which had been wasted before by foreign enemies.
And after he had collected the synod of Nice for the
study of peace and unity of the church, he writes upon
the same to Alexander and Arius. In which his letters
he most lamentably uttered the great grief of bis heart,
to see and hear of their contention and division, whereby
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
72
the peace and common harmony of the church was
broken, the synod ])rovoked and resisted, the holy
people of the Lord divided into parts and tumults, con-
trary to the office of good and circumspect men, whose
duty were rather to nourish concord, and to seek tran-
quillity. Declaring moreover in the said epistle, the
first origin and occasion of their contentious dissension
to rise upon vain and trifling terms, vile causes and light
questions, and pieces of questions ; about such matters
as are neither to be moved, nor being moved, to be
answered to, more curious to be searched, and perilous
to be expressed, than necessary to be infjuired. Where-
fore by all means he entreats them and persuades them,
not oiily with reasons, but also with tears and sighing
sobs, that they would again restore peace to the church,
and quietness to the rest of his Ufe (which otherwise
would not be sweet unto him) and that they would
return again to the communion of the reverend council.
Thus much I thought summarily to comprehend, where-
by the divine disposition and singular gentle nature of
this meek and religious Constantine, might more plainly
appear to all princes, for them to learn by his example
what zeal they ought to bear toward the church of
Christ, how gently they ought to govern it, and how to
be beneficial to it.
Many other edicts and epistles written to other places
and parties, are expressed at large in the second book of
Eusebius's " Life of Constantine," wherein the zealous
care and princely beneficence of this noble emperor
toward the church of Christ may appear ; a brief recapi-
tulation of which here follows. (Sozo. lib. i. cap. 8, 9.)
First, he commanded all them to be set free, who for
the confession of Christ had been condemned to banish-
ment, or to the mines, or to any public or private labour.
Such as were put to any infamy or shame among the
multitude, he ordered to be discharged from all such
ignominy. Soldiers which before were deprived either
of their place, or their wages, had hberty given them
either to serve again in their place, or to live quietly at
home. Whatever honour, place, or dignity had been
taken away from any man, he commanded to be restored
to them again. And that the goods and possessions of
them that had suffered death for Christ, however they
■were alienated, should return to their heirs or next of
kin, or for lack of them should be given to the church.
He commanded, moreover, that christians only should
bear office ; he charged and restrained the heathens,
that they should neither sacrifice nor exercise any more
divinations and ceremonies of the Gentiles, nor set up
any images, nor keep any feasts of the heathen idolaters.
He corrected moreo-ver and abolished all such unlawful
manners and usages in the cities as might be hurtful to
the church.
Among the Romans was an old law, that such as had
no children should be amerced of half their goods.
Also, that such as being above the years of twenty-five
were unmarried, should not be numbered in the same
privileges with them that were married, neither should
be heirs to them, to whom notwithstanding they were
next in kin. These laws, because they seemed unreason-
able, he abrogated and took away. There was also
another law among the Romans, that they which made
their wills being sick, had certain prescribed words
appointed to them to use, which unless they followed,
their wills stood of no effect. This law also Constantine
repealed, permitting every man in making his testament
to use what words or what witnesses he would. Like-
wise among the Romans he restrained and took away the
cruel and bloody spectacles and sights, where men were
■wont to kill one another with swords. W'here no
churches were, there he commanded new to be made ;
where any were decayed, he commanded them to be
repaired ; where any were too little, he caused them to
be enlarged, giving to the same great gifts and revenues,
not only out of the pubUc tributes and taxes, but also out
of his own private treasures. When any bishops required
any council to be had, he satisfied their petitions ; and
whatever they established in their councils and synods,
that was godly and honest, he was ready to confirm.
He inscribed the armour of his soldiers with the sign
[Book I
of the cross, tha*: they might learn the sooner to forget
their old supersntious idolatry. Moreover, like a worthy
emperor, he prescribed a certain form of prayer, instead
of a catechism for every man to have, that he might
learn how to pray, and to invoke God. Which form of
prayer is recited in the fourth book of Eusebius's " Life
of Constantine," as follows:
*' We acknowledge thee to be our only God, we con.
fess thee to be our King, we invoke and call upon thee
our only Helper, by thee we obtain our victories, by
thee we vanquish and subdue our enemies, to thee we
attribute whatsoever present benefits we tnjoy, and by
thee we hope for good things to come : unto thee wc
direct all our prayers and petitions, most humbly beseech-
ing thee to preserve Constantine our emperor and his
noble children in long life, and to give them victory over
all their enemies, through Christ our Lord : Amen."
In his o'wn palace he set up an house for prayer and
preaching, and used to pray and sing with his people.
Also in his wars he went not without his tabernacle ap-
pointed for the same purpose. The Sunday he com-
manded to be kept holy by all men, and free from all
judiciary causes, from markets, fairs, and all manual
labours, husbandry only excepted : especially charging
that no Images or monuments of Idolatry should be
set up.
He gave men of the clergy and of the ministry in all
places special privileges and immunities, so that if any
were brought before the civil magistrates, and wished
to appeal to the sentence of his bishop, it should be law-
ful for him to do so, and that the sentence of the bishop
should stand in as great force as if the magistrate or the
emperor himself had pronounced it.
But here it is to be observed, that the clerks and
ministers then newly coming out of persecution, were
in those days neither so great in number, nor in order
of life of like disposition to these now living in our
days.
Constantine also had no less care and provision for
the maintenance of schools pertaining to the church,
and for the encouragement of the arts and liberal
sciences, especially of divinity : not only furnishing
them with stipends and subsidies, but also defending
them with large pri^vileges and exemptions.
Besides this, so far did his godly zeal and princely
care and provision extend to the church of Christ, that
he provided books and volumes of scripture, to be
plainly written and copied out, to remain in the public
churches for the use of posterity. Whereupon writing
to Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia, in a special letter,
(Euseb. De vita Constant, lib. iv.) he desires him with
all diligence to procure fifty volumes of parchment well
bound and compacted, wherein he should cause to be
written out of the scripture in a fair legible hand, such
things as he thought necessary and profitable for the
instruction of the church, and allows him for that
business two public ministers, &c.
In perusing and writing this history, and in consider-
ing the christian zeal of this emperor, I wish that either
this our art of printing, and plenty of books, had been-
in his days, or that the same heroic heart towards ther j
christian religion, which was in this excellent monarch,
might something appear in inferior princes reigning in
these our printing-days.
The liberal hand of this emperor bom to do all men
good, was no less also open and ready towards the need
and poverty of such, as either by loss of parents, or other
occasions, were not able to help themselves : for whom
he commanded a due supply both of com and raiment
to be ministered out of his own coffers, to the necessary
relief of the poor men, women, children, orphans, and
widows. (Euseb. de vita Constant, lib. iv.)
Here it will be requisite to say something of the do-
nation of Constantine, whereupon, as their chief anchor-
hold, the bishops of Rome ground their supreme domi-
nion and right over all the political government of the
western parts, and the spiritual government of aU the
other sees and parts of the world. Many argumeBt»
A.D. 325.'i
THE TEN FIRST PERSECUTIONS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
73
might here be adduced, if leisure from other matters
would suffer me to prove that Constantine never gave
this donation, and that the history thereof is false, and
a forgery.
1 First, No ancient history, nor yet doctor, makes any
mention thereof.
Nauck'rus reports it to be affirmed in the history of
Isidorus. But in the old copies of Isidorus no such
thing is to be found.
Gratian, the compiler of the decrees, recites that de-
, cree, not upon any ancient authority, but only under the
! title of Palea.
' Gelasius is said to give some testimony thereof (Dist.
15. Sancta Romana), but the clause of the said distinc-
■ tion touching that matter is not extant in the ancient
books.
I Otho Phrysingensis, who was about the time of Gra-
Uian, after he has declared the opinion of the favourers
of the papacy, affirming this donation to be given by
, Constantine to Pope Sylvester, also mentions the opinion
of them that favour the empire, affirming the con-
; trary.
! How could Constantine have yielded up to Sylvester
all the political dominions over the west, when the said
Constantine at his death, dividing the empire to his
three sons, gave the western part of the empire to one,
tlie eastern part to the second, the middle part to the
tliird ?
Is it likely that Theodosius after them, being a just
and a religious prince, would or could have occupied the
city of Rome, if it had not been his right, but had be-
longed to the pope ? — and so did many other emperors
after him.
The phrase of this decree, being compared with the
phrase and style of Constantine, in his other edicts and
letters above specified, does not agree with them.
Seeing the papists themselves confess that the decree
of this donation was written in Greek, how agrees that
with the truth, when it was written, not to the Grecians,
but to the Romans ; and also Constantine himself, not
understanding the Greek tongue, was obliged to use the
Latin in the council of Nice ?
The contents of tliis donation (whoever was the forger
thereof), betrays itself: for if it be true which there
is confessed, that he was baptized at Rome by Sylvester,
^nd the fourth day after his baptism this patrimony was
given (which was before his battle against Maximinus,
or Licinius — A. D. 'M7 — as Nicephorus recordeth) how
then accords this with that which follows in the dona-
tion, for him to have jurisdiction given over the other
four principal sees of Antioch, Alexandria, Constanti-
nople, and Jerusalem ? when as the city of Constanti-
nople was not yet begun before the death of Maximinus,
or Licinius, and was not finished before the eight-and-
twentieth year of the reign of Constantine (A.D. 339) ;
or if it be true, (as Jerome counted,) it was finished the
three-and-twentieth year of his reign, which was A.D.
334, long after this donation, by their own account.
Furthermore, where in the said Constitution it is said
that Constantine was baptized at Rome by Pope Sylves-
ter, and thereby was purged of leprosy, the fable thereof
agrees not with the truth of history. (Eusebius, lib. 4.
de vita Constantina. Hieronymus in Chron. Ruffin,
lib. 2. cap. 11. Socrates, lib. 1. cap. 39. Theod. Ub. 1.
cap. 31. Sozomenus, lib. 2. cap. 34.) For all the
historians agree that he was baptized, not at Rome, but
at Nicomedia ; and that moreover, as by their testimony
appears, not by Sylvester, but by Eusebius, bishop of
Nicomedia, not before his battle against Maximinus, or
Licinius, but in the thirty-first year of his reign, a little
before his death.
Again, whereas Constantine in this donation appointed
him to have the principality over the other four patri-
archal sees, that makes Constantine contrary to himself,
who in the council of Nice, afterwards agreed with other
bishops, that all the four patriarchal sees should have
equal jurisdiction, every one over his own territory and
precinct.
Briefly to conclude : whoever desires to be more
abundantly satisfied touching this matter, let him read
the books of Marsilius Patavinus, entitled. Defensor
pacis (A. D. 1324) ; of Laurentius Valla (A. D. 1440) ;
of Antoninus archbishop of Florence, who, in his history
plainly denies that this donation is to be found in the
old books of the decrees ; of Cusanus Cardinalis, lib. 3.
cap. 2., writing to the council of Basil (A. D. 14(J0) ;
of ^neas Silvius In dialogo ; of Hier. Paulus Cattala-
nus (A. D. 1496) ; of Raphael Wolateranus (A. D.
1550) ; of Lutherus (A. D. 1537), &c. All which, by
many and evident proofs, dispute and prove this dona-
tion not to proceed from Constantine, but to be a thing
untruly pretended, or rather, a fable imagined, or else to
be the deed of Pepin or Charles, or some such other, if
it were ever the deed of any.
And thus I have briefly collected the narration of the
noble acts, and heavenly virtues of this most famous
Emperor Constantine the Great ; a singular spectacle
for all christian princes to behold and imitate, and wor-
thy of perpetual memory in all congregations of chris-
tian saints : whose fervent zeal and piety to all congre-
gations, and to all the servants of Christ, was notable ;
but especially the aff'ection and reverence of his heart
toward them who had suffered for the confession of
Christ in the persecutions before, is to be admired ; he
had them principally in veneration, insomuch that he
embraced and kissed their wounds and stripes. And if
any bishops, or any other ministers brought to him any
complaints one against another (as they often did), he
would take their bills of complaint and burn them before
their faces ; so studious and zealous was his mind to
have them agree, whose discord caused more grief to him
than it did to themselves. To commit to history all tha
virtuous acts, and memorable doings of this divine and
renowned emperor, would be matter enough of itself to
fill a great volume ; therefore we must be content with
the above brief account, as it is impossible to say enough
of him, I shall not pursue his history any further.
And here is an end of the lamentable persecutions of
the primitive church, during the space of three hundred
years from the passion of our Saviour Christ, till tha
coming of Constantine ; by whom, as by the elect in-
strument of God, it has pleased his Almighty Majesty,
by his determinate purpose, to give rest after long
trouble to his church, according to that which St. Cy-
prian declares before to be revealed by God to his
church : that after darkness and stormy tempest, should
come peaceable, calm, and stable quietness, meaning
this time of Constantine. At which time it so pleased
the Almighty, that the murdering malice of Satan should
at length be restrained, and he chained up for a thou-
sand years, through his great mercy in Christ, to whom,
therefore, be thanks and praise, now and for ever.
Amen.
E>fD OF THE FIRST BOOK.
ACTS AND MONUMENTS,
BOOK II.
CONTAINING
THE NEXT THREE HUNDRED YEARS, WITH SUCH THINGS SPECIALLY AS HAVE
HAPPENED IN ENGLAND, FROM THE TIME OF KING LUCIUS, TO GREGORY,
AND SO AFTER TO THE TIME OF KING EGBERT.
By these persecutions it may be understood that the
fury of Satan, and rage of men, have done what they
could to extinguish the name and religion of christians ;
for all that either death could do, or torments could
work, or the gates of hell could devise, was to the ut-
most attempted. And yet, notwithstanding all the fury
and malice of Satan, all the wisdom of the world and
strength of men, doing, devising, and practising, what they
could, the religion of Christ has had the upper hand,
which I wish to be greatly noted, and diligently pon-
dered, in considering these histories, which I trust will
not be found unworthy the reading.
Now, I propose, in this second book, to leave for a
time the treating of these general affairs of the universal
church, and to pursue such domestic histories as more
nearly concern England and Scotland, beginning with
King Lucius, with whom the christian faith first began
in this realm, as is the opinion of some writers. And
as here may and does rise a great controversy in these
popish days, concerning the origin and planting of the
faith in this realm, it will not be greatly out of our
purpose to stay and say somewhat on this question.
Whether the church of England first received the faith
from Rome or not ? which, although I were to grant,
yet being granted, it little avails the purpose of those
who would so have it. For even if England first re-
ceived the christian faith and religion from Rome, in the
time of Eleutherius their bishop (A. D. 180), and also
in the time of Austin, whom Gregory sent hither
(A. D. 600), yet it follows not that we must therefore
still fetch our religion from thence as from the chief
fountain of all godliness. And, as they are not able to
prove this, so neither have I any cause to grant the
other, that is, that our christian faith was first derived
from Rome, which I may prove by six or seven good
conjectural reasons. The first I take on the testimony
of our countryman, Gildas, who, in his history, plainly
affirms that Britain received the gospel in the time of
the Emperor Tiberius, under whom Christ suffered.
(Lib. de victoria Aurelii Ambrosi). And says, more-
over, that Joseph of Arimathea, after the dispersion of
the Jews, was sent by Philip the apostle from France to
Britain, about the year 63, and remained in this land all
his life, and so with his companions laid the first founda-
tion of christian faith among the British people, where-
upon other preachers and teachers coming afterward,
confirmed the same and increased it.
The second reason is from TertuUian, who, living
near the time of this Eleutherius, in his book (Contra
Judseos) declares plainly the same thing, where, testify-
ing how the gospel was dispersed abroad by the preach-
ing of the apostles, and reckoning up the Medes, Per-
sians, Parthians, and dwellers in Mesopotamia, Judea,
Cappadocia, Pontus, Asia, Phrygia, Egypt, Pamphilia.
and many other nations, at length comes to the coast of
the Moors, the borders of Spain, and the nations of
France ; and there, amongst others, recites also the parts
of Britain, which the Romans could never attain to, and
reports the same now to be subject to Christ ; and also
reckons up the places of Sarmatia, of the Danes, the
Germans, the Scythians, with many other provinces and
isles unknown to him, in all which places (he says) the
name of Christ reigns, which now begins to be common.
Note here how, among other believing nations, he men-
tions also the wildest parts of Britain, and these in his
time were christianised. Therefore Pope Eleutherius
was not the first who sent the christian faith into this
realm, but the gospel was brought here before his time,
either by Joseph of Arimathea, as some chronicles re-
cord, or by some of the apostles, or of their disciples,
who preached Christ before Eleutherius wrote to Lucius.
My third proof I take from Origen, who calls this
island " Christian Britain " (Hom. 4. in Ezechielem).
Whereby it appears that the faith of Christ was spread
in England before the days of Eleutherius.
For my fourth proof I take the testimony of Bede,
who affirms, that in his time, and almost a thousand
years after Christ, Easter was kept in Britain after the
manner of the eastern church. Whence it is to be col-
lected, that the first preachers in this land came from
the eastern part of the world rather than from Rome.
Fifthly, I may allege the words of Nicephorus
(lib. ii. cap. 40), where he says that Simon Zelotes
spread the gospel of Christ to the western ocean, and
brought it to the isles of Britain.
Sixthly, may be here added also the words
A.D. 180.]
LUCIUS KING OF BRITAIN.
abbott of Clugny, who writing to Bernard, affirms
that the Scots in his time celebrated Easter, not after
the Roman manner, but after the Greek. And as the
Britons were not under the Roman order in the time of
this abbot, neither were they nor would they be under
the Roman legate in the time of Gregory, nor would ad-
mit any supremacy of the bishop of Rome.
For the seventh argument, moreover, I make my
proof by the plain words of Eleutherius, by whose
epistle, written to King Lucius, we may understand that
Lucius had received the faith of Christ in this land, be-
fore the king sent to Eleutherius for the Roman laws ;
for so the express words of the letter manifestly purport,
as hereafter shall be seen. From all which proofs it is
more than probable that the Britons were taught first by
the Grecians of the eastern church, rather than by the
Romans.
Perhaps Eleutherius might help either to convert the
king, or else to increase the faith then newly sprung up
among the people, but that he was the first cannot be
proved. And if we grant he was, as indeed the greater
part of our English histories confess ; yet what do they
obtain thereby? for to conclude this matter in few words,
if the christian faith was first derived from Rome by this
nation through Eleutherius, then let them but grant to
us the same faith which was then taught at Rome, and
from thence derived here by Eleutherius, and we will
desire no more ; for then there was neither any universal
pope above all churches and councils (which did not
occur before the time of Boniface, which was four hun-
dred years after), nor any mention or use of the mass,
the history whereof shall hereafter be seen. Neither
was there any propitiatory sacrifice for souls in purga-
tory, but simply the communion was frequented at
christian tables, where oblations and gifts were offered
to God as well by the people as by the priests. Neither
was there any transubstantiation heard of for a thousand
years after. Neither were there then any images of
departed saints set up in churches ; for a great number
of the saints worshipped in our time were not then
born, nor the churches where they were worshipped
buUt, but occurred long after, especially in the time of
the Empress Irene (A. D. 781), and the Emperor
Constans. Neither were relics or pilgrimages then in
use. The marriage of priests was then as lawful (and
no less received) than at present, neither was it con-
demned before the days of Hildebrand, almost a thou-
sand years afterward. Their service was then in the
vulgar tongue, as Jerome witnesses ; the sacraments
ministered in both kinds as well to laymen as to priests,
as Cjrprian testifies. Yea, and worldly men who would
not communicate at Easter, Whitsuntide, and Christ-
mas, were not then counted for catholics, as the pope's
own distinction testifies. At funerals priests did not
then flock togetlier, selling trentals and dirges for
sweeping of purgatory *, but a funeral concion alone was
used, with psalms of praises and halleluiahs sounding on
high, which shook the gilded ceilings of the temple, as
Nazianzen, Ambrose, Jerome, &c. witness.
In the supper of the Lord, and in baptism, no such cere-
monies were used, as have been introduced of late : both
Augustine and Paulinus then baptized in rivers, not in
hallowed fonts, as Fabian witnesses. Neither the ordinary
of Sarum, of York, of Bangor, with the daily matins
and even-song ; nor the orders of monks and friars were
then dreamed of for almost a thousand years after. So
that, as I said before, if the papists would needs derive
the faith and religion of this realm from Rome, then let
them carry us back whence they found us, that is, let
them sufter us to stand content with that faith and re-
ligion which was then taught and brought from Rome
by Eleutherius (as now we differ in nothing from the
same) and we desire no better. And if they will not,
then let the reader judge where the fault is, in us, or
them, which neither themselves will persist in the anti-
quity of the Romish religion which they so much boast
of, neither will they permit us to do so.
And thus much by the way to answer the aforesaid
objection, whereby we may now more readily return to
the order and course of the history. Therefore, grant-
ing to them what they so earnestly contend for, that the
christian faith and religion of tliis realm was brought
from Rome, first by Eleutherius and afterward by Aus-
tin ; the chronicles thus write of the matter.
About the year 180, King Lucius, son of Coilus, king
of the Britons, hearing of the miracles and wonders
done by the christians at that time, directed letters to
Eleutherius, bishop of Rome, desiring to receive the
christian faith from him, although there is great differ-
ence in authors about the computation of the time.
The good bishop hearing the request of the king, sends
him certain preachers called Fagan and Damian, who
converted the king and people of Britain, and baptized
them with the baptism and sacrament of Christ's faith.
They overthrew the temples of the idols, and converted
the people from their many gods to serve one living
God. "Thus true religion increasing, superstition de-
cayed, with all other rites of idolatry. There were then
in Britain twenty-eight head priests who they called
flamines, and three arch-priests who were called arch-
flamines, having the oversight of their manners, and as
judges over the rest. These twenty-eight flamines they
turned to twenty-eight bishops, and the three arch-
flamines to three archbishops. After this King Lucius
sent again to Eleutherius for the Roman laws, unto whom ,
Eleutherius writes as follows : —
" Ye require us to send you the Roman laws and the
emperors, which you may practise and put in force
within your realm. The Roman laws and the emperors
we may ever reprove, but the law of God we may not.
Ye have received of late through God's mercy in the
realm of Britain, the law and faith of Christ ; ye have
with you within the realm, both the parts of the scrip-
tures. Out of them by God's grace, with the council
of your realm take ye a law, and by that law (through
God's sufferance) rule your kingdom of Britain. For
you are God's vicar in your kingdom, according to the
saying of the psalm, ' O God, give thy judgment to the
King, and thy righteousness to the King's son,' &c.
He said not, the judgment and righteousness of the
emperor, but thy judgment and justice ; that is to say,
of God. The King's sons are the christian people of
the realm, which are under your government, and live
and continue in peace within your kingdom, as the
gospel saith, ' Like as the hen gathereth her chickens
under her wings,' so doth the king his people. The
people and folk of the realm of Britain are yours :
whom, if they be divided, ye ought to gather in concord
and peace, to call them to the faith and law of Christ,
and to the holy church, to cherish and maintain them,
to rule and govern them, and to defend them always
from such as would do them wrong, from malicious men
and enemies. A king hath his name for ruling, and not
for having a realm. You shall be a king while you rule
well ; but if you do otherwise, the name of a king shall
not remain with you, and you shall lose it, which God
forbid. The Almighty God grant you so to rule the
realm of Britain, that you may reign with him for ever,
whose vicar you be in the realm."
After this manner was the christian faith either first
brought in, or else confirmed in this realm, not with any
cross or procession, but only by the simple preaching of
Fagan and Damian, through whose ministry tins island
was reduced to the faith and law of the Lord, according as
was prophesied by Isaiah, as well of this as of other islands,
where he saith, " He shall not fail nor be discouraged till
he have set judgment in the earth: and the isles shall
wait for his law."— Isaiah, xlii. 4. The faith thus re-
ceived continued and flourished for the space of two
hundred and sixty-one years, till the coming of the
Saxons, who then were Pagans.
But although Lucius, through the merciful providence
of God, was then converted and the gospel almost gene-
rally received in the land, yet the state thereof, as well of
the religion as of the commonwealth, could not be quiet,
for the emperors and nobles of Rome were infidels, and
enemies to the same ; but especially because Lucius the
christian king died without issue. For thereby such
BRITAIN INVADED BY THE SAXONS.
[Book It.
trouble and variance occurred amonn;the Britons, that they
not only brought upon them the idohitrous Romans, and
at length the Saxons, but also entangled themselves in
much misery and desolation. For sometimes the ido-
latrous Romans, sometimes the Britons reigned and ruled
as violence and victory would serve ; one king murdering
anotlier, till at length the Saxons came and dispossessed
them both, as shall hereafter be seen.
Thus the commonwealth was miserably rent anddivided
into two sorts of people, differing not so much in country
as in religion ; for when the Romans reigned, the people
were governed by the infidels ; when the Britons ruled,
they were governed by christians. Thus how little quiet-
ness was or could be in the church in so unquiet and
doubtful days, may easily be considered.
Notwithstanding all these heathen rulers of the Romans,
which governed here, yet (God be praised) we read of no
persecution during all the ten above mentioned, that
touched the christian Britons, before the last persecution
of Diodesian. This persecution, was the first of many
that followed in the church and realm of England. The
rage of Dioclesian (as it was through all the churches in
the world,) was fierce and vehement in Britain, and all
our English chronicles testify that Christianity was de-
stroyed almost throughout the land, churches were sub-
verted, the scriptures burned, and many of the faithful,
both men and women, were slain.
Now concerning the government of the kings of Britain,
although I have little or nothing to note which greatly
appertains to the matter of this ecclesiastical history, yet
this is not to be passed over. First, that Constantine, the
great and worthy emperor, comes in the order of these
kings, who was not only a Briton born, by his mother
Helena, being the daughter of King Coilus, but also by
help of the British army (under the power of God) which
Constantine took with him from Britain to Rome, he
obtained the peace and tranquillity to the universal church
of Christ : in consequence of his taking with him three
legions of chosen and able British soldiers, the strength
of this land was not a little impaired and endangered.
After him Maximian took with him all the remaining
able and fighting men, in order to subdue France.
Thus poor Britain being left naked and destitute on
every side, as a maimed body without might and strength,
was left open to her enemies, unable to succour herself
without the help of foreign friends ; to whom the Britons
were then constrained to fly, especially to the Romans,
to whom they sent this message. " The groans of Britain
— the barbarians drive us into the sea — the sea drives us
back to the barbarians. Thus we have before us two
kinds of death, we must be either butchered or drowned !"
As the realm of Britain almost from the beginning was
never without civil war, at length came wicked Vorti-
gern, who cruelly causing his prince to be murdered, am-
bitiously invaded the crown ; and sent over for the aid
of the Saxons, who were then infidels ; and not only
that, but also married with an infidel, the daughter of
Hengist, called Rowena. Whereupon Vortigern not
long after was with like treachery dispossessed of his king-
dom, and the peojjle of Britain driven out of their country,
after the Saxons, under Hengist and his chiefs, had
slain their chief nobles and barons.
These Saxons coming in daily, filled the land with
their multitudes, so that the Britons at length were neither
able to hold what they had, nor to recover what they had
lost ; leaving an example to all ages and countries, of
what it is to let foreign nations into their dominion, but
especially what it is for princes to join in marriage with
infidels, as this Vortigern did with Hengist's daughter,
who was the mother of all this mischief ; and gave to the
Saxons, not only strength, but also occasion and cou-
rage to attempt what they did. The British lords and
nobility being offended therewith, deposed their king,
and enthroned his son Vortimer in his room. Vortimer,
being a brave prince, the Saxons were repulsed, and
driven again into Germany, where they stayed till the
death of Vortimer, whom Rowena, daughter of Hengist,
caused traitorously to be poisoned. Then Vortigern
being restored to his kingdom, through the entreaty of
nia wife Roweua, sent into Germany for Hengist, who
came in with a navy of three hundred well appointed
ships. The nobles of Britain hearing this, prepared
themselves on the other side in aU force to resist them.
But Hengist, through his daughter Rowena influenced
the king, and excused himself, saying, that he brought
not the multitude to work any violence either against
him or against his country, and that he commits both
himself and his people to him, to appoint how few or how
many of them he would permit to remain within his
land, and the rest were to return. And so it pleased the
king to appoint day and place where they might meet and
talk together of the matter, both he and his followers
would stand to such order as the king with his council
should appoint. With these fair words, the king and
his nobles, well contented, assigned both day and place,
which was in the town of Amesbury, where he meant to
talk with them ; adding this condition, that each party
should come without any weapon. Hengist agreed, but gave
privy commandment to his followers that each man should
secretly carry in his hose a long knife, and a watch-word
also was agreed on, which, when they heard, they were
to draw their knives, and every Saxon kill the Briton
with whom he talked. The British lords being slain, the
Saxons took Vortigern the king, and bound him ; foi
whose ransom they required the cities of London, York,
Lincoln, Winchester, with other the most strong holds
in the land to be delivered to them ; which being granted,
they begin to make spoil and havock of the nation, de-
stroying the citizens, pulling down churches, killing the
priests, burning the books of the holy scripture, and
leaving nothing undone that tyranny could work, which
was about A. D. 46'2. The king, seeing this miserable
slaughter of the people, fled to Wales.
Aurelius Ambrosius, and Uter Pendragon, King Con-
stans' brothers, whom Vortigern caused to be killed, were
then in Little Britain. To them the Britons sent word,
desiring their aid. Aurelius goes over to satisfy their
desire, and being crowned as their king, seeks out wicked
Vortigern, the cause of all this trouble, and the murderer
of his brother Constans. And finding him in a strong
tower in Wales, where he had immured himself, set his
castle on fire, and thus Vortigern was burned to death.
That done, he moved his power against the Saxons, with
whom and with Elle, captain of the South Saxons (who
then was newly come over), he had several conflicts.
After the death of Aurelius, who was poisoned by
order of Pascentius, the son of Vortigern (who suborned
a man in the garb of a monk, to pass himself for a phy-
sician, and to poison him) ; his brother Uter, surnamed
Pendragon, succeeded to the throne, about A. D. 497,
who fighting against Octa and Cosa, took them and
brought them to London ; but they breaking out o!
prison, returned into Germany for more aid. In the
mean time there was daily intercourse of the Saxons
from Saxony, with whom the Britons had many conflicts,
sometimes winning, sometimes losing. Not long after
Octa and Cosa. returned again, and joined the other
Saxons against the Britons. From this time the state
of Britain began to decay more and more, while the
idolatrous Saxons prevailed in numbers and strength
against the christian Britons ; oppressing the people,
throwing down the churches and monasteries, murdering
the prelates, and sparing neither age nor person, but
wasting Christianity almost through the whole realm. To
these miseries it happened, moreover, that Uter their
king was ill, and could not stir, but being grieved for the
lamentable destruction of his people, he caused his bed
to be brought into the camp, where God gave him the
victory, Octa and Cosa being slain. Shortly after, Uter
died of poison, put (as it is said) into a fountain whereof
the king used to drink, about A. D. 516.
About this time the West Saxons came so violently
upon the Britons, that they of the western part of the
realm were not able to resist them. After this the mer-
ciful providence of Almighty God raised up for them
King Arthur, the son of Uler, wlio was then crowned
after him, and reigned victoriously. The old British
histories ascribe to Arthur twelve great victories against
the Saxons, which gave the Britons some peace during
life, and that of certain of his successors. After
A.D. 180—596.]
COMING OF AUSTIN TO BRITAIN.
7>
Arthur, the next king of the Britons was Constantine.
After him Aurelius Conanus, Then Vortiporinus ; after
whom followed Malgo. And after him the last king of
the Britons was Carecius, all of whom were continually
engaged in civil war, execrable to God and man, and
being chased out by the Britons themselves, the land
came into the possession of the Saxons (A. D. 5(J8), by
whom all the clergy of the Britons were utterly driven
out ; insomuch that Theonus archbishop of London, and
Theodosius archbishop of York, seeing their churches
wasted, and parishes dispersed, left their sees in Britain,
and fled into Cambria, which is now called Wales.
The race of the Saxon kings who thus expelled the
British, divided their land into seven kingdoms ; many
of whom delighted in war and bloodshed, while few were
sincere or good. But none escaped either being slain in
war, or murdered in peace, or else being constrained to
become a monk.
Now although the example of those kings who became
monks (in number seven or eight), is rare and strange,
and much commended by the historians of the time ; I
cannot assent to their commendation, first, in altering
their estate from kings to monks, if they did it to find
more ease, and less trouble, I see not how that excuse
stands with the office of a good man, to change his public
vocation for a private convenience. If fear of danger
drove them thereto, what praise or commendation do
they deserve in so doing ? Let the monkish histories
judge what they like, methinks that just so much praise
as they deserve in providing for their own safety, just so
much they deserve again to be discommended for for-
saking the commonwealth. If they did it (as most
likely they did) for holiness' sake, thinking in that kind
of life to serve and please God better, or to merit
more toward their salvation than in the estate of a king,
they were greatly deceived ; not knowing that the salva-
tion which comes of God is to be esteemed, not by man's
merits, or by any perfection of life, or by any difference
of vocation, but only by the free grace of the gospel,
which freely justifies all them that faithfully believe in
Christ Jesus. But here it will be said again, perhaps in
the solitary life of a monk there are fewer occasions
of evils than in kings' courts, wherefore that life con-
duces more to holiness, and is more to be preferred than
the other. To this I answer, to avoid the occasion of
evil is good where strength lacks to resist, but otherwise,
where duty and charge constrain, there to avoid the oc-
casions of evil, where they ought rather to be resisted,
declares rather a weakness of the man than deserves any
praise.
These things thus premised, it remains to enter on
such things as in the time of these kings happened in the
church ; first putting the reader in mind of the former
three or four persecutions within the realm, and which
happened before the coming of Austin into England.
The first was under Dioclesian, and that not only in
England, but generally throughout all the Roman mo-
narchy, as is above specified. In this persecution Al-
ban, Julius, Aaron, with many more christian Britons
were martyred for Christ's name.
The second persecution was by the invasion of the
Huns and the Picts, who made miserable havock of
Christ's saints, spoiling and wasting churches, without
mercy either to women or children.
The third persecution was under Hengist and the
Saxons ; who likewise destroyed and wasted the christian
congregations within the land, like raging wolves flying
upon the sheep, and spilling the blood of christians, till
Aurehus Ambrosius came, and restored again the destroyed
churches.
The fourth destruction of the christian faith and
religion was by Gurmund, a Pagan king of the Africans,
who joining in league with the Saxons, wrought much
grievance to the christians of the land ; and this perse-
cution remained to the time of Ethelbert the king of
Kent. (A. D, 589.)
In the reign of this Ethelbert, who was the fifth king
of Kent, the faith of Christ was first received among the
Saxons by means of Gregory, bishop of Rome, in
the following manner, as collected from the old his-
tories : ^
First then, the christian faith received by King Lucius,
indured in Britain till this time above 400 years, when
by Gurmund (as is said) fighting with the Saxons against
the Britons, it was nearly extinct in all the land, during the
space of about forty-four years. So that the first spring-
ing of Christ's gospel in this land was in A.D. 180. The
coming of Austin was in A. D. 596. In which year
Austin being sent from Gregory, came into England.
The cause of Gregory sending him hither was this :
In the days of Pelagius bishop of Rome, Gregory
chancing to see certain beautiful children in the market-
place of Rome, brought out of England to be sold, de-
manded from whence they were ? and understanding
they were heathens from England, he lamented the case
of the land whose inhabitants being so beautiful and
angelic ' were subject to the prince of darkness. And
asking moreover out of what province they were, it was
answered, out of Deira, a part of North-saxons. Then
he, alluding to the name of Deira, " These people," said
he, " are to be delivered ' De Dei ira,' " that is, " from
God's wrath." Moreover, understanding the king's
name of that province to be Alle, alluding likewise to his
name, " There," saith he, " ought Allelujah to be sung
to the living God." Whereupon he being moved, and
desirous to go and help the conversion of that country,
sent Austin thither, with other preachers to the number
of forty. And he directed letters to Austin, and to his
fellows, exhorting them to go forward boldly to the Lord's
work, as by the following epistle appears :
" Gregory the servant of God's servants, to the ser-
vants of the Lord. Forasmuch as it is better not to take
good things in hand, than after they be begun to think
to revolt back from the same again, therefore now you
may not nor cannot, dear children, turn back, but with
ail fervent study and labour must needs go forward in
that good business, which through the help of God you
have well begun. Neither let the labour of your journey,
nor the slanderous tongues of men appal you, but with
all instance and fervency proceed and accomphsh the
thing which the Lord hath ordained you to take in hand ;
knowing that your great labour shall be recompensed
with a reward of greater glory hereafter. Therefore as
we send here Austin to you again, whom also we have
ordained to be your governor, so do you humbly obey
him in all things, knowing that it shall be profitable for
your souls, whatsoever at his admonition ye shall do.
Almighty God with his grace defend you, and grant me
to see in the eternal country the fruit of your labour ;
that although I cannot labour as I would with you, yet
I may be found partaker of your retribution, for that my
will is good to labour in the same fellowship with you
together. The Lord God keep you safe, most dear and
well-beloved children. Dated the tenth before the
kalends of August, in the reign of our sovereign lord
Maurice most virtuous emperor, the fourteenth of his
eminre."
Thus they being emboldened and comforted through
the good words of Gregory, went on their journey till
they came to the Isle of Thanet. Near the landing-
place was then the palace of the king, not far from Sand-
wich. The king then reigning in Kent was Ethelbert,
who had married a christian Frenchwoman, named
Bertha, whom he had received of her parents upon this
condition, that he should permit her to retain her bishop,
called Lebard, and to enjoy the freedom of her faith, by
means whereof he was sooner induced to embrace the
doctrine of Christ. Austin being arrived, sent forth
certain messengers to the king, signifying that such a
one was come from Rome, bringing with him glad
tidings to him and all his people of life and salvation
eternally to reign in heaven, with the only true and
(1) He asked of what nation were those beautiful children. H«
was told they were Anglici (English), on hearing which, he fbid
they should rather be called Annelid (Angelic). [Ed.]
rs
KING ETHELBERT CONVERTED TO CHRISTIANITY.
[Book II.
living God for ever, if he would as willingly hearken as
he was gladly come to preach and teach it to him.
The king who had heard of this religion before by his
wife, within a few days comes to the place where Austin
was, to speak with him. Austin, as the histories affirm,
erected a banner of the crucifix (such was the grossness
of that time), and preached to him the word of God.
The king answering said, " The words are very fair that
you preach and promise ; nevertheless, because it is
new to me, I cannot soon start away from my country's
laws wherewith I have been so long inured, and assent
to you. Yet as ye are come (as ye say) so far for my sake,
you shall not be molested by me, but shall be treated
well, having all things ministered to you necessary for
your support. Besides this, neither do we debar you,
but grant you free leave to preach to our subjects, to
convert whom ye may to the faith of your religion."
When they had received this comfort of the king, they
went with procession to the city of Canterbury, singing
Allehijah with the litany. The words of the litany were,
" We beseech thee, O Lord, in all thy mercies, that thy
fury and anger may cease from thi,s city, and from thy
holy house, for we have sinned, AUelujah." The king
having given them a mansion for their abode, they con-
tinued there preaching and baptizing such as they had
converted in the old church of St. Martin (where the
queen was wont to resort), to the time that the king
himself was converted to Christ. At length, when the
king had well considered the honest conversation of their
life, and moved with the miracles wrought through God's
hands by them, he heard them more gladly ; and lastly,
by their wholesome exhortations and example of godly
life, he was converted and christened. After the king
was thus converted, innumerable others were daily joined
to the church of Christ; whom the king did specially
embrace, but compelled none ; for so he had learned,
that the faith and service of Christ ought to be volun-
tary, and not compulsory. Then he gave Austin a place
for the bishop's see at Christ's Church, and built the
abbey of St. Peter and Paul in the east side of the city,
where afterwards Austin and all the kings of Kent were
buried, and that place is now called St. Austin.
At this time Austin sailed to France, to be conse-
crated archbishop by the command of Gregory; who,
hearing of Austin's success, sends to the church of
England more coadjutors and helpers, as Melitus,
Justus, Paulinus, and Ruffianus, with books and such
other matters as he thought necessary for the English
church. He sends also to Austin a Pall with letters,
wherein he appoints the two metropolitan sees, the one
to be at London, the other at York. But he grants to
Austin during his life, to be the only archbishop : and
after his time, then to return to the two sees of
London and York, as is contained ia the following
epistle of Gregory to Austin.
" To the reverend and virtuous brother Augustine, his
fellow bishop, Gregory the servant of the servants of God.
Although it is most certain, that unspeakable rewards
of the heavenly King lie laid up for all such as labour
in the word of the Almighty God : yet it shall be re-
quisite for us to reward the same also with our benefits,
to the end they may be more encouraged to go forward
in their spiritual work. And now, as the new church of
Englishmen is brought to the grace of Almighty God,
through his mighty help, and your labour, therefore we
have granted to you the use of the pall, only to be used
at the solemnity of your mass ; so that it shall be lawful
for you to ordain twelve bishops, such as shall be subject
to your province. So that hereafter the bishop of the
city of London shall always be ordained and consecrated
by his own proper synod ; and so to receive the pall of
honour from the holy and apostolic see, wherein I here (by
the permission of God) do serve. And as touching the
city of York, we will send also a bishop thither, whom
you may think meet to ordain. So that if that city with
other places bordering thereby, shall receive the word of
God, he shall have power likewise to ordain twelve
bishops, and have the honour of a metropolitan; to whom
also, if God spare my life, I intend by the favour of God,
to send a pall : this provided, that notwithstanding he
shall be subject to your brotherly appointment. But
after your decease, the same metropolitan, so to be over
the bishops whom he ordereth, that he be in no wise
subject to the metropolitan of London after you. And
hereafter, betwixt these two metropolitans of London and
York, let there be had such distinction of honour, that
he shall have the priority, which sliall be first ordained.
With the common counsel, and affection of heart, let
them go both together, disposing with one accord such
things as are to be done for the zeal of Christ. Let them
consider and deliberate together prudently, and what they
deliberate wisely, let them accompUsh with concord, not
jarring or swerving one from the other. But as for your part,
you shall be endued with authority, not only over those
bishops that you constitute, and over the other constituted
by the bishop of York ; but also you shall have all other
priests of whole Britain, subject unto our Lord Jesus
Christ : to the end that through your preaching and holi-
ness of life, they may learn both to believe rightly, and to
live purely, and so in directing their life, both by the
rule of true faith and virtuous manners, they may attain,
when God shall call them, the fruition and kingdom of
heaven. God preserve you in health, reverend brother.
The tenth before the kalends of July, in the reign of our
Lord Maurice most virtuous emperor."
Besides this, Gregory sends another letter to Melitus
concerning his judgment, what is to be done with the idola-
trous temples and fanes of the English newly converted,
which fanes he thinks best not to pulldown, but to convert
the use thereof, and so let them stand. And likewise of
their sacrifices, and killing of oxen, how the same ought
to be ordered, and how to be altered.
He directed another epistle to king Ethelbert, in which
epistle first he praises God, then commends the goodness of
the king, by whom it pleased God to work such goodness of
the people. Secondly, exhorts him to continue in the
profession of Christ's faith, and to be fervent and zealous
in converting the multitude ; in destroying the temples
and works of idolatry, in ruling and governing the peo-
ple in all holiness and godly conversation. Lastly, com-
forting him with the promises of life and reward to come,
with the Lord that reigneth and liveth for ever.
Melitus, of whom mention is made before, was sent
specially to the East Saxons in the province of Essex,
where he was made bishop of London, under Sigebert,
king of Essex ; Sigebert, together with his uncle Ethel-
bert first built the church and minster of St. Paul in
London, and appointed it to Melitus for the bishop's
see. Austin, with this Melitus and Justus, assembled
and gathered together the bishops and doctors of Britain
in a place, which taking the name of Austin, was called
Austin's Oak. In this assembly he charged the bishops,
that they should preach with him the word of God, and
also that they should among themselves reform certain
rites and usages in their church, specially for keeping
of Easter, baptizing after the manner of Rome, and such
other like. To this the Scots and Britons would not
agree, refusing to leave the custom which they so long
time had continued, without the assent of all who used
the same.
Then Austin gathered another synod, to the which
came seven bisho])s of Britain, with the wisest men of
that famous abbey of Bangor. But first they took coun-
sel of a certain wise and holy man amongst them what
to do ; and whether they should be obedient to Austin
or not. And he said, " If he be the servant of God, agree
unto him." "But how shall we know that?" said they.
To whom he answered again, " If he be meek and hum-
ble of heart, by that know that he is the servant of God."
To this they said again, " And how shall we know him to
be humble and meek of heart ?" " By this" (quoth he)
" seeing you are the greater number, if he at your coming
into your synod rise up, and courteously receive you, per-
ceive him to be an humble and a meek man ; but if he
shall contemn and despise you (being as ye are), the
greater part, despise you him again." Thus the British
bishops entered into the council, Austin after the Romish
manner keeping his chair, would not remove. Whereat
4.D. 596— 616.] DEATH OF AUSTIN, POPE GREGORY, AND ETHELBERT.
being not little offended, after some heat of words, in
disdain and great displeasure departed tlience. To whom
then Austin spake, and said, " That if they would not
take peace with their brethren, they should receive war
with their enemies ; and if they disdained to preach with
them the way of life to the English nation, they should
suffer by their hands the revenge of death." Which not
long after so came to pass by the means of Ethelfride,
king of Northumberland, who being yet a pagan, and
stirred with fierce fury against the Britons, came with a
great army against them. There was at the same time at
Bangor in Wales an exceeding great monastery, contain-
ing upwards of two thousand monks, who all lived by
the sweat of their brow, and labour of their own hands,
having one for their ruler, named Dino. Out of this
monastery came the monks of Chester, to pray for the
good success of Brocmaile, fighting for them against the
Saxons. They continued three days in fasting and prayer.
When Ethelfride, seeing them so attentive to their
prayers, demanded the cause of their coming thither in
euch a company, and when he perceived it, " Then,"
saith he, " Although they bear no weapon, yet they fight
ajjainst us, and with their prayers and preachings they
jiersecute us." ^Vl^ereupon after Brocmaile was over-
come, the king commanded his men to turn their wea-
pons against the unarmed monks, of whom he slew, or
rather martyred, eleven hundred ; only fifty persons of
that number did escape, the rest were all slain. The
authors that write of this lamentable murder, declare how
the saying of Austin was here verified upon the Britons,
who because they would not join peace with their friends,
he said should be destroyed by their enemies. Of both
these parties the reader may judge what he pleases ; I
think both were to be blamed. And as I cannot but
accuse the one, so I cannot defend the other. First,
Austin in this matter can in no wise be excused ; who
being a monk before, and therefore a scholar and profes-
sor of humanity, shewed so little humility in this assembly,
to seven bishops and an archbishop, coming at his com-
mandment to the council, that he would not rise up at their
coming in. Much less would his pharisaical solemnity
have girded himself, and washed his brethren's feet after
their journey, as Christ our great Master did to his disci-
ples ; seeing his lordship was so high, or so heavy, or so
proud, that he could not find in his heart to give them a
little moving of his body, to declare a brotherly and an
humble heart. Again, the Britons were as much or
more to blame, who so much neglected their spiritual
duty, in revenging their temporal injury, that they re-
fused to join their helping labour, to turn the idolatrous
Saxons to the way of life and salvation, in which respect
all private cases ought to give place, and be forgotten.
For which cause, although lamentable to us, yet no great
marvel, if the stroke of God's punishment did light upon
them according to the words of Austin, as is before de-
clared. But especially the cruel king was most of all
to blame so furiously to fly upon them, who had neither
weapon to resist him, nor yet any wUl to harm him.
About this time Gregory, bishop of Rome, died, of
whom it is said, that of the number of all the bishops before
him in the primitive time, he was the worst ; of all that
came after him, he was the best. About which time also
died in Wales, David, first archbishop of Kaerlon, who
then translated the see from thence to Menevia, and
therefore is called " David of Wales." Not long after
this also, the aforesaid Austin died in England, after he
had sat there fifteen or sixteen years.
As touching the acts and deeds of Gregory, above
mentioned, how he withstood the ambitious pride of
John patriarch of Constantinople, who wished to be
the universal priest, and only chief bishop of all others,
declaring him to be no less than the forerunner of anti-
christ, who would assume that name and title upon
him, — how, and with what reasons, he answered the
letters of the emperor Maurice in that matter, sufficient
relation is made in the beginning of this history. This
Gregory, among many other things, began and brought
in this title among the Roman bishops, to be called
"the servant of the servants of God;" putting them
in remembrance thereby, both of their humbleness and
also of their duty in the church of Christ. Moreover,
as concernmg his act for the single life of priests first
begun, and then broken again ; also concerning the
order of Giegory's mass book to be received in all
churches ; liereof who wishes to read more, shall find
the same when we come to the time of Pope Adrian
the first.
After the death of Gregory came Sabinian, who, as
he was a malicious detractor of Gregory, and of his
works, so he continued not long, scarce the space of two
years. After whom succeeded Boniface III., who, al-
though he reigned but one year, yet in that one year did
more hurt than Gregory with so much labour, and in so
many years, could do good. For that which Gregory
kept out, he brought in, obtaining of Phocas, the wicked
emperor, for him and his successors after him, that thj
see of Rome should have the pre-eminence above all other
churches, and that the bishop of Rome should be the
universal head of all churches of Christ in Christendom,
alleging this frivolous reason, that St. Peter had and
left to his successors in Rome, the keys of binding and
loosing, &c. And thus Rome began first to take a head
above all other churches, by means of Boniface III.,
who, as he lacked no boldness nor ambition to seek it,
so neither lacked he an emperor fit and meet to give
such a gift. This emperor's name was Phocas, a man
of such wickedness and ambition (most like to his own
bishop Boniface) that in order to gain the empire, he
murdered his own master the Emperor Maurice and his
children. Thus coming to be emperor, after this de-
testable villany, and thinking to establish his empire
with the friendship and favour of his people, and espe-
cially with the bishop of Rome, he quickly condescended
to all his petitions, and so granted him (as it is said) to
be what he wished, the universal and head bishop over
all christian churches. But as blood commonly requires
blood again, so it came to pass on Phocas. For as he
had cruelly slain the lord and emperor Maurice before,
so he in like manner had his hands and feet cut off by
Heraclius, the emperor, who succeeded him, and was
cast into the sea. And thus wicked Phocas, who gave
the supremacy to Rome, lost his own. But Rome would
not so soon loose this supremacy once given, as the
giver lost his life. For ever since, from that day it has
held, defended, and maintained the same still, and does
j'et to this present day, by all force and policy possible.
And thus much concerning Boniface, whom by the
words of Gregory, we may well caU the fore-runner of
antichrist.
Mention was made a little before of Ethelbert, king
of Kent, and also of Ethelfrid, king of North Saxony.
This Ethelbert having under his subjection all the other
Saxon kings unto the Humber, after he had first himself
received the christian faith by the preaching of Austin,
caused it to be received by others. When he had
reigned the course of fifty and six years, he dianged
this mortal life about A. D. 616. Some histories say
he was slain in a fight between him Eind Ethelfrid, king
of the North Saxons.
In the mean time Ethelfrid, after the cruel murder of
the monks of Bangor, escaped not long, for after he had
reigned four-and-twenty years he was slain in the
field by Edwin, who succeeded in Northumberland after
him.
This Edwin not being the son of Ethelfrid, but of
Alia, was first a panim or idolater, but was afterwards
converted, and was the first christened king in North-
umberland.
Quicelinus, with Kinegilsus, his brother, kings of the
West Saxons, conspiring the death of Edwin, king of
Northumberland, sent upon an Easter-day, a sword-
man privily to slay him. This sword-man or cut-
throat, came to a city beside the water of Derwent, in
Derbyshire, there to wait his time ; and having found
the king smally accompanied, attempted to run him
through with a poisoned sword. But one Lilla, the
king's trusty servant, not having a shield or any other
weapon to defend his master, started between the king
and the sword, and was stricken through the body and
died, thus saving the king, who, however, was wounded
80
CONTROVERSY ABOUT EASTER -COLMAN AND WJLFRID.
[Book II.
with the same stroke. The assassin having wounded
another knijjht, was at last taken, and confessed by
whom he was sent to work that treason. The second
knight that was wounded, died, and the king lay sick a
long time ere he was healed.
In this time there was such j)eace in the kingdom of
Edwin after his conversion, tliat a woman laden with
gold miglit have gone from the one side of the sea to
the other, and no man molest her. Moreover, by the
highway sides, through all his kingdom he caused a dish
or bowl of brass to be chained by every well or spring,
to take up water for refreshing such as went by the way,
which bowls of brass remained there safe, and no man
touched them during all the life of Edwin. Such was
then the tender care and study of christian princes, for
the refreshing of their subjects.
This Edwin, who first brought the faith into the
north parts, continuing after his bajjtism six years,
was at length slain in battle by Cedwella, king of the
Britons.
After the decease of Edwin and his son Offrick,
reigned Ofricus and Eaufridus, the one in Deira, the
other in Bernicia.
After whom, succeeded the second son of Ethelfrid,
named Oswald. Of this Oswald much praise and com-
mendation is written for his zeal in Christ's religion,
and pity towards the poor, with other great virtues.
Being well and virtuously disposed to the setting forth
of Christ's faith and doctrine, he sent into Scotland for
a certain bishop called Aidan, a famous preacher, to
preach to his people. The king, when he was in Soot-
land, had learned the Scottish tongue : wherefore as this
Aidan preached in his Scottish tongue to the Saxons,
the king himself interpreted what he said ; he disdained
not to preach and expound to his nobles and subjects in
the English tongue.
Towards the poor and needy, his pity and tenderness
was such, notwithstanding his princely calling, that as he
was sitting with Aidan at meat, and was served after
the manner of kings in silver ; there comes to him one
of the servitors, bringing him word that there was a
great multitude of poor peoi)le sitting in the street, who
desired some alms of the king. He hearing this, com-
manded not only the meat prepared for his table to be
carried unto them, but also taking a silver platter which
stood before him, brake it in pieces and seiit it amongst
them, and so relieved his poor subjects, not only with
the meat of his table, but with the dishes also.
After Oswald had reigned nine years, he was slain by
wicked Penda, king of the Mercians ; which Penda at
length, after all his tyranny, was overcome, and slain by
Oswy, brother to Oswald.
Oswy succeeded Oswald, and with him was joined
Oswine his cousin. This Oswine was gentle and liberal
to his people, and no less devout toward God. He once
had given to Aidan, the bishop, a princely horse, with
the trappings and all that ajjpertained to it, that he
should not travel so much on foot. Aidan, as he was
riding upon his kingly horse, meets by the way a poor
man, asking his charity. Aidan having nothing else to
give him, lighted down, and gave to him his horse with all
the trai)pings as he was. The king hearing this, and
not being j)leased, as he was entering to dinner with
Aidan, said, " What meant you, father bishop, to give
4way my horse I gave you, to the beggar ? had 1 not
Other horses in my stable that might have served him
(veil enough, but you must give away that which was
picked out for you amongst the chiefest ?" To whom
.:he bishop answered again, rebuking the king, saying,
" What are these words, O king! that you speak.' why
set you more price by a horse, which is but the foal of
a horse, than you do by him which is the Son of
Mary, yea, which is the Son of God?" He said but
this, when the king forthwith ungirding his sword from
about him (as he was then newly come in from hunting),
falls down at the feet of the bishop, desiring him to for-
give him that, and he would never again speak a word to
him for any treasure he should afterwards give away of
his.
Oswine havuig been slain by the king of Bernicia,
Oswy, with his son Egfrid, reigned in Northumberland,
in whose time the question of Easter, and of shaving,
and other ecclesiastical matters, being moved, it was de-
termined that a convocation should be held in the
abbey, called Sternhalt, and this question determined.
To which place came the kings, Oswy and Egfrid, Bi-
shop Colman, with his clergy of Scotland, Agilbert, with
Agathon and Wilfrid priests. James and Roman were
on their sides, Hilda the abbess, with her company, was
on the Scottish part, and the Bishop Cedda, was ap-
pointed prolocutor for both parties. King Oswy began
first with an oration, declaring that it was necessary for
sucli as served one God, to live in one uniform order.
This said, he commanded his Bishop Colman to declare
what was the rite and custom that he used. Then Col-
man said, "The Easter which I observe, I received of
my ancestors that sent me hither a bishop, which all our
forefathers, being men of God, celebrated in like man-
ner ; and lest it should be contemned or despised of any
man, it is manifestly apjiarent to be the very same which
the holy evangelist St. John (a disciple especially be-
loved of the Lord), did customarily use in all churches
and congregations where he had authority." When
Colman had spoken many things to this effect, the king
commanded Agilbert to declare his oj)inion, and to shew
the order that he used, from whence it came, and by
what authority he observed the same. Agilbert requested
the king that his scholar Wilfrid, a priest, might speak
for him, inasmuch as they both, with the rest of his
clergy, were of one opinion herein, and that Wilfrid
could utter his mind better, and more plainly in the
English tongue, than he himself could. Then Wilfrid, at
the king's commandment, said, " The Easter which we
keep, we have seen at Rome, where the holy apostles,
Peter and Paul, did live and teach, did suffer, and were
buried. The same also is used in Italy and in France ;
in which countries we have travelled for learning, and
have noted it to be celebrated of them all. In Asia
also and in Africa, in Egypt and in Greece, and finally
in all the world, the same manner of Easter is observed
that we use, save only by these here present, with
their accomplices, the Picts and Britons." To
whom Colman replied, saying, " I marvel you
will call this order foolish, that so great an apos-
tle as was worthy to lie on the Lord's breast,
did use, whom all the world well knows to have lived
most wisely." And Wilfrid answered, " God forbid
that I should reprove St. John of his folly, who kept the
rites of Moses's law, according to the letter (the church
being yet Jewish in many points), and the apostles not
as yet able to rescind all the observations of the law
before ordained. As for example, they could not reject
images invented of the devil, the which all men that
believe on Christ, ought of necessity to forsake and
detest, lest they should be an offence to those Jews that
were amongst the Gentiles. For this cause did St. Paul
circumcise Timothy, for this cause did he sacrifice in the
temple, and did shave his head with Aquila and Priscilla
at Corinth ; all which things were done to no other pur-
pose, than to avoid the offending the Jews. Hereupon
also said James to Paul, ' Thou seest, brother, how many
thousand Jews do believe, and all these are zealous of
the law. Yet seeing the gospel is so manifestly preached
in the world, it is not lawful for the faithful to be cir-
cumcised, neither to offer sacrifice of carnal things to
God.' Therefore Jolm, according to the custom of the
law, the fourteenth day of the first month at evening,
did begin the celebration of the feast of Easter, not
respecting whether it were celebrated on the Sabbath.
But Peter, when he preached at Rome, remembering
that the Lord did arise from death on the first day after
the Sabbath, giving thereby a hope to the world of the
resurrection, thought good to institute Easter on that
day, and not after the use and precepts of the law, on
the fourteenth day of the first month ; even so, John
looking for the moon at night, if it did arise, and the
next day after were Sunday, which then was called the
Sabbath, then did he celebrate the Easter in the evening,
like as we use to do even at this day. But if Sunday
were not the next day after the fourteenth day, but feU
1
A.D. G16— 679.]
THEODORE SENT TO ENGLAND BY POPE VITALIAN.
81
on the sixteenth day, or seventeenth, or on any other
day unto the one and twentieth, he tarried always for it,
and did begin the holy solemnity of Easter on the even-
jno- next before the Sabbath. And so it came to pass,
that Easter was always kept on the Sunday, and was not
celebrated but from the fifteenth day to the one and
twentieth ; neither does this tradition of the apostle
break the law, but fulfil the same. In which it is to
be noted, that Easter was instituted from the fourteenth
day of the first month at evening, to the one and twen-
tieth day of the same month at evening ; which manner
all St. John's successors in Asia followed after his death
and the catholic church throughout the whole world.
And that this is the true Easter, was not newly decreed,
but confirmed by the council of Nice. Whereupon it is
manifest that you (Colman) do neither follow the exam-
ple of St. John, as ye think, nor of St. Peter, whose
tradition you do willingly resist, nor of the church, nor
yet of the gospel, in the celebration of Easter. For St.
John, observing Easter according to the precepts of the
law, kept it not on the first day after the Sabbath ; but
you precisely keep it on the first day after the Sabbath.
Peter did celebrate Easter from the fifteenth day of the
moon to the one and twentieth day, but you keep Easter
, from the fourteenth unto the twentieth day ; so that you
begin Easter oftentimes the thirteenth day at night, of
i which manner neither the law nor the gospel makes any
mention. But our Lord in the fourteenth day, either
did eat the old passover at night, or else did celebrate
the sacraments of the New Testament, in the remem-
brance of his death and passion. You do also utterly
reject from the celebration of Easter, the one and twen-
tieth day, which the law has chiefly willed to be ob-
served ; and therefore, as I said, in the keeping of
Easter, you neither agree with St. John nor with St.
Peter, nor with the law, nor yet with the gospel." Then
Colman again answered to these things, saying, " Did
then Anatholius, a godly man, and one much com-
mended in ecclesiastical history, write against the law
and the gospel, who writes that the Easter was to be
kept from the fourteenth day unto the twentieth ? Or
shall we think that Columba, our reverend father, and his
successors, being men of God, who observed the Easter
after this manner, did it against the holy scripture ?
Whereas some of them were men of much godliness and
virtue, as was declared by their wonderful miracles.
And I hereby (nothing doubting of their holiness) do
endeavour to follow their life, order, and discipline."
Then, said Wilfrid, " It is certain that Anatholius was
both a godly man, and worthy of great commendation ;
but what have you to do with him, seeing you observe
not his order? For he, following the true rule in keep-
ing his Easter, obsen'es the circle ot nineteen years ;
the which either you know not, or if you do, you con-
demn the common order observed in the universal church
iof Christ. And moreover, the said Anatholius so
Icounts the fourteenth day, in the observation of Easter,
las he confesses the same to be the fifteenth day at night,
lafter the manner of the Egyptians, and likewise notes
[the twentieth day, to be in the feast of Easter, the one
land twentieth in the evening ; that you know not this
distinction, may appear by this, that you keep the
iaster on the thirteenth day before the full moon. I
can answer you touching your father Columba and his
(Successors, whose order you say you follow, moved
{thereto by their miracles, on this wise, that the Lord
will answer to many that shall say in the day of judg-
ment, that in his name they have prophesied and cast
out devils, and have done many miracles, &c. that he
never knew them. But God forbid that I should say so
of your fathers, because it is much better to believe well
»f those we know not, than ill. Whereupon I deny not
but they were the servants of God, and holy men, which
loved the Lord of a good intent, though of a rude sim-
plicity. And I think that the order which they used in
Ithe Easter, did not much hurt them, so long as they had
none amongst them that could shew them the right
observation of the same for them to follow. For I
think, if the truth had been declared to them, they
would as well have received it in this matter as they did
in others. But you and your fellows, if you refuse the
order of the Apostolical bee, or rather of the universal
church, which is confirmed by the holy scripture ; with-
out all doubt you do sin. And though your forefathers
were holy men, what is their fewness, being but a corner
of an island, to be preferred before the universal church
of Jesus Christ, dispersed throughout the whole world ?
And if Columba your father (and ours also, being of
Christ Jesus), were mighty in miracles, is he therefore
to be preferred before the prince of the holy apostles ?
To whom the Lord said, ' Thou art Peter, and upon this
rock will I build my church, and the gates of hell shall
not prevail against it, and I will give thee the keys of
the kingdom of heaven.' "
Wilfrid having thus ended his argument, the king
said to Colman, " Is it true that the Lord spake these
things to St. Peter ?" And Colman answered "Yea."
Then said the king, " Can you declare any thing that
the Lord gave to Colman ?" Colman answered, " No."
Then quoth the king, " Do both of you agree and con-
sent in this matter without any controversy, that these
words were principally spoken to Peter, and that the
Lord gave him the keys of the kingdom of heaven?"
And they both answered " Yea." Then concluded the
king, on this wise, " For so much as St. Peter is the
door-keeper of heaven, I will not gainsay him ; but as far
as I am able, I will obey his orders in every point, lest
when I come to the gates of heaven, he shut them
against me."
Upon this simple and rude reason of the king, the
multitude soon consented, and with them also Cedda was
contented to give over, only Colman the Scot, being
then archbishop of York, left the realm in displeasure.
And thus much concerning this matter of Easter.
About this time Theodore was sent from Italy into
England, by Vitalian the pope, to be archbishop of
Canterbury, and with him other monks of Italy, to set
up here in England Latin service, masses, ceremonies,
litanies, with other Romish ware, &c. This Theodore
being made archbishop and metropolitan of Canterbury,
began to act as if he was king, placing and displacing
the bishops at his pleasure. As for Cedda and Wilfrid
archbishops of York, he thrust them both out, under the
pretence that they were not lawfully consecrated, notwith-
standing they were sufficiently authorised by their kings.
In the time of this Theodore, and by the means of
him, a provincial synod was holden atThetford, mentioned
in Bede ; the principal contents whereof were these :
First. That Easter-day should be uniformly kept and
observed through the whole realm, upon one certain day,
namely, the first full moon after the fourteenth day of the
first month.
Secondly. Tliat no bishop should intermeddle within
the diocese of another.
Thirdly. That monasteries consecrated unto God
should be exempt and free from the jurisdietioa of the
bishops.
Fourthly. That the monks should not stray from one
place (that is) from one monastery to another, without the
license of their abbot ; also to keep the same obedience
which they promised at their first entering.
Fifthly. That no clergyman should forsake his own
bishop, and be received in any other place, without
letters commendatory of his own bishop.
Sixthly. That foreign bishops and clergymen coming
into the realm, should be content only with the benefit
of such hospitality, as should be offered them ; neither
should intermeddle any further within the precinct ot
anv bishop, without his special permission.
"Seventhly. That provincial synods should be held
within the realm at least once a year.
Eighthly. That no bishop should prefer himself before
another, but must observe the time and order of his
consecration.
Ninthly. That the number of bishops should be aug-
mented, as the number of people increases. _
And Tenthly. That no marriage should be admitted,
but that which was lawful ; neither any man to put away
his wife for any cause, except only for fornication, after
the rule ot the gospel.
o2
IVA KING OF WEST SAXONY— SHAVEN CROWNS.
[Book II,
In the year following was the sixth general council at
Constantinople, whereat this Theodore was also present
nnder Pope Agatho : where marriage was permitted to
Greek priests, and forbidden to the Latin. In this
council, the Latin mass was first openly said by John Por-
tuensis, the pope's legate, before the patriarch and princes
at Constantinople, in the temple of St. Sophia.
King Iva or Inas, who reigned in West Saxony, after
Cadwalladcr, the last king of Britain, began his reign
about A. D. 689., and reigned with great valiantness
over the West Saxons for thirty seven years.
About the sixth year of the reign of this Iva, we find
mention of one whom they call St. Cuthlake a confessor,
who about the four-and-twentieth year of his age, re-
nouncing the pomp of the world, professed himself a
monk. Why this Cuthlake should be sainted for his
doings, I see no great cause ; as I cannot think the fa-
bulous miracles reported of him to be true ; as where
the vulgar people are made to believe that he inclosed
the devil in a boiling pot, and caused wicked spirits to
erect up houses, with such other fables and lying mira-
cles. Among which lying miracles also may be reck-
oned that which the stories mention to be done of one
Brithwald, or Drithelme, who, being dead a long season,
was restored to life again, and told many wonders of
strange things that he had seen, causing thereby great
alms and deeds of charity to be done by the people 1
About the sixteenth year of Iva, Ethelred, king of
Mercia, after he had there reigned thirty years, was made
a monk, and afterwards abbot of Bardney.
And about the eighteenth year of the reign of Iva,
died the worthy and learned Bishop Adelme, first abbot
of Malmesbury, afterwards })i,shop of Shirborne ; there
was learning and virtue in him above tlie rest, at that
time (next after Bede), as the great number of books and
epistles, with poems by him set forth, will declare. Al-
though concerning the miracles ascribed to him ; as, first,
in causing an infant of nine days old to speak at Rome,
to declare Pope Sergius, who was then suspected, the
father of the said child ; also in hanging his casule upon
■the sunbeams -, also, in making whole the altar-stone of
.marble brought from Rome ; also in drawing a length
one of the timber pieces which went to the building of
the temple in Malmesbury ; also in saving the mariners
at Dover, &c. These, and such other miracles, which
are attributed to him, I cannot but think to he monkish
devices, forged upon their patrons to maintain the dig-
nity of their houses.
'Moreover, about the twenty-fifth year of Iva, St. John
of Beverley, who was then bishop of York, died, and was
buried at the porch of the minster of Deirwood, or Be-
verley. In which porch it is recorded in monkish chro-
:nicles, that as John -was praying in the porch of St.
Michael in York, the Holy Ghost, in the similitude of a
dove, sat before him upon the altar in brightness shining
above the sun. This brightnees being seen of others,
'first comes one of his deacons running into the porch,
who beholding the bishop there standing in his prayers,
and all the place filled with the Holy Ghost, was stricken
with the light tliereof, having all his face burnt, as it
were, with hot burning fire 1 Notwithstanding the
bishop by-and-bye cured the face of his deacon again,
.charging them (as the story says) not to publish what he
Lad seen, during his life-time, &c. Whidi tale seems
as true as what we read about the sometime done by St.
Egwine, who, when he had fettered both his feet in irons,
for certain sins done in his youth, and had fast locked
them, and cast the key thereof into the sea, afterward a fish
brought the key again into the ship, as he was sailing
homeward from Rome 1
But to leave these monkish fictions, and return to the
right course again of the history. In the time of this
Iva, the right observing of Easter-day first began among
the Picts and the Britons. In the observance of which
day, three things are necessary to be observed : -fir^t, the
fuU moon of the first month, that is of the moath of
March. Secondly, the dominical letter. Thirdly, the
equinoctial day, which equinoctial was wont to be
counted in the eastern church, and especially among the
Egyptians, to be about the seventeenth day of March.
So that the full moon on the equinoctial day, or after the
equinoctial day being observed, the next dominical day
following that full moon, is to be taken for Easter-day.
Wherein are diligently to be noted two things : first, the
fulness of the moon must be perfectly full, so that it be
the beginning of the third week of the moon, which is
the fourteenth or fifteenth day of the moon. Secondly,
it is to be noted, that the perfect fulness of the moon,
beginning the third week, must happen either in the
very evening of the equinoctial day, or after the equi-
noctial day : for else if it happen either on the equinoc-
tial day before the evening, or before the equinoctial
day, then it belongs to the last month of the last year,
and not to the first month of the first year, and so serves
not to be observed.
This rite and usage in keeping Easter-day being re-
ceived in the Latin church, began now to take place
among the Picts and Britons, through the exertions of
Elbert the holy monk, as they term him, and of Colfrid,
abbot of Sirwin in Northumberland, who wrote to Nar-
canus,or Naiton, the king of Picts, concerning the same:
who also among other things, writes of the shaven
crowns of priests, saying, that it was as necessary for the
vow of a monk, or the degree of a priest, to have a
shaven crown for restraint of their lust, as for any chris-
tian man to bless him against spirits, when they come
upon him. The copy of which letter, as it is in Bede,
I have here annexed, not for any great reason contained
therein, but only to amuse the reader, that he may see
the fond ignorance of that monkish age : the letter thus
proceeds.
OP THE SHAVIXG OP PRIESTS.
" Concerning the shaving of priests (whereof you
wrote to me) I exhort you that it be decently observed,
according to the christian faith. We are not ignorant
that the apostles were not all shaven after one manner,
neither does the catholic church at this day agree in one
uniform manner of shaving, as they do in faith, hope,
and charity. I^et us consider the former time of the
patriarchs, and we shall find that Job (an example of
patience) even in the very point of his afflictions, did
shave his head : and he proves also, that in the time of
his prosperity he used to let his hair grow. And
Joseph, an excellent doctor, and executor of chastity,
humility, piety, and other virtues, when he was delivered
out of prison and servitude, was shaven : whereby it ap-
pears, that whilst he abode in prison he was unshaven.
Behold both these, being men of God, used an order in
the habit of body, one contrary to the other, whose con-
sciences, notwithstanding,within did well agree in the
like grace of virtues. But to speak truly and freely, the
difference of shaving hurts not such eis have a pure faith
in the Lord, and sincere charity towards their neigh-
bour; especially as there was never any controversy
amongst the catholic fathers about the diversity thereof,
as there has been about the difference of the celebration
of Easter and of faith. But of all these shavings that
we find, either in the church, or elsewhere, there is none
in mine opinion so much to be followed and embraced,
as that which he used on his head, to whom the Lord
said, ' Thou art Peter, and ujjon this rock I will build
my church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against
it, and I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of
heaven.' And contrariwise, there is no shaving so much
to be abhorred and detested, as that which he used, to
whom the same St. Peter said, 'Thy money perish with
thee, because thou thoughtest the gift of God could be
purchased with money — thou hast neither part nor lot
in the matter.' Neither ought we to be shaven on the
crown only, because St. Peter was so shaven, hut be-
cause Peter was so shaven in remembrance of the Lord's
l)assion : therefore, we that desire by the same passion,
to be saved, must wear the sign of the same passion with
him upon the top of our head, which is the highest part
of our body. For as every church, that is made a
church by the death of the Saviour, is used to bear the
sign of the holy cross in the front, that it may the better
by the power of that banner, be kept from the invasions
laiiig |ni iiutlung n Ipilgriniagc to ^onif.
Page 83.
A.D. «.S9-r26.] KING IVA IS PERSUADED BY HIS WIFE ETHELBURGA TO BECOME A MONK. 83
of evil spirits ; and by the often admonition thereof is
taught to crucify the flesh with the affections and lusts :
in like mannei it behoves such as have the vows of
monks, and degrees of the clergy, to bind tliemselves with
a stricter bit for the Lord's sake. And as the Lord bare
a crown of thorns on his head in his passion, wliereby he
took and carried away from us the thorns and pricks of
our sins : so must every one of us, by shaving our
heads, patiently bear, and willingly suffer the mocks and
scorns of the world for liis sake, that we may receive the
crown of eternal life, which God hath promised to tliem
that love him, and shall, by shaving their corporal
crowns, bear the adversity, and condemn the prosperity
of tliis world. But the shaving which Simon Magus
iised, what faithful man doth not detest, together with
his magical art ? which at the first appearance has a
show of a shaven crown, but if you mark his neck, you
shall find it curtailed in such wise, as you will say, it is
rather meet to be used of the Simonists, than of the
Christians. And such (by foolish men) are thought
worthy of the glory of the eternal crown ! whereas, in-
deed, for their ill living, they are worthy not only to be
deprived of the same, but also of eternal salvation. I
speak not this against them that use this kind of shaving,
and live catholicly in faith and good works, but surely I
believe there are divers of them very holy and godly men ;
amongst which is Adamnan, the abbot and worthy priest
of the Columbians : who when he came ambassador from
his country to King Alfrid, desired greatly to see our
monastery ; where he displayed a wonderful wisdom, hu-
mility, and religion, both in his manners and words.
Amongst other talk, I asked him. Why he that did be-
lieve to come to the crown of life that should never have
an end, did use contrary to his belief, a defined image of
a crown on his head ? And if you seek (quoth I) the
fellowship of St. Peter, why do you use the fashion of his
crown whom St. Peter did accurse, and not of his rather
with whom you desire to live eternally ? Adamnan an-
swered saying, ' You know right well, brother, though I
use Simon's manner of shaving, after the custom of my
country, yet do I detest, and with all my heart abhor his
infidelity. I desire, notwithstanding, to imitate the
footsteps of the holy apostle, as far forth as my power will
extend.' Then said I, ' I believe it is so : but then it is
apparent you imitate those things which the apostle Peter
did, from the bottom of your heart, if you use the same
upon your face that you know he did : for I suppose your
wisdom understandeth that it is right decent to differ in
the trimming your face, or shaving, from his, whom in
your heart you abhor. And contrariwise, as you desire to
imitate the doings of him whom you desire to have a
Mediator between God and you, so it is meet you imitate
the manner of his apparel and shaving.' Thus much
sjud I to Adamnan, who seemed then well to like our
churches : insomuch that he returned into Scotland, and
reformed many of his churches there after our celebration,
although he could not do so amongst the monks, with whom
he had special authority. He endeavoured also to have
reformed their manner of shaving if he had been able.
And now, O king, I exhort your majesty to labour toge-
ther with your people, over whom the King of kings,
and Lord of lords hath made you governor, to imitate
likewise in all these points, the catholic and apostolical
churches. So shall it come to pass, that in the end of
this your temporal kingdom, the most blessed prince of
the apostles shall open you the gates of the heavenly
kingdom, together with the elect of God. The grace of
the Eternal King preserve you, most dearly beloved son
in Christ, long time to reign over us, to the great tran-
quillity of us all."
When this letter was read before King Naiton, with
other of his learned men, and diligently translated into
his proper language, he seemed to rejoice very much at
the exhortation, insomuch that, rising up from among
his noblemen, he kneeled on the ground, and gave God
thanks that he had deserved to receive so worthy a pre-
sent out of England, and so caused it forthwith by
public proclamation to be written out, learned, and ob-
served throughout all the provinces of the Picts, defacing
the errors that had been used there for the space of 704
years. For all the ministers of the altar, and all monks
were shaven on the crown, and all the people rejoiced for
the new discipline of the most blessed prince of the
apostle St. Peter, which they had received. (Beda,
hb. 5. cap. 21.)
By this monkish letter above prefixed, void of all
scripture, of all proofs and truth of history, the reader
may note how this vain tradition of shaven crowns has
come in, and upon how light and trifling an occasion :
which in very deed was none other but the dreaming
fictions of monks of that time, falsely grounded upon the
example of Peter, when by no old monument of any an-
cient record, can they ever prove either Peter or Simon
Magus to have been shaven. In the letter also is to be
noted, how the Scottish clergy at that season, did wear no
such priestly crowns as ovir English cliurchmen then did.
But to cut off this matter of shaving, more worthy to
be laughed at, than to be recorded, let us now return to
King Iva, who, by the importunate persuasion and subtle
policy of his wife Ethelburga, was allured to go to Rome,
there to be made a monk. Ethelburga, after she had a
long time laboured to persuade him to leave the world,
and could not bring about her purpose, at one time,
when the king and she had rested in a fair palace richly
hanged, and were departed on the morrow, she caused
the palace to be filled with all kinds of dirt and filth,
and hogs and vile beasts to be turned in, as well in the
chambers as in the other parts of the house ; and in
their own chamber a sow was laid with her young pigs.
And when she knew that this palace was thus deformed,
she besouglit the king to visit it. And when she had
brought him there, she said to him, " I pray you, my
lord, behold now this house, where are now the rich
clothes of gold and silk, and other apparel, that we left
here the other day .' And where are the delicacies and
pleasant servitors, and costly dishes, that you and I
lately were served with ? Are not all these passed and
gone ? My lord, in like manner shall we vanish away.
And our bodies, which are now delicately kept, shall fall
and turn into the filth of the earth. Wherefore bear in
mind my words that I have often shewed and told you,
and use your diligence to purchase that palace that shall
ever endure in joy without changing."
By means of these words, the queen turned the king's
mind, so that shortly after he resigned his kingdom to
Ethelard his nephew , and took on him the habit of a
poor man, and setting apart all the pomp and jiride of
this wicked world, associated himself in the fellowship
of poor men, and travelled to Rome, with great devo-
tion, when he had been King of the West Saxons
thirty-seven years. After whose departing, Ethelburga
his wife, went to Barking, where, in the nunnery of
Barking, she continued, and ended the rest of her life,
when she had been abbess of the place a certain time.
Malmesbury also testifies that this Iva was the first
king that granted a penny for every fire-house through
his dominion, to be paid to the court of Rome, which
aftei-ward was called Rome-shot, or Peter-pence, and long
after was paid in many places of England.
And as I must here mention Bede, a man of venerable
memory, and as I see writers do not agree, some saying
that he was not an Englishman ; I thought to report
so mucli of him, as I find by his own words testified of
himself in his ecclesiastical history of England.
Bede declares that he was born in the territory of the
monastei-y of Peter and Paul, where he was, at the age
of seven years, committed to the tuition of Benedict,
and of Celfrid, abbots of the monastery. In which mo-
nastery, continuing from that time forth, all his long
life, he gave himself and all his whole study to the holy
scripture. Whatever time or leisure he had from his
daily service in the church, he spent either in learning, or
teaching, or writing something. About the nineteenth
year of his age, he was made deacon, the thirtieth year
of his age he was made priest. From which time,
to the age of fifty-nine years, he occupied himself in in-
terpreting the works of the ancient fathers for his own
use, and the necessity of others ; and in writing trea-
tises J which came in all to the number of thirty «
84
seven volumes, which he digested into seventy-eight
books.
Some sav that he went to Rome, either there to de-
fend his books as consonant to catholic doctrine, or,
else if they should be found faulty, to amend and correct
the same, as he should be commanded. Although the
reporter of his life dare not certainly affirm that he was
ever at Rome ; yet tliat he was invited and called to
come thither, is manifest in histories, and also the
epistle of Pope Sergius sufficiently proves; declariiig
moreover in what estimation Bede was held, as well in
the court of Rome, as in other places.
So notable and famous was the learning of Bede, that
the church of Rome stood in need of his help, and also
required the same about the discussing of certain con-
troversies appertaining to learning. Moreover, the
whole Latin church at that time gave him the mastery
in judgment and knowledge of the holy scriptures. In
all his explanations, his chiefest scope and purpose was
always simply to instruct and inform his reader, without
any curiousness of style, in the sincere love of God and
his neighbour. As touching the holiness and integrity
of his life, it is not to be doubted. For how could he
attend to any vicious idleness, or have any leisure for
the same, who in reading and digesting so many vo-
lumes, consumed all his time and thoughts in writing
upon the scriptures ? for so he testifies of himself in the
third book of Samuel, saying in these words, " If my
Treatise and Expositions," saith he, " bring with them
no utility to the readers thereof; yet to myself they
conduce not a little thus, that while all my study and
cogitation was set upon them, I had little mind in the
meanwhile for the slippery inticements and vain cogita-
tions of this world." Thus in this labour of study he
cimtinued till the age of sixty-two years : at length,
drawing to his latter end, being sick seven weeks to-
gether, besides other occupyings of his mind, and other
studies which he did not intermit ; he translated also the
gospel of St. John into English. At length, with great
comfort of spirit, he departed this life, pronouncing
many comfortable sayings to them that stood about
him.
Celulfus, king of Northumberland, after he had reign-
ed eight years, was made a monk in the abbey of Fame.
After whom succeeded Egbert his cousin, brother to
Egbert (the same time being bishop of York). Egbert
erected a noble library in York, whose example I wish
other bishops now would follow.
About the reign of this Egbert, Cuthbert was arch-
bishop of Canterbury , who collected a great synod of
bishops and prelates in the month of September (A. D.
747.) near to the place called Clonesho. In which
synod these decrees were enacted.
First. That bishops should be more diligent in see-
ing to their office, and in admonishing the people of
their faults.
2. That they should live in a peaceable mind together,
notwithstanding thpy were in place dissevered asunder.
3. That every bishop should go about all the parishes
of his diocese once a year.
4. That the bishops, every one in his diocese should
admonish their abbots and monks to live regularly : and
that prelates should not oppress their inferiors, but love
them.
5. That they should teach the monasteries which the
secular men had invaded, and could not then be taken
from them, to live regularly.
6. That none should be admitted to orders, before his
life should be examined.
7. That in monasteries the reading of holy scripture
should be more frequented.
8. That priests should be no disposers of secular
business.
9. That they should take no money for baptizing in-
fants.
10. Tliat they should both learn and teach the Lord's
Prayer and Creed in the English tongue.
11. That all should join together iu their ministry
titer one uniform rite and manner.
THE VENERABLE BEDE— KING EDGBERT.
[Book II.
12. That in a modest voice they should sing in the
church.
]'.'>. That all holy and festival days should be cele-
brated at one time together.
14. That the Sabbath day be reverently observed and
kept.
15. That the seven canonical hours be observed every
day.
If). That the rogation days, both the greater and
lesser, should not be omitted.
17. That the feast of St. Gregory and St. Austin our
patron, should not be omitted.
18. That the fast of the four times should be kept and
observed.
19. That monks and nuns should go regularly ap-
parelled.
20. That bishops should see these decrees not to be
neglected.
21. That the churchmen shoiJd not give themselves
to drunkenness.
22. That the communion should not be neglected by
the churchmen.
23. That the same also should be observed by laymen,
as time required.
24. That laymen should be first well tried before they
entered into monkery.
25. That alms be not neglected.
26. That bishops should see these decrees to be noti-
fied to the people.
27. They disputed of the profit of alms.
28. They disputed of the profit of singing psalms
29 That the congregation should be constituted, after
the ability of their goods.
.30. That monks should not dwell among laymen.
31. That public prayer should be made for kings and
princes.
These decrees and ordinances being thus concluded
among the bishops, Cuthbert the archbishop, sends the
copy thereof to Boniface, which Boniface, otherwise
named Winfrid, an Englishman boni, was then archlji-
shop of Mentz, and afterwards made a martyr, as the
popish stories term him.
This Boniface wrote a letter to Eth3lbald, king of
Alerceland, who was also present in the same synod.
I thought this letter not unworthy to be noticed here,
not so much for the author's sake, as for some good
matter, that peradventure may be found in it.
For in this letter is to be seen and noted, first, the
corruption and great disorder of life, wliich always fiom
time to time has been found in these religious houses of
nuns, whose professed vow of compulsory chastity has
never yet been good to the church, nor profitable to
the commonwealth, and least of all to themselves.
Secondly, No less are they also to be reprehended
who maintained these sujierstitious orders of un])rofita-
ble nuns and of other religions. In the number of whom
was this Boniface, otherwise called Winfiid, who, al-
though in this letter he does justly reprehend the vi-
cious enormities both of secular and of religious pei--
sons, yet he himself is not without the same or greater
reprehension, for he gave the occasion thereof in main-
taining such superstitious orders of nuns and other reli-
gions, and restraining the same from lawful marriage.
For we find of him in histories that he was a great
setter-up and upholder of such bhnd superstition, and of all
popery. From this Boniface proceeded that detestable
doctrine which now stands in the pope's registered decrees,
(Dist. 40. cap. Si Papa), which in a certain epistle of his
is this, that in case the pope were of the most abominable
living, and forgetful or negligent of himself and of the
whole of Christianity, so that he led innumerable souls
with him to hell, yet no man ought to rebuke him in so
doing, for he has power to judge all men, and ought to
be judged again by no man.
About this time it was that Gregory III. first brought
into the mass-canon the clause for relics, the memorial,
the offering, and sacrifice for the dead : like as
Zachary brought in the priests' vesture and ornaments,
and as Constantine also was the first pope that gave his
I
D. r47-r94.]
ETHELBERT MURDERED BY OFFA— CHARLEMAGNE.
Sf
feet to be kissed by the emperors. But to turn again
to the course of our English history.
la the latter part of the reign of Offa, king of Mercia,
Etlielbert, u learned and godly prince, came to the court
of Oifa, to sue for the marriage of his daughter, but the
queen conceiving a false suspicion, that Ethelbert with
lis company had come under the pretence of marriage,
o work some violence against her husband, persuaded
ing Offa to seize him and to strike off his head. And
thus the innocent king was wrongfully murdered about
the year A.D. 79'^. Offa understanding afterwards the
innocence of this king, and the heinous cruelty of his
act, gave the tenth part of his goods to the holy church ;
and on the church of Hereford he bestowed great lands.
He built the abbey of St. Albans, with certain other
monasteries. And afterwards he went to Rome for his
4 penance, where he gave to the church of St. Peter a
jfienny through every house in his dominion, which was
li called commonly Rome-shot or Peter-pence, paid to the
/church of St. Peter; and there at length was trans-
oformed from a king to a monk, about A.D. 794.
I A little before, in speaking of certain bishops of Rome,
i mention was made of Pope Constantine I., Gregory II.,
j Pope Gregory III., and of Pope Zachary, who deposed
I Childerick, and set up Pepin the French king, &c. Next
after this Zachary followed Pope Stephan II., to whom
Ptpin, to gratify again the see of Rome for this their be-
netit, gave and contributed to the said see of Rome, the
Exarchate or princedom of Ravenna, the kingdom of the
Lombards, and many other great possessions of Italy,
with all the cities thereto adjoining the borders of Venice.
And this donation of Pepin, no doubt, if the truth were
rightly tried, should be found to be the same, which
hitherto falsely has been thought to be the donation of
tlie emperor Constantine.
j Next to Stephan succeeded Paul I, who foUow-
iing his predecessors, thundered out great excommuni-
ications against Constantine the empeior of Constaiitino-
'ple, for abrogating and plucking down the images set up
■in temples. Notwithstanding this, Constantine neglecting
!the Pope's vain curses, persevered in his blessed purpose,
in destroying idolatry till the end of his life. Then came
to be pope, Constantine II., a layman, and brother to
iDesiderius the king of Lombardy ; for which cause he
was shortly deposed, and thrust into a monastery, having
his eyes put out.
In whose stead succeeded Stephan III., who ordained
jthat no layman should be pope : condemning, moreover,
the seventh council of Constantinople for heretical, be-
cause in that council the worshipping of images was re-
proved and condemned. Contrary to the which council,
this pope not only maintained the filthy idolatry of
inntjes in christian temples, but also advanced their
veneration, commanding them most heathenishly to be
incensed.
I Then in this race of popes, after Stephan III., comes
Adrian I., who likewise following the steps of his fathers
the popes, added and attributed to the veneration of
jimages more than all the others had done before, writing
a book on the adoration and utility proceeding of them ;
Iholding moreover a synod at Rome against Felix, and all
jothers that spake against the setting up of such stocks
|and images. And as Paul I. before him made much of
the body of Petronilia, St. Peter's daughter, so this Adrian
clothed the body of St. Peter all in silver, and covered
the altar of St. Paul with a pall of gold. This Pope
Adrian ratified the order of St. Gregory's mass, above
the order of St. Ambrose's mass : for to his time, (which
was about A. D. 780,) the liturgy of St. Ambrose was
more used in the Italian churches. The history whereof
because it is registered in Durandus, Nauclenis, and Ja-
cobus de Voragine, I here insert, that the reader may
understand the time when this usual mass of the Papists
began first to be universal and uniform, and generally to
i be received in churches. Jacobus de Voragine, in the life
I of Pope Gregory I., thus speaks concerning this matter.
" In time past (saith he) when the service which
Ambrose made, was more used in churches, than the
'•ich Gregory had appointed, the bishop of
Rome, then called Adrian, gathered a council together,
in which it was ordained that Gregory's service should
be observed and kept universally. Which determination
of the council the Emperor Charles diligently put in
execution, visiting various provinces, and informed all
the clergy, partly with threatenings, and partly with
punishments to receive that order. And as to the books
of Ambrose's service, he burnt them to ashes in all
places, and threw into prison many priests that would
not consent and agree to the matter. Blessed Eugeuius
the oishop coming unto the council, found that it was
dissolved three days before his coming. Notwithstand-
ing, through his wisdom, he so persuaded the lord pope
that he called again all the prelates that had been pre-
sent at the council, and were now departed for the
space of three days. Therefore when the council was
gathered again, all the fathers did consent and agree
in this, that both the mass-books of Ambrose and Gregory
should be laid upon the altar of blessed St. Peter the
apostle, and the church doors diligently shut, and most
warily sealed up with the signets of many and divers
bishops. Again, that they, should all the whole night
give themselves to prayer, that the Lord might reveal,
open, and shew unto them by some evident sign or
token, which of these two services he would have used
in the temples. Thus doing if! all points as they had
determined, in the morning they opened the church
doors, and found both the missals or mass-books open
upon the altar ; or rather (as some say) they fovmd
Gregory's mass-book utterly plucked asunder, one
piece from another, and scattered over all the church.
As touching Ambrose's book, they only found it open
upon the altar in the very same place where they before
laid it. This miracle pope Adrian, like a wise expounder
of dreams, interpreted thus, that as the leaves were
torn and blown abroad all the church over, so should
Gregory's book be used throughout the world. Where-
upon they thought themselves sufficiently instructed
and taught of God, that the service which 'Gregoi7 had
made, ought to be set abroad and used throughout the
world, and that Ambrose's service should only be ob-
served and kept in his own church of Mediolanum,
where he was bishop."
Thus the reader has heard the full and whole narra-
tion of this mystical miracle, with the pope's exposition
upon the same. Concerning which miracle, I need not
admonish the reader to smell out the blind practices of
these night-crows, to blind the world with forged inven-
tions instead of true stories. Although to grant the
miracle to be most true, yet as to the exposition there,
of, another man beside the pope might interpret this
great miracle, thus, that God v,as angry with Gregory's
book, and therefore rent it in j)ieces, and scattered it
abroad ; and the other as good, lay sound, untouched,
and at least to be preferred. Yet, whatever is to be
thought of this miracle with the exposition, thus the
matter fell out that Gregory's service only had the place,
and j'et has to this day in the greatest part of Europe,
the service of Ambrose being excluded. And thus much
touching the great act of Pope Adrian for the setting
up of the mass. By the relation whereof the reader, at
least, may understand how commonly in christian nations
abroad, as yet no uniform order of any missal or mass-
book was received.
Now from the popes to return again to the emperors,
as Pepin, the father of Charles the Great, called
Charlemagne, had given to the papal see all the prince-
dom of Ravenna, with other donations and revenues and
lands in Italy ; so this Charlemagne, following his
father's devotion, confirmed the same, adding moreover
the city and dominion of Venice, Istria, the dukedom
Forojuleinse, the dukedom Spoletanum, and Beneven-
tanum, and other possessions, to the patrimony of St.
Peter, making him the prince of Rome and Italy. The
pope, again to recompense his kindness, made him to be
entitled " most christian king," moreover ordained him
only for emperor of Rome. For these causes Charle-
magne bare no little affection to Adrian above all other
popes.
86
THE EMPRESS IRENE— END OF THE KINGDOM OF NORTHUMBERLAND. [Book II,
Partly also, for that Carloman his elder brother being
dead, his wife called Bertha, with her two children, came
to Adrian, to have them confirmed in their father's king-
dom, whereto the pope, to shew a pleasure to Charle-
magne, would not agree : but gave the mother with her
two children, and Desiderius the Lombard king, with
his whole kingdom, his wife and caildren, into the hands
of Charlemagne, who ltd them with him captive into
France, and there kept them iu servitude during their
life.
Thus Charlemagne being proclaimed emperor of Rome,
through Adrian and Pope Leo III. who succeeded
next after him, the empire was translated from the
Grecians to the French (about A. D. 801), where it
continued above one hundred years, till the coming of
Conrad and his nephew Otho, who were Germans ; and
so has continued after them among the Germans to this
present time. This Charlemagne built many monasteries,
he was beneficial to the churchmen, also merciful to the
poor, valiant and triumphant in his undertakings, and
skilful in all languages ; he held a council at Frankfort
where was condemned the council of Nice and Irene,
for setting up and worshipping images, &c.
Concerning which council of Nice, and the things
there concluded and enacted (that no man may think the
detesting of images to be any new thing now begun)
thus I find it recorded in an ancient history of Roger
Hovedon ; his words are these, " In A. D. 792, Charles,
the French king, sent a book containing the acts of a
certain synod, to Britain, directed to him from Con-
stantinople. In which book (lamentable to be told)
many things inconvenient and contrary to the true faith
are to be found ; especially for that by the common
consent of almost all the learned bishops of the Eastern
church, being above three hundred, it was there agreed
that images should be worshipped ; which thing the
church of God hath always abhorred. Against which
book Alcuine wrote an epistle, substantially grounded
on the authority of holy scripture, which epistle with
the book Alcuine in the name and person of our
bishops and princes, did present to the French king."
And thus by the way of Romish matters : now to
return again to the Northumberland kings, where we
left at Egbert, which Egbert (as is before declared) suc-
ceeded Celulphus, after he was made monk. And like-
wise the said Egbert also following the devotion of his
uncle Celulphus, and Kenred before him, was likewise
shorn a monk, after he had reigned twenty years in
Northumberland ; leaving his son Osulphui to suc-
ceed.
After the reign of King Egbert such trouble and per-
turbation was in the dominion of Northumberland, with
slaying, and expelling and deposing their kings one after
another, that after the murdering of Ethelbert, none durst
take the government upon him, seeing the great danger.
Insomuch that the kingdom did lie void and waste the
space of three-and-thirty years together ; after which
this kingdom of Northumberland, with the kingdoms also
of the other Saxons besides, came altogether into the
hands of Egbert, king of the West Saxons, and his pro-
geny; which monarchy began A. D. 827.
In the mean time, Irene, empress of the Greeks, was
busy at Constantinople : she, first through the means
of Pope Adrian, took up the body of Constantine,
emperor of Constantinople, her own husband's father.
And when she had burned the same, she caused the
ashes to be cast into the sea, because he disanulled
images. Afterwards reigning with her son Constantine
VI., son to Leo IV. (whom also we declared to be ex-
communicated for taking away images), being at dis-
sension with him, she caused him to be taken to prison.
He afterward through the influence of friends was re-
stored to his empire, and at last she caused him, although
her own son, to be cast into prison, and his eyes to be
put out, so that witliin a short time he died. After this
Irene, with the advice of Therasius, bishop of Constan-
tinople, held a council at Nice, where it was decreed
that images should again be restored to the church ;
which council was repealed by another council held at
Frankfort by Charlemagne. At length she was deposed
by Nicephorus (who reigned after) and was expelled
the empire, and ended her life iu much penury and
misery.
Hitherto I have brought down the confused and tur-
bulent reigns of the seven Saxon kings, who, after the
expulsion of the Britons, ruled and reigned in sundry
quarters of this land together, to the time of Egbert
king of the West Saxons, by whom it pleased God to
begin to reduce and unite all these scattered kingdoms
into one monarchical form of dominion. Wherefore, as
in Egbert begins another alteration of the Common-
wealth, here in this land among the Saxons : so my
purpose is (the Lord willing) with the same Egbert, to
begin my third book, after first making a brief recapitu-
lation of such things as in this second book are to be
noted, especially touching the monasteries buUt, the
kings who entered the monastic life and profession, also
the queens and queens' daughters, who at the same time
professed solitary life in the monasteries, which they or
their ancestors had erected.
We have hitherto set forth and declared concerning
these seven kingdoms : first, the names and lineal
descent of the kings : then what were the doings and
acts of the same, how first being pagans, they were con-
verted to the christian faith ; what things happened in
their time in the church, how many of them were made
monks ; how devout they were then to the holy church
and to the churchmen, and especially to the church of
Rome. But the churchmen then were very different in
life to what they afterwards declared themselves to be.
Through which devotion of these kings, first came in
the Peter-pence or Rome-shots in this realm, as first by
Iva, then by Offa, and afterwards brought in and rati-
fied through the whole realm by Adelwulph. It is also
to be noted, that by the kings and queens of the Saxons,
the greatest abbeys and nunneries, in this realm, were
first began and built, as partly by the following names of
some of them is to be seen.
First, the church or minster of St. Paul in London,
was founded by Ethelbert, king of Kent, and Sigebert,
king of Essex (about A. D. 604).
The first cross and altar within this realm, was set up
in the north parts in Hevenfield, upon the occasion of
Oswald, king of Northumberland, fighting against Cad-
walla, where he in the same place set up the sign of the
cross, kneeling and praying there for victory, A. D.
635. (Polychron. lib. 5. cap. 12.)
The church of Winchester was first began, and founded
by Kinegilsus, king of the Mercians, having nine miles
about it : afterwards finished by his son Kenwalcus,
where Wine was first English bishop, A. D. 636.
(Guliel. Malms, lib. de gestis pont. Ang.)
The church of Lincoln first founded by Paulinua
a bishop (A. D. 629.)
The church of Westminster, began first by a certain
citizen of Loudon, through the instigation of Ethelbert
king of Kent, which before was an isle of thorns (A. D.
614).
The common schools first erected at Cambridge, by
Sigebert king of Eastangles (A. D. 636).
The abbey of Knovisburgh built by Furceus the
Hermit (A. D. 637).
The monastery of Mamlesbury by one Meldulphus a
Scot, to (about A. D. 640), afterwards enlarged by Agil-
bert bishop of Winchester.
The monastery in Glocester, first built by Ofricua
king of Mercia, as Cestrensis says ; but as William
Malmesbury writes by Ulferus and Ethelred, brethren
to Kiueburga abbess of the same house (A. D. 679).
The monastery of Melrose, by the flood of Tweed, by
Aidanus a Scottish bishop.
The nunnery of Heorenton by Hevi, who was the first
nun in Northumberland (Beda. lib. 4. cap. 1.)
The monastery of Hetesey by Oswy king of Nor-
thumberland, who also with his daughter Elfrid gave
possessions for twelve monasteries in the parts of Nor-
thumberland (A.D. 6o6).
The monastery of St. Martin in Dover, built by Whi«
thred king of Kent.
The abbey of Lestingy by Ceadda (whom we call St.
1a. D. 794—827.] KINGS AND QUEENS WHO BECAME MONKS AND NUNS.
87
Ced) through the grant of Oswald, son to St. Oswald
king of Northumberland (A. D. 651).
The monastery of Whitby, called otherwise Stenhalt,
by Hilda, daughter to the nephew of Edwin king of
Northumberland (A.D. ()o7).
Another monastery called Hacanos, not far from the
game place, built by Hilda the same year.
The abbey of Abbington, built by Sissa king of South-
ses (A. D. 666).
An abbey in the east side of Lincoln, called Joanno,
Dy St. Botulph, A. D. 654. (Polych. lib. 5. cap. 16).
The monastery in Ely, founded by Etheldred or
Etheldrida daughter of Anna king of Eastangles, and
the wife of Elfride king of Northumberland (A. D.
V4).
The monastery of Chertsey in Southery, founded by
Erkenwald bishop of London (A. D. 674), thrown
down by the Danes, after re-built by King Edgar.
Tiie nunnery of Berking, built by the said Erken-
waldus bishop of London about the same time.
The abbey of Peterborough, called otherwise Mode-
hamsted, founded by King Ethelwald, king of the Mer-
cians (A. D. 675).
Bardney abbey by Ethelred king of the Mercians
(A. D. 700).
Glastonbury by Iva king of the West Saxons, and
after repaired and enriched by King Edgar (A. D. 701).
Ramsey in the time of King Edgar, by one Ailwinus a
nobleman (A. D. 973). King Edgar built in his time
forty monasteries, who reigned A.D. 901.
The nunnery of Winburne built by Cuthberga sister
to Ingilsus, King Iva's brother, A. D. 717.
The monastery of Sealsey by the Isle of Wight, by
Wilfridus bishop of York (A. D. 678).
The monastery of Wincombe by Kenulphus king of
the Mercians (A. D. 737).
St. Albans biult by Offa king of the Mercians (A. D.
755).
The abbey of Evesham by Edwin, bishop (A. D.
691).
Ripon in the north by Wilfrid, bishop (A. D. 709).
The abbey of Echlinghey, by King Alfred (A. D.
891).
The nunnery of Shaftsbury by Alfred, the same year.
Thus we see what monasteries began to be founded by
the Saxon kings, newly converted to the christian faith,
within the space of two hundred years ; who, as they
seemed to have a certain zeal and devotion to God, ac-
cording te the leading and teaching that then was : so it
seems to me, there were two things to be wished in these
kings : first, that they who began to erect these monas-
teries of monks and nuns, to live solely and singly by
themselves, had foreseen what danger, and what absurd
enormities might and did ensue, both publicly to the
church of Christ, and privately to their own souls :
secondly, that to this their zeal and devotion had been
joined like knowledge and doctrine in Christ's gospel,
especially in the article of our free justification by the
faith of Jesus Christ ; because of the lack whereof, as
weU the builders and founders, as they that were pro-
fessed in the same, seem both to have ran the wrong
way, and to have been deceived. For although there
was in them a devotion and zeal of mind, that thought
well in this their doing, which I will not here repre-
hend : yet the end and cause of their deeds and build-
ings cannot be excused, being contrary to the rule of
Christ's gospel ; for so much as they did these things
seeking thereby merit with God, and for the remedy of
their souls, and remission of their sins, as may appear
testified in their own records.
By the contents of which may well be understood how
great the ignorance and blindness of these men was ;
who, lacking no zeal, only lacking knowledge to rule it
withal ; seeking their salvation not by Christ only, but
by their own deservings and meritorious deeds. Which
I recite not here to any infamy or reprehension of them ;
but rather to put us in mind how much we at this present
time are bound to God for the true sincerity of his
truth, hidden so long before from our ancestors, and
opened now unto us by the good will of our God, in his
Son Christ Jesus. Lamenting this only by the way, to
see them to have such works, and to lack our faith, and
us to have the right faith, and to lack their works. And
this blind ignorance of that age, was the cause not only
why these kings built so many monasteries, but also why
so many of them, forsaking their orderly vocation of
princely government, gave themselves over to the mo-
nastic profession, or rather wilful superstition. Con-
cerning the names and number of which kings that were
professed monks, is sufficiently declared before ; the
names of whom we shewed to be Seven or eight, within
these two hundred years. Such was then the super-
stitious devotion of kings and princes, and no less also
to be noted in queens' and kings' daughters, with other
noble women of the same age and time ; the names of
whom it were too long here to recite. As Hilda daughter
to the nephew of Edwin king of Northumberland, abbess
of Ely. Erchengoda, with her sister Ermenilda, daugh-
ters of Ercombertus king of Kent, which Erchengoda
was professed in St. Bridget's order in France. Edel-
berga wife and queen to King Edwin of Northumber-
land, and daughter of King Anna, who was also made a
nun in the same house of St. Bridget. Etheldreda,
whom we term St. Eldred, wife to King Ecfride of Nor-
thumberland, who was professed a nun at Helings.
Werburga was the daughter of Ulferus King of Mer-
cians, and made nun at Ely. Kenreda, sister of King
Ulferus and Kineswida her sister, were both nuns pro-
fessed. Sexburga daughter of King Anna, king of Mer-
cians, and wife of Ercombert king of Kent, was abbess
at Ely. Elfrida daughter of Oswy king of Northam-
berland was abbess of Whitney ; Mildreda, Milburga,
and Milguida, all three daughters of Merwardus, king
of West Mercians, entered the profession and vow of
devoted nuns. Kineburga, wife of Alfride king of
Northumberland, and sister to Ofricus king of Mercians,
and daughter of King Penda, was professed abbess of
the monastery in Glocester. Elfleda daughter of Oswy
king, and wife of Peda, son of King Penda, likewise
enclosed herself in the same profession and vow. Like-
wise Alfritha wife to King Edgar, and Editha, daughter
to the said Edgar, with Wolfride her mother, &c., all
which holy nuns, with divers more, the Romish catholics
have canonized for saints, and put the most part of
them in their calendar, only because of the vow which
they solemnly professed. Concerning which I will say,
that although they kept it never so perfectly, yet it is
not that which maketh saints before God, but only the
blood of Christ Jesus, and a true faith in him.
It likevrise remains, that as we have declared the
devotion of these noble women, who, professing monastic
life, cast off all worldly dignity and delights ; so we
should also treat of such noblemen, who among the
Saxon kings in like zeal of devotion, have given over
themselves from the world (as they thought) to the con-
templative life of the monkish profession. The names
of whom are these nine.
1. KinigUs, king of the West Saxons.
2. Iva, king of the West Saxons.
3. Ceolulf, king of Northumberland.
4. Edbert, king of Northumberland.
5. Ethelred, king of Mercia.
6. Kenred, king of Mercia.
7. Offa, king of the East Saxons.
8. Sebbi, king of the East Saxons.
9. Sigebert, king of East Angles.
■WTiat is to be thought of these kings and their doings,
the reader has seen before.
By these histories it is apparent what changes, what
perturbations, and what alterations of state have been in
this realm of Britain, first from British kings to Roman ;
then to British again ; afterward to Saxon. First, to
seven reigning together, then to one, &c. And this al-
teration not only happened in the civil government, but
also followed in the ecclesiastical state. For as in the
Britons' time the metropolitan see was in London, so in
the Saxons' time, after the coming of Austin, it was
removed to Canterbury ; the catalogue and order of
which metropolitans, from the time of Austin to Egbert,
is thus described in the history of Malmesburj.
88 THE ARCHBISHOPS OF CANTERBURY, FROM AUSTIN TO THE TIME OF EGBERT. [Book II.
The names and order of the archbishops of Canter-
bury from Austin to the time of King Egbert, of
whom the first seven were Italians or other foreigners.
1. Austin.
2. Laurentius.
3. Melitus.
4. Justus.
5. Honorius.
6. Deusdedit.
7. Theodorus.
8. Berctualdus.
9. Tacuinus.
10. Nothelmus.
11. Cutbertus.
12. Berguinus.
13. Lambrightus, or Lambertus.
14. Ethelardus.
15. Ulfredus.
16. Feolegeldus.
17. Celnothus.
During the course of these seventeen archbishops of
Canterbury, there were thirty-four popes in Rome, of
whom we have partly declared.
And thus much touching the time of the seven king-
doms of the Saxons, ruling together in England, from
the reign of Hengist unto Egbert, the first monarch of
the whole land, after the expulsion of the Britons.
It now remains (by the grace of Christ) in the nexi,
book, to give the history of such kings as principally
reigning alone had this realm in their possession, from
the time of Egbert king of the West Saxons, to thei
coming of William the Conqueror, the Norman ; com-
prehending therein the rest of the next tliree hundredj
years, with the acts and state of religion iu the church
during that space ; wherein may appear the declining
time of the church, and of true religion, preparing the
way to antichrist, which followed not long after.
THE END OF THE SECOND BOOK.
4
ACTS AND MONUMENTS.
BOOK Til.
CONTAINING
THE THREE HUNDRED YEARS, FROM THE REIGN OF KING EGBERT TO THE TIME OP
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
It now remains, as I before described the descent and
diversity of the seven kings, all reigning and ruling to-
gether in this land, so to prosecute in like order the
lineal succession of them which, after Egbert, king of
the West Saxons, governed and ruled solely, until the
conquest of William the Norman ; and first, of King
Egbert :
In the reign of Brightric, about A. D. 795, there
was a noble personage called Egbert, who was feared by
Brightric, because he was of kingly blood, and was by
force and conspiracy chased out of Britain into France,
till the death of Brightric. After hearing whereof,
Egbert came back to his country, where he obtained the
government of the kingdom of the West Saxons.
Bernulph, king of Mercia, with other kings, had this
Egbert in much derision, making scoffing jests at him ;
all which he sustained for a time. But when he was
more established in his kingdom, he assembled his
knights, and gave battle to Bernulph, and won the field;
which done, he made war upon the Kentish Saxons,
and obtained the victory. He also subdued Northum-
berland, and caused the kings of these three kingdoms
to live under him as tributaries. After these and other
victories, he called a council of his lords at Winchester,
where by their advices he was crowned king and chief
lord over this land, which before that day was called
Britain ; but then he sent out into all the land his com-
mandments and commissions, charging straitly, that,
from that day forward, the Ssixons should be called
Angles, and the land Anglia.
About the thirtieth year of the reign of Egbert, the
Danes, who a little before had made horrible destruction
\n Northumberland, and especially in the isle of Linde-
farne, where they spoiled the churches, and murdered
the ministers, with men, women, and children, after a
cruel manner, entered now the second time with a great
host into this land, and spoiled the isle of Sheppy in
Kent : Egbert assembled his people, and met with them
at Charmouth. But he did not succeed so well in that
conflict as he had done before, but with his knights was
compelled to forsake the field. Notwithstaadiug, in the
next battle, Egbert, with a small force, overthrew a
great multitude of them, and so drove them back. The
next year the Danes returned again, and after this they
were continually abiding in one part or other of the
realm of England, till the time of Hardecanute. And
although they were often driven out of the land, and
chased from one country to another, yet they always
gathered new strength and power, and abode still in the
laud.
Egbert, when he had ruled the West Saxons, and the
greater part of England, thirty-seven years, died, and
was buried at Winchester, leaving his kingdom to his
son Ethelwolf, who first was bishop of Winchester, and
8ifterwards, upon necessity, was made king.
Ethelwolf had entered into the order of sub-deacon,
and, as some say, was made bishop of Winchester ; but
afterwards, being the only son of Egbert, was made king
through the dispensation of the pope. This Ethelwolf
(as being himself once in that order) was always good
and devout to holy church and religious orders, inso-
much that he gave to them the tithe of all his goods and
lands in West Saxony, with liberty and freedom from all
servage and civil charges.
Whence, it may appear, how and when the churches
of England began first to be endued with temporalities
and lands ; and enlarged with privileges and exemptions.
Ethelwolf, having done these things in his realm,
went to Rome with Alfred his youngest son, and com-
mitted him to the bringing up of Pope Leo IV. ; and he
gave and granted to Rome a penny to be paid for every
fire-house through his whole land, as King Iva in his
dominion had done before. He aJso gave and granted,
towards maintaining the light of St. Peter, 100 marks,
to be paid annually ; to the light of St. Paul, 100
marks ; for the use of the pope also another 100.
Ethelwolf had always about him two bishops, whose
counsel he was most ruled by, Swithin bishop of Win-
chester, and Adelstan bishop of Sherborne. One was
more skilful in temporal and civil affairs, touching the
king's wars, and filling of his coffers. The other (which
was Swithin) was of a contrary disposition, wholly in-
clined to spiritual meditation, and to minister spiritual
counsel to the king : he had been schoolmaster to the
king before. And herein appeared one good feature in
this king's nature, among his other virtues, not only in
90
POPE JOAN, A FEMALE POPE. THE EPISTLE OF HULDRIKE,
[Book III.
following the precepts of his old schoolmaster, but also
that, like a kind and thankful pupil, he so reverenced
him, that he made him bishop of Winchester.
From the time of Pope Adrian I. unto Pope Adrian II.
the emperors had some hand in the election (at least in
the confirmation) of the Roman pope ; but several of
these popes began to endeavour to bring their purpose
about. Yet all their devices could take no full effect,
before Adrian III. So that the emperors all this while
had some authority in choosing the popes, and in as-
sembling general councils. Wherefore, by the com-
mandment of the Emperor Lewis, in the time of
Gregory IV., a general synod was commenced at Aquis-
grane, where it was decreed by Gregory and his assist-
ants : first, that every church should have sufficient of
its own proper lands and revenues to keep the priests
thereof, that none should lack or go about a begging.
Also, that none of the clergy, of what order or degree
soever he be, should use any vesture of any precious or
scarlet colour. Neither should wear rings on their
fingers, unless it be when prelates be at mass, or give
their consecrations. Also, that prelates should not keep
too great houses or families, nor keep many horses, use
dice, or be guilty of immoral conduct ; and that the
monks should not exceed in gluttony or riot. Also, that
none of the clergy being either anointed or shaven,
should use either gold or silver in their shoes, slippers,
or girdles, like to Heliogabalus. By this it may be con-
jectured, what pomp and pride in those days was crept
into the clergy. Moreover, by Pope Gregory IV., the
feast of All Saints was first brought into the church.
After this pope, came Sergius II., who first brought
in the altering of the pope's names, because he was
named before " Swines-snout ;" he also ordained the
Agnus to be sung thrice at the mass, and the host to be
divided into three parts.
After him was Pope Leo IV. By this pope it was
first enacted in a council, that no bishop should be
condemned under threescore and twelve witnesses, ac-
cording as ye see by the witnesses, was practised at the
condemnation of Stephen Gardiner.
Also contrary to the law of Gregory IV., his prede-
cessor, this pope ordained the cross (all set with gold
and precious stones) to be carried before him, like a
pope.
And here next comes in the whore of Babylon (Rev.
xix. 2.), rightly in her true colours, by the permission
of God, and manifestly to appear to the whole world ;
and that not only after the spiritual sense, but after the
very letter. For after this Leo above mentioned, the
cardinals proceeding to their ordinary election (after a
solemn mass of the Holy Ghost, to the perpetual shame
of them, and of that see), instead of a man pope,
elected a woman, called Joan VIII., to minister sacra-
ments, to say masses, to give orders, to constitute dea-
cons, priests, and bishops ; to promote prelates, to make
abbots, to consecrate churches and altars, to have the
reign and rule of emperors and kings. This woman's
proper name was Gilberta, who went with an English
monk out of the Abbey of Fulda, in man's apparel, to
Athens, and through her wit and learning was promoted
to the popedom, where she sat two years and six
months.' At last openly in the face of a general proces-
sion, she gave birth to a child, and so died, and was suc-
ceeded by Benedict III., who first ordained the dirge to
be said for the dead.
After him came Pope Nicholas I., who enlarged the
pope's decrees with many constitutions, equalling the
(1) This extraordinary event has naturally been disputed by the
modem advocates of the church of Rome. The election and
fession of a woman, who is incapable of orders, in the seat of the
poniitfii, is such a sundering of the links of apostolic succession in
tlie pupal chair, and such an impeacliinent of the orders of gome
In that church, that it were passing strange if every effort that
telent, learning, and ingenuity could devise, were not made to
obliterate such a fact from the page of history.
There is however this broad, plain, and unquestionable fact,
which requires an answer more cogent than any it has yei re-
ceived, namely, that for /Ire hum/red t/c/irx after the time of
Pope Joan, it was acknowledged as an historical event of as great
notoriety as any other conoected with the pupal chair, and that it
authority of them with the writings of the apostles. He
ordained that no secular prince, nor the emperor him-
self, should be present at their councils, unless in mat-
ters concerning the faith ; to the end that such as they
judged to be heretics, they should execute and murder.
Also, that no laymen should sit in judgment upon the
clergymen, or reason upon the pope's power. Also,
that no christian magistrate should have any power
upon any prelake, alleging that a prelate is called God.
Also, that all church service should be in Latin, yet
allowing the Sclavonians and Polonians to retain still
their vulgar language. Sequences in the mass were by
him first allowed. By this pope priests began to be
debarred from marrying ; whereof Iluldrike, bishop of
Ausburgh (a learned and a holy man), sending a letter
to the pope, gravely and learnedly refutes and declaims
against his indiscreet proceedings touching that matter ;
which letter I judged meet for the instruction of the
reader, and worthy to be inserted here, as follows : —
"A learned epistle of Iluldrike, Bishop of Ausbitrgh,
sent to Pope Nicholas I., proving by substantial
proofs, that priests ought not to be restrained from
marriage.
" Huldiike, bishop only by name, unto the reverend
father Nicholas, the vigilant provisor of the lioly church
of Rome, with due commendation sendeth love as a son,
and fear as a servant. Understanding, reverend father,
your decrees which you sent to me concerning the single
life of the clergy, to be far from all discretion, I was
troubled partly with fear, and partly with heaviness.
With fear, because, as it is said, the sentence of the
pastor, whether it be just or unjust, is to be feared.
For I was afraid lest the weak hearers of the scripture
(which scarcely obey the just sentence of their pastor,
much more despising this unjust decree) through the
onerous transgression of their pastor, should shew them-
selves disobedient. I was troubled with heaviness, and
with compassion, because I doubted how the members
of the body should do, their head being so greatly out
of frame. For what can be more grievous, or more to
be lamented, touching the state of the church, than for
you, being the bishop of the principal see, to whom ap-
pertaineth the government of the whole church, to
swerve never so little out of the right way ? Certainly
in this you have not a little erred, in that you have gone m
about to constrain your clergy to singleness of life, H
through your imperious tyranny, whom rather you ought ■
to stir up to the honourable estate of marriage. For is
not this to be counted a violence and tyranny in the
judgment of all wise men, when a man is compelled by
your decrees to do that which is against the institution
of the gospel and the proceeding of the Holy Ghost .'
Seeing then there be so many holy examples both of the
Old and New Testament, teaching us, as you know, due
information ; I desire your patience not to think it
grievous for me to bring a few here out of many.
" First, in the old law, the Lord permitteth marriage B
unto the priests, which afterward in the new law we do I
not read to be restrained, but in the gospel thus he saith,
'There be some eunuchs which have made themselves
eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven's sake. He that is able
toreeeiveit, let him receive it,' Matt. xix. 12. Where-
fore, the apostle saith, ' Concerning virgins, I have no
commandment of the Lord, yet i give my judgment,"
1 Cor. vii. 25. Which counsel also all men do not take,,
as in the commandment of the Lord before, but manjT !
was never called in question till the church of Rome began to^
feel the necessity of defending herself against those who openly
opposed her assumed authority. Marianus Scotus, who lived verf '
near the time of Pope Joan, mentions her as "Joanna, Mulier,"'
and adds that she was pope for two years, five months and fivetl
days, and all the historians for some centuriek although all'
were members of the church of Rome — in like manner acknow-
ledge the facts, and even since the reformation a large number ofll
Romish divines — among whom are some of their best learned mea i^
- liave admitted it.
Thus much at all events is certain. If this matter be an inTeo-
tion or falsehood, it rests not on protestantt— but on romaJiifita'
themselves. lii-D,\
A.D. 858—870.] EPISTLE OF HULDRIKE PROVING THE MARRIAGE OF PRIESTS LAWFUL. 91
there be, false dissemblers and flatterers, going about to
please men, and not God, whom we see under a false
pretence of holiness to fall into horrible wickedness.
And, therefore, lest through the infection of tliis wicked
pestilence, the state of the church should too much go
to ruin, he said, ' Let every man have his own wife ;'
touching which saying, our false hypocrites falsely do lie
and feign, as though it only pertained to the laity, and
not to them. And yet they themselves, seeming to be
set in the most holy order, are not afraid to do outrage
in all manner of wickedness.
" These men have not rightly understood the scrip-
ture ; for the saying of the apostle, ' Let every man
have his own wife,' doth except none in very deed, but
him only which hath the gift of continency. Wherefore,
O, reverend father 1 it shall be your part to cause and
oversee, that whosoever hath made a vow of celibacy,
and afterward would forsake it, should either be com-
pelled to keep his vow, or else by lawful authority should
be deposed from his order.
" And to bring this to pass, you should not only have
me, but also all other of my order, to be helpers unto
you. But that you may understand, that such which
know not what a vow doth mean, are not to be vio-
lently compelled thereunto : hear what the apostle saith
to Timothy ; a bishop, saith he, ' Must be blameless,
the husband of one wife,' 1 Tim. iii. 2. Which sen-
tence lest you should turn and apply only to tlie church ;
mark what he inferreth after. ' If a man know not how
to rule his own house, how shall he take care of the
church of God ;' and ' Let the deacon be the husband
of one wife, ruling their children and own houses well,'
1 Tim. iii. 5 — 12. And this wife, how she is wont to be
blessed by the priest, you understand sufficiently, I sup-
pose, by the decrees of holy Sylvester the pope.
' ' To these and such other holy sentences of the scripture
agreeth also, he that is the writer of the rule of the clergy,
writing after this manner, of the clerks, ' Let them have
one wife.' Whereby it is to be gathered, that the bishop
and deacon are noted infamous and reprehensible, if they
be divided with more women than one ; otherwise, if
they do forsake one under pretence of religion, they, as
well the bishop as the deacon, are here condemned by
the canonical sentence, which says, ' Let no bishop or
priest forsake his own wife, under the colour and pre-
tence of religion. If he do forsake her, let him be ex-
communicate. And if he so continue, let him be drag-
ged.' St. Augustine also (a man of discreet holiness),
says in these words, ' There is no offence so great or
grievous, but it is to avoid a greater evU.'
" Furthermore, we read in the second book of the
Tripartite history, that when the council of Nice, going
about to establish the same decree, would enact that
bishops, priests, and deacons, after their consecration,
either should utterly forsake tl>eir own wives, or else
should be deposed ; then Paphnutius (one of those holy
martyrs, whose right eye the Emperor Maximus had
put out, and houghed their left legs), rising up amongst
them, withstood their purposed decree ; confessing
marriage to be honourable, and so persuaded the coun-
cil from making that law, declaring what evil might
come of it. And thus much did Paphnutius (being un-
qaarried himself), declare to them. And the whole
council commending his sentence, agreed thereto, and
left the matter freely without compulsion, to the will of
every man, to do therein as he thought.
" Notwithstanding there be some which take St.
Gregory for their defence in this matter, whose temerity
I laugh at, and ignorance I lament ; for they know not,
being ignorantly deceived, how dangerous the decree of
this heresy was (being made of St, Gregory), who after-
wards revoked the same, with much repentance.
" Peradventure if these men had read with me what
happened through this decree, I think they would not
be so rash in their doing and judging ; fearing at least
the Lord's tx)mmaudment, ' Judge not that you be not
judged.' And St. Paul saith, ' Who art thou that
judgest another man's servant ? To his own master he
standeth or falleth, yea, be shall be holden up, for God
i^ able to make biwstaAd.* Therefore let your boUuess
cease to compel and enforce those whom you ought only
to admonish, lest through your own private command-
ment (which God forbid) you be found contrary as well
to the Old Testament as to the New. For as St. Au-
gustine saith to Donatus, ' This is only what we do fear
in your justice, lest (not for the consideration of chris-
tian lenity, but for the grievousness and greatness of
transgressions committed) you be thought to use vio-
lence in executing punishment of that, which only we
do desire you (by Christ) not to do. For traik.<gressions
are so to be punished, that the life of the transgressors
may repent.' Also another saying of St. Augustine
wc would have you to remember, which is this, ' Let no-
thing be done through the greediness of hurting, but all
things through the charity of profiting ; neither let any
thing be done cruelly, nothing ungently.' Also by the
same Augustine it is written, ' In the fear and name of
Clirist I exhort you, who have not the goods of this
world, be not greedy to have them. Such as have them,
presume not too much upon them. For, I say, to have
them is no damnation, but if you presume upon them,
that is damnation ; if for the having of them you shall
seem great in your own sight, or if you do forget the
common condition of man through the excellency of any
thing you have. Use, therefore, therein due discretion,
tempered with moderation, the which cup of discretion
is drawn out of the fountain of the apostolic preaching,
which said, ' Art thou bound unto a wife ? Seek not
to be loosed. Art thou loosed from a wife ? Seek not
a wife,' 1 Cor. vii. 27. Where, also it follows ' It re-
maineth, that they who have wives be as though they
had none, and they that use this world as not
abusing it.'
" Concerning the widow, he saith, ' She is at
liberty to be married to whom she will, only in the
Lord,' 1 Cor. vii. 39. To marry in the Lord, is no-
thing else but to attempt nothing in contracting of
matrimony, which the Lord doth forbid. Jeremy also
saith, ' Trust ye not in the lying words, saying. The
Temple of the Lord, The Temple of the Lord, The Tem-
ple of the Lord, are these,' Jer. vii. 4. The which saying
of Jeremy, .Jerome expounding, saith thus, ' This may
agree also, and be applied to such nuns as boast of their
vow, and know not how the apostle defineth the virgin,
that she should be holy in body, and also in spirit. For
what availeth the purity of the body, if the mind in-
wardly be unholy ? Or if it have not the other virtues,
which the prophetical sermon doth describe ?' The
which virtues, for so much as we see partly to be in you,
and because we are not ignorant, that this discretion,
although neglected in this part, yet in the other actions
of your life is kept honestly of you, we do not despair, but
you will also soon amend the little lack which is behind.
And therefore with as much gravity as we can, we
cease not to call upon you, to correct emd amend this
your negligence. For although, according to our com-
mon calling, a bishop is greater than a priest, and
Augustine was less than Jerome ; notwithstanding the
good correction proceeding from the lesser to the
greater, was not to be refused or disdained, especially
when he which is corrected is found to strive against the
truth to please men. For as St. Augustine saith,
writing to Boniface, ' The disputations of all men, be
they never so catholic or approved persons, ought not
to be had instead of the canonical scriptures.' So that
we may disapprove or refuse (saving the honour and
reverence which is due unto them) any thing that is in
their writings, if any thing there be found contrary to
truth. And what can be found more contrary to the
truth than this ? When as the truth itself, speaking of
abstaining from marriage, saith, ' He that can receive it,
let him receive it,' which saying, these men (moved, I
know not by what) do turn and say, ' He that cannot re-
ceive it, let him be accursed.' And what can be more
foolish amongst men, than when any bishop or arch-
deacon run themselves headlong into all kind of sin,
and yet say, that the marriage of priests is an abomina-
tion ; and, as void of all compassion and true righteous-
ness do not desire or admonish their clerks, as their
feUow-servants to abstain from marriage, but command-
92
VARIOUS INCURSIONS OF THE DANES.
[Book III.
them, and enforce tliem as servants, violently to abstain.
Unto the which imperious cominandmeut of theirs, or
counsel (whether you will call it), they add also this
foolish and wicked suggestion, saying, ' That it is better
to sin privately than openly in the sight of men to be
bound to one wife.' Which truly they would not say,
if they were either of him, or in him, who saith, ' Woe
to you, pharisees, which do all things to be seen of men.'
And so the psalmist, ' Because they please men, they
are confounded, for the Lord hath despised them,'
Ps. liii. 5. These be the men who ought to teach us
that we should rather be ashamed to sin privily in the
sight of Him to whom all things be open, than seem in
the sight of men to be holy. These men, therefore,
although through their sinful wickedness they deserve
no counsel of godliness to be given them ; yet we, not
forgetting our humanity, cease not to give them counsel
by the authority of God's word, which seeketh all men's
salvation, desiring them by the bowels of charity, and
saying with the words of scripture, ' Thou hypocrite,
first cast out the beam out of thine own eye, and then
thou shalt see clearly to cast out the mote of thy bro-
ther's eye.
" Moreover, we desire them to attend to what the Lord
saith of the woman taken in adultery, ' He that is with-
out sin among you, let iiim first cast a stone at her.' As
though he would say, ' If MoseS bid you, I also bid you.
But yet I require you that he the competent ministers and
executors of the luv, take heed what you add thereunto:
take heed also ( I pray you) what you are yourselves ;
for if (as the scripture saith) thou shalt well consider thy-
self, thou wilt never defame another.'
" Moreover, it is signified unto us also, that there be
some of them, who (when they ought like unto good shep-
herds to give their lives for the Lord's flock) yet are they
pufled up with such pride, that without all reason they
presume to rend and tear the Lord's flock with whippings
and beatings, whose unreasonable doings St. Gregory
bewailing, thus saith, ' What shall become of the sheep
when the pastors themselves be wolves ?' But who is
overcome, but he which exerciseth cruelty ? Or who shall
iudge the persecutor, but he which gave patiently his
back to stripes ? And this is the fruit which cometh to the
church by such persecutors, also which cometh to the
clergy by such despiteful handling of their bishops, or
rather infidels. For why may you not call them infidels,
of whom St. Paul thus speaketli, and writeth to Timothy?
' That, in the latter days some shall depart from the
faith, giving heed to seducing spirits and doctrines of
devils: spejiking lies in hypocrisv, having their consci-
ences seared with an hot iron, forbidding to marry, and com-
manding to abstain from meats, &c., 1 Tim. iv. L These
be they which bring heresy into the church of God (as
blind guides leading the blind) that it might be fulfilled
which the Psalm speaketh of, as foreseeing the errors of
such men, and accursing them after this manner, ' Let
their eyes be darkened, that they may not see, and bow
down their back always,' Rom. xi. 10. For so much
then (O apostolical Sir) as no man which knoweth you,
is ignorant, that if you through the light of your discre-
tion had understood and seen what poisoned pestilence
might have come into the church through the sentence of
this your decree, you would never have consented to the
suggestions of certain wicked persons. Wherefore we
counsel you by the fidelity of our due subjection, that with
all diligence you would put away so great slander from
the church of God : and through your discreet discipline,
you will remove this pharisaical doctrine from the flock
of God : do not separate the holy people and the kingly
priesthood from her spouse which is Christ, through an
unrecoverable divorcement : seeing that no man without
holiness shall see our Lord, who with the Father and the
Holy Ghost liveth and reigneth for ever. Amen."
By this epistle of bishop Hulderick, it is easy to
conceive what was then the opinion of learned men con-
cerning the marriage of ministers.
After this Pope Nicholas succeeded Adrian II., John
VIII., Martin II. After these came Adrian III., and
Stephan VI, By this Adrian it was first decreed, That
no emperor after that time should intermeddle or have
any thing to do in the election of the pope. And thus
the emperors began first to decay, and the papacy to swell
and rise.
Now to return where we left King Ethelwolf. About
the latter end of his reign, the Danes who before had in-
vaded the realm, in the time of King Egbert, made their
re-entry again, with three and thirty ships arriving about
Hampshire.
Concerning the occasion given by the Englishmen
which moved the Danes first to invade the realm, I find in
certain histories two causes most specially assigned. The
first was given by the means of Osbright, reigning under,
king of the West Saxons. This Osbright had treated with
violence the wife of one of his nobles, called Bruer, where-
upon Bruer consulting with his friends, first went to the
king resigning into his hands all the service and possessions
which he held of him : he then took shipping and sailed into
Denmark. There making his complaint to Codrinus the
king, he desired his aid in revenging the villany of Osbright
against him and his wife. Codrinus hearing this, and
glad to have some just quarrel to enter that land, levied
an army with all speed, and preparing all things necessary
for the same, sends an innumerable multitude of Danes
into England ; who first arriving at Holderness, they
burnt up the country, and killed without mercy, both
men, women, and children, whom they could lay hands
upon. Then marching towards York, entered into battle
with Osbright, where he with most part of his army was
slain. And so the Danes took possession of the city of
York. The second cause assigned by some historians,
for the invasion of the Danes is as follows :
A certain Danish nobleman, called Lothbroke, entering
with his hawk into a skiff or small boat alone, was driven by
a tempest with his hawk to the coast of Norfolk, where
being found and detained, he was presented to the king.
The king understanding his parentage, and seeing his case,
entertained him in his court accordingly, and every day
perceiving more and more his great dexterity in hunting
and hawking, bare special favour to him. Insomuch that
the king's falconer, or master of his game, bearing privy
envy against him, as they were hunting together in a
wood murdered him^ and threw him into a bush. This
Lothbroke, being murdered, in two or three days began to
be missed in the king's house : of whom no tidings could j
be heard ; but a spaniel dog of his, which continuing inl
the wood wdth the corpse of his master, at various times!
came and fawned upon the king : and that so long that
at length they followed the trace of the hound, and were
brought to the place where Lothbroke lay. Whereupon!
inquisition being made, at length by certain evidence, '\€
was known how he was murdered by the king's hunts-J
man. Who being convicted, was put into the same boat,1
alone and without any tackling, to drive by sea, either to be
saved by the weather or to be drowned in the deep. And
as it chanced that Lothbroke was driven from Denmark
to Norfolk, so it happened that from Norfolk the murJ
derer was carried into Denmark, where the boat
Lothbroke being well known, hands were laid upon him^
and inquisition made of the party. In his torments, to
save himself, he uttered an untruth of King EdmundJ
saying, " That the king had put Lothbroke to death in
the county of Norfolk," Whereupon the Danes being
very angry, appointed an army, and sent great multil
tudes into England to revenge that fact.
In the mean time. King Ethelwolf, when he had chase
the Danes from place to place, causing them to take to
the sea, departed himself both from land and life : leaving
behind him four sons, who reigned every one in hi^
order, after the decease of his father.
King Ethelbald* the eldest son of Ethelwolf, succeed J
ing his father in the province of West Saxony, and Ethel-
bright in the province of Kent, reigned both together
the term of five years, one with the other. After these
two succeeded Ethelred, the third son, who in his time wag
so incumbered with the Danes, bursting in on every side,
especially about York, that in one year he stood in nine
battles against them.
About the latter time of the reign of this Ethelred,
which was about A, D, 870» certain of the Danei
being possessed of the northern country, took shipping
ping (^tljeltoolfe miir \\t §mtes.
A.D. 870—901.] KING ALFRED DISGUISED AS A MINSTREL ENTERS THE DANISH CAMP.
y.3
from thence, and landed in Norfolk, and came to Thet-
ford. Edmund, then under-king of that province, assem-
bled an host and gave them battle.
The king put to the worse, fled to the castle of Fra-
mingham, where being on every side compassed by his
enemies, he yielded himself to their persecution. And when
he would not deny Christ, they most cruelly bound him
to a tree, and caused him to be shot to death ; and lastly,
caused his head to be smitten from his body, and cast
into the thick bushes.
Tidings soon after were brought to king Ethelred , of the
landing of Osrike king of Denmark, who with the assist-
ance of the other Danes had gathered a great host, and
were encamped upon Ashdon. To this battle king Ethel-
red, with his brother Alured, called Alfred, hasted to with-
stand the Danes, the king staying a little behind to offer
up prayer to God, Alfred who was come before entered
already into the whole tight with the Danes, who stuck
together with huge violence. Afterwards, through the
grace of God, and their godly manhood, the king coming
with his fresh soldiers, so discomfited the Danes that day
that in flying away not only they lost the victory, but
many of them their lives. — their king Osrike, and five of
their dukes being slain.
After this the Danes yet re-assembled their people, and
gathered a new host ; so thit within fifteen days they
met at Basingstoke, and there gave bntfle to the king,
and had the better. Then the king agun gathered his men
at the town of Merton, a-ul he give them a sharp battle,
but the Danes had the honour of the field, and king
Ethelred was there wo'ind^d.
After these two battles thus won by the Danes, they
spread over a great circuit of ground, and destroyed man
and child that would not yield to tl-.ein. The churches
and temples they turned to the use of stables, and other
vile occupations.
Thus the king being beset with enemies on every side,
seeing the land so miserably oppressed ^v the Danes, his
knights and soldiers consumed, his own land of the West
Saxons in such desolation, he being also wounded him-
self, rather wished to die honestly than to reign in such
trouble and sorrow. And not long after deceased,being
gucceeded by his brother
KING ALCRED, OTHERWISE CALLED ALFRED.
Among the Saxon kings I find none to be compared to
Alfred, for great and singular qualities, worthy of high
renown and commendation ; whether we behold in him
the valiant acts and manifold trials which he sustained
against his enemies in wars, during almost all his reign,
for the public preservation of his people ; or whether we
consider in him his godly and excellent virtues, joined
with a public and tender care, and a zealous study for
the common peace and tranquillity of the public weal ;
appearing as well in his prudent laws as also by the
virtuous institution of his life ; or whether we respect
his notable knowledge of good letters, with a fervent
love and princely desire to set forth the same through all
his realm, before his time both rude and barbarous. All
which heroic properties, joined together in one prince,
as it is a rare thing, and seldom seen in princes now-
a-days ; so I thought the same more to be noted and
exemplified in this good king. Wherefore, to discourse
in order of these things, we will first treat of his acts and
painful trials sustained in defence of the public realm,
against the raging tyranny of the Danes.
King Alfred, the first of all the English kings, taking
his crown and unction at Rome of Pope Leo, in the be-
ginning of his reign, perceived his lords and people
much wasted and decayed, by reason of the great wars
of Ethelred against the Danes, yet as well as he could,
he gathered his people, and in the second month that he
was made king he met with the Danes beside Wilton,
where he gave them battle. But being far over-matched
through the multitude of the enemy, he was put there
to the worse ; although not without a great slaughter of the
Pagan army. The next year the Danes left those parts, and
drew to Lindsey, robbing and spoihng the towns and vil-
lages as they went, and holding the common people under
their bondage. Afterwards joining with the three othfT
kings of the Danes, they grew in mighty force and strength,
till the fourth year of King Alfred. In which year .Alfred's
men had a conflict on the sea with six of the Danes' ships,
of which they took one, and the others fled away. The
army of the three Danish kings returned again to West
Saxony, and entered the castle of Wareham ; wli»re
Alfred with a sufficient force was ready to assault them.
But the Danes seeing his strength, durst not attempt it
with him. In the meantime they were constrained to
treat for truce ; leaving sufficient pledges in the king's
hand, and promising moreover upon their oatli to
leave the country of the West Saxons. The ki:ig upon
the surety let them go. But they falsely breaking their
league, privilyin the night brake out, taking their jour;iv-y
toward Exeter. In which voyage they lost six score of
their small ships by a tempest. Then king Alfred foUo.Vv d
after the horsemen of the Danes, but could not overt.ik^
them before they came to Exeter, where he took of th^i.i
pledges and fair promises of peace, and so returned.
Notwithstanding the number of the Pagansdnly increaseu,
in so much that if in one day thirty thousand of tht:i:i
were slain, shortly after they increased double as uidny
again.
The next year, the Danes having all the rule of th3
north part of England, from the river Thames, disdaiiiuJ
that Alfred should bear any dominion on the other side
of the Thames southward. Whereupon the threi; kinirs,
with all the forces and strength they could make, maiched
with such a multitude, that the king with his peo-
ple was not able to resist them ; and of the people which
inhabited there, some fled over the sea, some remained
with the king, and many submitted themselves to the
Danes. Thus Alfred being overset with a multiUule of
enemies, and forsaken by his people, having neither la. id
to hold, nor hope to recover that which he had lost, with-
drew himself with a few of his nobles, into a certain wood
country in Somersetshire called Etheling, where he had
little to live on but such as he and his people might pro-
cure by hunting and fishing. This Etheling stands in a
great marsh or moor, so that there is no access unto it
without ship or boat, and has in it a great wood called
Selwood, and in the middle a little plain about two acres
of ground, in which isle is venison, and other wild beasts,
with fowls and fishes. In this wood king Alfred at his
first coming spied a certain cottage of a poor swineherd,
keeping swine in the wood, by whom the king then un-
known was entertained and cherished with such poor
fare as he and his wife could make him. For which king
Alfred afterwards set the poor swineherd to learning, and
made him bishop of Winchester.
Notwithstanding the king in process of time was
strengthened and comforted, through the providence
of God, respecting the miserable ruin of the English.
First, the brother of King Halden the Dane coming in
with three and thirty ships, landed about Devonshire ;
where by chance being resisted by a bushment of King
Alfred's men (who for their safeguard there lay in garri-
son) were slain to the number of 1300 men, and their
ensign called the Raven was taken. Both Inguar and
Hubba were slain among the other Danes. After this
King Alfred being better cheered shewed himself more
at large, so that the men of Wiltshire, Somersetshire, and
Hampshire daily resorted to him, till he was strongly
accompanied.
Then the king undertook a bold and dangerous adven-
ture ; for, apparelling himself in the habit of a minstrel,
(as he was very skilful in all Saxon poems), with his
instrument of music he entered into the camp of the
Danes, lying then at Eddendun ; and while playing his
interludes and songs, he espied all their sloth and idle-
ness, and heard much of their counsel. Shortly after he
fell upon the Danes suddenly in the night and slew a
great multitude of them, and chased them from that coast,
insomuch that through his strong and valiant assaults he
clearly voided the country of them between that and Sel-
wood. His subjects soon hearing of his valiant victories
and manful deeds, drew to him daily out of all coasts.
Who through the help of God held the Danes so short,
that he won from them Winchester and other towns.
94
THE DANES SUBDUED. CHARACTER OF KING ALFRED.
[Book III.
At length he forced them to seek for peace, which was
concluded upon certain covenants, whereof one and the
principal was, that Gutrum their king should be chris-
tened. The other was, that such as would not be chris-
tened should depart the country.
About the fifteenth year of the reign of Alfred, the
Danes returning from France to England, landed in
Kent, and so came to Rochester and besieged that city ;
and there lay so long that they built a tower of timber
against the gates of the city. But by the strength of
the citizens that tower was destroj'ed, and the city de-
feuded, till King Alfred came and rescued them.
Whereby the Danes were so distressed, and so near
trapped, that for fear they left their horses behind them,
and fled to their ships by night. But the king, when he
was aware thereof, sent after them and took sixteen of
their ships, and slew many of the Danes. Tliis done,
the king returned to London, and repaired that city,
and made it habitable, which before was decayed and
enfeebled by the assaults of the Danes.
About the one-and-twentieth year of his reign, the
Danes again landed in four places of this land ; in the
east, in the north, and in two places in the west.
When King Alfred ascertained that the Danes were
landed, he went forth against them from where he was
in East Anglia, and he pursued so sharply, that he drove
them out from those parts. They then landed in Kent,
whither the king, with his people, in like manner drave
them out. After this, the Danes took shipping, and
sailed into North Wales, and there robbed and spoiled
the Britons.
The fourth host of the Danes, the same year, came to
Chester, which at length they won : but then the country
adjoining pressed so sore upon them, and besieged them
so long, keeping them within the city, that at last the
Danes, wearied with the long siege, were compelled to
eat their own horses for hunger. Alfred, in the mean-
while, with his host marched thitherward. Then the
Danes, leaving their strong-holds and castles, furnished
with men and victuals, again took shipping, and so set
their course that they landed in Sussex, and came to the
jiort of Lewes, and from thence toward London, and
Ijuihled a tower or castle twenty miles from London.
But the Londoners hearing thereof, sent out a certain
nuin))er of men of arms, who, with the assistance of
them of that country, put the Danes from that tower,
and after beat it down to the ground. Soon after the
king came down thither, and to prevent the dangers
that miglit ensue, commanded the river of Lea to be
divided in three streams ; so that where a ship might
sail in times before, there a little boat might scarcely
row. From thence the Danes leaving their ships and
wives, were forced to fly that country, and took their
way again toward Wales, to the river of Severn ; where,
upon the borders thereof they builded them a castle,
there resting themselves for a time, whom the king soon
pursued with his army. The year following, the Danes
divided their host, part went to Northumberland, some
to Norfolk, part sailed to France, others came to West-
sax, where they had conflicts with the English, both by
land, and upon the sea; some of whom were slain,
many perished by shipwreck, others were taken and
hanged, and thirty of their ships were taken.
Not long after this, Alfred, when he had reigned
nine-and-twenty years and six months, quitted this
mortal life. And thus much, we write, touching the
painful labours and trials of this good king ; which he
no less valiantly achieved, than patiently sustained for
the defence of his realm and subjects.
Now if there be any who desire to see and follow the
virtuous and godly disposition of this king, both touch-
ing the institution of his own life, and also concerning
his careful government of the commonwealth, thus the
histories record: — That when young, perceiving himself
disposed to dissoluteness and vice, he did not, as many
young princes and kings' sons in the world now do, that
IS, give themselves to all kind of license, and dissolute
sensuality, but, wishing to avoid the temptation, he be-
sought God that he would send to him some continual
tickness, whereby he might be kept from any dissolute
habits, and be more profitable to the )ublic business
of the commonwealth, and more apt to serve God
in his calling.
The bountiful goodness joined with prudence in this
man, in the ordering and disposing his riches and rents,
is not unworthy to be recited ; he divided his goods into
two equal parts, the one he appropriated to secular uses,
the other to spiritual or ecclesiastical. Of which two
principal parts, the first he divided into three portions,
the first to the support of his house and family ; the
second upon the workmen and builders of his new
works, whereof he had great delight and cunning ; the
third upon strangers. Likewise the other half for
spiritual uses, he divided into four portions, one to the
relieving of the poor, another to the monasteries, the
third portion to the schools of Oxford, for the maintain-
ing of good letters ; tlie fourth he sent to foreign
churches without the realm.
He was most sparing and frugal of time, as of a thing
in this earth most precious. He so divided the day and
night in three parts (if he were not hindered by wars
and other great business) that he spent eight hours in
study and learning, eight hours in prayer and alms-deeds,
and eight hours in his natural rest, sustenance of his
body, and the needs of the realm.
How careful he was of the commonwealth, and for the
maintenance of public tranquillity, his laws set forth and
devised by him may declare. Wherein especially was
provided by him for the extirpating and abolishing of all
thieves out of the realm. Whereby the realm was
brought into such tranquillity, or rather perfection, that
in every cross or turning way through his dominion he
caused to be set up a golden brooch, at least of silver
gilded, and none were found so hardy as to take it down
either by day or night. He diligently searched out the
doings of his officers, and especially of his judges, so
that if he knew any of them to err, either through
covetousness or unskilfulness, he removed them from
their office.
And thus much concerning the valiant acts and noble
virtues of this worthy prince ; whereunto although there
were no other ornaments besides, yet they alone were
sufficient to set forth a prince worthy of excellent com-
mendation. Now, besides these other qualities and
gifts of God's grace in him, there remains another part
of no little praise and commendation, which is his
learning and knowledge of good lettei-s, whereof he was
not only excellently expert himself, but also a worthy
maintainer of the same through all his dominions ;
where there was no grammar or other sciences practised ;
through the industry of the king, schools began to be
erected, and studies to flourish. Although among the
Britons, in the town of Chester, both grammar and phi-
losophy, with other tongues, was then taught. After
that some other writers record that in the time of
Egbert, king of Kent, this island began to flourish with
philosophy. About which time some also think that the
university of Grantchester, near to that which now is
called Cambridge, began to be founded by Bede. Be-
fore these times, it is thought that there were two
schools or universities within the realm, the one Greek
at the town of Greglade, which afterwai-d was called
Kirkelade ; the other for Latin, which place was then
called Latinlade, afterward Lethelade near to O.xford.
But however it chanced that the knowledge and
study of good letters being once planted in this realm,
afterward went to decay ; yet King Alfred deserves no
little praise for restoring or rather increasing the same.
But this we may see, what it is to have a prince learned
himself, who, feeling and tasting the price and value of
science and knowledge, is thereby not only the more apt
to rule, but also to instruct and frame his subjects, from
a rude barbarity, to a more civil life, although it was
somewh;xt late before he learned, yet such was the do-
cility of his nature that, being a child, he had the
Saxon poems (such as were used then in his own tongue)
by heart and memory. Afterwards, with years he grew
up in much perfection of learning and knowledge, which
is the more to be marvelled at, for he was twelve years
of age before he knew any letter. At which time his
>.D. 901.]
JOHN SCOT. POPE FORMOSUS.
95
mother having by chance a book in her hand, which he
wished to have, promised to give it to him if he would
learn it. Upon which he, through his desire to possess
the book, soon learned the letters, his master being
Pleimundus, afterwards bishop of Canterbury. And so he
daily grew more and more in knowledge, that at length
he translated a great part of the Latin library into
English. Of which books, translated by him, was Oro-
sius, Gregory's Pastoral, the History of Bede, Boetius
on the Consolation of Philosophy. He also wrote a
book in his own tongue, which he called a Hand Book.
Besides the history of Bede translated into the Saxon
tongue, he also himself compiled a history in the same
speech, called The History of Alfred, &c. And as he
was himself excellently well learned, so he likewise in-
flamed all his countrymen with the love of letters. Also
his nobles he allured to the embracing of good letters,
80 that they set all their sons to schools ; or if they had
no sons, yet they caused their servants to be taught.
He began, moreover, to translate the Psalter in English,
and had almost finished the same, when death prevented
him.
Moreover, among other learned men who were about
King Alfred, histories make mention of John Scot (a
godly divine, and a learned philosopher). This John is
described to be of a sharp wit, of great eloquence, and
well expert in the Greek tongue, of a pleasant and merry
nature, as appears by many of his doings and answers.
He left his own country of Scotland, by reason of the
great tumults of war, and went to France, where he was
worthily entertained, and for his learning was held in
great estimation by Charles the Bald, the French king ;
so that he was commonly and familiarly about the king.
One day, the king sitting at meat, and seeing something
(belike in this John Scot) which seemed not very courtly,
merrily asked of him what difference there was betwixt
a Scot and a sot ? to which the Scot sitting over against
the king, somewhat lower, replied again suddenly, ratner
than advisedly (yet merrily) saying, the table ordy ; im-
porting thereby himself to be the Scot, and so calling the
king a sot by craft. Which word, how other princes
would have taken, I know not, but this Charles, for the
great reverence he bear to his learning, turned it but to a
laughter among his nobles, and so let it pass.
Another time, the same king being at dinner, was
served with a certain dish of fish, wherein were two
great fi.shes and a little one. After the king had taken
thereof his repast, he sent the fish down to John Scot,
to distribute to the other two clerks sitting with him,
who were two tall and mighty persons, he himself being
but a little man. John, taking the fish, takes and
carves to himself the two great ones ; the little fish he
reaches to the other two. The king perceiving his di-
vision thus made, reprehended it. Then John, whose
manner was ever to find out some honest matter to de-
light the king, answered, proving his division to stand
just and equal : for here (said he) are two great, and a
little, pointing to the two great fishes and himself ; and
likewise here again is a little one and two great, pointing
to the little fish, and the two great persons. I pray you
(said he) what odds is there, or what distribution can be
more equal ? Whereat the king with his nobles being
much delighted, laughed merrily.
The same John Scot moreover compiled a book, in
which is contained the resolution of many profitable
questions ; but he is thought to follow the Greek church
rather than the Latin, and for the same was counted of
some to be an heretic ; because there be some things in
that book which in all points accord not with the Romish
religion. Wherefore the pope, writing to King Charles,
complains that a certain man called John, a Scottish
man, had translated the book of Dionysius the Areopa-
gite, of the names of God, and of the heavenly orders,
from Greek into Latin. Which book, according to the
custom of the church, ought first to have been approved
by our judgment ; namely, seeing the said John (although
he is said to be a man of great learning and science) in time
past has been noted to have been a man not of upright
or sound doctrine, in certain points, &c. For this cause
Scot, being constrained to remove from France, came to
England, allured by the letters of King Alfred, by whom
he was entertained with great favour, and continued a
long time about the king ; till at length (whether before
or after the death of the king it is uncertain) he went to
Malmesbury, where he taught certain scholars a few
years, by which scholars at last he was most impiously
murdered and slain with their penknives, and so died.
King Alfred having these helps of learned men about
him, and no less learned also himself, passed his time to
the great utility and profit of his subjects. Alfred had
two sons, Edward and Ethelward, and three daughters,
Elfleda, Ethelgora, and Ethelguida. Edward, his eldest
son, succeeded him in the kingdom ; the second son,
Ethelward, died before his father: Ethelgora, his middle
daughter, was made a nun, the other two were married,
the one in Merceland, the other to the Earl of Flanders.
Thus King Alfred, the valiant, virtuous, and learned
prince, after he had thus christianly governed the realm,
the term of nine-and-twenty years and six months, de-
parted this life, 5th November (A. D. 901), and lies
buried at Winchester. Of whom I find, moreov(!r, this
thing greatly noted and commended in history, and not
here to be forgotten, for the rare example thereof, that
wherever he was, or whithersoever he went, he always
bore about him a little book containmg the Psalms of
David, and certain other orisons of his own collecting.
Whereupon he was continually reading or praying,
whenever he had any leisure.
As to the course and proceedings of the Romish
bishops, I last mentioned Pope Stephen VI. After his
time there was much broil in the election of the bishops
of Rome, one contending against another ; so that
in the space of nine years, there were nine bishops I the
first was Formosus, who succeeded Stephen VI., being
made pope against the mind of certain in Rome, who
preferred Sergius. This Formosus had offended Pope
John VIII., by reason whereof, for fear of the pope, he
left his bishopric. And because, being sent for by the
pope, he would not return, he was excommunicated.
At length coming to make his satisfaction to the pope,
he was degraded from a bishop into a secular man's
habit, swearing to the pope that he would no more re-
enter into the city of Rome, nor claim his bishopric
again, subscribing moreover with his own hand, to con-
tinue from that time in the state of a secular person.
But then Pope Martin (the next pope after John) re-
leased Formosus of his oath, and restored him again to his
bishopric ; whereby Formosus entered not only into Rome
again, but also shortly after obtained the papacy. Thus,
he being placed in the popedom, there arose a great
doubt or controversy among the divines about his con-
secration, whether it was lawful or not ; some holding
against him, that as he was solemnly deposed, degraded,
unpriested, and also sworn not" to reassume the ecclesi-
astical state, therefore he ought to be taken no otherwise
than for a secular man. Others alleged again, that
whatever Formosus was, yet for the dignity of the order,
and for the credit of those whom he ordained, all his
consecration ought to stand in force, especially as For-
mosus was afterwards received and absolved by Pope
Martin from his perjury and degradation, &c. In the
mean time, Formosus sends to King Arnulphus for aid
against his adversaries ; when then marching toward
Rome, was there resisted by the Romans from entering.
But Arnulphus obtaining the city of Rome, rescues
Pope Formosus, and beheads his adversaries ; the pope
to gratify him in return, blesses and crowns him as
emperor. Thus Formosus sitting about the space of
four or five years, followed his predecessors ; after whose
time (as I said) within the space of nine years were
nine bishops as follows. But in the mean time concern-
ing this Formosus, I would gladly ask, and more gladly
learn of some impartial good catholic person, who being
a papist, not in obstinacy, but in simple error, would
answer his conscience — whether he thinks the holy order
of priesthood, which he takes for one of the seven sacra •
ments, to be an indelible character or not ? If it be not
indelible, that is, if it be such a thing as may be put off,
why then does the pope's doctrine pretend it to be inde-
lible, and unremoveable ? or if it be indeed as they
96
KING EDWARD SUCCEEDS HIS FATHER ALFRED.
[Book HI.
teach and affirm, of an indelible character, why then did
Pope John, or could Pope John annihilate and evacuate
one of his seven pope-holy-sacraments, making of a
priest a non-priest, or layman, uncharactering his own
order which is (as he says) a character which in nowise
may be blotted out or removed ? Again, however Pope
John is to be judged in this matter, as either well or not
well; this I would know, whether he did well in dis-
priesting and discharacterising Formosus for such private
offences ? If he did, how then stands his doing with his
own doctrine which teaches the contrary ? If he did
not well, how tlien stands his doctrine with his doings,
which teaches that the pope with his synod of cardinals
cannot err ? Moreover, if this Pope John did not err in
his disordaining Formosus, how then did Martin his
successor not err in repealing the act of his predecessor?
or how did not Pope Formosus err himself, who being
unpriested by Pope John without reiterating the charac-
ter or order of priesthood, took upon him to be pope,
and made acts and laws in the church ? Again, if For-
mosus, when he was pope, did not err, how then did
Pope Stephen, his successor, afterwards not err, who
annihilated the consecration, and all other acts of For-
mosus as erroneous ? Or, again, if we say that this
Stephen with his synod of cardinals did right, then how
could it be that Pope Theodore, and Pope John IX. who
came after Stephen, did not err, who approving of the
consecration of Formosus, did condemn and burn the
synodical acts of Stephen and his cardinals, who before
had condemned Formosus ?
After Formoius bad governed the see of Rome five
years, Boniface VI. succeeded, who continued but five-
and-twenty days. Then came Stephen VII. who so hated
the name of his predecessor Formosus, that he abrogated
and dissolved his decrees, and taking up his body after
it was buried, cut two lingers off his right hand, and
commanded them to be cast into the Tiber, and then
buried the body in a private or lay-man's sepulchre !
After Stephen had sat in the chair of pestilence one year,
Pope Romanus succeeded, and sat three months, repealing
the acts decreed by Stephen against Formosus. Next to
him came Theodore II., who, taking part with Formosus
against Stephen, reigned but twenty days. Than sat Pope
John IX., who to confirm the cause of Formosus more
surely, held a synod at Ravenna of seventy-four bishops,
mth the French king, and his archbishops present at it.
At this council were ratified all the decrees and doings
of Formosus, and the contrary acts of the synod of Stephen
VII. were burned. This pope continued not quite two
years, after whom succeeded Benedict IV., who kept the
chair three years. After whom Leo V., he within forty
days of his paj)acy, was taken and cast into prison by one
Christopher, his ovvn chaplain. Which Christopher, being
pope about the space of seven months, was likewise
himself driven from his papal throne by Sergius III., as he
had done to his master before. And thus within the
space of nine years, nine popes had succeeded one after
another. Then Sergius after he had thrust down Pope
Christopher, and shorn him and put him as a monk into
a monastery, occupied the room seven years. This Ser-
gius, a rude man and unlearned, very proud and cruel,
had before been put back from the popedom by Formo-
sus above mentioned. Therefore to revenge himself on
Formosus, he caused the body of Formosus, where it was
buried, to be taken up ; and afterwards sitting in the papal
see (as in his pontificalibus) first degraded him, then
commanded his head to be smitten off, with the other
three fingers that were left, and then commanded his body
to be thrown into the Tiber, deposing likewise all such as
by Formosus had before been consecrated and invested.
This body of Formosus, thus thrown into the Tiber, was
afterward (as our writers say) found and taken up by
certain fishers, and so brought into St. Peter's temple.
At the presence whereof (as they say) certain images
standing by, bowed themselves down, and reverenced the
same I But such deceivable miracles of stocks and images,
in monkish temples are no news to us, especially here in
England, where we have been so inured with the like and
so many, that such wily practices cannot be invisible,
to us, though this crown-shorn generation think them-
selves to dance in a net. But the truth is, while ther
think to deceive the simple, these wily beguilers most of
all deceive themselves, as they will find, except they re.
pent. By this Pope Sergius first came up the custom of
bearing about candles on Candlemas-day, for the puri-
fying of the blessed Virgin ; as if the sacred conception
of Jesus the Son of God, were to be purified as a thing
impure, and that with candle light.
After Sergius was Pope Anastasius. After Anastasius
had sat two years, followed Pope Lando, the father (as
some historians think) of Pope John, which John is said
to have been set up by Theodora, an infamous woman
of Rome, either against Lando, or after Lando to succeed
in his room. Luithprand mentions this Theodora and
Pope John X., and says, " that Theodora had a daughter
named Marozia, which Marozia had a son by Pope Ser-
gius, who afterward was Pope John XL The same
Marozia afterwards married Guido, marquis of Tuscia,
through the means of which Guido and his friends at
Rome, she had this Pope John X. smothered with a
pillow after he had reigned thirteen years, that so John
XL, her son, might succeed after him. But because M
the clergy and people of Rome did not agree to his elec- fl
tion, therefore Pope Leo was set up. "Thus Pope John, '
the son of Sergius and Marozia,being rejected. Pope Leo
reigned seven months. After him Pope Stephen two
years, who being poisoned, then was Pope John XL,
the son of Sergius and Marozia, set up again in the
papacy, where he reigned near the space of five years.
Of the wickedness of this Marozia, how she married two
brothers, one after the death of the other, and how she
governed all Rome, and the whole church at that time
I let pass. After John XL, followed Pope Leo, who
reigned three years and four months. Pope Stephen IX.,
three years and four months. Pope Martin three years
and six months ; after him Pope Agapetus eight years
and six months. About whose time, or a little before,
first began the order of monks, called, " The monks of
Cluny," &c. But now to leave off these monstrous mat-
ters of Rome, we return again to our country of England,
where we left off.
KING EDWARD THE ELDER.
After the reign of Alfred, his son Edward succeeded, '
This Edward began his reign (A. D. 901)t and governed
right valiantly and nobly twenty- seven years. In knowledge
of good letters and learning he was not to be compared to
his father, otherwise in princely renovrn, in the civil
government, and such like martial prowess, he was
nothing inferior, but rather excelled him ; through whose
valiant acts first the princedom of Wales and the king-
dom of Scotland, with Constantine king thereof, were
subdued to him. He added moreover to his dominion,
the country of East Anglia, that is Norfolk, Suffolk, and
Essex. All Merceland also he recovered, and Northumber-
land out of the hands of the Danes. In all his wars he
never lightly went without victory. The subjects of his
provinces and dominions were so inured and hardened in
continual practice and feats of war, that when they heard
of enemies coming (never tarrying for any bidding from
the king or from his dukes) straightways they encountered
with them, always excelUng their adversaries both in num-
bers and the knowledge of the art of war.
About the twelfth year of his reign, the Danes repent-
ing them of their covenants, and minding to break the
same, assembled an host, and met with the king in Staf-
fordshire, at a place called Totenhall, and soon after at
Wodenfield, at which two places, the king slew two kings,
two earls, and many thousands of Danes that occupied
the country of Northumberland.
Thus the importunate rage of the Danes being assuaged,
King Edward having now some leisure given from wars
to other studies, gave his mind to the building or repair-
ing of cities, towns, and castles, that had been razed, shat>
tered, and broken by the Danes.
As touching the laws and statutes of this Edward, as
also of his father Alfred, I omit here to record them on
account of their length : yet notwithstanding I think
good to note that in the days of these ancient kings of
k.B. 928—965.]
KING ATHELSTAN— KING EDMUND.
97
England, the authority both of conferring bishoprics
and spiritual promotions, and also of prescribing laws
as well to the churchmen as to the laity, and of ordering
and intermeddling in matters merely spiritual, was then in
the hands of the kings ruling in the land, and not only in
the hand of the pope, as appears by the laws of Alfred.
Whence it may appear, how the government and direc-
tion of the church in those days depended not upon the
pope of Rome, but upon the king who governed the land.
To this also the example of King Edward's time gives
testimony ; for Edward with Pleimundus, archbishop of
Canterbury, and other bishops in a synod assembled,
assigned and elected seven bishops in seven metropolitan
churches of the realm, in which election the king's au-
thority seemed then alone to be suflScient, &c.
KING ETHELSTAN, OR ADELESTON.
* j Ethelstan succeeded, after the death of Edward his
father (A. D. 928)., and was crowned at Kingston. He
was a prince of worthy memory, valiant and wise in aU
his acts, nothing inferior to his father. In like worldly
renown of civil government, joined with much prosper-
ous success, in reducing this realm under the subjection
of one monarchy. For he both expelled the Danes, sub-
dued the Scots, and quieted the Welshmen.
Among the victorious and noble acts of this king, one
blot is written of him, wherein he is as much worthy to
be reprehended, as in the others to be commended ; that
is, the innocent death and murder of his brother Edwin.
The occasion thereof was this. The said Ethelstan
being bom of Egwina, the wife to Edward before he was
married to her, and fearing his next brother Edwin, who
,was rightly born, especially being stirred thereto through
|the sinister suggestion of his butler, felt such dislike to
I Edwin his brother, that he caused him to be set in an
old rotten boat in the broad sea, without any tackling or
other provision. Where the young and tender prince
being dismayed with the rage of winds and of the floods,
and now weary of his life, cast himself overboard into
the sea, and so was drowned. The king, afterwards
coming to the remembrance of himself, was stricken with
great repentance the space of seven years together, and
I at length was revenged of him that was the accuser of
Ihis brother. This accuser was the king's cup bearer,
!who (as God the righteous judge of all things would
have it) upon a certain solemn feast, bearing the cup to
'the king, chanced in the middle of the floor to stumble
iwith one foot, helping and recovering himself with the
other, saying in these words, " Thus one brother helps
lanother." These words being thus spoken in the hear-
jing of the king, so moved his mind, that forthwith he
'comiianded the false accuser of his brother, to be had
out to execution. WTiose just recompense I would wish
I to be a warning to all men, what it is to sow discord
I between brother and brother.
1 King Ethelstan (besides his seven years lamentation
1 for this act) built the two monasteries of Midleton and
I of Michlenes for his brother's sake, or (as the histories
j gay) for his soul. Whereby it may appear what was the
cause in those days of building monasteries, to wit, for
I releasing the sins both of them departed, and them
! alive : which cause, how it stands with the grace and
I verity of Christ's gospel, and of his passion, let the
I christian reader try and examine with himself. This cruel
I act of the king towards Edwin, caused him afterward to be
I more tender and careful towards his other brethren and
sisters left in his hands unmarried. Which sisters, he
bestowed in great marriages ; one to the king of Nor-
thumberland ; another he gave unto Lewis king of
Aquitain ; the third to Otho, who was the first emperor
of the Germans.
The fourth of his sisters being of singular beauty,
Hugo the French king required to be given to him,
sending to King Ethelstan precious and sumptuous pre-
sents, such as were not before seen in England. Among
which presents and gifts, besides the rare odours of sun-
dry favours, and fine spices ; and besides the precious
and costly gems, besides also many beautiful coursers
and palfries richly trapped ; especially of one jewel
which was a certain vessel finely and subtilly made of
the precious onyx stone, so radiantly wrought, that in it
appeared the lively corn growing, and men's images
walking, &c. Besides these, there was sent also the
sword of Constantine the Great, with the name of the
possessor, written in golden letters, where in the haft of
the same all beaten in gold, was one of the iron nails
wherewith our Saviour was nailed on the cross. Among
them, moreover, was the spear (as is reported) where-
vrith the side of our Saviour was opened, with a portion
likewise of the holy cross inclosed in crystal, also a
part of the crovm of thorns in like manner inclosed, &c.
Of the truth of all which relics I am not much disposed
to say all I suspect.
Ethelstan prescribed certain constitutions also, touch-
ing tithes, where he proclaimed as follows : "I, Ethel-
stan King, charge and command all my officers through
my whole realm, to give tithes unto God of my proper
goods, as well in living cattle, as in the corn and fruits
of the ground, and that my bishops likewise of their
proper goods, and mine aldermen, and my officers and
headmen shall do the same. Also this I will, that my
bishops and other headmen do declare the same to such
as be under their subjection, and that to be accomplished
at the term of St. John the Baptist. Let us remember
what Jacob said unto the Lord, " Of all that thou shalt give
me I will surely give a tenth unto thee." Gen. xxviii. 22.
And thus much briefly concerning the history of King
Ethelstan, who reigned about the space of sixteen years.
And because he died without issue, therefore his brother
Edmund succeeded after him (A. D. 940), who reigned
six years.
KING EDMUND.
Edmund, the son of Edward, and brother of Ethel-
stan, was twenty years of age when he began his reign ;
he had two sons, Edwin and Edgar, who both reigned
after him. This Edmimd continued his reign six years
and a half. By him the Danes, Scots, Normans, and
all foreign enemies were expelled out of the land, and
then the king set his mind to redressing and maintaining
the state of the church, all which then stood in build-
ing of monasteries, and furnishing of churches, either
with new possessions or restoring the old which were
taken away before. In the time of Edmund, I find this
written in an old history, " In the time of this
king, there was a scattering or dispersion made of the
monks out of the monastery of Evesham, and canons
substituted in their place, through the doing of Athelm
and Ulric, laymen, and of Osulfus bishop," &c.
Here, as concerning this matter between monks and
others of the clergy, first it is to be understood, that in
the realm ot England, before the time of Dunstan, the
bishops' sees and cathedral churches were not filled with
monks, but with priests and canons, called then clerks
or clergy. After this a difference begins to rise between
these two parties in strictness of life, and in habit ; so
that they who lived after a strict rule were called monks,
and professed chastity, that is, to live a single life (for
so chastity was defined in those blind days) as though holy
matrimony were no chastity. The other sort who were
not monks but priests or clergy, lived more free from
those monkish rules and observances, and were then
commonly (or at least lawfully) married, and in their
life and habit came nearer to the secular state of other
christians. By reason whereof there was great disdain
and emulation among them, so that in many cathedral
churches, where priests were before, there monks were
put in ; and sometimes where monks had intruded, there
priests and canons were again placed, and the monks
thrust out ; whereof more shall appear hereafter (by the
grace of Christ) when we come to the life of Dunstan.
In the mean time, to satisfy the reader, who would
know of the first coming of monks into this realm and
church of England, this is to be noted.
About this time of King Edmund, or shortly after,
when strictness of life joined with superstition, was had
in veneration, and counted for great holiness ; men,
either to win fame with men, or merits with God, gave
h2
98
KING EDWIN. KING EDGAR.
tBooK in.
themselves to lead a strict life, thinking- thereby (the
stranger their conversation was, and the further from
the common trade of vulgar people) to be the more per-
fect towards God and man. There was at that time a
monastery in France named Floriake, after the order of
Benedict : from which monastery sprung a great part of
our English monks, who being there professed, and
afterward returning into England, congregated men
daily to their profession. And so, partly for strangeaess
c.f their rule, partly for outward hohness of life, partly
for the opinion of holiness that many had of them, they
were in great admiration, not only with the rude sort,
but with kings and princes, who founded their houses,
maintained their rules, and enlarged them with posses-
sions. Among the monks was one Oswald, first a monk of
Floriake, then bishop of Worcester and York, a great
patron and setter up of monkery. Of this Oswald,
bishop of York, and Dunstan, bishop of Canterbury,
and Ethelwald, bishop of Winchester, and how they
filled divers monasteries and cathedral churches with
monks, and how they discharged married priests and
canons out of their houses, to plant monks in their cells,
more shall be spoken hereafter.
In the time of this king, Dunstan was not yet arch-
bishop of Canterbury, but only abbot of Glastonbury,
of whom many fabulous narrations pass among the
writers, whereof this is one of the first. When Edgar
was born, Dunstan being abbot of Glastonbury (as the
monkish fables dream) heard a voice in the air of certain
angels singing after this tenor and saying. Now peace
Cometh to the church of England in the time of this
child, and of our Dunstan, &c. This I mention that
the christian reader might the better ponder with him-
self the impudent and abominable fictions of this
Romish generation. Of the same mint also they have
forged, how at another time the said Dunstan heard the
angels sing, which is as true as that the harp, hanging in
a woman's house, played by itself the tune of an anthem.
What would not these deceivers pretend in matters some-
thing likely, who in things so absurd are not ashamed to
lie and to forge so impudently and also so manifestly ?
Through the instigation of this Dunstan, King Edmund
built and furnished the monastery of Glastonbury, and
made Dunstan abbot of it.
By the laws of King Edmund (ordained and set forth,
as well for the redress of church matters, as also of civil
government) it may appear that the state both of tem-
poral and spiritual causes appertained then to the king's
right (notwithstanding the false pretended usurpation of
the bishop of Rome) as by these laws are to be seen :
■where he, by the advice of his lords and bishops did
enact and determine concerning the pure life of eccle-
siastical ministers, and such as were in the orders of the
church, with the penalties also for those who trans-
gressed the same.
Also for tithes to be paid for every christian man, and
for the church fees, and alms fees, &c.
Concerning ))rofessed women, whom we call nuns, &c.
For every bishop to see his churches repaired of
his own proper charge ; and boldly to inform the
king, whether the houses of God were well maintained,
&c.
For flying into the church for sanctuary, &c.
Concerning cases and determinations on matrimonial
questions, &c.
All which constitutions declare what interest kings
took in those days in ecclesiastical matters as well as
others, within their dominion, and not only in disposing
the ordinances and rites, such as appertained to the in-
stitution of the church, but also in placing and setting
bishops in their sees, &c.
In the time of this Edmund, Ulstan was archbishop of
York, and Odo archbishop of Canterbury.
This Odo continued bishop the space of twenty years.
After whom Elsinus was elected and ordained by the
king to succeed through favour and money ; but in going
to Rome for the pope's pall, in his journey over the Alps
he died through the cold. WTiereupon Dunstan suc-
ceeded. Before this king Edmund died, and was buried
by Duostaa at Glastonbury.
He was succeeded by his brother Edrid, (\.D. 948,)
who governed as protector until Edwin the eldest son of
Edmund came of age.
KING EDWIN.
Edwin, sometimes called Edwy, began his reign A.D.
955, befhg crowned at Kingston by Odo the archbishop
of Canterbury. Of this Edwin it is reported that the
first day of his coronation, while sitting with his lords,
he suddenly left them for the company of a certain lady,
whom he retained (it not being known whether she was Ms
wife), to the great displeasure of his lords, and especially
of the clergy. Dunstan was yet but abbot of Glastonbury,
who following the king, brought him back, and accused
him to Odo the archbishop, by whom the king was sus-
pended out of the church. By reason whereof the king
being displeased with Dunstan, banished liiin. About
the same time the order of Benedict monks, cr black
monks (as they were called), began to multiply and in-
crease in England, so that where other priests and
canons had been, there monks were set in, and tlie secu-
lar priests (as they then were called, or canons) put out.
But king Edwin for the displeasure he bare to Dunstan,
so vexed all the orders of monks that in Malmesbury,
Glastonbury, and other places, he thrust out the monks,
and set in secular priests in their stead.
Notwithstanding, it was not long before these priests
and canons were again removed, and the monks restored
in their stead, both in the aforesaid houses, and in many
other cathedral churches, besides.
In fine, king Edwin being hated by all his subjects,
was removed from his kingly honour, and his brother
Edgar received in his stead.
KING EOGAR.
Edgar, the second son of Edmund, being of the age of
sixteen years, began his reign A.D. 959, but was not
crowned till fourteen years after ; the causes whereof
hereunder follow to be declared. In the beginning of
his reign he called home Dunstan, whom king Edwin had
exiled. Then was Dunstan, who was abbot of Glaston-
bury, made bishop of Worcester, and then of London.
Not long after, this Odo the archbishop of Canterbury
deceased, after he had governed that church above twenty
years. After whom Brithilinus bishop of Winchester,
was first elected ; but because he was thought not suffi-
cient, Dunstan was ordained archbishop, and the other
sent home again to his old church. Where, note by the
way, how in those days the donation and assigning of
ecclesiastical dignities remained in the king's hand ; only
they brought their pall from Rome as a token of the
pope's confirmation. So Dunstan being by the king
made archbishop, took his journey to Rome for his pall
of Pope John XIII. Dunstan obtaining his pall, shortly
after his return from Rome, intreats king Edgar that
Oswald might be promoted to be bishop of Worcester,
which was granted to him. And not long after, through
means of Dunstan, Ethelwold was also made bishop of
Winchester.
The monks began first to swarm in the churches of
England, that is, in the days of this Edgar, by the means
of these three bishops, Dunstan, Ethelwold, and Oswald.
Although Dunstan was the chief ringleader, yet Ethelwold
being now bishop of Winchester, and Oswald bishop of
Worcester were not much behind. By the instigation and
counsel of these three. King Edgar is recorded to have
built either new out of the ground, or to have re-edified
more than forty decayed monasteries. In setting up and
building which Ethelwold was a great founder under the
king. Moreover, through the influence of this Dunstan
and his fellows. King Edgar in many great houses and
cathedral churches, where prebendaries and priests were
before, displaced the priests and set in monks.
After the king was thus persuaded to advance monkery,
Oswald bishop of Worcester, and also made archbishop
of York, having his see in the cathedral church of
St. Peter, began with fair persuasions to try the minds
of the canons and priests, whether they would be content
t
A. D. 965.]
MONKS IN THE PRIMITIVE AGE LAYMEN
93
to change their profession, and be made monks or no ;
when he saw it would not take effect, he practised this
j)olicy with them : Near to the church of St Peter, within
the churchyard, he erected another churcli of our lady,
which he filled with monks, there he continually fre-
quented, and was always there to be seen, by reason of
which the other church was left naked and desolate,
and all the people gathered where the bishop was.
Tlie priests seeing themselves so neglected both by the
bishop and the people, were driven either to relinquish
the house, or else become monks. Ethelwold also drove
out the canons and priests from the new monastery in
Winchester, and in Oxford, and in Mildune, with other
places, the secular priests with their wives were expelled
to give place to monks. The cause whereof is thus
pretended in certain writers : the priests and clerks were
thought negligent in their church service, and set vicars
in their stead, while they lived in pleasure, and mis-spent
the patrimony of the church. Then king Edgar gave to
the vicars the same land which before belonged to the pre-
bendaries ; who also not long after shewed themselves as
negligent as the others. Wherefore king Edgar, by the
consent of Pope John XIII., removed the priests and
ordained monks there.
As we have entered upon the mention of monks and
nuns, and of their profession so greatly commended in
our monkish histories, lest perhaps the reader may be
deceived in hearing the name of monks to be such an
ancient thing in christian life (even from the primitive
church after the apostles' time) therefore to prevent all
error herein, it shall not be unprofitable to say somewhat
concerning the original institution of monks, what they
were who in the old time were called monks, in what the
monks in the primitive time did differ from the monks of
the middle time, and from the monks of this later age ;
moreover, in what all these three differ from priests (as
we call them) and from the clergy. Wherefore to answer
to the superstitious scruple of such as allege the anti-
quity of the name of monks ; I grant the name and
order to be of old continuance, from the time of three
hundred years after Christ. Several old authors write
of them, as Augustine, Jerome, Basil (who was himself
one of the first instituters and commenders of that
superstition), Chrysostom, Nazianzen, Evagrius, Sozo-
men, Dionysius, and others. In the number of these
monks (who then were divided into hermits or ancho-
rites, and coenobites) were Antony, Paul, John, with divers
other recluses. Cassian makes mention of a certain mo-
nastery in Thebes, wherein were above five thousand
monks, under the government of one abbot. And here
also in England, mention is made before of Bangor,
wherein were two thousand and two hundred monks
under one man's ruling (A. D. 596). Whereby it
appears that monks were then, and two hundred years
before, in the primitive church. But these monks were
such as either by persecution were driven into solitary
and desert places ; or else such as not constrained by
any, but by their own voluntary devotion (joined with
some superstition) withdrew themselves from all com-
pany. And all these were then nothing else but lay-
men ; of whom there were two sorts, one of the \'ulgar
and common people, who were only partakers of the
sacraments ; the other, following a monastic life, were
called monks, (being nothing but laymen) leading a more
severe and stricter life than the others.'
Monks in the former age of the church, although they lived
a solitary life, yet were only laymen, differing from priests,
and differing from the other monks who succeeded them in
the middle age of the church, in three points : first, they
were bound to no prescribed form, either of diet or apparel,
or any thing else. Secondly, they remained in the order
of laymen (only being of a stricter life than the rest) and
had nothing to do in matters ecclesiastical. Thirdly,
the monks of that age (although the most part of them
liyed single) yet some of them were married ; and cer-
(1) August, lib. de moribus ecclesiae, rap. 13. Item, lib. de ope-
ribus Moimchorum. Item, Epistola ad Aurelium. Also by Hierome
ad Heliodorum. Also the same appeareth likewise by the fourth
canon of the council of Chalcedon, where it i*. provided, "ne mona-
tainly none of them were forbidden or restraiiicd from
marriage. Of such as were married, speaks Athanasius
in Epistola ad Dracontium, who says that he knew both
monks and bishops married men, and fathers of chil-
dren, &c.
And yet the monks of the old time, though they were
better than those that followed ; yet superstition began
to creep among them into the church, through the crafty
subtilty of Satan, and all for the ignorance of our free
justification by faith in Jesus Christ. Examples declare
the vain and prodigious superstition of these men ; two
or three shall suffice for many, which I here insert, that
the mind of the godly reader may the better consider
and understand, how shortly after the time of Christ and
his apostles, the doctrine of christian justification began
to be forgotten, true religion turned to superstition, and
the price of Christ's passion obscured through the vain
opinion of men's merits, &c. A certain abbot named
Moses thus testifies of himself in the collations of
Cassian, that he so afflicted himself with fasting and
watching, that sometimes for two or three days together,
he not only felt no appetite to eat, but also had no remem-
brance of any meat at all, and by reason thereof, was
driven also from sleep. So that he was obliged to pray
to God for a little refreshing sleep to be given him some
part of the night. In the same author mention is made
of a certain old man a hermit, who because he had
conceived in himself such a purpose never to eat meat,
without he had some g^uest or stranger with him, was
sometimes constrained to abstain five days together until
Sunday, when he came to the church, and brought some
stranger or other home with him.
Two other examples I will add out of Cassian, to shew
how the subtilty of Satan, through superstition and false
colour of holiness, blinds the miserable eyes of such as
rather attend to men's traditions than the word of God.
A certain abbot named John, in the desert wilderness of
Scythia, sent two novices with figs to one that was sick,
eighteen miles off from the church. It chanced these
two young novices, missing the way, wandered so long
in the wild forest or wilderness, and could not find the
cell, that for emptiness and weariness they waxed faint
and tired ; and yet rather would they die than taste the
figs committed to them to carry, and so they did ; for
shortly after they were found dead, their figs lying whole
by them.
Another story he also recites of two mouasttcal bre-
thren, who making their progress in the desert of Thebes,
purposed to take no sustenance but such as the Lord
himself should minister to them. It happened as they
were wandering in the desert, and fainting almost for
want, certain Mazises, a kind of people by nature fierce
and cruel, notwithstanding being suddenly altered into a
new nature of humanity, came forth, and of their own
accord offered bread to them ; which bread the one
thankfully received as sent of God ; the other, as count-
ing it sent of man, and not of God, refused it, and so
perished.
I might also add the story of Mucins, who, to shew
his obedience, did not stick, at the commandment of his
abbot, to cast his son into the water, not knowing whe-
ther any were ready to rescue him from drowning ; so
far were the monks in those days drowned in supersti-
tion. What is this, but for man's traditions and com-
mandments to transgress the commandments of God,
which saith, " Thou shalt do no murder ; thou shalt not
tempt the Lord thy God?" What man is so blind, that sees
not by these and many other examples, what pernicious
superstition begun by reason of this monkery, almost
from the beginning, to creep into the church ? ^^ hereat
I cannot marvel enough, seeing that that age of the
church had so many learned doctors, who not only
approved and followed these monastical sects, but also
themselves were authors and institutors of the same.
Among whom may be reckoned Basil and Nazianzen,
chi se ecclesiasticis ni-gotiis iramisceant ;" that is, " that monks
should not intermeddle with inatttrs of the church," &c. Et Leo
Epistola, 62, vetat monaehos et laicos, " etsi scientiee tiomina elo»
rientur, admitti ad oflScium docendi et concionandi,"
100
MONKS IN THE MIDDLE AND LATER AGES OF THE CHURCH. [Book III.
who with immoderate austerity so reduced themselves,
that when they were called to the office of bishops, they
were not able to bear the labour thereof.
After these monks followed other monks of the middle
age of the church ; who, increasing both in multitude
and in superstition, began by little and little to leave
their desolate dens in the vast wilderness and approach
nearer to great towns ; where they had solemn monas-
teries founded by kings and queens, and kings' daugh-
ters. I note, that the most part of these monasteries
were first erected upon some great murder, either by
war in the field, or privately committed at home, as will
appear to those that read the books I have mentioned.
But to return to our monks again, who, as I said, first
began to creep from the cold field into warm towns and
cloisters, from towns then into cities, and at length from
their close cells and cities into cathedral churches, where,
they not only abounded in wealth and riches (especially
these monks of our later time) but much more in super-
stition and Pharisaical hypocrisy, being yoked and tied in
all their doings, to certain prescribed rules, and formal
observances ; in watching, in sleeping, in eating, in
rising, in praying, in walking, in talking, in looking, in
tasting, in touching, in handling, in their gestures, in
their vestures, every man apparelled not as the proper
condition of others would require, nor as the season of
the year did serve, but as the rules and order of every sect
enforced them. The number of which sects was infinite;
gome after Basil's rule, went in white ; some after Bene-
dict's rule in black ; some of Cluny ; some after Jerome's
rule, leather girdled, and coped above their white coat ;
some Gregorians copper coloured ; some grey monks ;
Eome Graudimontenses, wearing a coat of mails upon
their bare bodies, with a black cloak thereon ; some
Cistercians, who had white rochets on a black coat ;
some Celestines, all in blue, both cloak, cowl, and cap ;
some charter monks, wearing haircloth next their bo-
dies ; some Flagellants, going bare-foot in long white
linen shirts, with an open place in the back, where they
beat themselves with scourges on the bare skin every day
before the people's eyes, till the blood ran down, saying,
that it was revealed to them by an angel, that in so
scourging themselves, within thirty days and twelve
hours, they should be made so pure from sin, as they
were when they first received baptism ; some starred
monks ; some Jesuites, with a white girdle and russet
cowl. But who can reckon the innumerable sects and
disguised orders of their fraternities ? Some holding of
St. Benedict, some of St. Jerome, some of St. Basil,
some of St. Bernard, some of St. Bridget, some of St.
Bruno, some of St. Lewis, as though it were not enough
for christians to hold of Christ only. So subject were
they to servile rules, that no part of christian liberty
remained among them ; so drowned and sunk in super-
stition, that they had not only lost Christ's religion, but
also almost the sense and nature of men. For where
men naturally are and ought to be ruled by the discreet
government of reason in all outward doings, wherein one
rule can serve for all men ; the circumstance of time,
place, person and business being so sundry and divers ;
on the contrai-y among these, no reason, but only the knock
of a bell ruled all their doings ; their rising, their sleeping,
their praying, their eating, their coming in, their going
out, their talking, their silence, and altogether like in-
sensible people, either not having reason to rule them-
selves, or else as persons ungrateful to God, neither
enjoying the benefit of reason created in them, nor yet
using the grace of Christ's liberty, whereunto he re-
deemsd them.
Thus the reader sees what the monks were in the pri-
mitive time of the church, and what were the monks of
the middle age, and of these our later days of the
church. Whereto join this, that where the monks of
elder time were mere laymen and no spiritual ministers :
afterwards Boniface III. made a decree (A. D. 606),
that monks might use the office of preaching, of
christening, of hearing confessions, and also of absolving
people from their sins, &c. So then monks, who in the
beginning were but laymen, and no spiritual ministers,
forbidden by the general council of Chalcedon to inter-
meddle with matters ecclesiastical ; afterwards in pro-
cess of time, did so much encroach upon the office of
spiritual ministers, that at length the priests were dis-
charged out of their cathedral churches, and monks set
in their places ; because that monks in those days,
leading a stricter life, and professing celibacy, had a
greater countenance of holiness among the people than
the priests, who then in the days of King Edgar had
wives (at least so many as would) no law forbidding
them to the contrary, till the time of Hildebrand, called
Gregory VII.
And thus much by the way, as to the order and pro-
fession of monks. Now to turn again to the matter of
King Edgar. Such provinces and lordships, as were
not yet come under the king's subjection, he united to
his dominion, and so made one perfect monarchy of the
whole realm of England, with all the islands and borders
about the same. Such as were wicked, he kept under,
he repressed them that were rebels, the godly he main-
tained, he was devout to God, and beloved of his sub-
jects, whom he governed in much peace and quietness.
And as he was a great seeker of peace, so God did bless
him with much abundance of peace and rest from all
wars. He was a great maintainer of religion and learn-
ing, not forgetting herein the footsteps of King Alfred his
predecessor.
It is reported of this Edgar, by divers authors, that
about the thirteenth year of his reign, he being at
Chester, eight kings, to wit, petty kings, came and did
homage to him. All which kings, after they had given
their fidelity to Edgar, the next day (for a pomp or
royalty), he entered with them into the river Dee,
where he, sitting in a boat, took the helm, and caused
these eight kings, every person taking an oar in his
hand, to row him up and down the river, to and from
the church of St. John to his palace again, in token that
he was master and lord of so many provinces.
And thus ye have heard, touching the commendation
of King Edgar, such reports as the old monkish writers
bestow upon him, as the great patron of their monkish,
religion, who had built so many monasteries for them,
as were Sundays in the year.
Now, on the other side, what vices were in him, let
us likewise consider, according as we find in the said
authors described, which most wrote to his advance-
ment. One vice is noted to be cruelty, as well upon
others, as upon a certain earl, called Ethelwold. The
story is this ; Ordgar, Duke of Devonshire, had a cer-
tain daughter named Elfrida, whose beauty being highly
commended to the king, he sent this Ethelwold,
(whom he especially trusted), to the party, to see and
to bring him word again, and if her beauty were such as
was reported, he desired him also to negociate a mar-
riage between them. Ethelwold finding the party, and
seeing her beauty nothing inferior to her fame, and
thinking to serve himself, gave a false account to the
king. Whereupon the king changed his mind, and in
the end Ethelwold himself married the maiden.
Not long after the king hearing how he was deceived, set
a fair face upon the matter before Ethelwold, and merrily
jesting with him, told him he would come and see his
wife, and indeed appointed the day when he would be
there. Ethelwold perceiving this matter to go hardly
with him, made haste to his wife, declaring to her the
coming of the king, and also opening the whole order of
the matter how he had done ; desiring her on her love
for him, as she would save his life, to disfigure herself
with such garments and attire as the king might not
discover her beauty. Elfrida hearing this, contrary to
the request of her husband and the promise of a wife,
against the king's coming trimmed herself at the glass,
and decked herself in her best array. When the king
beheld her, he was not so much delighted with her,
as in hatred with her husband, who had so deceived
him. Whereupon the king shortly after, making aa
though he would go to hunt in the forest of Harwood,
sent for Ethelwold to come to him under the pretence
of hunting, and there ran him through and slew him.
And besides the vices objected to King Edgar in our
monkish writers, I also observe another, which wa«
A. D. 965—976.] KING EDGAR'S CHARACTER, AND ORATION TO THE CLERGY.
blind superstition and idolatrous monkery brought into
the church of Christ, with the wrongful expelling of
lawful married priests out of their houses. Whereupon
what inconveniences ensued after in this realm, especially
in the House of the Lord, I leave to the consideration
of them which have heard of the detestable enormities
of those religious votaries ; the occasion whereof first
and chiefly began in this Edgar, through the instigation
of Dunstan and his fellows, who after they had inveigled
the king, and had brought him to their purpose, caused
him to call a council of the clergy, where it was enacted,
that the canons of divers cathedral churches, parsons,
vicars, priests, and deacons, with their wives and chil-
dren, either should give over that kind of life, or else
give room to monks, &c.
And thus much concerning the history of King
Edgar, and of such things as happened in his time in
the church. When he had reigned the space of sixteen
years, he died, and was buried at Glastonbury, leaving
after him two base born children, Editha and Edward, and
one lawful son, named Ethelred.
King Edgar is noted in all histories to have lived a
riotous and debauched kind of life ; in consequence of
his having taken a nun named Elfled into his house ;
he was kept back from his coronation by Dunstan
archbishop of Canterbury, the space of seven years ; and
so the king beginning his reign in the sixteenth year of
his age (A. D. 959), was crowned (A. D. 974). Con-
cerning the coronation and the presumptuous behaviour
of Dunstan against the king, and his penance enjoined
by Dunstan ; you shall hear both Osbern, Malmesbury,
and other authors speak in their own words as follow :
" After Dunstan had understood the king's offence per-
petrated with the professed nun, and that it was blazed
amongst the people, he came with great ire and passion
of mind to the king, who, seeing the archbishop coming,
arose from his regal seat towards him, to take him by
th«! hand, and to give him place. But Dunstan refused
to take him by the hand, and with stern countenance
bending his brows, spake to this effect to the king. ' You
that have not feared to corrupt a virgin dedicated to Christ,
])resume you to touch the consecrated hands of a bishop ?
You have defiled the spouse of your Maker, and think
you by flattering service to pacify the friend of the
bridegroom ? No, Sir, his friend will not I be, who has
Christ as his enemy,' &c. The king terrified with these
thundering words of Dunstan, and touched with inward
repentance of his sin, fell down weeping at the feet of
Dunstan, who, after he had raised him from the ground,
began to utter the horribleness of his act ; and finding
the king ready to receive whatever satisfaction he would
lay upon him, enjoined him this penance for seven years'
space, as follows : —
" That he should wear no crown all that time ; that
he should fast twice in the week ; he should distribute
his treasure, left to him of his ancestors, liberally to
the poor, he should build a monastery of nuns at Shafts-
bury, that as he had robbed God of one devoted maiden
through his transgression, so he should restore to him
many again in times to come. Moreover he should ex-
pel clerks of evil life (meaning such priests as had wives
and children), out of churches, and place convents of
monks in their room," &c.
It follows then in the story of Osbern, that when the
seven years of the king's penance were expired, Dun-
stan calling together all the peers of the realm, with the
bishops, abbots, and other ecclesiastical degrees of the
clergy, in the public sight of all the multitude, set the
crown upon the king's head at Bath, which was the one-
and-thirtieth year of his age, and the thirteenth year of
his reign ; so that he reigned only but three years
crowned king. All the other years Dunstan probably
ruled the land as he pleased.
Among his other laws, this king ordained that the
Sunday should be solemnized from nine o'clock on Satur-
d) Foie had placed this oration at the end of the present bool«,
■with this observation — " A certain oration of Kinj Edsar's which
should have been placed before, chanced in the meantime to come
to my bauds, not unwortliy to be read : 1 tliouijlit by tlie way, in
101
day evening till Monday morning. He also made a
certain oration to the clergy, not unworthy to be read,
as follows :'
THE ORATION OF KING EDGAR TO THE CLERGY.
" Because God hath shewed his great mercy to work
with us ; it is meet (most reverend fathers,) that with
worthy works we should answer his innumerable benefits.
For we possess not the land by our own sword, and our
own arm hath not saved us : but his right hand and his
holy arm, because he hath been delighted in us. There-
fore it is meet that we should submit both ourselves and
our souls to him, that hath subjected all these things
under our government ; and we ought stoutly to labour,
that they, whom he hath made subject to us, might be
subject to his laws. It belongs to me to rule the lay-
people with the law of equity, to do just judgment be-
tween a man and his neighbour, to punish church-rob-
bers, to hold under rebels, to deliver the helpless from
the hand of the stronger, the needy also and the poor
from them that rob them. It belongs also to my care to
provide necessary things for the ministers of the churches,
for the flocks of the monks, for the company of nuns,
and to provide for their peace and quiet. The examining
of all whose manners belongeth unto us ; whether they
live purely, if they behave themselves honestly toward
them that be without, whether they be diligent at God's
service, if they be earnest to teach the people, if they be
sober in eating and drinking, if they keep measure ia
apparel, and if they be discreet in judgment. If ye had
regarded these things with a trial of them (O reverend
fathers, by your leaves I speak) such horrible and abomi-
nable things of the clerks should not have come unto our
ears. I omit to speak how their crown is not broad,
nor their rounding convenient : the wantonness of your
life, the pride of your gesture, the filthiness of your
words do declare the evil of the inward man.
" Furthermore, what negligence is in God's serv'ice,
whence they will scarce be present at the holy Vigils .'
And when they come to mass, they seem rather to be
gathered to play and laugh than to sing. I will tell that,
which good men will be sorry for, and the evil laugh at. I
will speak with sorrow (if so be I may express it) how
they are riotous in banquetings, in chambering, drunk-
enness and riotings that now clerks' houses may be
thought to be convents of players. There is dice, there
is dancing and singing, there is watching to midnight,
with crying and shouting. Thus the goods of kings,
the alms of princes, yea (and what is more) the price of
that precious blood is not esteemed. Have our fathers
then spent their treasure for this purpose .' Have the
king's coffers decayed by taking away many revenues for
this cause? Hath the king's liberality given lands andpos-
sessions to Christ's churches for this intent, that clerks'
dancers and singers should be decked with the same .' that
riotous feasts might be dressed ? that hounds and hawks
and such otlier toys might be gotten .' The soldiers cry
out for these things, the people grudge, minstrels sing, and
dance, and yet ye regard it not, ye spare it, ye dissemble
it. Where is the sword of Levi, and the zeal of Si-
meon, which killed the Sichemites and the circumcised,
who bare the figure of them that defile Christ's
church with filthy deeds, because they abused Jacob's
daughter ? Where is Moses' spirit, which spared not his
own kinsfolk that worshipped the head of the calf.'
Where is Phineas the priest's dagger, which pacified
God's anger by holy zeal, when he killed him that sinned
with the Midianite ? Where is Peter's spirit, by whose
power covetousness is destroyed, and simouiacal heresy
is condemned ? Be earnest ye priests, be earnest to fol-
low the ways of the Lord, and the righteousness of our
God. It is time to act against them that have broken
the law of God. I have Constantine's sword, and ye
have Peter's sword in your hands ; let us join right hands,
tlie end of this book, to insert ihe same, (although out of order)
yet 1 judge it better out ol order, than out of the book." It il
iiere inserted in it6 proper place. lEu.J
102
THE ORATION OF KING EDGAR TO THE CLERGY. KING EDWARD. [Book III.
let us couple sword to sword, that the lepers may be
cast out of the temples, that the holy place of the Lord
may be purged, and the sons of Levi may minister in his
temple, who said to his father and mother, I know you
not ; and to his brother, I know you not. Go to, dili-
gently, I pray you, lest we repent to have done that we
have done, and to have given that we gave, if we shall
see that to be spent not in God's service, but on the
riotousness of wicked men, through vile and corrupt
liberty of life, for lack of chastisement. Let the relics
of holy saints, which they despise, and the holy altars
before which they play the madmen, move you. Let the
great devotion of our ancestors move you, whose alms
the madness of the clerks doth abuse. My great grand-
father (as ye know) gave the tenth part of all his lands
to churches and abbeys. My great-great grandfather,
Alfred, of holy memory, thought it not meet to spare his
treasures, his goods, nor costs, nor rents, that he might
enrich the church. Your fatherhood is not ignorant
how great things my grandfather the elder Edward gave
to the churches. It becometh you to remember with
what gifts my father and his brothers did enrich Christ's
altars. O father of fathers, Dunstan ! behold (I pray
thee) the eyes of my father looking on thee, from that
bright place of heaven : hearken to his complaining
words sounding in thine ears, thus pitifully lamenting,
0 Father Dunstan ! thou, thou (I say) gavest me coun-
sel to build abbeys and churches, thou wast my helper
and fellow-worker in aU things : I chose thee as a shep-
herd and bishop of my soul, and a keeper of my man-
ners. When did I not obey thee ? What treasures
did I prefer in respect of thy counsels ? What posses-
sions did I not despise, if thou badest me ? If thou
thoughtest meet to give any thing to the poor, I was
ready. If thou thoughtest meet to give any thing to
churches, I deferred not. If thou complainedst that
monks or clerks wanted any thing, I supplied. Thou
saidst that alms lasted for ever, and that there was none
more fruitful than that which was ^ven to abbeys or
churches. For with that both God's servants are sus-
tained, and that which remaineth is given to the poor.
O, worthy alms ! O, worthy price of the soul ! O,
wholesome remedy for our sins, which now doth stink in
the sweet furrs of priests' lemmans, wherewith they
adorn their ears, and deck their fingers, apparelling their
delicate bodies with silk and purple ! O, father I is this
the fruit of my alms ? is this the effect of my desire,
and of thy promise .' WTiat wilt thou answer to this
complaint of my fathers .' I know, I know : when thou
didst see a thief, thou runnedst not with him, neither
hast thou put thy portion with adulterers. Thou hast
rebuked, thou hast exhorted, thou hast blamed them ;
but words have been despised ; now we must come to
stripes of correction. Thou hast here with thee the
worshipful father, Edward bishop of Winchester. Thou
hast the reverend prelate, Oswald bishop of Worcester.
1 commit this business to you, that both by bishoply
correction, and the king's authority, the filthy livers
may be cast out of the churches and they that live orderly
may be brought in," &c.
In this oration of King Edgar above prefixed, three
things are chiefly to be noted and considered by them that
have judgment to mark and understand, to wit, The
religious zeal and devotion of kings, both in giving to
the church, and also in correcting the manners of
churchmen. Secondly, the dissolute behaviour of the
clergy, then abusing the great donations and patri-
monies of princes bestowed upon them. Thirdly, the
blind ignoranfie and superstition of that time in both
states, as well ecclesiastical as temporal, in esteeming
Christ's religion chiefly to consist in giving to churches,
and in maintaining of monkery ; being falsely persuaded
that the remission of their sins, and the remedy of their
souls therein, did lie in building monasteries, erecting
churches and cloisters, and in placing monks in the
same, and such other alms-deeds, and works of devotion.
MTierein appears how ignorant they of that time were
of the true doctrine of Christ's faith, and of the free grace
of the gospel, which promises life, remedy, and justifica-
tion, not by any devout merits of ours nor by any works
either of the law of God, or of the inventions of man,
but only and freely by our faith in Christ Jesus the Son
of God, in whom only consist all the promises of God.
Amen.
KING EDWARD, CALLED THE MARTYR.
After the death of King Edgar no small trouble arose
among the lords and bishops concerning the succession of
the crown ; the principal cause whereof rose upon this oc-
casion : Immediately after the decease of the king, Alferus,
duke of Mercia, and many other nobles who held with
Ethelred, the only right heir and lawful son of Edgar, dis-
liking the placing and intruding of monks into churches,
and the tlirusting out of the secular priests, with their
wives and children out of their ancient possessions, ex-
pelled the abbots and monks, and brought in again the
priests with their wives. Against whom certain other
there were on the contrary part that made resistance, as
Ethelwin duke of East Angles, Elfwold his brother, and
the Earl Brithnoth, saying. That they would never
suff'er the religious monks to be expelled and driven out
of the realm, who held up all religion in the land ; and
thereupon levied an army to defend the monasteries by
force.
In this hurly-burly amongst the lords, about the
placing of monks, and putting out of priests, rose also
the contention about the crown, who should be their
king ; the bishops, and such lords as favoured the monks,
seeking to advance such a king as they knew would in-
cline to their side ; so that the lords thus divided, some
of them would have Edward, and some Ethelred, the
lawful son. Then Dunstan archbishop of Canterbury,
and Oswald archbishop of York, with their fellow
bishops, abbots, and other lords and dukes assembled
in a council together. In which council Dunstan
coming in with his cross in his hand, and bringing Ed-
ward before the lords, so persuaded them that in the
end Edward was elected, consecrated, and anointed for
their king.
After Dunstan and his fellows had thus set up Edward
for their king, they supposed all to be sure on their
side, and that they had established the kingdom of
monkery for ever, through the help of the young king,
and the duke of East Angles, and certain other nobles
whom they had drawn to their part. However this mat-
ter passed not so well with them as they hoped, for
shortly after the coronation of the young king, Alfenis,
duke of Mercia, stoutly standing on the other side, drove
out the monks from the cathedral churches, and restored
the priests with their wives. The words of the very
author are these, " Alferus, duke of Mercia, with other
great men more, drove out the monks from the great
monasteries whom King Edgar had there set in before,
and restored again the priests with their wives."
(Hist. Jornal in vita Edgari.)
Whereby it evidently appears that priests in those
days were married, and had their lawful wives.
The duke and nobles of England expelled the monks
out of the monasteries after the death of King Edgar ;
whereof let us hear what the abbey of Crowland records.
" The monks being expelled out of certsdn monasteries,
the clerks were again brought in, who distributed the
manors or farms of the said monasteries to the dukes
and lords of the land, that they being obliged to them,
should defend them against the monks. And so were
the monks of Evesham thrust out, and the secular
clerks placed, and the lands of the church given to the
lords ; with whom the queen, the king's stepmother
holding the same time, took part also with the said
clerks against the king. On the contrary part stood the
king and the holy bishops, taking part with the monks.
Howbeit the lords and peers of the realm, staying upon
the favour and power of the queen triumphed over the
monks," &c.
Thus, as there was much ado through all quarters of
the realm among the lords, so arose no less contention
between the priests and monks. The priests complain-
ing to the king and Dunstan, said for themselves that it
1 was uncomely, uncharitable yea and unnatural, to put
i A.D. 97C— 995.T KING EDWARD MURDERED, SUCCEEDED BY KING ETHELRED.
103
dut an old known dweller for a new unknown ; and that
God was not pleased that that should be taken from the
ancient possessor which by God was given him. The
monks on the other side said for their part, that Christ
allowed neither the old dweller, nor the new comer, nor
yet looked upon the person, but that whoever would take
the cross of penance upon him, and foUow Christ in vir-
tuous livir.g. should be his disciple.
These and such other were the allegations of the
monks. But whether a monk's cowl, or a wifeless life
make a sufficient title to enter into other men's posses-
I gions or no, I refer to the judgment of the godly. The
troublous cares in marriage, the necessary provision for
house-keeping, the virtuous bringing up of children, the
daily helping of poverty, and bearing of public charges,
with other manifest perturbations and encumbrances
daily incident to matrimony, might rather appear to wise
men to come nearer to the cross of penance, than the
easy and loitering idleness of monkery. In the end,
upon this controversy a council of bishops and other of
the clergy was held, where the greater part both of the
nobles and commons, judged the priests to have suffered
great wrong, and sought by all means possible to bring
them again to their old possession and dignities.
Not long after, King Edward, whom the writers de-
scribe to be a virtuous and a meek prince, very
pitiful and beneficial to the poor, about the fourth year
of his reign, came once from hunting in the forest
alone, without the company of his servants to the place
in the west country, where Alfrith his mother, with her
son Ethelred lived. When the queen-mother was
warned of his coming, she calls a servant who was of spe-
cial trust, shewing him how and what to do for the ac-
complishing of her wicked purpose. Which thing so
done, she made towards the king, and received him with
all courtesy, desiring him to tarry that night, but he in
like courtesy excused himself, and desired to see his
brother, and to drink upon his horse sitting.
Now, while the cup was at his mouth, the servant of
the queen struck him in the body with a long two-edged
dagger. After which the king struck the horse with the
spurs, and galloped towards the place where he supposed
to meet with his company, but he bled so much, that he
fell from his horse with faintness, one foot being caught
in the stirrup, by which he was drawn by his horse over
fields and lands till he came to a place named Corf-gate,
where he was found dead.
In the order and course of the Roman bishops, men-
tion was made last of Agapetus II., after whom next
succeeded Pope John XII. ' This pope is noted to be very
wicked and infamous, with abominable vices ; an adulterer,
gamester, an extortioner, perjurer, a fighter, a murderer,
cruel and tyrannous. Of his cardinals, some he put out
their eyes, from some he cut off their tongues, some their
fingers, some their noses, &c. In a general council be-
fore the Emperor Otho I., these objections were articled
against him, " That he never said his service ; that in
saying his mass he did not communicate ; that he
ordained deacons in a stable ; that playing at dice he
called for the devil to help ; that for money he made
boys bishops ; that he committed adultery ; that he put
out the eyes of the Bishop Benedict; that he caused houses
to be set on fire ; that he brake open houses ; that he
drank to the devil ; that he never crossed himself," &c.
For which causes he was deposed by the consent of the
emperor with the prelates, and Pope Leo VIII. was
substituted in his place. But after his departing, Pope
John was restored again to his place, and Leo was
deposed. At length about the tenth year of the popedom
of this John, he being found without the city with ano-
ther man's wife, was so wounded by her husband, that
within eight days after he died.
After him the Romans elected Pope Benedict V.,
(I) The FPader must bear in mind that Foxe introduces Pope
Joan with tlie desisnation the Vlllth., [see page 90] and therefore
lie arranu'is all the succeeilinj Johns under numbers proportionably
liicrher in the numeral line of succession. Again, durin? the pon-
tifioare of Bonifaoe VII., there was another Jon.v, whom Foxe
nekons as tlie XVth, and wlio was elected, after the election, and
deposed before the death of this Boniface VII.: and who. therefore, |
without the consent of the emperor r whereupon the said
Otho, the emperor, being not a little displeased for dis-
placing of Leo VIII., whom he had before promoted,
and for the choosing also of Benedict V., came with his
army, and laid siege to Rome, and so set up Pope
Leo VIII. again. Leo, to gratify his benefactor, in re-
turn crowned Otho for emperor, and intitled him to be
called Augustus. Also the power which Charlemagne
had given before to the clergy and people of Rome, this
Leo granted to the emperor and his successors ; that
is, touching the election of the bishop of Rome. The
emperor again restored to the see of Rome all such dona-
tions and possessions which either Constantine (as they
falsely pretend) or which Charlemagne took from the
Lombards, and gave to them.
After Pope Leo, succeeded Pope John XIII. Peter,
the head captain of the city, with two consuls, twelve
aldermen, and divers other nobles, gathering their
power together, laid hands upon him in the church of
Lateran, and put the pope in prison eleven months.
The emperor hearing this, •;vith all speed returned with
his army to Rome ; who after execution done upon the
authors and chief doers of that act, committed Peter to
the pope's sentence, he caused him first to be stripped
naked, then his beard being shaven, to be hanged by
the hair a whole day together, after that to be set upon
an ass (his face turned backward, and his hands bound
under the ass's tail), and so to be led through the city,
that all men might see him ; that done, to be scourged
with rods, and so banished the city. Thus ye see how
the holy father followeth the injunction of the gospel,
" Love your enemies." From this pope proceeded first
the christening of bells (A. D. 971).
After him followed Pope Benedict VI., wno in like
manner was apprehended by Cinthius, a captain of
Rome, and cast in prison, where he was strangled, or as
some say, famished to death.
Then came Pope Donus II., after Boniface VII. was
pope, who likewise seeing the citizens of Rome conspire
against him, was constrained to hide himself, and seeing
no place there for him to tarry, took the treasure of St.
Peter's church, and so privily stole to Constantinople. In
whose stead the Romans set up one Pope John. Not
long after Boniface returning again from Constantinople,
by his money and treasure procured a garrison or com-
pany to take his part : this Pope John was taken, his eyes
put out, and so thrown into prison, where he was, as
some say, famished ; some say he was slain by Ferrucius.
Neither did Boniface reign many days after, but suddenly
died ; whose carcass after his death was dravra by the
feet through the streets of Rome after a most despiteful
manner, the people shrieking and exclaiming against him,
(A. D. 976).
Next pope after him was Benedict VII., by the con-
sent of the Emperor Otho II. and reigned nine years.
After Benedict succeeded Pope John XIV., and died
the eighth month of his papacy ; next to whom came
John XV., and after him Gregory V. (A. D. 995).
This Gregory was a German, and therefore the more
disliked by the clergy and people of Rome. Where-
upon, Crescentius, with the people and clergy, conspir-
ing against Gregory, set up John XVI. Gregory
went in all haste to the emperor, who set forward with
his army to Italy, got the city, and there took both
Crescentius the consul, and John the pope. John first
having his eyes put out, was deprived after of his life.
Crescentius the consul was set upon a vile horse, having
his nose and ears cut off, and so was led through the
city, his face being turned to the horse's tail, and
afterward having his members cut off, was hanged upon
a gibbet.
Pope Gregory thus being restored, reigned four years
in his papacy.
is cenerally omitted in the line of iuccessioii in the papal chair.
These occasion much difficulty to tlie general reader, as confusing
the def iijnations of the many popes of this name ; therefore the
desisnation of Joan as the Vlllth, and of the Pope John in the
time of Boniface, as tlie XVth, arc omitted in this edition, and
the others stylea in the usual way. [Ed.]
104
DEATH OF KING ETHELRED. EDMUND AND CANUTE.
[Book III.
KING ETHELRED IT. SOMETIMES CALLED EGELRED
AND ELRED.
' King Edward being murdered, as before said, the
crown fell next to Ethelred. This Ethelred had a long
reign given him of God, which endured the term of
eight-and-thirty years, but very unfortunate and full of
great miseries ; and he himself seems a prince not of
the greatest courage to govern a commonwealth. Our
English histories writing of him, report of his reign, that
in the beginning it was ungracious, wretched in the
middle, and hateful in the latter end.
About the eleventh year (some say the ninth year) of
this king's reign Dunstan died.
Not long after the death of Dunstan, the Danes again
entered England, in many and different places of the
land ; so that the king scarcely knew to which coast he
should go first to withstand his enemies. But in the
end, he was compelled to appease them with great sums
of money : and when that money was spent, they fell to
robbing the people, and assailing the land, not only
about Northumberland, but also besieged the city of
London at last. But being from thence repelled by the
manhood of the Londoners, they strayed to other coun-
tries adjoining, burning and killing wherever they went ;
so that for lack of a good head or governor, many
things in the land perished. For the king gave him-
self to vice and taxing his subjects, and disinheriting
men of their possessions, and caused them to redeem
the same again with great sums of money ; for he paid
great tributes to the Danes yearly, which was called
dane-gilt. Which tributes so increased, that from the
first tribute of ten thousand pounds, it was brought at
last in process of five or six years, to forty thousand
pounds.
To this sorrow, moreover, was joined hunger and
penury among the commons, insomuch that every one
of them was constrained to pluck and steal from others.
So that what for the pillage of the Danes, and what by
inward thieves and bribers, this land was brought into
great affliction.
The Danes thus prevailing more and more over the
English grew in such pride and presumption, that when
they caused the husbandmen to ear and sow the land,
and to do all other vile labour belonging to the house,
they would sit at home at their pleasure. And when
the husbandman came liome, he could scarcely have of
his own, as his servants had ; so that the Dane had all at
his will, and fill, faring of the best ; when the owner
scarcely had his fill of the worst. Thus the common
people being so oppressed by them, were in such fear
and dread, that not only were they constrained to suffer
them in their doings, but also glad to please them.
And thus hitherto we have brought this history to
A. D. 1000. In this year, Ethelred, through the
counsel of his familiars about him, in the one-and-
twentieth year of his reign, began a matter which was
the occasion of a new plague to the Saxons, for the
king this year married Emma the daughter of Richard
duke of Normandy. By reason of which marriage King
Ethelred was not a little inhanced in his own mind ;
and sent secret and strict commissions to the rulers of
every town in England, that upon St. Brices' day at an
hour appointed, the Danes should be suddenly slain.
And so it was performed.
Soon after tidings came into Denmark of the murder
of those Danes, Swanus king of Denmark with a great
host and navy, landed in Cornwall; and took Exeter,
and beat down the walls. From thence proceeding
further into the land, they came to Wilton and Shere-
borne, where they cruelly spoiled the country, and slew
the people. But Swanus hearing that the king was
coming to him took to his ships. And as soon as he
heard of any host of Englishmen coming toward him,
then he took shipping again. So that when the king'8
army sought to meet him in one coast, then would he
suddenly land in another. And thus they wearied the
English, and in conclusion brought them into extreme
•ind unspeakable misery ; insomuch, that the king was
fain to take peace with them, and gave to King Swanvui
30,000/.
After this, Swanus hearing of the increase of his people
in England, broke his covenants not to molest the English,
and with a great army and navy, landed in Northumber-
land and proclaimed himself king. Where after much
vexation when he had subdued the people, and caused
the earl with the rulers of the country to swear to
him fealty ; he passed the river of Trent, and subduing
the people there, forced them to give hiin pledges or
hostages ; which hostages he committed with his navy,
unto his son Canute to keep, while he went further into
the land ; and so with a great host came to Mercia, kil-
ling and slaying. Then he took by strength Winchester
and Oxford, and did there what he liked. That done,
he came toward London, and hearing the king was
there, passed by the river Thames, and came into Kent,
and there besieged Canterbury, where he was resisted
for the space of twenty days. At length by the treason
of a deacon called Almaric he won it, and took the
goods of the people, and fired the city, and decimated
the monks of St. Augustine's abbey (that is, they slew
nine out of every ten by cruel torment, and the tenth
they kept alive as their slave). So they slew there of
monks to the number of nine hundred persons ; of
other men, women and children, they slew above eight
thousand. And finally, when they had kept the bishop
Elphegus in prison the space of seven months, because
he would not give them 3000/. ; after many villanies
done to him, they brought him to Greenwich, and there
stoned him to death.
King Ethelred in the mean time, fearing the end of
this persecution, sent his wife Emma, with his two sons
Alfred and Edward, to the Duke of Normandy, with
whom also he sent the bishop of London. The DanesJ
proceeded still in their fury and rage, and when theyj
had won a great part of West Saxony, they returnedl
again to London. Whereof the Londoners hearing,!
sent unto them certain great gifts and pledges. At lasM
the king about the five-and- thirtieth year of his reign,]
was chased unto the Isle of Wight, and with a secret!
company he spent there a great part of the winter ; andl
finally, without cattle or comfort, sailed to Normandy to
his wife. Shortly after Swanus died suddenly.
When King Ethelred heard of the death of Swanus,
he returned to England. Canute, being unprovided,
fled to Sandwich, and there cutting off the noses and
hands of the hostages whom his father left with him,
sailed into Denmark ; the next year he returned again
with a great navy, and landed in the south country.
The eldest son of King Ethelred, called Edmund Iron-
side, made provision to meet him. At this time King
Ethelred being at London, was taken with great sick-
ness, and there died, after he had reigned thirty and six
years ; leaving his said eldest son Edmund Ironside,
and Elfred, and Edward. This Ethelred, although he
was miserably assailed and vexed by his enemies, yet
with his council he gave forth many wholesome laws.
EDMUND IRONSIDE A SAXON, AND CANUTE A DANK,
KINGS TOGETHER IN ENGLAND.
After the death of Ethelred variance fell between the
Englishmen for the election of their king. For the citi-
zens of London, with certain other lords, named Edmund
the eldest son of Ethelred (a young man of lusty and
valiant courage), in martial adventures both hardy and
wise, who could very well endure all pains ; wherefore
he was surnamed Ironside. But more of the lords
favoured Canute, the son of Swanus, especially the
abbots, bishops, and other spiritual men, who before had
sworn to his father. By means whereof, between these
two martial princes many great battles were fought, first
in Dorsetshire, where Canute was compelled to fly the
field. And after that they fought another battle in
Worcestershire, so hard fought that none could tell who,
had the better ; but either for weariness or for lack of
day, they departed one from the other, and on the next
morning fought again ; but then Canute was compelled
to forsake the field. After this they met in Merciaf
A. D. 995-1007.] HARDICANUTE, THE LAST DANISH KING IN ENGLAND.
105
'and there fought again ; where Edmund had the worse.
Thus there were many great conflicts between these two
Iprinces. But upon a season, when the hosts were ready
to join, and a certain time of truce was taken before
the battle, a knight of the party of Edmund stood up
upon a high place, and said these words : " We die daily
land none has the victory : and when the knights be dead
on either part, then the dukes compelled by need shall
: agree, or else they must fight alone. And is this kingdom
not sufficient for two men, which sometimes sufficed
seven ? But if the covetousness of lordship in these two
be so great, that neither can be content to take a part
and live with the other, nor the one under the other, then
let them fight alone that will be lords alone. If all men
continue to fight, at the last all men shall be slain, and
none left to be under their lordship, nor able to defend
the king that shall be against strange enemies and na-
jtions."
I These words were so well approved of both by the hosts
and princes, that both were content to try the quar-
:rel between the two princes only. Then the place and
time was appointed, where they both met in sight of
the two armies. And when they had assailed each
other with swords and sharp strokes, first by the motion
of Canute (as some write) suddenly they both agreed,
land kissed each other to the comfort of both hosts.
And shortly after they agreed upon the partition of the
land ; and after that during their lives they loved as
brethren. Soon after a son of wicked duke Edric espied
when King Edmund was unarmed, and with a spear (some
isay with a long knife) thrust him through, whereof
lEdmund shortly died, after he had reigned two years.
I He left behind him two sons, Edmund and Edward,
iwhom Edric the wicked duke, after the death of their
[father, took from their mother (not knowing yet of the
death of Edmund her husband) and presented them to
king Canute. Thus Canute, after the death of Edmund
Ironside, was king of the whole realm of England.
When Canute was established in the kingdom, he
called a parliament at London, where this question was
proposed to the bishops, barons, and lords of the parlia-
ment, whether in the composition made between Edmund
[and Canute, any provision was made for the children
lof Edmund, for any partition of the land. The lords
[flattering the foreign king, and speaking against their
own minds, as also against their native country, said
Ithere was not. Affirming moreover with an oath (for
Ithe king's pleasure) that they to the uttermost of
'their powers, would put off the blood of Edmund in
Sail that they might. By reason of which answer and
(promise, they thought to have purchased great favour
with the king. But by the just retribution of God it
; chanced far otherwise. For many of them he distrusted
land disdained ever after, so that some he exiled, and
la great many he beheaded. Among whom was wicked
! Edric the traitor. For as the king was in his palace,
' Edric coming to him, began to reckon up his benefits
and labours in forsaking and betraying Ethelred, then in
slaying King Edmund his son, with many such other
deeds more, which for his sake he had done. "Well," said
the king, " thou hast here rightly judged thyself, and thou
shall die deservedly for slaying thy natural prince, and
my sworn brother." And so he commanded him to be
bound immediately hand and foot, and to be thrown into
the Thames.
Thus the Danes being settled in England, began by
little and little to become christians. Canute went to
Rome, and returning again to England, governed that
land the space of twenty years, leaving after him two
sons, Harold and Hardicanute.
Harold (called Harefoot, for his swiftness), began his
reign over England A.D. 1036 : he reigned but four
years.
Hardicanute was next king of England, and when he
had reigned two years he was suddenly stricken dumb,
I and fell down to the ground, and within eight days after
j died without issue of his body. He was the last Danish
I king that reigned in England.
The earls and barons, after his death, assembled
in council, and determined that no Dane should ever be
king of England, for the despite that they had done to
Englishmen. For evermore before, if the Englishmen
and the Danes had happened to meet upon a bridge, the
Englishmen were obliged to stand still till the Dane had
passed. And moreover, if the Englishmen had not
bowed down their heads to do reverence to the Danes,
they would have been beaten. For which despites and
villanies they were driven out of the land after the death
of Hardicanute, and they never came again.
The earls and barons, by their common consent and
council, sent unto Normandy for these two brethren,
Alfred and Edward ; intending to crown Alfred the elder
brother, and to make him king of England. And to this
the earls and barons made their oath : but the earl
Godwin of West Sax, falsely and treacherously, thought
to slay these two brethren as soon as they came into
England, that he might make Harold his son king:
which son he had by his wife, Hardicanute's daughter.
When Alfred had heard these messengers, and per-
ceived their tidings, he thanked God, and in all haste
came to England, arriving at Southampton. There
Godwin the false traitor (having knowledge of his coming)
welcomed and received him with joy, pretending to lead
him to London, where the barons waited to make him
king, and so they passed forth together toward London.
But when they came to Guilddown, the traitor command-
ed his men to slay all that were in Alfred's company,
which came with him from Normandy ; and after that,
to take Alfred, and to lead him into the Isle of Ely where
they should put out both his eyes ; so they slew all the
company that were there, to the number of twelve gen-
tlemen, which came with Alfred from Normandy ; and
after that they took Alfred, and in the Isle of Ely they
cruelly murdered him. And so this innocent Alfred,
being the right heir of the crown, died through the trea-
son of wicked Godwin. When the lords of England
heard thereof, and how Alfred, that should have been
their king, was put to death through the false traitor
Godwin they were very wroth, and swore between God
and them that he should die a worse death, and would
immediately have put him to death, but that the traitor
fled thence into Denmark, and there continued more
than four years, and lost all his lands in England.
And thus much of Canute, and of his sons Harold and
Hardicanute.
Of this Canute, it is reported that he following the
superstition of Achelnot, archbishop of Canterbury, went
on a pilgrimage to Rome, and there founded an hospital
for English pilgrims. He gave the pope precious gifts,
and burdened the land with a yearly tribute, called the
*' Rome-shot." He shrined the body of Berinus, and
gave great lands and ornaments to the cathedral church
of Winchester ; he built St. Benedict's in Norfolk, which
before was an hermitage. Also St. Edmunsbury, which
King Athlestan before ordained for a college of priests,
he turned to an abbey of monks of St. Benedict's order.
Henry, archdeacon of Huntington, makes mention of
this Canute, as does also Polydore. That after his
coming from Rome, he was walking upon a time by the
port of Southampton, but Polydore saith and Fabian
affirmeth the same, that it was by the Thames side of
London, when his flatterers coming about him, began to
exalt him with high words, calling him a king of aU
kings (most mighty) who had under his subjection both
the people, the land, and also the sea : Canute revolv-
ing this matter in his mind (either for pride of his heart
exalted, or to try and refute their flattering words) com-
manded his chair of state to be brought to the sea-sidC;
at the time it should begin to flow : (Polydore saith that
no seat was brought, but that he sat upon his garments,
being folded together under him), he there charged and
commanded the floods arising and coming towards his feet,
that they should touch neither him nor his clothes. But the
water keeping its ordinary course came nearer and nearer ;
first to his feet, and so growing higher, began to wash
over him. Wherewith the king abashed, and partly
also afraid, started back, and looking to his lords ; " Lo,"
said he, " ye call me such a mighty king, and yet I can-
not command this little water to stay at my word, but it
is ready to drown me. Wherefore aU earthly kings may
105
EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. HAROLD II.
[Book III.
know, that all their powers are vain, and that none is
worthy to have the name of a king, but he alone which
hath all things subject to the power and authority of his
word, which is the Lord of heaven and earth, the Creator
of all things, the Father of Christ our Lord, who with
him for ever is to be glorified : Him let us worship and
extol for our King for ever." After this (as histories
witness) he never suffered the crown to come upon his
head but went to Winchester, or (as some say) to Canter-
bury ; but both those may be true ; for his going to
Canterbury, was to acknowledge that there was a Lord
much higher and of more power than he himself was, and
therewithal to render up his crown for ever.
Here is also to be noted in this Canute, that although
he acted in the beginning of his reign upon King Edgar's
laws, yet in process of time, he set forth peculiar laws of
his own. Among which, there are several that concern
ecclesiastical causes. Whereby it may appear, that the
government of spiritual matters did not depend then on
the bishop of Rome : but appertained to the lawful
authority of the temporal prince, no less than matters
and causes temporal.
And here being an end of the Danish kings, we
return to the English kings, whose right line comes in
again as follows
KINO EDVfARD, CALLED THE CONFESSOB..
The next election and right of the crown appertained
to Edward the younger son of King Ethelred and Emma,
a true Englishman : who had now been long banished
in Normandy : he was a man of gentle and soft spirit,
more appliable to other men's counsel, than able to trust
to his own ; so averse to all war and bloodshed, that being
in his banishment he wished rather to continue all his
life long in that private estate, than by war or bloodshed
to aspire to any kingdom. This Edward came over, ac-
companied with a few Normans, and was crowned (A. D.
104.'i). After he had thus taken upon him the govern-
ment of the realm, he guided the same with much wisdom
and justice, the space of nearly four-and-twenty years :
from whom issued (as out of a fountain) much godliness,
mercy, pity, and liberty toward the poor, gentleness
and justice toward all men, and in all honest life he gave
a virtuous example to his people.
In the time of this Edward, Emma his mother was
accused, of being familiar with Alwin, the bishop of Win-
chester : upon which accusation he took from her many
of her jewels, and caused her to be kept more strictly in
the abbey of Warwel, and the bishop he committed to the
examination of the clergy. Polydore says they were both
in prison at Winchester, where she sorrowing the defame
both of herself and the bishop, and trusting upon her
conscience, desires justice, offering herself ready to abide
a;iy lawful trial, yea, although it were with the sharpest.
Then many of the bishops petitioned the king for them
both, and would have obtained their wish, had not Robert
then archbishop of Canterbury stopped the suit. Who,
being not well pleased with their labour, said to them ;
" My brethren, how dare you defend this woman? She has
defamed her own son the king, and degraded herself with
the bishop. And if it be so, that the woman will purge
the priest, who shall then purge the woman, that is ac-
cused to be consenting to the death of her son Alfred, and
who procured venom to the poisoning of her son Edward.'
But let her be tried in this way, whether she be guilty or
guiltless ; if she will go barefooted for herself four steps,
and for the bishop five, upon nine red hot plough-shares ;
then if she escape harmless, he shall be acquitted by this
challenge, and she also."
To this she consented, and the day was appointed ; at
whicli day the king, and a great part of his nobles were
prerient, except only Robert the archbishop. This Robert
had been a monk of a house in Normandy, and an helperof
the king in his exile, and so came over and was made first
bishop of London, afterwards archbishop of Canterbury.
Tiiea siie w;us led blindfold unto the place between two men,
where the irons lay burning hot, and passed the nine
sh:ir.'s uahurt. " At last," says she : " Good Lord, when
shall 1 come to the jdace of my purgation ?" When they
then opened her eyes, and she saw she was past the paio^
she kneeled down giving God thanks.
Then the king repented, (says the history,) and restored
to her what he had taken from her, and asked her
forgiveness.
About this time, William Duke of Normandy, came
with a goodly company into England to see King Edward,
and was honourably received : and the king at his return en-
riched him with many great gifts, and there (as some write)
promised him, that if he died without issue, the said
William should succeed him in the kingdom of England.
This virtuous and blessed King Edward, after he had
reigned twenty-three years and seven months, died, and
was buried in the monastery of Westminster , which he
had greatly augmented and repaired.
KING HAROLD n.
Harold, the son of Earl Godwin, and last king of the
Saxons, succeeded, although many of the nobles went
with Edgar Adding, the next heir after Edmund Iron-
side : yet he contemning the young age of Edgar, and
forgetting also his promise which he had made to Duke
William, that he would marry his daughter and keep
the kingdom for him, took upon him to be king of Eng-
land (A. D. 1066).
Immediately on which, William, duke of Normandy,
sent an ambassage to Harold, king of England, remind-
ing him of the covenants that were agreed between
them : which was, to have kept the land to his use after
the death of Edward. But because the daughter of
Duke William (that was promised to Harold) was dead,
Harold thought himself thereby discharged.
Upon this answer, Duke William having in the
meanwhile that the messengers went and came, gathered
his knights, and prepared his navy, and having obtained
the consent of the lords of his land to aid and assist him
in his journey : sends to Rome to Pope Alexander, con-
cerning his title and voyage into England, the pope con-
firms him, and sent to him a banner, desiring him to
bear it in the ship, in which himself should sail. Thus
Duke William took shipping at the haven of St. Valery,
where he tarried a long time for a convenient wind : at
last the wind came about, and they took shipping with a
great company, and landed at Hastings in Sussex.
There were three causes which induced Duke William
to enter this land to subdue Harold. One was, that it
was given to him by King Edward his nephew. The
second was, to take vengeance for the cruel murder of
his nephew Alfred, and of the Normans, which deed he
ascribed chiefly to Harold. The third was, to revenge
the wrong done to Robert archbishop of Canterbury,
who was exiled by means of Harold.
Thus, while Harold was in the north, Duke William
made so great speed, that he came to London before the
king ; out of which he was kept till he made good
surety, that he and his people should pass through the
city without tarrying : wliich promise he well observing,
passed the bridge, and went over to Sussex, whence he
sent a monk to Harold, and proffered him three ways.
First, to render to him the possession of the land, and
so to take it again of him under tribute, reigning under
him ; secondly, to abide and stand to the pope's arbitra-
tion ; or, thirdly, to defend this quarrel in his own person
against the duke, and they two only to try the matter by
dint of sword, without any other blood-shedding.
But Harold refused all these offers, saying, " It
should be tried by dint of swords, and not by one
sword:" and so gathered his people and joined battle
with the Normans, in the place where afterwards was
builded the abbey of Battel in Sussex. In the begin-
ning of which fight, the Englishmen kept them in good
array and were likely to vanquish the Normans : where-
fore, Duke William caused his men to give back, as
though they fled, whereby the Englishmen followed fast,
and broke their array. Then the Normans, fiercely
giving a charge upon them, in conclusion obtained the
victory through the just providence of God. Where
King Harold, who before had murdered Alfred the true
heir of the crown, with his company of Normans so
A D 1066 1 THE SUCCESSION OF POPES FROM GREGORY V. TO ALEXANDER II.
I
cruelly, was now wounded of the Normans in the left
1 eye with an arrow, and thereof died : although Gerard
i says he fled away to Chester, and lived after that a monk
I in the monastery of St. James.
I This Duke WilUam and King Edward were cousins
by the father's side. For Richard the first of that name,
I which was the third duke of Normandy after Rollo, was
, father to Duke Richard the second of that name, and
brother to Emma mother to King Edward. Which
Duke Richard the second was father to duke Robert,
this Duke William's father.
■ Although the church of Christ and state of religion,
I first founded and grounded by Christ and his apostles,
did not continually remain in the. primitive perfection,
wherein it was first instituted ; but in process of time
began from better to worse, to decrease and decline into
. much superstition and inconveniency ; partly through
the coming in of Mahomet, partly through the increase
of wealth and riches, partly through the decrease of
, knowledge and diligence in such as should be the guides
'of Christ's flock: yet the infection and corruption of
that time (though it were great) did not so abound in
Isuch excessive measure as afterwards in later times now
following, that is, about a thousand years after Christ,
whereof we have to treat. About which time and year
came Sylvester II., who succeeded after Gregory V.,
and occupied the see of Rome about A. D. 1000.
After Sylvester, succeeded John XVII., by whom was
Ibrought in the feast of All Souls (A. D. 1004), through
(the means aad instigation of one Odilo, abbot of Cluny,
to be celebrated next after the feast of All Saints. This
Imonk Odilo, thinking that purgatory should be in the
iMount Etna, dreamed upon a time, in the country of
'Sicily, that he by his masses had dehvered divers souls
from thence : saying moreover, " that he did hear the
Ivoices and lamentations of devils, crying out for that the
Isouls were taken from them by the masses and dirges !"
iNot long after, came John XVIII. and Sergius IV. After
whom succeeded Benedict VIII., then John XIX., who
brought in the fast of the eve of John Baptist and St.
Lawrence. After him followed Pope Benedict IX., who
was fain to sell his seat to his successor, Gregory VI., for
i^&loOO. At which time were three popes together in Rome,
reigning and raging one against another ; Benedict IX.,
Sylvester III., and Gregory VI. For which cause the em-
peror coming to Rome, displaced the three monsters,
placing Clement II. in the papal chair, and thereupon
jnactiug that there shovdd be no bishop of Rome hence-
f'orth chosen, but by the consent and confirmation of the
amperor. Which constitution, though it was both agree-
ible, and also necessary for the public tranquillity of
chat city, yet the Cardinals would not suffer it long to
ptand, but did impugn it afterward by subtile practice
(ind open violence. In the time of this Clement, the
Romans made an oath to the emperors concerning the
jlection of the bishops, to intermeddle no further there-
Ln, but as the consent of the emperor should approve.
flowever the emperor departing into Germany, by and
jjy they forgot their oath, and within nine months after
f)oisoned the bishop. Which act some impute to Stephen,
biis successor, called Damasus II. Some impute it to
Brazutus, who (as histories record) within thirteen years
poisoned six popes ; that is, Clement II., Damasus II.,
Leo IX., Victor II., Stephen IX., Nicholas II.
I Thus Clement being poisoned, after him succeeded
Damasus II., neither by consent of the people, nor elected
by the emperor, but by force and invasion, who
filso within twenty-three days being poisoned, (A. D.
1049.) much contention and striving began in Rome
kbout the papal seat ; whereupon the Romans through
fhe counsel of the Cardinal sent to the emperor, desiring
him to give them a bishop : and so he did, whose name
fvas Bruno, afterward o&Ued Leo IX. This Bruno being
^ simple man, and easy to be led with evil counsel,
Doming from the emperor towards Rome in his pontifical
ipparel like a pope ; there meet him by the way, the
ibbot of Cluny, and Hildebrand, a monk, who seeing
bim so in his pontifical robes, began to rate him,
aying to his charge that he would so take his authority
►f the emperor, and not rather of the clergy of Rome,
107
and the people thereof, as his predecessors were wont to
do : and so counselled him to lay down that apparel,
and to enter in with his own habit, till he had his election
by them. Bruno following their counsel, and confessing
his fault before the clergy of Rome, obtained their
favour, and so was nominated Leo. IX., whereby Hil-
debrand was made a cardinal. Under this Pope Leo,
two councils were held ; one at Versailles, where
the doctrine of Berengarius against the real presence in
the sacrament was first condemned (although Berengarius
yet recanted not, which nevertheless was done after in
the council of Lateran, under Nicholas II., A. D. 1060).
The other was held at Moguntia, where amongst many
other decrees it was enacted. That priests should be ex-
cluded and debarred utterly from marriage.
After the death of Leo, whom Brazutus poisoned the
first year of his popedom, Theophylactus strove to be
pope ; but Hildebrand, to defeat him, went to the em-
peror, who assigned another bishop, called Victor II.
This Victor holding a council at Florence, deposed divers
bishops and priests for simony and fornication ; for
simony, in that they took their dignities of secular men
for money ; for fornication, in that, contrary to their
canon, they were married, &c. The second year of his
papacy, and little more, this pope also followed his pre-
decessors, being poisoned by Brazutus, through the pro-
curement of Hildebrand and his master.
Here now the church and clergy of Rome began to
wring out of the emperor's hand the election of the
pope ; electing Stephen IX. for pope, contrary to their
oath, and to the emperor's assignment. This Stephen
was not ashamed to accuse the Emperor Henry of heresy,
for minishing the authority of the Roman see. So
this was their heresy at that time, not to maintain the
ambitious proceedings of the Romish prelate. And they
called it simony, to take and enjoy any spiritual living
at a secular man's hand.
In the mean time, Stephen the pope, tasting of Bra-
zutus' cup, fell sick. Hildebrand, hearing that, returned
home with all speed. So being come to Rome, he as-
sembleth all the companies and orders of the clergy
together, making them to swear that they should admit
none to be bishop but he who shall be appointed by the
public consent of them all together. This being done,
Hildebrand, takes his journey into Florence, to fetch the
bishop of Florence to install him bishop ; the clergy
swearing unto him that no bishop should be ordained
before his return again. But the people of Rome, not
suffering the election to stand so long, after the death of
Stephen, elected one of their own city, called Benedict X.
Hildebrand hearing of this, was not a little ofi'ended ;
wherefore returning to Rome with one Garhard, bishop
of Florence, he caused the clergy to proceed to a new
election, saying. That Benedict was not lawfully called,
but came in by force and bribing. But the clergy not
daring to attempt any new election at Rome, went to
Sene, and there elected this Garhard, whom Hildebrand
brought with him. So there were two popes in Rome
together: but Garhard, named Nicholas II., holding a
council at Sutrium, through the help of Duke Godfrid
and Guibert, and other bishops about Italy, caused the
other pope to be deposed. Benedict understanding them
to be set against him through the means of Hildebrand,
unpoped himself, and went to Velitras ; living there
more quietly than he would have done at Rome.
Nicholas being thus set up without the mind either of
the emperor or of the people of Rome, after his fellow
pope was driven away, brake up the Synod of Sutrium,
and came to Rome, where he assembled another council,
called the Council of Lateran. In which council first
was promulgated the terrible sentence of excommunica-
tion mentioned in the decrees. The effect whereof is
this : first, that he after a subtle practice undermines the
emperor's jurisdiction, and transfers to a few cardinals,
and certain cathohc persons, the full authority of choos-
ing the pope. Secondly, against all such as do creep
into the seat of Peter by money or favour, without the
full consent of the cardinals, he thunders with terrible
blasts of excommunication, accursing them and their
children with devils, as wicked persons, to the auger of
108
SUCCESSION OF POPES. ARCHBISHOPS OF CANTERBURY.
[Book III.
Almighty God, giving also authority and power to car-
dinals, with the clergy and laity, to dei)Ose all such
persons, and call a general council, wherever they will
against them.
In the council of Lateran, under Pope Nicholas II.
Berengarius, an arch-deacon, was driven to the recanta-
tion of his doctrine, denying the real suhstance of
Christ's holy hody and blood to be in the sacrament,
otherwise than sacrameutally and in mystery.
In tlie same council also was hatched and invented
the new found device and term of transubstantiation.
It were too long here to declare the confederation
betwixt this Nicholas and Robert Guiscard, whom this
pope (contrary to all right and good law, displacing tlie
right heir) made duke of Apulia, Calabria, Sicily, and
cai)tain-general of St. Peter's lands : that through his
force of arms and violence he might the better subdue
all such as should rebel against him. Now, let all men,
which be godly and wise, judge and understand how this
stands with the doctrine of Christ, the exam])le of
Peter, or the spirit of a christian bishop, by outward
arms and violence to conquer christian men and coun-
tries, under the obedience of a bishop's see. Thus Pope
Nicholas II., by might and force continued three years
and a half. But at length he met with Brazutus' cup,
and so died.
At the beginning of this, Nicholas, or somewhat be-
fore (about A. D, 1057), Henry IV., after the decease
of Henry III., was made emperor, being but a child, and
reigned fifty years : but not without great molestation
and much disquietness, and all through the ungracious
wickedness of Hildebrand, as hereafter (the Lord so per-
mitting) shall De declared.
Here by the way comes to be noted an example,
whereby all princes may learn and'linderstand how the
pope is to be handled, whoever looks to have any good-
ness at his hand. If a man stand in fear of his curse,
he shall be made his slave ; but if he be despised of you,
you shall have him as you like. For the pope's curse
may well be likened to Domitian's thunder : If a man
give ear to the noise and crack, it seems a terrible thing ;
but if you consider the causes and effect thereof, it is
most vain and ridiculous.
In the reign of this Nicholas (A. D. 1060), Aldred
bishop of Worcester was appointed archbishop of York,
who, coming to Rome with Tostius, Earl of Northum-
berland, for his pall, could not obtain it, but was de-
prived of all dignity. Whereupon returning again to Rome
with Tostius, he there made his complaint, but would
not be heard, till Tostius, a man of stout courage, tak-
ing the matter in hand, told the pope to his face, " That
his curse was not to be feared in far countries when the
pope's own neighbours, yea, and the most vile vaga-
bonds derided and despised it at home." Wherefore
he required the pope, either to restore Aldred again to
his goods, or else it should be known that they were lost,
through his means and subtilty. And that the king of
England hearing this would debar him of St. Peter's
tribute, thinking it shameful treatment to him and his
realm, if Aldred should come from Rome both deprived
of dignity, and spoiled also of his goods. The pope
being thus persuaded by the argument gf his purse, was
content to send home Aldred with his pall, according to
his request.
After the death of Nicholas, the Lombards being op-
pressed before by Pope Nicholas, and brought under
fear, were the more desirous, and thought it good to
have a bishop of their company, and so elected the
bishop of Parmen, called Cadolus, to be pope : sending
to the emperor, and desiring his favour and support
therein, for the election of the pope (they said) most
properly appertained unto him.
The emperor, well pleased and content, gave them his
voice and support But Hildebrand, a stout main-
tainer of popish liberties against good emperors, hearing
this, sets up by a contrary faction another bishop,
Anselm, after called Alexander II. Cadolus, thus
elected by the emperor and the cardinals, sets forward
to Rome with a sufficient army and strength of men.
Alexander, also, no less prepared, there received him
with another army, where they had a great conflict, and
many slain on both sides. But Cadolus, as he had the
better cause, so he had the worse fortune. The emperor
seeing this hurly-burley, to take up the matter, sent
thither his ambassador Otho archbishop of Cullen: who,
coming to Rome, sharply chides the pope for taking so
upon liim without the leave or knowledge of the em-
peror, declaring how the election of that see ought
chiefly to appertain to the right of the emperor, as it
had done for the most part in the time of his predeces-
sors before. But Hildebrand all set on wickedness and
ambition, and also puffed up not a little with his late
victories, not suH'ering the ambassador to tell to the
end, interruptiil iiim in tlie middle of his tale ; affirming
that if they should stand to law and custom, the liberty
of that election should rather belong to the clergy than
to the emperor. To make short, Otho the ambassador
agreeing more with the clergy than with the emperor,
was content to be persuaded, and only required this in
the eni])eror's name, that a council should be held, to
decide the matter, whereat the emperor should be pre-
sent himself; which was agreed. In the which council
being held at Mantua, Alexander was declared pope, the
other had his pardon granted. In this council, amongst
many other con:^iderations, it was concluded concerning
priests. That they should have no wives : priests' chil- .
dren not to be secluded from holy orders : no benefices
to be bought for money : halleluiah to be suspended in
time of lent out of the church, &c. This also was de-
creed (which made most for Mildebrand's purpose) that
no spiritual man, whatsover he be, should enter into any
church, by a secular person, and that the pope should
be elected only by the cardinals, &c. Cardinal Benno
writes of Alexander, tliat after he perceived the frauds
of Hildebrand, and of the emperor's enemies, and under-
standing that he was set up and enthroned only for a
purpose ; being at his mass, as he was preaching to the
people, told them he would not sit in the place, unless
he had the license of the emperor. Which when Hilda-
brand heard, he was stricken in such a fury, that he could
scarcely keep his hands off him, while mass was doing.'
After the mass was finished, by force of soldiers and
strength of men, he had him into a chamber, and there
struck Pope Alexander with his fists, rating and rebuking'
him because he would seek for favour of the emperor. —
Thus Alexander being kept in custody, and being stintedi
to a certain allowance, as about five groats a-day, Hilde-
brand engrossed all the whole revenues of the church to
himself. At length Alexander, under the miserable in-
durance of Hildebrand, died after eleven years and-
a-half, of his popedom. And thus much of Romish
matters.
Now returning again to the history of our own coun-
try, we enter upon the reign of William the Conqueror,
the next king following in England. But first, as at the
end of the former book, we will give the order of the
archbishops of Canterbury ; beginning with Ethelred,
who succeeded after Celnoth, the last mentioned.
The names and order of the archbishops of Canterbury,
from the time of King Egbert to William Conqueror.
18. Ethelred.
19. Pleimund.
20. Athelm.
21. Ulfelm.
22. Odo.
2A. Elfius, or Elfinus.
24. Dunstan.
25. Ethelgar.
26. Elfric.
27. Siric.
28. Elphege.
29. Livinge.
30. Egenold.
31. Edsius.
32. Robert.
33. Stigand.
34. Lanfranc.
ACTS AND MONUMENTS.
BOOK IV.
CONTAINING
THE THREE HUNDRED YEARS, FROM WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR, TO THE TIME OP
JOHN WICKLIFFE ;
WHEREIN IS DESCRIBED THE PROUD AND MIS-ORDERED REIGN OF ANTICHRIST, BEGINNING TO STIR Ilf
THE CHURCH OF CHRIST.
William, duke of Normandy, surnamed the Con-
queror, base son of Robert, the sixth duke of Normandy,
and nephew to King Edward, after the victory against
Harold, was received as king over the realm of England,
not so much by assent, as for fear and necessity ; for
Ithe Londoners had promised their assistance to Edgar
Etheling. But being weakened and wasted so greatly in
former battles, and the duke coming so fast upon them,
and fearing that they could not make their party good,
they submitted themselves. William was crowned upon
Christmas-day (A. D. 1066), by the h^nds of Aldred,
archbishop of York ; for at that time Stigand archbishop
of Canterbury was absent, or else durst not, or would
not come into the presence of the king.
This king reigned over England twenty-one years and
ten months, with great sevciity towards the English,
burthening them with tributes and exactions ; requiring
for every hide of ground containing twenty acres, six
j shillings. Some parts of the land rebelled, and espe-
jdally the city of Exeter. But at last William overcame
Ithem, and punished them. On account of that and
lother severities of William, several of the Lords oe-
Iparted into Scotland ; wherefore he kept the other lords
ithat tarried the stricter, and exalted the Normans, giving
j:hem the chief possessions of the land. And as he
iDbtained the kingdom by the sword, he changed the
Inhole state of the government, and ordained new laws
lit his own pleasure, profitable to himself, but grievous
j^nd hurtful to the people ; abolishing the laws of King
JEdward, though he was sworn to observe and maintain
them.
William endeavoured to establish a form of govern-
ment both in the church and commonwealth answerable
0 his own mind : however he allowed the clergy a kind
jf jurisdiction of bringing persons before them and of ex-
ercising such ecclesiastical discipline as that age and time
lid use.
Besides this, William, as he was a warrior, delighting in
"orts and bulwarks, builc four strong castles ; two at
ITork, one at Nottingham, ana another at Lincoln, which
jarrisons he furnished with Normans.
About the third year of his reign, Harold and Canute,
sons of Swanus, king of Denmark, entered into the north
country. The Normans within York, fearing that the
Englishmen would aid the Danes, fired the suburbs of the
town. And the flame was so great and the wind so
strong that it took to the city, and burnt a great part of
it with the minster of St. Peter, where no doubt many
worthy works and monuments of books were consumed.
The Danes by the favour of some of the citizens entered the
city, and slew more than three thousand of the Normans.
But not long after King William chased them out, and drove
them to their ships, and was so displeased with the in-
habitants of that country, that he destroyed the land from
York to Durham, so that nine years after the province
lay waste, and the inhabitants kept in such penury by
the war of the king ; that (as our English history re-
lates) they eat rats, cats, and dogs, with other vermin.
Also in the fourth year of the reign of this king, Mal-
colm king of Scots entered into Northumberland, and de-
stroyed the country, and slew there many of the people,
both men, women, and children, in a lamentable way,
and took some prisoners. But within two years after,
King William made such war upon the Scots, that he
forced Malcolm their king to do him homage.
And thus much concerning the outward calamities of
this realm under this foreign conqueror, which is novr
the fifth time that the land has been scourged by the
hand of God. First, by the Romans, then by the Scots
and Picts, afterwards by the Saxons ; and then by the Danes.
And yet the indignation of God ceased not, but stirred
up the Normans against them, who conquered and altered
the whole realm ; so, that besides the innovation of
the laws, coins, and possessions, there was scarcely an
English bishop in any church of England, but only Nor-
mans and foreigners placed through all their dioceses.
To such a misery was this land then brought, that not only
of all the English nobility not one house was standing,
but also it was thought reproachful to be called an
Englishman.
In the fourth year of this king, a solemn council of the
clergy of England was held at Winchester. At which
council were present two cardinals sent from Pope Alex-
ander II. In this council, the king being present, several
bishops, abbots, and priors were deposed, (by the means
of the king) without any cause, that his Normans might be
110 CONTROVERSY FOR THE PRIMACY BETWEEN THE TWO METROPOLITANS. [Book IV.
promoted to the rule of the church, as he had promoted
his knights to the rule of the temporality. Among whom
also Stigand archbishop of Canterbury was deprived of
his dignity, and kept in Winchester as a prisoner during
his life. This Stigand is noted for a man so covetous
and sparing, that when he would take nothing of his own,
and swore that he had not a penny, yet by a key fastened
about his neck, great treasure of his was found hid under
the ground.
At the same time, Thomas, a Norman, was preferred to
the archbishopric of York, and Lanfranc, an Italian, was
made archbishop of Canterbury.
After this, Lanfranc and Thomas came to Rome, with
Remi"-ius Bishop of Dorchester for their palls, as the man-
ner was ; without which no archbishop nor bishop could
be confirmed, although their election were never so law-
ful. This pall must be asked no where but of the pope
or his assigns, and that within three months, which was
no small gain to the Romish see. For although at the
beginning the pall was given without money, according
to the decree (Dist. 100), or for little; yet in process of
years it grew to such excess, that where the bishoprick
of Mentz was wont to give to Rome only ten thousand
florins, afterwards he could not obtain it without twenty
thousand. And from thence it exceeded to five and
twenty thousand, and at length to seven and twenty
thousand florins ; which sum James archbishop of
Mentz was obliged to pay a little before the council of
Basil, so that at his death (which was four years after),
he said that his death did not so much grieve him as
to remember that his poor subjects would be constrain-
ed to pay so terrible a fine for the pope's pall. Now by
this ; the enormous sum which comes to the pope in the
whole of Wermany, containing in it above fifty bishop-
ricks, may be easily conjectured.
Lanfranc coming to Rome with the otlier two bishops,
for the fame of his learning obtained of Alexander two
palls, one of honour, the other of love. He obtained
for the other two bishops also their confirmation. At
the time while they were there the controversy began first
to be moved (or rather renewed) for the primacy between
the two metropolitans, that is, between the archbishop of
Canterbury and the archbishop of York, which of them
should have the pre-eminence. For Canterbury chal-
lenged to himself the prerogative and primacy over all
Britain and Ireland ; this contention continued a long
time between these two churches, and was often renewed
in the days of several kings after this ; as in the reign of
Henry I., between Thurstin of York and Radulph of
Canterbury. And again, in the seven and twentieth year
of the same king, at his second coronation. For Radulph
would not suffer the first coronation to stand, because it
was done by the bishop of York, without his consent.
Also in the reign of Henry II., where pope Alexander
made a decretal letter between these two Metropolit?.ns,
for bearing the cross, (A.D. 1159.) Also another time,
in the reign of the said king, betwixt Richard of Canter-
bury, and Roger of York. Again, about the year of our
Lord 1170, when Thomas Becket hearing that the king
was crowned by Roger bishop of York, complained grie-
vously to Pope Alexander III. Also another time,
(A. D. 1176), betwixt Richard and Roger, which of
them should sit on the right hand of Cardinal Hugo, in
his council in London. Moreover, in the beginning of
the reign of King Richard (A. D. 11 DO), betwixt Bald-
win of Canterbury, and Godfrid of York, &c.
Now to proceed in the history of this : after this
question was brought to the pope's presence, he (not
disposed to decide the matter) sent them home to Eng-
land, there to have their cause determined. Upon
which (A.D. 1070), they brought the matter before the
king and the clergy at Windsor. Lanfranc first alleg-
ing for himself, how that from the time of Austin to the
time of Bede, (which was about a hundred and forty
years) the bishop of Canterbury had ever the primacy
(1) Some allege 182 instead of 180, for the introduction of the
christian f:iith. It appears this Thomaa alleged the former
date. [ED.j
over the whole land of Britain and Ireland ; how he kept
his councils several times within the precincts of York •
how he called and cited the bishops of York thereto ; of
whom, some he constituted, some he excommunicated,
and some he removed ; besides also he alleged various
privileges granted by princes and prelates to the primacy
of that see, &c.
To this Thomas archbishop of York replied, and first
beginning vrHh the original of the Britons' church,
declared in order of time how the Britons, the
first possessors of this kingdom of Britain, which en-
dured from Brutus and Cadwalladar, 2076 years, under
an hundred and two kings, at length received the chris-
tian faith in the year 162, in the time of Lucius their
king, Eleutherius, bishop of Rome, having sent tJtt
preachers Fagan and Damian to them,' at wliich tiSfe
after their conversion, they assigned and ordained in the
realm eight and twenty bishops, with two archbishops,
Theonus, the archbishop of London, and Theodosius
archbishop of York. Under those bishops and arch-
bishops the church of Britain was governed after their
conversion, almost three hundred years, till at length
the Saxons, being then infidels, with Hengist their king,
subduing the Britons by fraudulent murder invaded their
land, which was about A.D. 449. After this the Britons
being driven into Cambria (which we now call Wales),
the Saxons over-running the land, divided themselves
into seven kingdoms. And so being Infidels and Pagans,
continued till the time that Gregory bishop of Rome
sent Austin to preach to them ; which Austin
coming first to Dover, being then the head city of Kent,
called in Latin, Dorobernia, and there planting himself,
converted first the king of Kent, called Ethelbert, who
had then subdued certain other kings unto the H umber.
By reason of which Austin was made archbishop of
Dover, by the appointment of Gregory, who sent him
certain palls with his letter from Rome, as is before
mentioned.''' Which letter being recited, then Thomas
declares how the meaning of Gregory in this letter was,
to reduce the new church of the Saxons to the order
that was among the Britons ; that is, to be under two
metropolitans, one of London, the other of York. Not-
withstanding, he gives to Austin this prerogative during
his hfe time, to have authority and jurisdiction, not only
over his twelve bishops, but over all other bishops and
priests in England. And after his decease then these two
metropolitans, London and York, were to oversee the
whole clergy, as in times past amongst the Britons ;
whom he joins together after the death of Austin, to
constitute bishops, and to oversee the church. And
that he so means London to be equal with York, appears
by four arguments : First, that he ordains London to
be consecrated by no bishop, but by his own synod.
Secondly, he ordains no distinction of honour to be
betwixt London and York, but only according as each
one of them is elder in time. Thirdly, he places these
two equally together in common council, and with one
agreement to consent together in doing such things as
they shall consult upon in the zeal of Christ Jesus ; and
that in such sort that one should not dissent from the
other. What means this, but that they should govern
together ? Fourthly, where he writes that the bishop of
York should not be subject to the bishop of London ;
what means this, but that the bishop of London should
be equivalent with the metropolitan of Y'ork, or rather
superior unto him ?
And thus he expounded the meaning of Gregory in
the letter. Lanfranc again answers, " That he was not
the bishop of London, and that the question pertained
not to London." Thomas replies, " That this privilege
was granted by Gregory to Austin alone, to have all
other bisho])s subject to him ; but after his decease
there should be equality of honour betwixt London and
Y^ork, without distinction of priority ; except only the
priority of time. And although Austin translated the
see from London to Kent ; yet Gregory, if his mind had
been to give the same prerogative to the successors of
(2) See page 78.
jil. D 1070—1073.]
LANFRANC OBTAINS THE PRIMACY.
Ill
■Austin (which he gave to him) would expressly have
! uttered it in the words of his epistle, writing thus to
jAustin : ' That which 1 give to thee, Austin, 1 give also
land grant to all thy successors after thee.' But as he
(.'makes here no mention of his successors, it appeeirs
I ithe.reby, that it was not his mind so to do."
I I To this Lanfranc argued again: "If this authority
I had been given to Austin alone, and not to his succes-
,Sors, it had been but a small gift, proceeding from the
, apostolic see, to his special and familiar friend ; espe-
ciadlv seeing also that Austin in all his life did constitute
no bishop of York, neither was there any such bishop to
be subject to him. Again, we have privileges from the
apostolic see, which confirm this dignity in the succes-
sors of Austin, in the same see of Dover. Moreover,
all Englishmen think it both right and reason to fetch
the direction of well living from that place, where first
they took the sparkle of right believing. Further,
whereas you say that Gregory might have confirmed with
plain words the same thing to the successors of Austin,
which he gave to him ; all that I grant ; yet, this is not
prejudicial to the see of Canterbury. For, if you know
your logic, that which is true in the whole is also true in
the part, and what is true in the more, is also true in
the less. Now the church of Rome is as the whole, to
n-hom all other churches are as parts thereof. The
church of Rome is greater than all churches ; that
which is wrought in it ought to work in the less churches
also ; so that the authority of every chief head of the
:hurch ought to stand also in them that succeed ; unless
:here be any precise exception made by name. Where-
fore like as the Lord said to all bishops of Rome the
5ame thing which he said to Peter, so Gregory in hke
manner said to all the successors of Austin, that which
[ he said to Austin. So thus I conclude, as the bishop of
Canterbury is subject to Rome, because he had his faith
from thence ; so York ought to be in subjection to Can-
terbury, which sent the first preachers thither. Now
vhereas you allege that Gregory desired Austin to be
resident at London, that is utterly uncertain. For how
is it to be thought that such a disciple would do contrary
;o the mind of such a master ? But grant (as you say)
, (hat Austin removed to London, what is that to me,
I vho am not bishop of London ? Notwithstanding all
I ihis controversy ceasing betwixt us, if it shall please you
.0 come to some peaceable composition with me (all
contention set apart) you shall find me not out of the
vay, so far as reason and equity shall extend."
With these reasons of Lanfranc, Thomas gave over,
ondescendiug that his province should begin at the
tlumber. W^hereupon it was then decreed that York
jrom that time should be subject to Canterbury, in all mat-
lers appertaining to the rites and government of the ca-
holic church ; so that wherever within England the
rclibishop of Canterbury would hold his council, the
rchliishop of York should resort thither with his bishops,
lid be obedient to his canonical decrees.
Provided that when the archbishop of Canterbury
hould decease, York should repair to Dover, there to
onsecrate with others the bishops that should be elect.
iiid if York should decease, his successor should resort
I Canterbury, or else where the bishop of Canterbury
hould appoint, there to receive his consecration, making
i< jnofession there, with an oath of canonical obedience.
'Iiomas being content withal, Lanfranc, the Italian, tri-
ni|ihed with no small joy, and put the matter forth-
ith in writing, that the memory of it might remain to
i> .-uccessors. But yet that decree did not stand long;
)r shortly after the same scar, so superficially cured,
urst out again ; so that in the reign of king Henry I.,
A. D. 1121) Thurstin, archbishop of York, could
lot be compelled to swear to the archbishop of Canter-
jury ; and yet by letters of Calixtus II., was consecrated
Kthout any profession made to the said bishop, with
liuch more matter of contention, to recite all which were
bo long. But this I thought to commit to history, that
ien might see the lamentable decay of true Christianity
Inongst the christian bishops, who, enflamed with glo-
ious ambition, so contended for honour, that without
ae force of the law no modesty could take place.
About A. D. 1016, the bishopric of Lindaffame,
otherwise named Holyland, was translated to Durham ;
so likewise in the days of this Lanfranc, archbishop of
Canterbury (A. D. lO/C), several bishops' sees were
altered and removed from townships to greater cities.
As the bishopric of Selese was removed to Chichester ;
that of Cornwall to Exeter ; from Wells to Bath ; from
Sherborne to Salisbury ; from Dorchester to Lincoln ;
from Litchfield to Chester ; which bishopric of Chester,
Robert being then bishop, was removed from Chester to
Coventry. Likewise after that in the reign of William
Rufus (A. D. 109.i), Herbert, bishop of Thetford, from
thence removed the see to Norwich, &c.
As concerning Dover and Canterbury, whether the
see was likewise translated from the town of Dover to
the city of Canterbury in the time of Theodore ; or
whether in the old time Canterbury had the name of
Dorobernia (as the letter of Lanfranc to Pope Alexander
above mentioned pretends), I find it not expressly defined
in histories ; save that I read by the words of William,
being yet duke of Normandy, charging Harold to make
a well of water for the king's use in the castle of Doro-
bernia, that Dorobernia was then taken for that which
we now call Dover ; but whether Dorobernia and the
city of Canterbury be both one or different is not im-
jjortant. Notwithstanding I read this in the epistle of
Pope Boniface to King Ethelbert, as also to Justin,
archbishop : also in the epistle of Pope Honorius to
Bishop Honorius : also of Pope Vitalian to Theodore :
of Pope Sergius to King Ethelred, Alfred and Adulphus,
and to the bishops of England : Likewise of Pope
Gregory III. to the bishops of England : Also of Pope
Leo to Athelard, archbishop of Canterbury : of Formo-
sus to the bishops of England, and of Pope John to
Dunstan ; that the names of Dorobernia and of Canter-
bury are indifferently taken for one matter.
In this time (and by the management of this Lan-
franc), in the ninth year of William I., a council was
held at Loudon, where these were the principal things
concluded :
1. For the order of sitting, that the archbishop of
York should sit on the right hand, and the bishop of
London on the left hand, or in the absence of York,
London should have the right, and Winchester the
left hand of the archbishop of Canterbury sitting in
council.
2. That bishops should translate their sees from
villages into cities, whereupon those sees above named
were translated.
3. That monks should have nothing as private pos-
sessions ; and if any so had, he dying unconfessed should
not be buried in the churchyard.
4. That no clerk or monk of any other diocese should
be admitted to orders, or retained without letters com-
mendatory or testimonial.
5. That none should speak in the council, except
bishops and abbots, without leave of the arch-metro-
politans.
6. That none should marry within the seventh de-
gree, with any either of his own kindred, or of his
wife's.
7. That none should either buy or sell any office
within the church.
8. That no sorcery or any divination should be used
or permitted in holy church.
9. That no bishop nor abbot, nor any of the clergy,
should be at the judgment of any man's death or dis-
membering, neither should be any favourer of the judi-
cants.
Moreover in the days of this Lanfranc, many good
bishops of the realm began to take part with the priests
against the monks, in displacing these out of their
churches, and to restore the married priests again ; so
that Walkelm, bishop of Winchester, had placed above
forty canons instead of monks in his diocese ; but this
godly enterprise was stopped by Lanfranc.
After the death of Pope Alexander above mentioned,
next followed Hildebrand, sirnamed Gregory VIL
This Hildebrand, as he was a sorcerer, so was he
the first and principal cause of all this trouble that ia
2'Jl
POPE GREGORY VII. CALLED HILDEBRAND.
[Book IV
DOW and has been since his time in the churcli ;
through his example all this ambition, boldness, and
pride entered into the church of Rome, and has
ever since continued. For before Hildebrand came to
Rome working his feats there, setting up and displacing
what bishops he chose, corrupting them with perni-
cious counsel, and setting them against emperors, under
pretence of chastity destroying matrimony, and under
the title of liberty breaking peace, and resisting autho-
rity ; before this (I say) the church of Rome was in some
order, and the bishops quietly governed under christian
emperors, and also were defended by the same ; as
Marcellus, Miltiades, and Sylvester, were under obe-
dience to Constantine (A. D. 340) ; Siricius to Theodo-
sius (A. D. 388) ; Gregory to Maurice (A. D. COO) ;
Adrian and Leo to Charlemagne (A. D. 801) ; Paschal
and Valentius to Lewis the Pious (A. D. 830) ; Ser-
gius II. to Lothaire (A. D. 840) ; Benedict III. and
John VIII. to Lewis, son of Lotliaire (A. D. 85()).
But against this obedience and subjection Hildebrand
first began to spurn, and by his example taught all
other bishops to do the same.
At length they brought to pass that it should be law-
ful for a few cardinals (contrary to ancient ordinances
and decretal statutes) to choose what pope they liked,
without any consent of the emperor at all. And,
whereas, before it stood in the emperor's gift to give
and to grant bishoprics, archbishoprics, benefices,
and other ecclesiastical preferments within their ovm
limits, to whom they chose ; now the popes, through
much wrestling, wars, and contention, have extorted
all that into their own hands ; yea, have plucked in
all the riches and power of the whole world : and not
content with that, have usurped and prevailed so much
above emperors, that, as before, no pope might be
chosen without the confirmation of the emperor : so now
no emperor may be elected without the confirmation of
the pope, taking upon them more than princes to place
or displace emperors at their pleasure for every light
cause ; to put down or set up when and whom they
pleased; as Frederic I., for holding the left stirrup of
the pope's saddle, was persecuted almost to excommu-
nication, which cause moves me to use more diligence
here, in setting out the history, acts, and doings of this
Hildebrand, from whom, as their first patron and foun-
der, sprang all this ambition and contention about the
liberties and dominion of the Roman church.
And first, how this Hildebrand had behaved himself,
before he was pope, I have partly declared. For though
he was not yet pope in name, yet he was then pope in-
deed, and ruled the popes and all their doings as he
liked. What devices he had attempted ever since his
first coming to the court of Rome, to magnify and
maintain false liberty against true authority ; what prac-
tice he wrought by councils, what factions and conspi-
racies he made, in stirring up popes against emperors,
striving for superiority ; and what wars followed, I have
also expressed. Now let us see further the worthy virtues
of this princely prelate, after he came to be pope, as they
are described in the histories of several writers.
THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF GREGORY THE SEVENTH,
OTHERWISE NAMED HILDEBRAND.
Hitherto the bishops of Rome have been elected by the
voices and suffrages of all sorts and degrees, as well of
the priests and the clergy, as of the nobility, people, and
senate, all assembling together. And this election I find
in force, if ratified by the Roman emperors, who had
authority to call and assemble all tlaese, as well as
bishops to councils, as the case required. Under the
authority and jurisdiction of these emperors in Ger-
many, France, Italy, and through the whole dominion
of Rome, all patriarchs, bishops, masters of churches
and monasteries were subject by the decree of councils,
according to the old custom of our ancestors. The
holy and ancient fathers, (as Christ with his dis-
ciples and apostles both taught and did) honoured and
esteemed their emperors as the supreme potentate next
under God on earth, set up, ordained, elected, and
crowned of God, above all other mortal men, and so
counted them, and called them their lords. To them
they yielded tribute, and paid their subsidies, and also
prayed every day for their life. Such as rebelled against
them tliey regarded as rebels, and resisters against
God's ordinance and christian piety. The name of the
emperor was of great majesty, and received as given
from God. Then these fathers of the church never inter-
meddled nor entangled themselves with political affairs
of the commonwealth, much less did they occupy them,
selves in martial arms, and feats of chivalry : all their
contention with other christians was only in poverty and
modesty, who should be poorest and most modest among
them. And the more humbleness appeared in any, the
higher opinion they conceived of him. They took thfs
sharp and two-edged sword given to the church of Christ, to
save and not to kill ; to quicken and not to destroy ; and
they called it the sword of the Spirit, which is the word
of God, the life and the light of men, who revokes from
death to life, making of men gods ; of mortal, immortal.
They were far from thrusting out any prince or king
(though he were never so far out of the way, yea, an
Arian) from his kingdom, or to curse him, or to release
his subjects from their oath and their allegiance, to
change and translate kingdoms, to subvert empires, to
pollute themselves with christian blood, or to war with
their christian brethren for rule and principality. This
was not their spirit and manner then, but rather they
loved and obeyed their princes. Again, princes loved
them also like fathers and fellow-princes with them of
the souls of men.
Now this Gregory VII., otherwise named Hildebrand,
was the first of all others who, contemning the authority
of the emperor, invaded the see of Rome, vaunting him-
self as having both the ecclesiastical and temporal sword
committed to him by Christ, and that fulness of power
was in his hand to bind and loose at his will. Thus he
presumed to grasp both governments, to challenge all
the whole dominion, both of the eastern and western
churches, yea, and all power to himself alone, admitting
none as equal, much less superior, to him, derogating
from others, and arrogating to himself their due right
and honour, set at nought Cesars, kings, and emperors.
Bishops and prelates as his underlings he kept in awe,
suspending and cursing, and cutting off their heads,
stirring up strife and wars, sowing discord, making
factions, releasing oaths, defeating fidelity and due alle-
giance of subjects to their princes. Yea, and if he had
offended or injured the emperor himself, yet notwith-
standing he ought to be feared, as he himself glories in
an epistle, as one that could not err, and had received
of Christ our Saviour, and of Peter, authority to bind I
and unbind at his will and pleasure. Priests then in i
those days had wives openly and lawfully (no law for- •
bidding to the contrary) as appears by the deed and 1
writings of their chapter-seals and donations, which i
were given to temples and monasteries, wherein their r
wives also are cited with them for witness, and were
called presbyterissse. Also, as for bishops, prelates,
parsons of churches, governors of the clergy, masters of
monasteries, and religious houses ; all these were then
in those times in the emperor's appointment, to assign
to whom he would. Now these two things Gregory
could not endure, for which two causes only was all his
striving from his first beginning to abolish the marriage
of priests, and to translate the imperial authority to the
clergy. To this scope only tended all his labour, as ap-
peared before in the council of Lateran, under Pope
Nicholas, and also in the council of Mantua, under
Alexander, making their marriage heresy, and the other
to be simony. And that which previously he went
about by others, now he practises by himself, to con-
demn ministers that were married as Nicholaitans, and
to receive any spiritual charge of secular persons as
simony, directing his letters to Henry the emperor, to
dukes, princes, potentates, and tetrarchs ; namely to
Berchtold, to Rodulph of Swevia, to Whelpo, Adal-
beron, and to their wives : also, to bishops, archbishops,
priests, and to all the people ; in which letters he de-
jA.D. 1074.]
MARRIAGE OF PRIESTS FORBIDDEN BY HILDEBRAND.
113
:nounces them to be no priests who were married, for-
bidding men to salute them, to talk, to eat, to company
jwith them, to pay them tithes, or to obey them if they
would not be obedient to him. Among others, he
directed special letters to Otho bishop of Constance
c'liiceruing this matter. But Otho perceiving the un-
ci) JIv and unreasonable pretence of Hiidebrand, would
uiver separate them that were married from their wives,
n )r vet forbid them to marry who were unmarried. The
following is the letter of Hiidebrand sent to the bishop
of Constance against priests' marriages : —
" Gregory, bishop, servant of servants of God, to the
clergy and laity, both more and less, within the diocese
of Constance, salvation and benediction. We have
directed to our brother Otho, your bishop, our letters
exhortatory ; wherein we enjoined him, according to the
necessity of our duty, by the apostolical authority, that
he should utterly abolish out of his church the heresy of
simony, and also should cause to be preached with all
diligence the chastity of priests. But he, neither moved
wich reverence of St. Peter's precept, nor yet with the
re;- ird of his duty, neglected to do these things, whereto
wo so fatherly have exhorted him, incurring thereby a
double offence, not only of disobedience, but also of re-
bellion, in that he has gone and done clean contrary to
I our commandment (yea, rather the commandment of
I blessed St. Peter), so that he hath permitted his clergy,
not only such as had wives, not to put them away, but
:also such as had none, to take them. Whereupon we
i being truly informed, and grieved therewith, have di-
, rected to him another letter, declaring the motion of our
I displeasure and indignation. In which letters also we
I have cited him up to our council at Rome, there to ap-
I pear and give account of his disobedience in the au-
I dience of the whole synod. And now, therefore, we
j thought it best to signify this to you (our dear children)
I whereby in this behalf we might the better provide for
! your health and salvation. For if your bishop shall
i continue so obstinately to repugn and resist our com-
mandment, he is not meet to sit over you. Wherefore,
I these shall be to command you, and all them that be
obedient to God, and to blessed St. Peter, by our apos-
• toUcal authority, that if this your bishop shall persist in
his obstinacy, you that be his subjects hereafter give to
I him no service nor obedience. For the which we here
I discharge you before God and your souls. For if your
bishop shall act contrary to the decrees and apostolical
I injunctions, we, through the apostolical authority of
1 St. Peter, discharge and absolve you from the band of
your allegiance to him. So that if you be sworn to him,
80 long as he is a rebel against God and the aposto-
lic seat, we loose you from the peril of your oath, that
you shall not need to fear therein any danger," &c.
In the council held at Rome, Hiidebrand, with other
bishops of Rome, did then enact, among many others,
j these three things especially. First, That no priest here-
I after should marry. Secondly, That all such as were
I married should be divorced. Thirdly, That none here-
I after should be admitted to the order of priesthood, but
1 should swear perpetual celibacy, &c. This council of
Rome being ended, forthwith the act of Hiidebrand,
concerning the single life of priests, was proclaimed and
published in all places, and strict commandment given
to bishops to execute the same. The following is the
copy of his bull sent into Italy and Germany : —
" Gregory the pope, otherwise Hiidebrand, the ser-
vant of the servants of God, sends the apostle's blessing
to all within the kingdoms of Italy and Germany, that
shew true obedience to St. Peter. If there be any
priesis, deacons, and subdeacons, that still will remain
in the sin of marriage, we forbid them the church's en-
trance, by the omnipotent power of God, and by the
authority of St. Peter, till in time they amend and re-
pent. But if they persevere in their sin, we charge that
none of you presume to hear their service ; for their
blessing is turned into cursing, and their prayer into
sin, as the Lord doth testify to us by his prophets, ' I
will turn your blessing,' " &c.
The bishops of France being called upon daily by the
pope's letters, were compelled to obey the decree of the
council ; but the rest of the clergy manfully and stoutly
withstanding the pope's decree and their bishops, would
not agree, and said that the council did manifestly op-
pose the word of God, and that the pope did take from
priests that which both God and nature had given them;
and therefore was a heretic and author of a wicked doc-
trine, who ruled not by the Spirit of God, but by Satan ;
that the decree and act set forth was directly against the
word of God and the saying of Christ, " All men receive
not this saying." Against the sound doctrine of St.
Paul, writing these words, " Concerning virgins I have
no commandment of the Lord," &c. 1 Cor. vii. 25.
Again, " Let them marry," 1 Cor. vii. 9. And that it
was against the canons both of the apostles, and of the
Nicene council. Moreover, that it was against the
course of nature, that men being separated from their
wives, should be compelled to live as angels ; and that,
therefore, the bishop opened a pernicious window to im-
morality and vice. In short, they concluded. That they
had rather give up their benefices than forsake their
lawful wives. And, finally, if married priests could not
please them, they ought to call down angels from heaven
to serve the churches. But Hiidebrand, nothing moved,
either with honest reason, or with the authority of
holy scripture, or with the determination of the Nicene
council, or any thing else, follows up this matter, calls
upon the bishops still, accuses them of negligence, and
threatens them with excommunication, unless they
cause the priests to obey his decree. Whereupon a
great number of bishops, for fear of the pope's tyranny,
laboured the matter with their priests, by all means
possible to bereave them of their accustomed matri-
mony.
Among others, the archbishop of Mentz, perceiving
this might produce no little trouble, talks with his
clergy gently, admonishes them of the pope's mind and
decree, and gives them half a year's respite to deliberate
upon the matter ; exhorting them diligently to shew
themselves obedient to the pope and to him. The time
of deliberation expired, the archbishop assembles his
clergy at Erpsford, and there requires them either to ab-
jure all matrimony or to renounce their benefices. The
clergy defend themselves against the decree with scrip-
ture, with reason, with the acts of general councils,
with examples of ancestors, by strong arguments, de-
claring the pope's decree inconsistent, and that it ought
not to take effect. But the archbishop said he was
compelled by the pope, and could not but execute that
which was enjoined him.
The clergy seeing that no reason, nor prayer, nor dis-
putation would serve, consulted among themselves what
was best to be done ; some gave counsel not to return to
the synod, some thought it good to return and thrust
out the archbishop from his see, and to punish him with
death, that by his example others might be warned,
never to attemj3t it again to the prejudice of the church,
and the rightful liberty of ministers. After this was
signified to the archbishop by certain spies, he, to pre-
vent the matter, sends to the priests as they were coming
out, certain messengers, bidding them be of good hope,
and they should have what would content their minds.
So being thus persuaded, they corne again to the council.
The bishop promises he would do what he could, to
change the mind of the bishop of Rome, desiring them
in the mean time to continue as they had done in their
ministry. The next year Hiidebrand the soldier of
Satan sends his legate to the archbishop of Mentz, and
assembled a council, in which the archbishop again
proposes the matter, commanding all the clergy, under
pain of the pope's curse, either to renounce their wives
or their livings. The clergy defended their cause again
with great constancy. But when no defence would
avail, but all went by tyranny, it burst at last to an up-
roar and tumult, where the legate and the archbishop
i2
114
THE EMPEROR HENRY VI. EXCOMMUNICATED.
[Book IV.
hardly escaped with their lives, and so the council
Oroke up. By this schism and tumult the churches
afterwards, in choosing their priests, would not send
chem to the bishops (the enemies and suppressors of
matrimony) to be confirmed and inducted, but elected
them within themselves, and so put them in their office
without all leave or knowledge of the bishops, who then
agreed and were determined to admit no priests, but
such as would take an oath never to marry. And thus
first came up the oath and profession of single priest-
hood. Notwithstanding, if other nations had followed
in like manner, the constancy and concord of those
German ministers, the devilish decree of this Hildebrand
for rather hell-brand) had been frustrated. But the
greediness of livings in weak priests made them yield up
tlieir liberty to wicked tyranny. And thus much for the
I roliibition of matrimony.
Now let us proceed to the contention between Hilde-
brand and the emperor. But it will not be amiss first
to say a little of the character of this pope, as we find it
described in the epistles of Benno a cardinal, written to
other cardinals of Rome. This Cardinal Benno lived at
the same time with Hildebrand.
He is thus described in one epistle of Benno to his
brother cardinals as follows : —
" We have made mention before of some colleges of
the church of Rome which refused to hold communion
with him; as Leo, Benno, Ugobald, John; all cardinals:
Peter, chancellor and cardinal, being all instituted before
the time of this Hildebrand. These three also, though
consecrated by him, Natro, Innocent, and Leo, forsook
him, cursing the detestable errors which he held. Also
Theodine, whom he constituted arch-deacon, and
other cardinals more, John, surnamed Primicerius,
Peter Oblationarius, with all that belonged to them,
saving one man only. And now when this Hildebrand
saw that the bishops also would forsake him, he called
to him the laymen, and made them his privy councillors,
thinking thereby to separate the bishops, so that they
should have no conference with the cardinals. Then he
called the bishops together, and being guarded with
bands of laymen, he forced the bishops partly through
fear, and partly through his menacing words, to swear
.tlrat they would never oppose what he wished to have
done, and that they would never defend the king's
quarrel, and that they would never favour nor obey any
pope who might be instituted in his stead.
" As soon as Pope Alexander was dead, who died
somewhat before night, the same day, contrary to the
canons, Hildebrand was chosen pope by the laymen.
But the cardinals did not subscribe to his election.
For the canons prescribed (under an anathema or curse)
that none should be chosen pope before the third day
after the burial of his predecessor. But Hildebrand re-
moved the cardinals from being members of the council.
And then, contrary to the minds of the cardinals, and
to the regular order of pronouncing judgment by the
canons, he rashly excommunicated the emperor, al-
though he had not been in any synod solemnly accused
I efore. The sentence of wliich excommunication none
cf the cardinals would subscribe.
■" The emperor was wont oftentimes to go to St. Mary's
church to pray. Hildebrand, when he knew all the
doings of the emperor, caused the place where the em-
peror was accustomed either standing or prostrate on
his face to pray, to be marked, and he hired an assassin
to gather and lay together a heap of great stones directly
over the place in the vault of the church, v.here the em-
peror would stand, that in throwing them down upon his
head, he might slay the emperor. As the assassin hasted,
and was busy removing to the place a stone of great
weight, it broke the plank on which it lay, and as the
assassin was also standing on it, they fell together from
tiie roof to the pavement of the church, by which he was
killed. After the Romans had learned the matter, they
fastened a rope to one of the feet of the assassin, and
caused him to be drawn through the streets of the city
three days together as an example to others.
" In the Easter week, when the clergy and the people
were assembled at St. Peter's church to hear mass, after
the gospel, Hildebrand went into the pulpit as he was ia
his pontifical attire, and in the presence of the bishops,
cardinals, senate, and people of Rome openly preached,
that the emperor should die before the feast of St. Peter
next ensuing : or at least, that he should be so hurled
from his kingdom, that he should not be able to gather
together above six knights. This he preached to the
bishops and cardinals, and all that were present, crying
out of the pulpit in these words, ' Never accept me for
pope any more, but pluck me from the altar, if this pro-
phesy be not fulfilled by the day appointed.' About the
same time he sought by murderers to kill the emperor,
but God preserved him.
" When the time was expired that Hildebrand had
named, and when neither was the king dead, nor the
power of the empire impaired : he subtilely turned his
words, saying, ' that he meant them not of the body of
the king, but of his soul.' "
It were too long and tedious here to recite all the de-
testable doings, and diabolical practices of Hildebrand,
of which there is a long narration in the epistles of
the cardinal Benno to the other cardinals, to which the
reader may refer, who has either leisure to read or mind
to understand more of the abominable parts and devilish
acts of this pope.
Now let us proceed to set forth the vexation which the
virtuous and godly emperor sustained by that ungodly
pontiff.
When Henry VI. was encumbered with civil dissensioa
in Germany, the time seemed to Hildebrand very oppor-
tune to work out his objects : his study from the begin-
ning was to advance the Romish seat above all other
bishops, and also to press down the authority of the
temporal princes, under the spiritual men of the church.
The emperor busied in his wars, had no leisure to at-
tend to councils. But the pope proceeds to assemble
his council ; and threatens even to excommunicate tha
emperor, and depose him from his royal kingdom, unless
he would renounce the right of presenting to benefices,
and do penance. The council being ended, Guibert,'
archbishop of Ravenna persuaded one Centius to take the'
emperor's part against the pope, and he watching his'
time, in the temple of St. Mary, upon Christmas day in
the morning, takes the pope and puts him fast in a strong
tower. The next day the people of Rome hearing tliis,
proceed to help the bishop, whom they loosed out of
prison, and tlien they besieged the house of Centius, and
pulled it down to the ground ; his family having their
noses cut off, were cast out of the city ; Centius himself
escaping, fled to the emperor. The emperor being moved'
with the arrogant presumption of the proud prelate,
called a council at Worms. In which council all the
bishops not only of Saxony, but of all the empire of
Germany, agreed and concluded upon deposing Hilde-
brand, and that no obedience hereafter should be giveu
to him. This being determined in the council, Roland
was sent to Rome with the sentence, who in the name of
the council, commanded the pope to resign his seat, and
charged the cardinals to resort to the emperor for a new
election of another pope. The following was the sen-
tence of the council of Worms against Pope Hilde-
Irand :
" Forsomuch as thy first ingress and coming in hath
been so spotted with so many perjuries, and also the
church of God brought into no little danger through thine
abuse and new fangleness ; moreover, because thou hast
defamed thine own life and conversation, with so much
and great dishonesty, that we see no little peril or slander
to rise thereof; therefore the obedience, which yet we
never promised thee, hereafter we utterly renounce, and
never intend to giv'e thee. And as thou hast never taken
us yet for bishops (as thou hast openly reported of us) so
neither will we hereafter take thee to be apostolic."
The po])e touched witii this sentence, first condemns it in
his council of Lateran with an excommunication. Secondly,
deprives Sigifrid archbishop of Mentz of his dignities and
ecclesiastical livings, with all other bishops, abbots, and
priests, as many as took the emperor's part. Thirdly,
accuses Henry the emperor himself, depriving him of his
kingdom, and releasing all his subjects of their oath of
A.. D. lOrfi— 1080.] THE EMPEROR'S SERVILE SUBMISSION TO THE POPE.
115
allegiance in the following sentence excommunicatory,
against Henry the empei-or by Pope Hildebrand.
" O blessed St. Peter, prince of the apostles, bow down
thine ears I beseech thee, and hear me thy servant,
whom thou hast brought up even from mine infancy, and
hast delivered me until this day from the hands of the
wicked, who hate and persecute me, because of my faith
in tiiee. Thou art ray witness, and also the blessed mother
of Jesus Christ, and thy brother St. Paul, fellow partner
of thy martyrdom, how that I entered this function not
willingly, but enforced against my will ; not that I take
it so as a robbery, lawfully to ascend into this seat, but
because that I had rather pass over my life like a pilgrim
or private person, than for any fame or glory to climb up
to it ; I do acknowledge (and that worthily) all this to
come of thy grace, and not of my merits, that this charge
over christian people, and this power of binding and loos-
ing is committed to me. Wherefore, trusting upon this
assurance for the dignity and tuition of holy cliurch in
the name of God omnipotent, the Father, the Son, and
the Holy Ghost, I do here depose Henry, the son of
Henry, once the emperor, from his imperial seat, and
princely government, who hath so boldly and pre-
sumptuously laid hands upon the church. And further-
more, all such as heretofore have sworn to be his sub-
jects, I release them of their oath, whereby all subjects
are bound to the allegiance of their princes. For it is
meet and convenient that he should be void of dignity,
who seeks to diminish the majesty of thy church. More-
over, for that he has contemned my admonitions, tending
to his health and the wealth of his people ; and has
separated himself from the fellowship of the church
(which he, through his seditions, studies to destroy)
therefore I bind him by virtue of excommunication,
trusting and knowing most certainly, that thou art Peter
(in the rock of whom as in the true foundation) Christ
our king has built his church."
The emperor, thus assaulted with the pope's censure,
sends his letters through all nations to clear himself, de-
claring how wrongfully he was condemned. The princes
of Germany partly fearing the pope, and partly rejoicing
that an excuse was given to rebel against the emperor,
assembled and consulted together, and so concluded to
elect another emperor, unless he would submit and obtain
pardon from the pope.
Here we may see the lamentable affections of the Ger-
mans in those days, thus to forsake such a valiant emperor,
and to regard so much a vile bishop. But this was the
ignorance and rudeness of the world then, for lack of
better knowledge. The emperor, seeing the chief princes
ready to forsake him, promises them with an oath, that
if the pope would repair to Germany, he would ask
forgiveness.
IJpon this tlie bishop of Treves was sent to Rome, to
intreat the pope to come into Germany. The pope was
content and entered into Germany, thinking to come to
Augsburgh ; but he retired in fear to Canusium.
Henry (immediately coming out of Spires with his
empress and his young son) resorts to Canusium. All
nis peers and nobles had left him for fear of the Pope's
curse, neither did any accompany him. Wherefore the
emperor, being not a little troubled (laying apart his
regal ornaments) came barefooted with his empress and
child to the gate of the city, where from morning to night
(all the day fasting) he most humbly desired absolution.
Thus he continued three days together ; at length an an-
swer came, that the pope's majesty had yet no leisure to
speak with him. The emperor patiently and humbly
waits without the walls, with no little grievance and
pain ; for it was a sharp winter, and all freezing with
cold. At length it was granted, through the entreaty of
Matilda the pope's favorite, and of Arelaus earl of Sebau-
dia, and the abbot of Cluny, that he should be admitted
to the pope's presence. On the fourth day being ad-
mitted, he pelds to the pope his crown, with all other
imperial ornaments, and confessed himself unworthy of
the empire, if ever he should do against the pope here-
after, as he had done before, desiring for that time to be ab-
solved and forgiven. The pope answered, he would neither
forgive him, nor release the bond of his excommunication,
but upon certain conditions. First, to promise that hs
should be content to stand to his arbitration, and to take
such penance as he shall enjoin him ; also that he shall be
ready to appear, in whatever place or time the pope shall
appoint him. Moreover, that he, being content to accept
the pope as judge of his cause, shall answer to all objec-
tions and accusations laid against him, and that he shall
never seek any revenge in return. Also that he shall
submit to the pope's mind and pleasure, whether he shall
have his kingdom restored or not. Finally, that before
his trial, he shall neither use his kingly ornaments,
sceptres or crown, nor usurp authority to govern, nor to
exact any oath of allegiance from his subjects, &c. These
things being promised to the bishop by an oath, and put in
writing, the emperor is released from his excommunication.
The pope with his cardinals vaunted and triumphed
with no little ))ride, that they had so quailed the emperor,
and brought him on his knees to ask forgiveness. Yet,
mistrusting themselves, and what might befall them if
fortune should turn, and God give the emperor a more
quiet kingdom ; they study and consult privily how to dis-
place Henry from his kingdom. They determined to
offer the empire to Rodulph, a man of great nobility
among the chief states of Germany. To bring this pur-
pose the better to pass, legates were sent down from the
pope, who should persuade all France, that Henry was
rightfully excommunicated, and that they should give to
the bishop of Rome their consent in choosing Rodulpk
to the empire.
While this conspiracy was in hand Henry was absent.
In the meantime Rodulph was elected emperor. Upon
this comes the bishop of Strasburgh to the emperor,
certifying him what was done. He mustered his mer
with expedition, and marched forward to defend his right,
and attempted battle against Rodulph. A great slaugh-
ter took place on both sides, but the victory was certait
on neither part ; so that both the captains yet challenged
the empire. Their armies being refreshed, they soor
had another conflict, but victory was again doubtful.
Thus both the captains being wearied in wars, th«i
Romish beast, the bishop, who was the cause of ail,
sends his legates to call together a council in Germany,
where it should be determined to whom the empir«
should belong.
But the emperor would not permit the legates to hold
any council within Germany unless they would first
depose Rodulph. The pope hearing this, and seeing hia
purpose was so thwarted by the emperor, draws out ano-
ther excommunication against him, and again deprives
him of his kingdom.
Tke Second Excommunication of Hildebrand against th\
Emperor.
" Blessed St. Peter, prince of the apostles, and thou St,
Paul also, the teacher of the Gentiles, give ear unto mt,
I beseech you a little, and gently hear me, for you are
the discijiles and lovers of truth. The things that I shall
say are true. This matter I take in hand for truth's sake,
that my brethren (whose salvation I seek) may the more
obsequiously obey me, and better understand, how that I
trusting upon your defence (next to Christ, and his mo-
ther the immaculate Virgin) resist the wicked, and am
ready to help the faithful. I did not enter this seat o<
mine own accord, but much against my will and with
tears, for that 1 accounted myself unworthy to occupy
so high a throne. And this I say, not that I have chosen
you, but you have chosen me, and have laid this great
burthen upon our shoulders. And now, whereas by this
your assignment, I have ascended up this hill, crying to
the people and shewing them their faults, and to the
children of the church their iniquities ; the members
of Satan have risen up against me, and have laid
hands together to seek my blood. For the kings of
the earth have risen up against me, and the princes of
this world, with whom also have conspired certain of the
clergy against the Lord and against us his anointed,
saying, " Let us break their bonds asunder, and cast
their cords away from us." This have they done against
me, to bring me either to death or to banishment, la
116
SENTENCE OF THE COUNCIL OF BRIXIA AGAINST POPE HILDEBRAND. [Book IV.
the number of whom is Henry, whom they call king, the
son of Henry the emperor, who has lifted up so proudly
his horns against the church of God, making conspiracy
with divers other bishops, Italians, French, and Germans.
Against the pride of whom hitherto your authority has
prevailed ; who rather being broken than amended,
coming to me in Cisalpina, made humble suit to me for
pardon and absolution. I, thinking there was true
repentance in him, received him again to favour, and did
restore him to the communion only, from which he was
excommunicated, but to his kingdom (from which in the
synod of Rome he was worthily expelled) I did not re-
store him, nor to the rents and fruits thereof, (that he
might return to the faith again) that I granted not to
him. And that I did for this purpose, that if he should
defer to agree with certain of his neighbours whom he
h:is always vexed, and to restore again the goods both
of the church and otherwise, then he might be compelled
bv the censures of the church, and force of arms thereto.
Wiiereby divers and sundry bishops and princes of Ger-
many (such as he had long troubled) being helped by this
opportunity, elected Rodulph their duke to be king in
phice of Henry, whom they for his transgressions had
removed and dispatched from his empire. But Rodulph,
first in tliis matter using a princely modesty and integrity,
-ent up his messengers to me, declaring how he was con-
strained to take that regal government upon him, although
he was not so desirous thereof, but that he would rather
sliow himself obedient to us, than to the other that
offered him the kingdom ; and vi'hatever our arbitration
should be therein, he would be under obedience both to
God and to us. And for more assurance of his obedience
he hath sent his own children hither for pledges. Upon
this Henry began to be angry, and first intreated us to
restrain and inhibit Rodulph, through the pain of our
curse, from the usurpation of his kingdom. I answered
1 would see which of them had the best right and title
'.hereto, and so send our legates thither to know the whole
etate of the matter ; and thereon I would decide between
them which of them had the true right. But Henry
would not suffer our legates to come to take up the mat-
ter, and slew many both secular men and clergy, spoiling
and profaning churches ; and so by this means hath
endangered himself in the bonds of excommunication.
I therefore, trusting in the judgment and mercy of
God, and in the support of the blessed virgin, also upon
your authority, do lay the sentence of curse upon the said
Henry and all his adherents ; and here again I take his
regal government from him, charging and forbidding all
christian men that have been sworn to him, whom I dis-
charge here of their oath, that hereafter they obey him in
nothing, but that they take Rodulph as their king, who
is elected by many princes of the province. For it is
right and convenient, that as Henry for his pride and
stubbornness is deprived of his dignity and possession ; so
Rodulph being acceptable to all men for his virtue and
devotion, be exalted to the imperial throne and dominion.
" Therefore, O you blessed princes of the apostles,
grant this, and confirm with your authority what I
have said, so that all men may understand, if you
have power to bind and loose in heaven, you have also
power in earth to give and take away empires, king-
doms, principalities, and whatever here on earth belongs
to mortal men. For if you have power to judge in
such matters as appertain to God : what then should
we think you have of these inferior and profane things ?
And if it be in your power to judge the angels, ruling
over proud princes, what then shall it beseem you to do
upon their servants ? Therefore let the kings under-
stand by this example, and all other princes of the world,
what you are able to do in heaven, and what you are with
God ; that thereby they may fear to contemn the com-
mandment of holy church. And now do you exercise
this judgment quickly upon Henry, whereby all men may
see this son of iniquity fall from his kingdom, not by any
chance, but by your provision and only work. Not-
withstanding this I would crave of you, that he, being
brought to repentance through your intercession, yet in
the day of judgment may find favour and grace with the
Lord."
After this, Henry and Rodulph, to try the matter by
the sword, contended together in battle, where Henry,
by the favour of God, contrary to the judgment of Hil-
debrand, had the victory. Rodulph being severely
wounded in the conflict, was taken out of the army, and
carried to Hyperbolis, where he commanded the bishops
and chief movers of his conspiracy to be brought before
him. When they came, he lifted up his right hand in
which he had received his deadly wound, and said,
" This is the hand which gave the oath and sacrament
of fidelity to Henry my prince, and which through your
instigation so often has fought against him and fought in
vain ; now go and perform your first oath and alle-
giance to your king ; for I must go to my fathers," and
so he died. Thus the pope gave battle, but God gave the
victory.
Henry, after his enemy was thus subdued, forgot
not the injuries received from Hildebrand, by whom
he was twice excommunicated, and expelled from his
kingdom. Therefore he calls a council of the bishops of
Italy, Lombardy, and Germany, at Brixia (A.D. 1083),
where he cleared himself, and then accused Hildebrand
of various crimes, as an usurper, perjured, a necromancer,
a sower of discord ; complaining moreover of wrongs and
injuries done by the bishop and church of Rome ; his
father, who was emperor before him, had installed many
bishops by his assignment, without the election of any
other : and now this pope, contrary to his oath and
promise, thrust himself in without the will and knowledge
of him who was the emperor and chief magistrate.
For, in the time of his father Henry III., this Hilde-
brand with others, bound themselves with an oath, that
so long as the emperor and his son should live, they
should neither themselves presume, nor suffer any
other to aspire to the papal seat, without the assent and
approbation of the emperors ; which now this Hildebrand,
contrary to his oath, had done. Wherefore the council,
with one agreement, condemned this Hildebrand that he
should be deposed, and passed the following sentence
against him.
" Because it is known that this bishop was not elected
of God, but has intruded himself by fraud and money — •
who has subverted all ecclesiastical order — who has dis-
turbed the government of the christian empire — menacing
death of body and soul against our catholic and peace-
able king — who has set up and maintained a perjured
king — sowing discord where concord was — causing de-
bate amongst friends — slanders and offences amongst
brethren — -divorce and separation among the married,
(for he took away the marriage of priests) — and finally
disquieting the peaceable state of ail quiet life : There-
fore we here, in the name and by the authority of God,
congregated together, with the legates and nineteen
bishops, on this day of Pentecost, at Mentz, do proceed
in canonical judgment against Hildebrand, a most wicked
man, preaching sacrilege and burning, maintaining per-
jury and murders, calling in question the catholic faith
of the body and blood of the Lord, a follower of divina-
tion and dreams, a manifest necromancer, a sorcerer, and
infected with an evil and heathen spirit, and therefore
departed from the true faith, and we judge him to be de-
posed and expelled, and unless he, hearing this, shall
yield and depart the seat, to be perpetually condemned."
This being enacted and sent to Rome, they elected
Guibert, archbishop of Ravenna in the place of Hilde-
brand, to govern the church of Rome, under the title of
Clement III. But when Hildebrand neither would give
over his hold, nor give place to Clement, the emperor
gathering an army came to Rome to depose him, and
to place Clement. But Hildebrand sending to Matilda,
who possessed great power and authority in Italy, re-
quired her, in remission of all her sins, to withstand
Henry, and so she did. But Henry prevailed, and came
to Rome, where he besieged the city all the Lent, and
after Easter got it, the Romans being compelled to open
the gates to him ; so, coming to the temple of St.
Peter, he there places Clement in his papacy. Hilde-
brand straight flies into Adrian's tower with his adherents,
where, being beset round about, he sends for Robert
Guiscard his friend, a Norman. In the meantime,
A. D. lO'^— 1087.] DEATH OF HILDEBRAND AND WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
117
while Robert collects his power, the abbot of Cluny,
conferring with Gregory, exhorts him to crown Henry
as emperor in Lateran. Which if he would do, the
other promises to induce Henry to depart with his army
1 into Germany : the people of Rome did likewise move
; him unto this. Gregory answered, " That he was con-
tent so to do, but upon condition that the emperor would
submit himself to ask pardon to amend his fault and to
promise obedience. The emperor not agreeing to those
conditions, went to Senas, taking Clement the new pope
with him.
After the return of the emperor, Robert Guiscard, ap-
proaching with his soldiers, burst in at one of the gates,
and spoiled the city. And not long after, delivered
Hildebrand out of his enemy's hands, and carried him
away to Campania ; where he not long after died in
exile.
Antony writes, that Hildebrand, as he lay dying,
' called to him one of his chief cardinals, bewailing to him
I his fault, and the disorder of his spiritual ministry, in
I stirring up discord, war, and dissension, whereupon he
I desired the cardinal to go to the emperor, and desire
\ of him forgiveness, absolving from the danger of excom-
I municatioa both him and all his partakers both quick and
dead.
Thus the reader has the full history of Pope Gregory VII.
called Hildebrand ; which I have laid out more at large,
because from this pope sprang all the occasions of mis-
chief, of pomp, pride, presumption, and tyranny, which
since that time has reigned in the cathedral church of
the Romish clergy. For here came first the subjection
! of the temporal authority under the spiritual jurisdiction ;
and emperors, who before were their masters, now are
made their underlings. Also here came in the suppres-
sion of priests' marriage. Here came in moreover the
authority of both the swords spiritual and secular into
spiritual men' s hands. So that christian magistrates
could do nothing in election, in giving bishopricks or
benefices, in calling councils, in hearing and correcting
the excesses of the clergy, but the pope alone must do
all. And finally, here came in the first example to per-
secute emperors and kings with rebellion and excommu-
nication.
Now we may return to the history of England. About
the death of Pope Hildebrand, or not long after, fol-
lowed the death of King William the Conqueror, in the
year 1087, after he had reigned in England the space of
one-and-twenty years and ten mouths.
By the life and acts of this king it may appear true, as
histories report of him that he was wise, but guileful ;
rich, but covetous ; a fair speaker, but a great dissem-
bler ; glorious in victory, and strong in arms, but rigor-
ous in oppressing those whom he overcame, and passing
all others in laying taxation. Insomuch that he caused
to be enrolled and numbered in his treasury every hide of
land, and the owner thereof, what fruit and revenues were
derived of every lordship, every township, castle, village,
field, river, and wood, within the realm of England ;
how many parish churches, how many living cattle there
were, what and how much every baron in the realm
could spend, what fees were belonging to them, what
wages were taken, &c. The tenor and contents of all
which yet remains in rolls.
The king had such pleasure in hunting, and in parks,
that in the county of Southampton, for the space of
thirty miles, he cast down churches and townships, and
there made the new forest ; loving his deer so dearly, as
though he had been a father to them, making sharp laws
for the increasing thereof, under pain of losing both the
eyes. So hard was he to Englishmen, and so favourable
to his own country, that there was no English bishop
remaining, but only Wolstan of Winchester, who being
commanded by the king and Lanfranc to resign up his
Btaff, partly for inability, partly for lack of the French
tongue, refused otherwise to resign it, but only to him
that gave it, and so went to the tomb of King Edward,
where he thought to resign it, but was permitted to en-
joy it still.
Among his other conditions, this is noted, that he was
so given to peace and quiet, that any maiden laden with
gold or silver, might pass through the whole realm
without harm or resistance. This William in his time
built two monasteries, one in England, at Battle in
Sussex, where he won the field against Harold, called
the Abbey of Battle ; another besides, named Barmond-
sey, in his own country of Normandy.
A little above, mention was made of the bishop's see
of Sherborne, translated from thence to Salisbury. The
first bishop of Salisbury was Hirman, a Norman, who
first began the new church and minster of Salisbury.
After whom succeeded Osmund, who finished the work,
and endowed the house with great revenues, and much
good singing. This Osmund first began the ordinary
which was called " Secundum usum Sarum " (A. D.
1076). The occasion whereof was this, as I find in au
old story book, entitled " Euloffiurn." A great conten-
tion chanced at Glastonbury, between Thurstan the
abbot, and his convent, in the days of William the Con-
queror. The cause of this contention was, that Thur-
stan contemning their choir service, then called the use
of St. Gregory, compelled his monks to the use of one
William, a monk of Fiscam in Normandy. Whereupon
came strife and contentions among them, first in words,
then from words to blows, after blows then to armour.
The abbot, with his armed guard, fell upon the monks,
and drove them to the steps of the high altar, where two
were slain, and eight wounded with arrows, swords, and
pikes. The monks then driven to such a straight and
narrow shift, were compelled to defend themselves with
forms and candlesticks, with which they wounded some
of the soldiers. One monk (an aged man), instead of
his shield took an image of the crucifix in his arms for
his defence, which image was wounded in the breast by
one of the bowmen, whereby the monk was saved. My
story adds that the striker immediately fell mad, which
seems some monkish addition. This matter being
brought before the king, the abbot was sent again to
Cadonum, and the monks, by the command of the king,
were scattered in far countries. Thus Osmund, bishop
of Salisbury, devised that ordinary, which is called
" the use of Sarum," and was afterward received in a
manner through England, Ireland, and Wales.
WILLIAM RUFUS.
William Rufus, the second son of William the Con-
queror, began his reign (A. D. 1087), and reigned thir-
teen years, being crowned at Westminster by Lanfranc.
After his coronation, he released out of prison, at the
request of his father, several English lords, who had
been in custody. It happened that, at the death of Wil-
liam the Conqueror, Robert, his eldest son, was absent
in Germany, who hearing of the death of his father, and
how William his younger brother had taken upon him
the kingdom, was greatly incensed : he laid his duke-
dom to pledge to his brother Henry, and gathered an
army, and landed at Hampton. But William Rafus
sent to him fair and gentle words, promising him sub-
jection, as to the more worthy and elder brother, only
requiring that as he was in possession, he might enjoy
it during his life, paying to him yearly three thousand
marks, with condition that whichever of them outlived
the other should enjoy the kingdom. The occasion of
this variance between these brothers brought a great dis-
sension between the Norman lords and bishops, both in
England and in Normandy. But Duke Robert, by the
advice of his council, was content to consent to all that
was desired, and returned shortly after into Normandy.
This Rufus was so disliked by the Normans, that be-
tween him and his lords there was frequently dissension.
All the Normans took part against him, so that he was
forced of necessity to draw to him the Englishmen.
Again, he was so covetous and so immeasurable in his
taxes and takings, in selling benefices, abbeys, and bi-
shoprics, that he was hated by all Englishmen.
King William was an exceeding plunderer of church
goods ; after he had given the bishopric of Lincoln to his
chancellor, Robert Blevet, he then began to cavil, avow-
ing that the see of Lincoln belonged to the see of York,
118
WILLIAM R[JFUS.— THE FIRST CRUSADE.
[Book IV
till the bishop of Lincoln had pleased him with a great
Bum of money, viz., five thousand marks.
And as nothing could come in those days -without
money, so Herbert Loginga, by paying to the king a piece
of money, was made Bishop of Thetford, as he had paid a
little before to be made abbot of Ramsay. He removed
his see from Thetford to the city of Norwich, and there
elected the cathedral churcli with the cloister, where he
furnished the monks with sufficient living and rents of his
own charges, besides the bishi)i)'s lands. Afterwards, re-
penti:ig of his oi)enaiul mnnifest simony, be went to Rome,
where he resigned into the pope's hands his bishopric,
but so thit i.nmediately he received it back again.
\\'e heard a little before of the death of Pope
HildebraaJ, after whose time the emperors began to
lose their aathority in the po})e's election, and in giving
of benelic^^s. I'or next aft„'r this Hildebrand came Pope
Victor III., through the influence of Matilda, and the
Duke of Normiiidy, with the faction and retinue of Hil-
debrand, who likewise shewed himself stout against the
eaipc-ror. But God restrained bis power. For Victor
being poisoned, as some say, in his chalice, sat but one
ycai- and a half. However, the example of Hildebrand
coutiiuied still in those that followed hitn. And as the
k:n,'s of Israel followed for the most jjart the steps of
Jroboam, till the time of their desolation; so the popes
folknved the steps and proceedings of this Hildebrand,
th i'ir spiritual Jeroboam, in maintaining false worship,
and c'.iielly in upholding the dignity of that see, against
ail rightful authority, and the lawful kingdom of Sion.
Next to Victor sat Urban II., by whom the acts of
Hildebrand were confirmed, and also new decrees en-
acted against Henry the emperor. In this time were
two popes together at Rome, Urban II. and Clement III.,
whom the emperor set up. Under Pope Urban II.
came in the white monks of the Cistercian order. In
this order the monks lived by the labour of their hands ;
they payed no tithes nor offerings, they wore no fur nor
lining, they wore red shoes, white cowls, and black
coats, all shorn, save a little circle round their heads ;
they only eat flesh in their journeys.
This Urban held several councils ; one at Rome, where
he excommunicated all such lay persons as gave inves-
titure of any ecclesiastical benefice ; also all such of the
clergy as degraded themselves to be the underlings or
servants to lay persons for ecclesiastical benefices.
He held another council at Cleremont in France,
where among other things, the bishop made an oration
to the lords there present, concerning the recovering
the Holy Land from the Turks and Saracens. The
cause of which first sprang by one Peter, a monk or
hermit, who being in Jerusalem, and seeing the great
misery of the christians under the pagans, declared it to
Pope Urban II., and was a great advocate for the cru-
sade to all christian princes. By which, after the ora-
tion of Pope Urban II., 30,000 men (taking on them the
sign of the cross), made preparation for that voyage.
Their chiefs were Godfrey, duke of Loraine, with his
two brothers, Eustace and Baldwin ; the bishop of
Pody ; Bohemond, duke of Puell, and his nephew Tan-
cred ; Raymond, earl of St. Egidius ; Robert, earl of
Flanders, and Hugh le Grand, brother of Philip the French
king. To whom also was joined Robert Curthoise, duke
of Normandy, with other noblemen, together with Peter
the hermit, who was the chief cause of the undertaking.
At that time many of the noblemen laid their lands
and lordships to mortgage, to assist in this crusade ; as
Godfrey, duke of Loraine, who sold the dukedom of
Bologna, to the bishop of Eburone for a great sum of
money. Also Robert Curthoise, duke of Normandy,
pledged his dukedom to his brother William, king of
England, for ten thousand pounds.
Thus the christians, who passed first over the Bos-
phorus, under the guidance of Peter the hermit (a man
more devout than expert in guiding an army), being
entrap])ed by their enemies, were slain and murdered in
great numbers.
When the nobles and the whole army met together
at Constantinople (where Alexius was emi)eror), passing
over by the Hellespont on their way to Jerusalem, they
took the cities of Nice, Eraclea, Tarsis, and subdued
the country of Cicilia.
Antioch was besieged, and in the ninth month of the
siege it yielded to the christians by one Pyrrhus ; about -
which time were fought many strong battles, to the great
slaughter and desolation of the Saracens, and not with-
out the loss of many christian men. The government
of this city was committed to Bohemond, duke of Puell,
whose martial knighthood was frequently proved in the
time of the siege.
And not long after, Corbona master of the Persian
chivalry, was vanquished and slain, with an hundred
thousand infidels. In which discomfiture 15,000 camels
were taken.
On the nine-and-tbirtieth day of the siege, Jerusalem
was conquered by the christians, and Robert, duke of
Normandy, was elected king of it. However, he refused
it, hearing of the death of William Rufus, king of
England, wherefore he never succeeded well in all his
affairs afterwards. Then Godfrey, captain of the chris-
tian army, was proclaimed the first king of Jerusalem.
At the taking of the city, such was the murder of men,
that blood was congealed in the streets the thickness of
a foot. Then after Godfrey, reigned Baldwin his bro-
ther ; after him Baldwin II., his nephew. Then Gau-
fride, duke of Gaunt, and after him Gaufride his son,
by whom many great battles were fought against the
Saracens, and all the country thereabout subdued, save
Ascalon, &c. And thus much touching the voyage
to the Holy Land. Now to our own land again.
About this time (as Matthew Paris writes) the king
of England did not much favour the See of Rome, be-
cause of the impudent and unsatiable exactions which
they required ; nor would he suffer any of his subjects
to go to Rome.
By Pope Urban II. it was decreed, that no bishop
should be made, but under the name and title of some
certain place.
That matins and hours of the day should be said
every day.
Also that every Saturday there should be said the
mass of our lady, and all the Jews' sabbath turned to
the service of our lady.
That all such of the clergy as had wives should be de-
prived of their order.
That it should be lawful for subjects to break their
oath of allegiance with all such as were excommunicated
by the pope.
In the year 109.3, the king gave the archbishopric of
Canterbury to Anselm, abbot of Beck in Normandy.
This Anselm was an Italian, born and brought up in
the abbey of Beck in Normandy, where he was so strict
a follower of virtue, that (as the story records) he
wished rather to be without sin in hell, than with sin
in heaven. Which saying and wish of his, if it were his,
may seem to proceed out of a mind neither speaking
orderly according to the phrase and understanding of
the scripture, nor yet sufficiently acquainted with the
justification of a christian man.
Of this Anselm it is reported, that he was so unwil-
ling to take the archbishopric, that the king had much
ado to thrust it upon him ; and he was so desirous to
have him take it, that the city of Canterbury, which
previously was held by Lanfranc, only at the king's
good will and pleasure, he now gave absolutely to
Anselm (A. D. 1093). But as desirous as the king
then was to place Anselm there, so much did he repent
it afterwards, seeking all possible means to defeat him
if he could. Such strife and contention rose between
them for certain matters, the ground and occasion
whereof first was this :
After Anselm had thus been elected to the see of
Canterbury, before he was fully consecrated, the king
communed with him that such lands and possessions of
the church of Canterbury as the king had given and
granted to his friends since the death of Lanfranc, they
might still enjoy as their own lawful possessions. But
to this Anselm would not agree. At which the king,
conceiving great displeasure against him, stopped his
consecration, till in process of time the king, forced
A. D. 1087—1098.]
DISPUTE BETW'EEN THS KING AND ANSELM.
iiy
"by the daily complaints and desires of his people, for
want of an archbishop to moderate the church, was
constrained to admit him. Thus Anselm, taking his
consecration, and doing his homage to the king, went to
his see of Canterbury, and not long after the king sailed
over to Normandy.
About this time there were two striving in Rome
for the popedom, as is before touched. Urban and
Guibert, different realms consenting, some to the one,
some to the other. England, taking part with the king,
rather inclined to Guibert, called Clement III. ; but
Anselni went with Urban. After the king returned
I from Normandy, the archbishop comes to him, and
asks leave to go to Rome, to obtain his pall of Urban.
When he could not at first obtain leave, he appeals from the
king to the pope. The king being justly displeased, charges
the archbishop with breach of his fealty, contrary to his
promise made, that without his licence he should not appeal
either to Urban, or to any other pope. Anselm answers
again, that it was to be referred to some greater council,
■where it is to be disputed, whether this be breach of a
man's allegiance to an earthly prince, if he appeal to the
vicar of St. Peter. And here much arguing and con-
tending was on both sides. The king's reason proceeds
thus: " The custom, saith he, from my father's time,
has been in England, that no person should appeal to
the pope witliout the king's licence. He that breaks
the customs of the realm, violates the power and crown
of the kingdom ; and he that violates and takes away
my crown is a traitor and enemy against me," &c. To
this Anselm replied again, — " The Lord, saith he, easily
discusses this question, briefly teaching what fidelity and
allegiance we ought to give to the vicar of St. Peter,
where he saith, ' Thou art Peter, and upon this rock
will I build my church, and to thee will I give the
keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatsoever thou
shalt bind in earth, shall be bound in heaven ; and what-
soever thou shalt loose in earth, shall be loosed in heaven,'
&c. Again, to them all in general, he saith, ' He
that heareth you, heareth me ; and whoso despiseth
you, despiseth me.' And in another place, ' He that
toucheth you, toucheth the apple of mine eye.' On the
other side, what duty we owe to the king, he shews also.
'Give,' saith he, 'to the emperor, what belongeth to the
emperor, and to God, that which to God belongeth.'
"Wherefore, in such things as belong to God, I will yield,
and must yield by good right and duty, my obedience to
the vicar of St. Peter ; and in such things as belong
again to earthly dignities of my prince, in those I wiU
not deny my faithful help and counsel so far as they can
extend."
Thus you have the arguments of this prelate against
his prince, to whicli perhaps was joined also some piece
of a stubborn heart. But in this conclusion none of his
fellow bishops durst take his part, but were all against
him ; namely, William, bishop of Durham, to whom
Anselm thus protests, saying, " Whoever he were that
would presume to prove it any breach of allegiance or
fealty to his sovereign, if he appealed to the vicar of St.
Peter, he was ready to answer at all times to the con-
trary." The bishop of Durham answered again, —
" That he who would not be ruled by reason, must be
constrained with force." &c. The king, having on his
part the agreement of the bishops, thought to deprive
the archbishop of his pastoral see, and to expel him out
of the realm. But he could not perform this; for An-
selm, as he was ready to depart the realm, said, when-
ever he went, he would take his office and authority
with him, though he took nothing else. Whereupon
that matter was deferred till a longer time. In the
meanwhile, the king had sent privately two messengers
to Pope Urban, to intreat him to send his pall to the
king, for him to give it where he chose ; which mes-
sengers by this time were returned again, bringing with
thejn from Rome Galtar, bishop of Alban, the pope's
legate, with the pall to be given to Anselm. This
legate, first landing at Dover, came privately (unknown
to Anselm) to the king, declaring and promising, that
if Urban was received pope in England, whatever the
king required to be obtained, he, by his privilege from
the apostolical see, would ratify and confirm, save only
that when the king required of the legate that Anselm
might be removed, the legate thereto would not agree,
saying, " That that was impossible for such a man as he,
being lawfully called, to be expelled without manifest
cause." In conclusion, although he could not obtain
his request of the legate, yet the legate so managed with
the king, that Urban was proclaimed lawful pope
throughout all the realm.
Then certain bishops were sent to Anselm, to influ-
ence his mind, declaring what charges and pains the
king had been at in his behalf, to procure the pall for
him from Rome, which otherwise would have stood him
in great expenses, and that all this the king had done
for his sake ; therefore it was but good reason and pro-
per that he, to gratify the king, should yield somewhat
to his request in return. But with all this Anselm, the
stout archbishop, would not be moved. Therefore the
king, seeing no other remedy, was compelled to grant to
him the full right of his archbishopric. And so on the
appointed day, when the pall was to be brought to Canter-
bury (being carried with all solemnity in a silver box),
the archbishop, with a great concourse of people, came
forth barefoot with his priestly vestments, to meet it.
And so being brought in, it was laid upon the altar,
while Anselm, spreading over his shoulders his popish
vestments, proceeded to his popish mass.
Thus agreement being made between the king and the
bishop, so long as it would hold ; it happened the year
following, that the king entered with his army into
Wales, to subdue such as rebelled against him there.
After victory the king, returning home with triumph,
found Anselm was coming to congratulate him on his suc-
cess. But the king prevented him by messengers, laying
to the bishop's charge both the small number and the
evil service of his soldiers sent to him at his need. At
hearing this, all the hopes of Anselm were dashed to the
ground, for he had thought to have obtained and done
many great matters with the king, touching the state of
the church. But here all turned contrary to his expec-
tation, so that he was charged, against the next court of
parliament, to make his answer. But he avoided that
by appealing to Rome. So he made his suit and inter-
est with the king for licence to go to the pope. The
king answered, " That he should not go, neither was
there any cause for him to do so ; for that both he knew
him to be of so sound a life, that he had done no such
offence, whereof he needed to crave absolution at Rome,
neither was there any such lack of science and kno^ -
ledge, that he needed to borrow any counsel there ; in-
somuch, saith the king, I dare say Pope Urban rather has
to give place to the wisdom of Anselm, than Anselm to
have need of Urban. Wherefore as he has no cause to go,
so I charge him to tarry. And if he continue in his stubborn-
ness still, I shall assuredly seize upon his possessions, and
convert his archbishopric into my coft'ers, because he
transgresses and breaks fidelity and obedience, pro-
mising before to observe all the customs of my kingdom.
Neither is it the fashion in this realm, that any of my
nobles should go to Rome without my sending. And
therefore let him swear to rae, that he will never for
any grievance appeal hereafter to the see of Rome, or
else let him leave my realm."
Anselm thinking best not to reply by any message,
but by word of mouth, comes himself personally to the
king, and places himself on the right hand of the prince,
where he made his reply to the message sent to him by
the king. " Whereas you say I ought not to go to
Rome, either in regard of any trespass, or for abundance
of counsel and knowledge in me (although I grant
neither of them to be true), yet what the truth is therein,
I refer it to the judgment of God. And whereas ye say
that I promised to keep and observe your customs ; that
I grant, hut with a condition, so far to keep them, and to
observe such of them as were consonant to the laws of
God, and ruled with right and equity. Moreover,
whereas ye charge me with breach of my fidelity and al-
legiance, for that, contrary to your customs I appeal to
the apostolic see (my reverence and duty to your sove-
reignty reserved) ; if another person would say it, it
120 ARTICLES IN WHICH THE GREEK CHURCH DIFFERED FROM THE LATIN. [Book 3V.
would be untrue. For the fidelity and obedience that I
owe to thee, O king ! I have it of the faith and fidelity
of God, whose vicar St. Peter is, to whose seat I do
appeal. Further, whereas ye require me to swear, that
I shall for no cause hereafter at any time appeal to Rome,
I pronounce openly that a christian prince has no right
to require sucli an oath of his archbishop ; for if I should
forswear St. Peter, I should deny Christ. And when
I shall at any time deny Christ, then shall I be content
and ready to stand to the satisfaction of my transgression
to you, for asking licence to go to Rome. And perad-
venture when I am gone, the goods of the church shall
not so serve your temporal desires and commodities as
ye ween for." At these words of the bishop the king
and his nobles were not a little incensed. And declared
again, " That in his promise of observing the king's
customs, there was neither condition, nor any clause
put in, either of God or right," ike.
At length the king, after many threatening words,
told him he should carry nothing out of the realm with
him. " Well," said the bishop ; " if I may neither
have my horse nor garments with me, then will I walk
on foot ;" and so he prepared to set out on his journey,
(all the other bishops forsaking him), of whom none
would take his part ; but if he came to them for coun-
sel, they said he was wise enough, and needed not their
counsel, as being one who for his prudence knew best
what was to be done, as also for his holiness, was willing
and able to follow what he knew. As for them, they
neither durst nor would stand against the king their lord,
■whose favour they could not be without, for the peril
that might happen both to themselves and their kin-
dred.
Anselm coming to Rome, made his complaint to Pope
Urban of the king ; and the pope, writing to the king in
behalf of Anselm, his letters and commands were de-
spised. In the meantime, while the pope's letters were
sent to the king, and Anselm was bid to wait about the
pope for an answer back, till perceiving at length how
little the king regarded the pope's letters, he began to
be weary of waiting, and desired the pope that he might
be discharged from his archiepiscopal office. To this
the pope would not consent, but added, " As touching
these matters we shall sufficiently provide at the next
council to be holden at Baycwine, where 1 require you to
be present.
When the time of the council was come, Anselm
among others was called for, who, first sitting outside
the bishops, was afterwards placed at the right foot of
the pope, whence the same place was appointed to the suc-
cessors of the see of Canterbury, in every general
council by the decree of Pope Urban, to sit at the right
foot of tlie pope. In this council there was great stir
and much reasoning against the Grecians, concerning the
matter and order of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost.
Where is to be noted, that the Greek church has for a long
time dissented from the Latin church in many points,
to the number of twenty, or twenty-nine Articles, as
I have them collected out of the register of the church
of Hereford, of which some are as follow :
Wherein the Greek church differ eth from the Latin.
1. They are not under the obedience of the church of
Rome, because that the church of Constantinople is not
fcubject but equal to the same.
'2. Tliey hold that the bishop of the apostolic see of
Rome has not greater power than the four patriarchs.
And whatever the pope does beside their knowledge, or
without tlitir approbation, it is of no value.
'.'i. They say wliatever has been done or concluded,
since the second general council, is of no authority ;
btia ISC fiom that time they a(!count the Latins to be in
eiror, and excluded uut of the holy church.
4. Tiiey liolJ the eucharist consecrated by the church
of Rome not to be tlie very body of Christ. Also where
the Raitiisli church consecrates in unleavened bread, they
tonsicrate in bread leavened.
a. 'I'l.ey say that the Romish church errs in the
words of bajitisui, for saying, " I baptize thee ;" when
they should say, "Let this creature of God be baptized/*
&c.
6. They hold moreover that there is no purgatory,
and that the suffrages of the church do not avail the
dead, either to lessen the pain of them that be destined
to hell, or to increase the glory of them that be ordained
to salvation.
7. They hold that the souls out of the bodies departed
(whether they have done good or evil) have not tneir
perfect pain nor glory, but are reserved in a certain place
till the day of judgment.
8. They condemn the church of Rome for mixing cold
water in their sacrifice.
y. They condemn the church of Rome, for that women
as well as priests anoint children (when they baptize
tliem) on both shoulders.
10. They call our hveaiA panagia.
11. They blame the church of Rome for celebrating
their mass on other days besides Sundays, and certain
other feasts appointed.
12. Also in this the Greek church varies from the
Latin ; for they have neither cream nor oil, nor sacra-
ment of confirmation.
\'S. Neither do they use extreme unction, or anoint-
ing after the manner of the Roman church, expounding
the place of St. James of the spiritual infirmity, and not
corporal.
14. They enjoin no satisfaction for penance, but only
that they shew themselves to the priests, anointing them
with simple oil in token of remission of sins.
15. Only on Maunday Thursday they consecrate for
the sick, keeping it for the whole year after, thinking it
to be more holy on that day consecrated than upon any
other. Neither do they fast any Saturday through the
whole year, but only on Easter-eve.
16. They give but only five orders, as of clerks, sub-
deacons, deacons, priests and bishops ; whereas the Ro-
man church gives nine orders after the nine orders of
angels.
17. Moreover the Grecians in their orders make no
vow of celibacy, alleging for them the fifth canon of
Nice, requiring that priest or deacon will not forsake his
wife for honesty sake.
18. Every year the Grecians use upon certain days to
excommunicate the church of Rome, and all the Latins
as heretics.
19. Among the Grecians they are excommunicated
that beat or strike a priest. Neither do their religious
men live in such priestly celibacy as the Roman priests do.
20. Their emperor amongst them ordains patriarchs,
bishops, and other of the clergy, and deposes the same
at his pleasure ; also he gives benefices to whom he
chooses, and retains the fruits of the same benefices
as pleases him.
2 1 . They blame the Latin church because they eat no
flesh, eggs, and cheese on Fridays, and do eat flesh on
Saturdays.
22. They hold against the Latin men for celebrating
without the consecrated church, either in the house or
in the field ; and fasting on the Sabbath day ; also for
suffering dogs and other beasts to enter into the church.
2.H. The Grecians use not to kneel in all their devo-
tions, yea not to the body of Christ, but one day in the
whole year ; saying and affirming that the Latins are
goats and beasts, for they are always prostrating them-
selves upon the ground in their prayers.
24. The Grecians moreover permit not the Latins to
celebrate upon their altars. And if it chance any Latin
priest celebrates upon their altar, they wash the altar in
token of abomination and false sacrifice. And they
diligently observe that whenever they do celebrate, they
do but one liturgy or mass upon one altar or table that
day.
2;"). They dissent from the church of Rome touching
the order and manner of the proceeding of the Holy
Ghost.
These articles, wherein is declared the diff'erence be-
tween the east and west church, of the Grecians and
Romans, as I found them articled and collected in an
ancient and authentic register of the church of Hereford,
A.D.1098— 1100.]
VACILLATING CONDUCT OF THE POPE.
121
so I thought here to insert them, and leave them to the
consideration of the reader. Other four articles more in
the same register are there expressed concerning simony
and usury, not forbidden with them ; and touching also
tlieir emperor ; and how they teach their children to
hart or damnify the Latin priests in all manner of ways.
Which articles, because they seem not truly collected out
of their teachings, or else not greatly pertinent to the
doctrine of religion ; I pass them over, and return to
our history again.
When some of these questions weie moved in the
council to be discussed, namely concerning the assertion
of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost, and concerning
leavened bread in the ministration of the Lord's supper,
Anselm was called for, who in the handling and treating
of the articles so bestirred him in that council, that he
well pleased the pope and them about him.
Then in the history it follows, after long debating
and discussing of these matters in the council, when they
had published their judgment on them, and the pope
had blasted out his thundering excommunications against
the Grecians, and all that took their part : at length the
complaints and accusation against the king of England
were brought in. Upon this. Pope Urban with his ad-
herents was ready to proceed in excommunication against
the king. But Anselm kneeling before the pope, after
he had first accused his king, afterwards obtained for him
longer time to be given for further trial.
Thus the council breaking up, the pope returning again
to Rome, directs his letters to the king, commanding
him that Anselm should be reinvested in his archbishop-
ric, and all other possessions there pertaining. To this
the king sends answer by messengers ; who coming to the
pope, declared in the king's behalf, that the king their
master did not a little marvel what induced him to com-
i mand Anselm to be reinvested in his archbishopric ;
I seeing he before told him plainly, that if he went
lout of England without his leave, he would deprive
him of it. " Well," said the pope, " have ypu no other
Inatter against Anselm but only this ?" "No," quoth
they. "And have ye taken all this travel," said the
pope "to come hither so far to tell me this, that the
1 primate of your country is dispossessed, because he has
appealed to the apostolical see and judgment } Therefore
I if you love your lord, speed home and tell him, if he will
j not be excommunicated, that he quickly reinvest Anselm
I again to all that he had before. And lest I have you be
hanged for your labour, look to your time, and see that
i you bring me answer again from him to this city, against
I the next council the third week after Easter." The mes-
I senger or speaker being somewhat astonished at the
j hearing of this tragical answer, and thinking yet to work
I something for his king and master, came secretly to the
' pope, saying that he would confer a certain mystery from
t his king privately with his hohness. What mystery that
was, or what there passed from the king to the pope and
the court of Rome, my author does not shew ; but so cun-
ningly that mystery was handled, that with a full consent
both of the pope and all the court of Rome, a longer day
was given, from Easter to Michaelmas, and the pope's
choleric heat so assuaged, that when the council came
(which was held at St. Peter's church at Rome) although
great complaints were denounced against the king ; yet
such favour was found that he suffered no harm. Only
the sentence of excommunication was there pronounced
against such laypersons as gave investiture of churches,
and them that were so invested. Also against them that
consecrate such, or who gave themselves in subjection to
lay men for ecclesiastical livings, as is before touched.
This council being finished, the archbishop seeing the
unstedfastness of the pope (which but pleased him but
little) took his journey to Lyons, where he continued his
abode a long time, till the death first of pope Urban, then
afterwards of the king.
Of this King William many things are differently re-
corded, some to his commendation, and some to his
blame ; whereof this is one, which some will ascribe to
hardiness, but 1 rather ascribe to rashness in him. As
the king once was in his sport of hunting, suddenly word
came to him that Cenourona (a city in Normandy) was
besieged. The king without tarrying or advice took the
straight way toward the sea-side, sending to his lords that
they should follow after. They advised him to stay till
his people were assembled, but he would not be stayed,
saying that such as loved him (he knew) would follow
him shortly, and so went and took ship. The ship-
master seeing the weather so dark and cloudy was afraid,
and counselled the king to tarry till the wind would
change, and the weather be more favourable. But the
king persisting, commanded him to make all speed he
could for his life, saying, " That he never heard that
any king yet was ever drowned." And so he passed the
sea in safety, and came to Normandy.
In the tliirteenth year of his reign King William, (hav-
ing at the same time in his hand three bishoprics, Can-
terbury, Wincliester, and Sarum ; also twelve abbeys
in farm\ was wounded to death, as he was in his sport
of hunting in the New Forest, by the glancing of an
arrow, shot by a knight named Walter Tyrrel, and was
carried speechless to Westminster, and there buried. His
life was such that it is hard for a history that should tell
the truth, to say whether he was more to be commended
or reproved. Among other vices, there is especially to
be rebuked in him unmeasurable and unreasonable
covetousness ; so that he coveted to be every man's heir.
This one example of liberal and princely nature 1 find in
him ; that upon a time when a certain abbot of a place
was dead, there came to his court two monks of the same
house, who had gathered much money, and used in-
fluence with the king, and severally made large offers to
be promoted to that dignity. There was also a third
monk of the same place, who of meekness and humility
followed the other two, in order that upon him whom the
king would admit for abbot, he should give attendance,
and as his chaplain return with him. The king called be-
fore him the two monks severally, of whom the one out-
bid the other. As the king cast his eye aside, he espied
a third monk standing by, supposing that his coming had
been also for the same matter. Then the king calling
him, asked what he would do, whether he would give
more than his brethren had offered, to be appointed
abbot. He answered the king, and said, that he neither
had nor would (if he could) offer money for it by any
such unlawful means.
When the king had well pondered this third Monk's
answer, he said that he was best worthy to be the abbot,
and to have the rule of so holy a charge ; and so he gave
him that benefice without taking any money.
Urban bishop of Rome, who (as is said) succeeded after
Victor, ruled the church of Rome about the space of twelve
yeai-s ; and amongst his other acts he excommunicated
the emperor Henry IV., as a man not very devoted to the
see of Rome. But yet he was a worthy and victorious
prince, in whom also some vice perchance might be noted,
yet none such for which any prelate or minster of Christ
ought to excite his subjects to rebel against public autho-
rity appointed of God. This Emperor Henry IV. was
excommunicated by four popes severally ; by Hildebrand,
by Victor, by Urban, and by Paschal. Which excommuni-
cation wrought so in the ignorant and blind hearts of the
people, that many (as well the nobles as of the multitude,
contrary to their sworn allegiance) rebelliously conspired
against the king and emperor.
KING HENRY THE FIRST.
Henry, the first of that name, the third son of William
the Conqueror, succeeding his brother Rufus, began his
reign in England (A. D. 1100); for his knowledge and
science in the seven liberal arts, he was sirnamed Clerk
or Beauclerk. In him it may well appear how knowledge
and learning greatly conduce to the government and ad-
ministration of any realm or country. At the beginning
he reformed the state and condition of the clergy, released
the grievous payments introduced against King Edward'a
laws, with amendments thereof ; he reformed the ol«*
and untrue measures, and made a measure after the length
of his arm ; he greatly abhorred excess of meats and drinks ;
he reformed many abuses ; and used to
counsel than by sword.
HENRY I. DISPUTE BETWEEN THE KING AND ANSELM.
In the second year of his reign, Robert his elder bro-
ther, duke of Normandy, being occupied in the christian
wars against the Tinrks, and being elected king of Jeru-
salem, hearing of the death of Rufus, refused the king-
dom thereof. Thus returning to Normandy, he made
there his preparation, and came over to England with a
great army to challenge the crown ; but by mediation of
the lords, it was agreed upon that Robert should have
yearly during his life three thousand marks, as was like-
wise promised him before by King Rufus his brother ;
and whichever of them overlived the other, shoidd be the
other's heir. In process of time there was variance again
between King Henry and Robert ; and at length Robert
in the wars was taken prisoner and brought over to
England, and was put into the castle of Cardiff in Wales,
where he continued a prisoner as long as he lived.
It has been already stated how Anselm went to the
pope ; after the death of King William he was sent for
again by King Henry, and returned, and was at the coun-
cil of the king at Westminster, where the king, in tlie
presence of the lords, as well temporal as spiritual,
ordained and invested two bishops, Roger bishop of
Salisbury, and Roger bishop of Hereford.
After this council, Herbert bishop of Norwich had much
ado with the priests of his diocess ; for they would neither
leave their wives, nor yet give over their benefices as had
been decreed in the council. Whereupon he wrote to
Anselm the archbishop for advice. Anselm required him
to persuade the people of Norfolk and Suffolk ; that as
they professed Christianity, they should subdue them as
rebels against the church, and utterly drive both them
and their wives out of the country, placing monks in
ther rooms.
Gerard the archbishop of York had also much trouble in
depriving the priests of his province of their wives, which
with all his excommunications and thunderings, he could
hardly bring about.
About the end of the third year of the reign of this king,
which was A. D. 1103, a variance arose between King
Henry and Anselm, the occasion of which was this : you
heard a little before how Henry had of his own authority in-
vested two bishops, one Roger, who was chancellor, bishop
of Salisbury ; and another bishop of Hereford. Besides
these he invested others also, and several other things
he took upon him in the ecclesiastical state, which he
might lawfully do, God's word allowing the same ; but
because he was restrained by the bishop of Rome, and
forbidden to do so, this Anselm was so enraged that he
would neither consent to it, nor yet confirm them, nor
communicate nor talk friendly with them, whom the king
had instituted and invested ; but opprobriously called
them abortives, or children of destruction, disdainfully
rebuking the gentle king as a defiler of religion, and pol-
luter of their holy ceremonies. With this uncomely out-
rage the king was much displeased, and required Gerard
tlie archbishop of York to consecrate them : who without
delay did so, saving that one William Gifford, to whom
the king had given the bishopric of Winchester, refused
to take his consecration by the hands of the bishop of
York. For which cause the king deprived him both of
bishopric and goods, and banished him the realm.
Moreover, the king required of Anselm, to do homage,
after the manner of his ancestors. Also it was asked,
whether he would join with the king in giving investi-
tures, as Lanfranc his predecessor had done. Anselm
answered that he would not do homage to the king ;
alleging the pope's excommunication, who, in his
council of Rome a little before, had given forth open
sentence of excommunication upon all such lay persons
(whatever they were) that should from henceforth con-
fer or give any spiritual promotions : also upon them
that received such promotions at their hands, and those
who consecrated any such receivers. Moreover he pro-
nounced all them accursed who for benefices or other
ecclesiastical promotions should subject themselves under
the homage or service of any great man, king, prince,
duke, or earl of the laity. For (the pope said) it was
unseemly and a thing very execrable, that the hands
which were converted into so high a working, as was
granted to no angel (that is, to create Jesus Christ in
[Book IV.
the mass, even him who created all, and to offer up the
same before the sight of the Father for the salvation of
the whole world) should be brought to such a slavery,
as to be subject to those filthy hands, which are polluted
with robberies, and bloodshed, &c. Anselm allegin"
this decree of Pope Urban, refused to do homage, fear'!
ing (as he said) the pope's excommunication.
In the mean time, while there was long disputation
on both sides for investing, the nobles of the realm con-
tended, that investings did belong to the king's dignity ;
wherefore the king calling for Anselm again, required
him either to do homage to him or else to leave his
kingdom. To whom Anselm replying again, required
the pope's letters to be brought forth, and the matter to
be decided according to the tenor thereof. For now the
messengers were returned from Rome, with the pojie's
answer ; altogether agreeing with Anselm. Then said
the king ; " What have I to do with pope's letters ? I
will not forego the liberties of my kingdom for any
pope." Thus the contention continued between them.
Then other ambassadors were sent again to the pope,
that he would something oualify and moderate (or rather
abolish) the sternness of the Roman decree before- men-
tioned. On the part of Anselm were sent two monks,
Baldwin and Alexander. On the king's behalf were
sent two bishops, Robert bishop of Lichfield, and Her-
bert bishop of Norwich.
After the ambassadors (thus sent on both sides to
Rome) had pleaded their causes ; the pope glad to
gratify the king (yet loath to grant his request, being
against his own profit, and therefore more inclining to
Anselm's side) sent his letters to Anselm, signifying
that he would not repeal the statutes of his holy fathers
for one man's pleasure : charging him moreover, not
only not to yield in the cause of investing, but con-
stantly to adhere to the decree of Pope Urban, &c.
Besides this letter to Anselm, he directed also another
to the king himself : which letter, the king suppressed
and did not shew, only declaring by word of mouth,
what the ambassadors had said unto him from the pope.
Which was, that he permitted unto him the licence of
investing, upon condition that in other things he would
execute the office of a good prince, &c. The conten-
tion still continuing, it was agreed by the king and his
nobles, that Anselm should go himself to Rome. And
much entreaty was made that he would take that
journey in hand, in his own person, to present himself
to the pope, for the peace of the church and of his
country. And so at length by persuasion, he went to
Rome and spake with the pope. He was followed also
by the king's ambassador, William Warlwast, new
elect bishop of Exeter. There it was decreed, that the
bishops who were invested by the king, should be ex-
communicated. The absolution and satisfaction of whom
was left to Anselm, the king only, who had invested
them, being excepted.
Thus Anselm, leaving Rome, took his journey to-
ward England. But the ambassador, pretending to go
to St, Nicholas, remained behind, to see whether he
could win the pope's mind to the king's purpose.
Which when he saw he could not do, he overtakes
Anselm by the way, at Placentia, and told him the
king's pleasure. " The king," said he, " gives to you
in charge and commandment, that if you will come to
England, and there behave yourself to him, as your
predecessor did to his father, you should be received
and retained in the realm accordingly : if not — you
are wise enough to know what I mean, and what will
follow." And so with these words, parting from him,
he returned again to the king : and Anselm remained
at Lyons a year and a half, and wrote to the king as
follows :
" To his Reverend Lord, Henry, King of England, An-
selm, Archbishop of Canterbury, faithful Service,
with Prayers.
" Although you understand by William Warlwast
what we have done at Rome ; yet I shall shortly shew j
you that which belongs to me. When I came to Rome ]
A.D 1100—1106.]
SYNODAL DECREES OF ANSELM.
123
I I declared the cause wherefore I came to the lord pope.
lie answered that he would not swerve from the
! statutes of his predecessors. Furthermore, he com-
manded me that I should have no fellowship with
those who received investings of churches at your
hands, after the knowledge of this prohibition, unless
they would do penance, and forsake what they had re-
ceived, without hope of recovery ; also tliat 1 should not
communicate with the other bishops that had conse-
crated such men, unless they would present themselves
to the judgment of the apostolic see. The aforesaid
William can be a witness of all these things if he will.
This William, when we departed asunder (reckoning up
in your behalf, the love and liberality which you had
always towards me) warned me as your archbishop, that
I should shew myself such an one, that if I would come
into England, 1 might be with you as my predecessor
was with your father, and you might treat nie with the
same honour and liberty that your father treated my
predecessor. By which I understand, that unless I
should shew myself such a one, you would not have me
come into England. For your love and liberality 1 thank
you : but that I should be with you as my predecessor
was with your father, 1 cannot do it. For 1 dare not do
homage to you, nor communicate with those who take
investings of churches at your hands : because of this
inhibition made, 1 myself hearing it. Wherefore I de-
sire you to send me your pleasure herein if it please
you, whether I may return into England (as I said)
with your pi ace and power of mine office."
In the meanwhile there was great debate, and many
messengers sent to and fro between the king, the arch-
bishop, and the pope, but nothing was done : for the
pope would not agree to the king, neither would the
king condescend to the archbishop. At last the arch-
bishop, seeing he could by no means prevail against the
king, thought to revenge himself by excommunication,
and so went about the same. The king, hearing of this
by the Countess Adela his sister, desires her to come to
him into Normandy, and bring Anselm with her :
whereupon (through the means of the countess) the
king and Anselm were reconciled, and the archbishop
was restored to his former possessions again. Only his
return was deferred, because he would not communicate
with those whom the king had invested. So the king
took his passage over into England, and Anselm abode
at the abbey of Becke.
In the meantime complaints were daily brought from
England to Anselm, against the priests and canons,
who, in his absence, contrary to the late council holden
at London, received their wives unto their houses again,
and were permitted so to do by the king, they paying
him certain money for the same. Anselm, the sore
enemy against lawful marriage, grieved therewith, ad-
dressed his letters to the king, requiring him to refrain
from taking any more of such exactions, declaring,
moreover, and affirming, that the offences of all such ec-
clesiastical ministers must be corrected by the bishops,
and not by laymen.
It was not long after that the king, as he had
promised, went again to Normandy, and meeting with
Anselm at the abbey of Becke, he agreed with him in
all such points as the archbishop required. As first,
that all his churches, which before were made tributary
to King William, now should remain free from all
tribute ; that he should require nothing of the said
churches or provinces in the time of the seat being
vacant. Moreover, concerning such priests and minis-
ters as had given money to the king for liberty to keep
their wives, it was agreed that they should cease from
all ecclesiastical functions for the space of three years.
Thus Anselm, the stout champion of popery and super-
stition, after he had gained this victory over the king,
for which he had so long fought, sailed into England
with joy and triumph, having obtained all his popish re-
quests. Where first he flies like a lion upon the mar-
ried priests, contrary to the word of God, divorces and
punislies, by man's authority, those whom the Eternal
aad Almighty God had coupled. Next, he looks to
those who held any church by farm under the king.
Against simony, Ukewise, and against those that married
within the seventh degree, he proceeds with his full
pontifical authority.
Shortly after, as King Henry had finished his war in
Normandy, he returned again with victory into England,
about the sixth year of his reign, Anselm archbishop of
Canterbury (by the permission of the king) assembled a
great council of the clergy and prelates of England at
Westminster in London. In which (by the bishop of
Rome's authority) he so wrought with the king, that at
length (though not without great difficulty) it was newly
confirmed and enacted, that no temporal man after that
day should make investiture with cross or with ring, or
with pastoral hook. In this council various injunctions
were given forth to priests and deacons. And, as we
are here mentioning the synodal acts concluded in the
time of this Anselm, I here place them all together,
taking them from Malmesbury and other authors.
The first thing decreed by this Anselm, in his synodal
councils, was touching the fiiult of simony, whereby
many bishops and abbots (as is before mentioned) were
at the same time deposed : and laymen were forbidden
to confer any ecclesiastical piromotion.
Also, it was decreed, that no bishop should bear any
office in secular men's business or meetings : and that
such should not go apparelled as the laymen did, but
should have their vestures decent and meet for religious
persons. And that in all places they should never go
without some to bear witness of their conversation.
That no archdeaconries should be let out to farm.
That no archdeacon should be under the degree of a
deacon.
That no archdeacon, priest, deacon, sub-deacon,
coUigener, nor canon, should from that time marry, nor
yet keep his wife, if he had been married to one before.
That every sub -deacon, being under the degree of a
canon, marrying a wife after the profession of celibacy,
should be subject to the same rule.
That any priest who did not put away his wife, should
be reputed unlawful, and that he should say no mass,
and if he said mass, he should not be heard.
That none should be admitted to orders from that
time forward, from the degree of a sub-deacon, unless
he professed celibacy.
That priests' sons should not claim the benefices of
their fathers by heritage, as the custom had always been
before.
That no spiritual person should sit in any secular
office, as to be procurators or judges of blood.
That priests should not resort to taverns or banquets,
nor sit drinking by the fireside.
That the garments of priests should be of one colour,
and that their shoes should be decent.
Besides all these synodal acts, with others which we
omit, given out by Anselm, he also directed other new
injunctions to the priests.
That they and their wives should never meet in one
house, neither yet have dwelling in their territories.
That the priests, deacons, and sub-deacons, should
keep no female in their house, unless they were of their
next kin.
That such as had separated themselves from the so-
ciety of their wives, and yet for some cause had to com-
municate with them, might do so, if it were out of
doors, and before two or three witnesses.
That if any of them should be accused by two or three
witnesses, and could not clear himself again by sLx able
men of his own order if he be a priest ; or, if he be a
deacon, by four ; or, if he be a sub-deacon, by two ;
then he should be judged a transgressor of the statutes,
deprived of his benefice, and be made infamous, or be
put to open reproach of all men.
That any who rebelled, and in contempt of this new
statute still held his wife, and presumed to say mass,
upon the eighth day after (if he made not due satisfac-
tion) should be solemnly excommunicated.
That all archdeacons and deacons should be straitly
sworn not to wink or dissemble at their meetings, nor to
bear with them for money. And if they would not
n*
LETTERS OF POPE PASCHAL AND ARCHBISHOP ANSELM.
[Book IV.
be sworn to this, then to lose their offices without re-
covery.
That such priests, as forsaking their wives were will-
ing to serve still and remain in their holy order, first
must cease forty days from their ministration, setting
vicars to serve for them in the mean time, and taking
such penance upon them, as should be enjoined by their
bishop.
Thus you have heard of the life and doings of Anselm,
how superstitious he was in his religion, how stubborn
against his prince, what occasion of war and discord he
ministered by his complaints (if they had been taken) ;
what zeal without right knowledge, what fervency with-
out cause he pretended, what pains without profit he
took. Who, if he had bestowed that time and labour in
preaching Christ at home to his flock, which he took in
going to Rome to complain of his country, in my mind
he had been better occupied. Moreover, you have
heard what violent and tyrannical injunctions he set
forth concerning investing and other things ; but espe-
cially against the lawful and godly marriage of priests :
what a vehement adversary he was in this matter, may
appear by these extracts from letters, which we here an-
nex as follows : —
A LETTER OF ANSELM.
Anselm, Archbishop ; to his Brethren and Dearest Sons
the Lord Prior and others at Canterbury.
" As concerning priests,' of whom the king com-
manded that they should have both their churches and
their wives as they had in the time of his father, and of
Lanfranc archbishop : both because the king hath re-
vested and reseized the whole archbishopric, and because
so cursed a marriage was forbidden in a council in the
time of his father and of the said archbishop : I boldly
command by the authority which I have by my arch-
bishopric, not only within my archbishopric but also
throughout England, that all priests who keep wives,
shall be deprived of their churches and ecclesiastical
benefices."
A LETTER OF POPE PASCHAL TO ANSELM.
Paschal, Bishop, Servant of God's Servants; to his
Reverend Brother Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury,
greeting and apostolical blessing.
" We believe your brother-hood is not ignorant what
is decreed in the Romish church concerning priests'
children. But because there is so great multitude of
such within the realm of England, that almost the
greater and better part of the clerks are reckoned to be
on this side : therefore we commit this dispensation to
your care. For we grant these to be promoted to holy
offices by reason of the need at this time, and for the
profit of the church (such as learning and life shall com-
mend among you) so that yet notwithstanding the pre-
judice of the ecclesiastical decree be taken heed to here-
after," &c.
ANOTHER LETTER OF ANSELM.
Anselm, Archbishop ; to the Rev. Gudulph, Bishop; and
to Arnulph Prior; and to William, Archdeacon of
Canterbury ; and to all in his Diocese, greeting.
" William, our archdeacon, hath written unto me,
that some priests that be under his custody (taking
again their wives that were forbidden) have fallen into
the error from the which they were drawn by wholesome
counsel and commandment. When the archdeacon
would amend this thing, they utterly despised with
wicked pride his warning and worthy commandment to
be received. Then he, calling together many religious
men and obedient priests, worthily excommunicated the
proud and disobedient, who despised the curse, and
were not afraid to defile the holy ministry, as much as
lay in them," &c.
And thus much concerning Anselm archbishop of
Canterbury ; whose stout example gave no little courage
to Tliurstin and Becket his successors, and others that
followed after, to do the like against their kings and
princes, as hereafter by the grace of Christ shall appear.
About the same time and year when King Henry
began to reign. Pope Paschal entered his papacy, suc-
ceeding after Urban (about A. D. 1100), nothing
swerving from the steps of Hildebrand his superior.
About the same time (A. D. 1101), the bishop of
Florence began to teach and to preach of antichrist then
to be born and to be manifest, as Sabellicus testifies :
whereupon, Paschal, assembling a council, put to silence
the said bishop, and condemned his books. In this
council at Trecas, priests that were married were con-
demned for Nicolaitans.
Concerning the excommunication and other troubles
that Hildebrand wrought against the Emperor Henry IV.
it is declared sufficiently before. This excommunication
Paschal renewed against Henry. And not only that,
but also convening the princes of Germany to a general
assembly, set up the emperor's own son against him,
causing the bishops of Mentz, >of Cologne, and of
Worms to deprive him of his imperial crown, and to
place his son Henry V. in his father's kingdom. So
coming to the place at Hilgeshem, first they required his
diadem, his purple, his ring, and other ornaments per-
taining to the crown, from him. The emperor de-
manded the cause, being then excommunicate and void
of friends. They pretended, for selling bishoprics, ab-
bacies, and other ecclesiastical dignities for money : also
alleging the pope's pleasure and other princes. Then
he inquired first of the bishop of Mentz (and likewise of
the other two, whom he had preferred to their bishop-
rics before) asking them in order, if he had received one
penny of them for promoting them to their dignities.
This they could not deny to be so, " Well" (saith he)
" and do you requite me again with this treatment ?"
and with many other words of exhortation he admo-
nished them to remember their oath and allegiance to
their prince. But the perjured prelates, neither reve-
rencing his majesty, nor moved with his benefits, nor
regarding their fidelity, ceased not for all this, but first
plucked from him (sitting in his throne) his imperial
crown, then disvestured him, taking from him his purple
and his sceptre. The good emperor, being left desolate
and in confusion, said to them: " Let God see and
judge." Thus leaving him, they went to his son to
confirm him in his kingdom, and caused him to drive
his father out. In the end, being utterly dispossessed
of his kingdom, he was brought to that distress, that
coming to Spire, he begged of the bishop there, whom
he had done much for before, to have a prebend in the
church : and as he had some skill in his book, he de-
sired to serve in our lady's quire, yet he could not
obtain so much at his hand, who swore by our lady, he
should have nothing there. Thus the woeful emperor
came to Leodium, and there died for sorrow, after he
had reigned fifty years.
After the decease of this emperor, his son Henry V.
reigned the space of twenty years. Who, coming to
Rome to receive the crown of the pope, could not ob-
tain it, before he would fully assent to have this ratified,
that no emperor should have any thing to do with the
election of the Roman bishops or with other bishoprics.
Soon after, however, the emperor prevailing against the
pope, compelled him to agree to restore to him his right
in the election of the pope and other bishops : but as
soon as the emperor was returned again to Germany,
forthwith the pope, calling a synod, not only revoked all
that he had agreed to before, but also excommunicated
Henry as he had done his father before.
The emperor seeing no end of these conflicts (unless
he would yield to the pope) was obliged to give over,
and forego his privilege, agreeing not to meddle with
matters pertaining to the pope's election, nor with in-
vesting, nor such other things belonging to the church
and churchmen. And thus the peace between them was
concluded, and proclaimed to the no small rejoicing of
both the armies, then lying by Worms, near the river
Rhine.
After the death of Paschal (A. D. 1118), succeeded
A. D. 1109—1126.] THE TWO METROPOLITANS CONTEND ABOUT THE PRIMACY.
125
Pope Gelasius, chosen by the cardinals, but without the
consent of the emperor, whereupon rose no little vari-
ance in Rome. And at length another pope was set up
by the emperor called Gregory, and Gelasius driven away
into France, and there died. After whom came Calix-
tus II., chosen likewise by a few cardinals, without
the voice of the emperor, who, coming up to Rome to
enjoy his seat, first sent his legate into Germany to ex-
communicate the Emperor Henry ; who then, having
divers conflicts with his fellow Pope Gregory, at length
drove him out of Rome.
In conclusion, the emperor being overcome, and fear-
ing the dangerous thunderbolt of his curse, was obliged
to condescend to the unreasonable conditions of the pope.
First, to ratify his election, although the other pope was yet
alive. Secondly, that he should resign up his right and
title in matters pertaining to the election of the pope,
and investiture of bishops.
This being done and granted, and the writings set up
in the church of Lateran, as a triumph over the emperor,
the pope went after Gregory his rival pope, who was
then in a town called Sutrium ; which being besieged
and taken, Gregory also was taken. Calixtus the pope
setting him upon a camel (his face to the camel's tail),
brought him so through the streets of Rome, holding the
tail in his hand instead of a bridle ; and afterwards being
shorn, he was thrust into a monastery.
The same Calixtus, holding a general council at
Rheims, decreed that priests, deacons, and sub-deacons
should put away their wives ; and whoever was found to
keep his wife should be deprived of benefice, and all
other ecclesiastical livings.
After the death of Anselm (A.D. 1109), the church of
Canterbury stood empty five years ; and the goods of the
church went to the king's use. And when he was prayed
to appoint a pastor, his answer was, that as his father and
brother had been accustomed to set the best tried
and approved men in that see, that he might do the
same, he took the more time. And so he delayed the
time, while he filled his coffers with the riches of that
benefice.
After this (A.D. 1115), Rodulph, bishop of Rochester,
(an Englishman) was promoted to be archbishop of Can-
terbury, and Thurstin, the king's chaplain, was elected
archbishop of York. Who being content to receive his
benediction or consecration of the see of Canterbury, yet,
because he refused to make his profession of obedience
to the same see, was deprived by the king of his dignity.
Then Thurstin (by the instigation of certain of his
clerks at York) took his journey to Rome ; who there
making his complaint to Paschal, brought with him a
letter from the pope to the king, where among other
words was contained as follows :
" We hear and understand, that the archbishop elect
of the church of York (a discreet and industrious man)
is sequestered from the church of York, which stands
against both divine justice and the institution of holy
fathers. Our purpose is, that neither the church of
Canterbury should be impaired, nor again that the
church of York should suffer any prejudice, but that
the same constitution which was by blessed Gregory
(the apostle of the English nation) set and decreed be-
tween those two churches, should remain still in force
and effect inviolate. Wherefore, as touching the fore-
said elect archbishop, let him be received again by all
means, as is right and meet unto his church. And if
there be any question between the foresaid churches, let
it be handled and decided in your presence, both the
two parties being there present."
Upon the occasion of this letter, a solemn assembly
was appointed at Salisbury, about the hearing of this
controversy. The variance between these two prelates
still increased more and more. Rodulph archbishop of
Canterbury in no case would yield or condescend to give
imposition of hands to him, unless he would make his
profession of obedience. Thurstin again said, he would
wiUingly receive and embrace his benediction ; but as
to the profession of his subjection, that he would not
agree unto. Then the king signified to Thurstin, that
without his subjection and obedience professed to the
archbishop of Canterbury, he should not enjoy the arch-
bishoprick of York. Thurstin upon this renounced his
archbishoprick, promising moreover to make no more
claim unto it, nor to molest them that should enjoy it.
Shortly after this, it happened that pope Paschal died :
after whom, as is above rehearsed, succeeded pope Gela-
sius, who lived not more than a year, and died in France.
The cardinals (who then followed Pope Gelasius to
Cluny) created another pope of their own choosing, whom
they called Calixtus II. The other cardinals who were
at Rome chose another pope called Gregory. About
these two rival popes there was much stir in the christian
world. As this Calixtus was remaining in France, and
there calling a general council at Rheims, Thurstin the
archbishop of York desired licence of the king to go to
the council, purposing there to open the cause of his
church ; first promising to the king that he should there
attempt nothing that should be prejudicial to the church
of Canterbury. In the meantime the king had sent
secret word to the pope, by Rodulph and other proctors,
that he should in no case consecrate Thurstin. Yet,
notwithstanding the faithful promise of the pope made
to the king, the pope was inclined to consecrate him,
and gave him the pall ; and required of the king that he
would license Thurstin to return with favour into his
realm. But the king utterly refused, unless he would
profess subjection to the church of Canterbury, as his
predecessors had done before ; and excused himself by
his oath which he had before made. To this the pope
answered that he, by his apostolical authority, would easily
dispense with him for his promise or oath. Then the
king said that he would consult his council, and send an
answer; which answer was this, "That, for the love
and request of the pope, he was content that Thurstin
should re-enter his realm, and quietly enjoy his pre-
lateship, upon this condition, that he would profess his
subjection to the church of Canterbury."
The year following after that (which was A.D. 1120),
Pope Calixtus directs his letters for Thurstin to the king,
and to Rodulph archbishop of Canterbury. In which
epistle, by his full power apostolical, he interdicts both
the church of Canterbury and the church of York, with
all the parish churches within the same cities, from the
burial of the dead, also from all divine service, ex-
cepting only baptizing of children, and absolution of
them that are dying ; unless, within a month after the
receipt of the same, Thurstin (without any exaction of
subjection) were received and admitted to the see of
York, and that the king also should be excommunicated
except he would consent to the same. Whereupon, for
fear of the pope's curse, Thurstin was immediately sent
for and reconciled to the king, and was placed quietly
in his archiepiscopal see of York.
It followed not long after (within two years) that Ro-
dulph archbishop of Canterbury died, in whose see suc-
ceeded after him William de Turbine. About which time
(in the twenty-seventh year of the king's reign, or a
little before), the king called a council at London, where
the spirituality of England consented to the punishment
of married priests. By reason of which the priests,
paying a certain fine to the king, were suffered to
retain their wives still, whereby the king gathered no
small sum of money, (Rog. Hoved. Guliel. Gisburnesis.)
It was before stated tliat Matilda or Maud, daughter
of king Henry, was married to the emperor Henry V. ;
and after his decease she returned about this time with
the imperial crown to her father in Normandy, bringing
with her the hand of St. James 1 For the joy of ob-
taining this relic, the king built the abbey of Reading,
where the hand was deposited. This Matilda was re-
ceived by the council as next heir to the king, her father,
in possession of tlie English crown, for lack of issue
male. And soon after she was sent over to Normandy,
to marry Geoffrey Plantagenet Earl of Anjou, of whom
came Henry II., who was king of England after
Stephen.
After Calixtus, succeeded Pope Honorius II. ; not-
withstanding that the cardinals had elected another,
yet he by the means of certain citizens obtained the
papacy (A.D. 1125). About the second year of his in«
STEPHEN KING OF ENGLAND, SUCCEEDED BY HENRY 11.
[Book IV,
duction there was a certain legate of his called John
Cremensis sent to England. This legate coming with
the pope's letters, after he had refreshed himself in
the bishops' houses, and amongst the abbots, at length re-
sorted to London, where he assembled the whole clergy
together, inquired concerning priests' wives, and made
thereupon a statute in the said synod of London after
this tenor: "To priests, deacons, subdeacons, and
canons, we do utterly inhibit by authority apostolical, all
manner of society and conversation with all kind of wo-
men, except only their mother, sister, or aunt, or such
whereof can rise no suspicion. And whoever shall be
found to violate this deciee, being convicted thereof,
shall sustain thereby the loss of all that he hath by his
order." But see how God works against such ungodly
proceedings. It happened that the same cardinal was
found to be guilty of gross vice, although he had so
strictly given out his precepts the day before, to the
no little slander and shame (as Matthew Paris writes)
of the whole clergy.
After Honorius succeeded Pope Innocent II. (A.D.
11,'iO.) But as it was with his predecessors before him,
that at every change of popes there came new troubles,
and very commonly when a pope was elected, some other
was set up as a rival against liim (there being sometimes
two and sometimes three popes together), so likewise it
happened with this Innocent ; for after he was chosen,
the Romans elected another pope, named Anacletus.
Between these two popes there was much trouble, and
great conflicts.
Aboutthe time of these things, (A.D. 11.35,) king Henry
being in Normandy, as some say, by a fall from his
horse, as others say, by a surfeit in eating lanii)ieys, fell
sick and died, after he had reigned five-and-thirty years
and odd months ; leaving for his heirs his daughter the
empress Matilda, with her young son Henry, to succeed
after him ; to whom all the prelates and nobility of the
realm were sworn. But contrary to their oath made to
h^r, in the presence of her father, William the archbiphop
of Canterbury, and the nobles of the realm, crowned
Stephen earl of Boulogne, and sister's son to king Henry,
upon St. Stephen's day in Christmas week.
KING STEPHEN.
Thus, when king Stephen, contrary to his oath, had
taken ui)on him the crown, he swore before the lords at
O.xford, that he would not hold the benefices that were
vacant, and that he would remit the danegilt, with many
other things, which afterwards he little performed. As
he dreaded the coming of the empress, he gave licence to
bis lords, every one to build upon his own ground strong
castles or fortresses. All his reign he was annoyed with
wars, especially with David king of the Scots, with whom,
however, he at length made peace. But yet the Scottish
king would pay him no homage : although Henry, the son
to king David, did homage to king Stephen. But he re-
penting thereof, entered into Northumberland with a great
army, and burnt and slew the people in a most cruel man-
ner, neither sparing man , woman, or child. The children
they tossed upon spear points, and laying the priests upon
the altars, they mangled and cut them all to pieces, after a
most terrible manner. But by the valour of the English
lords and soldiers, and through the means of Thurstin,
archbishop of Vork, they were met and defeated, a great
number of them being slain, and David their king con-
strained to give his son Henry as hostage for surety of
peace. In the mean time, king Stephen was occujtied
in the South countries, besieging various castles of bishops
and other lords, and took them by force, and fortified
them with his knights and servants, to withstand the
empress, of whose coming he was ever afraid.
About the sixth year of his reign, the empress came
into England out of Normandy, and by the aid of Robert,
Earl of Gloucester, and Ranulph of Chester, made war
upon king Stephen. In the end the king's party was
chased, and himself taken prisoner ; and sent to Bristol,
there to be kept in close confinement.
After this battle the queen. King Stephen's wife, made
great entreaty to the empress and her council, to have
the king released and put in to some monastery, but could
not obtain it. Also the Londoners made great suit to the ,
empress, to have Saint Edward's laws again, and not the i
laws of her father, which were more strict and strange to '
them than the other. When they could not obtain this
request of her and her council, the citizens of London,
being discontented, would have taken the empress : but
she fled privately from London to Oxford : then the
Kentish-men and Londoners, taking the king's part, join- ;
ed battle against the empress ; where Robert, earl rf fj
Gloucester, and base brother to the emj)ress, was taken, ,:
and so by exchange, both the King and the Earl Robert
were released from prison. Then Stephen without delay,
gathering a strong army, pursued ]\Iatilda or Maud, with
her partisans, besieging them in the castle of Oxford. In
the siege there fell a great snow, and the frost was so liard,
tliat a man heavily-burthened might pass over the water :
upon this the empress, arranged with her friends and re-
tinue clothed in white sheets, and issuing out by a jiostern-
gate, went upon the ice over the Thames, and so escaped
to Wallingford. After this, the king gained the castle,
and when he found not the empress he was much dis-
pleased. He pursued the empress and her company so
hard, that at last he caused them to fly the realm, which
was the sixth year of his reign.
The second year after this, which was the eighth of his
reign, there was a parliament at London, to which all the
bishops of the realm resorted, and there denounced the
king as accursed, and all those with him that did any hurt
to the church, or to any minister of it : upon tliis the
kingbegan somewhat to amend his proceedings for a time,
but afterwards was as bad as before. The empress being
compelled to fly the realm, returned again to Normandy
to Geoffrey Plantagcnet her husband : who, after he had
valiantly won and defended the duchy of Normandy
against King Stephen, ended his life, leaving his son Henry
to succeed in that dukedom. In the meanwhile, Robert
earl of Gloucester, and the earl of Chester, had several
conflicts with the king,so that at a battle at Wilton the king
was nearly taken, but yet escaped.
Soon after this Henry, duke of Normandy, with a great
army entered England, and won the castle of Malmestiur)-,
the tower of London, and afterward the town of Notting-
ham, the castles of Wallingford, with other holds and cas-
tles. Between him and the king many battles were fought.
During which time, Eustace the king's son died. Upon
this occasion, the king caused Theobald archbishop of
Canterbury to mediate with the Duke for peace, which
was concluded upon this condition, that Stephen, during
his lifetime, should hold the kingdom, and Henry in the
meantime be proclaimed heir-apparent in the chief cities
throughout the realm. These things being concluded,
duke Henry returned to Normandy, and the same year
king Stephen, as some say for sorrow, ended his life, after
he had reigned nineteen years.
As Theobald succeeded after William archbishop of
Canterbury, so in York, after Thurstin, succeeded Wil-
liam, who was called St. William of York, and was poison-
ed in his chalice by his chaplains.
Matthew Paris writes how Stephen king of England,
reserved to himself the right and authority of bestowing
spiritual livings, and investing prelates.
At this time also, the Emperor Lotharius began to do
the same in recovering again the right and privilege
taken away from Henry his predecessor ; had not Bernard
given him contrary counsel.
At this time came into the church the manner of curs-
ing with bell, book and candle, devised in the Council of
London, held by William, bishop of Winchester under
Celestine II. who succeeded Innocent II. (A.D. 114:5).
KING HENRY THE SECOND.
Henry II. the son of Geoff"rey Plantagcnet, and the Em-
press Maud, daughter of King Henry I. began his reign
after King Stephen (A. D. lir)4), and continued five-and-
thirty years. The first year of his reign he subdued Ireland ;
and not long after, Thomas Becket was made Lord Chan-
cellor of England. He went into the north, where he sub-
dued William king of Scotland, who at that time held a
A. D. 1130—1155.] CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE POPE AND THE EMPEROR.
great part of Northumberland, and joined S( oMand to liis
own kingdom, from the South ("cean to the North Isles
of Orcad'es. Also he put under his domini in the king-
dom of Wales. So that by his great manho k1 and policy,
the dominion of England was increased with the addition
of Scotland, Ireland, the Orcades, Brittany, Poictoii, and
Guienne. Also he had ii\ his rule Normmdy, Gascoyn,
Anjou, and Chinon ; also Auvergne and the city of Tho-
iouse : besides these (by the title of his wife Eleanor,
daughter to the Earl of I'oii-tou) he obtained the Mount
Pyrame in Spain : so that we read of none of his proge-
nitors, who had so many countries under his dominion.
Now the time requires us to proceed to the history of Fre-
derick I. (called Barbarossa) successor to Conrad in the
empire, who marched into Italy, to subdue certain rebels
there. The Pope hearing this, came with his clergy to
meet hira, in hojies to obtain his assistance against his
enemies. The emperor, on seeing the bishop, alighted
from his horse to receive him, holding the stirrup to the
prelate on the left side, when he should have held it on
the right, at which the pope shewed himself somewhat
annoyed. The emperor smiling, excused himself, that
he was never accustomed to hold stirrups ; and as it was
done only of good will, and of no duty, it was little
matter which side of the horse he held. The next day, to
make amends to the bishop, the emperor sent for him,
and received him holding the right stirrup, and so all
the matter was settled.
After this, as they were come in and sat together, Adri-
an, the pope, began to declare unto him, how his ances-
tors before him, such as sought unto the See of Rome for
the crown, were wont always to leave behind them some
special token or monument of their benevolence for the
obtaining thereof. Wherefore he required some benefit
to proceed likewise from him to the church of Rome, in
restoring again the country of Apulia to the church of
Rome ; which if he would do, he for his part would do
what appertained to him to perform : meaning in giving
him the crown, for at that time the popes had brought
the emperors to seek their crown at their hand.
Frederick with his princes perceiving that, unless he
would of his own proper costs and charges recover Apulia
out of Duke William's hands, he could not secure the
crown, promised all that the pope required, and so the
next day after was crowned.
This done, the emperor returned into Germany, while
Adrian, not liking to be idle, gives forth his excommu-
nication against WiUiam, duke of Apulia. Besides, not
content with this, he sends also to Emmanuel, Emperor
of Constantinople, inciting him to war against William.
The duke perceiving this, sends to the pope for peace,
promising to restore to him whatever he wished.
But the pope, through the malignant counsel of his
cardinals, would grant no peace, thinking to get more by
war. The duke, seeing nothing but war, prepared him-
self with all expedition, and he arrived at Apulia, and
there put the Emperor Emmanuel to flight. Then he
proceeded to the city of Bonaventure, where the pope
with his cardinals were looking for victory. He so be-
sieged and pressed the city, that the pope with his car-
dinals were glad to treat" for peace, which they refused
before. The duke granted peace upon certain conditions,
viz. that he should not invade such possessions as belong-
ed to Rome, and that the pope should make him king of
both Sicilies.
The emperor, Frederick Barbarossa, all this while sit-
ting quietly at home, began to consider with himself how
the pope had extorted from the emperors his predeces-
sors, the investiture of prelates; how he had sickened
and taxed all nations by his legates, and also had been
the sower of seditions through all his empire ; he began
therefore to require of all the b.ishops of Germany ho-
mage, and an oath of allegiance ; commanding also the
pope's legates, if they came into Germany, without his
sending for, not to be received. Charging moreover all
his subjects that none of them should appeal to Rome.
Besides this, in his letters he set and prefixed his name
before the pope's name : whereupon the pope, being not
a little offended, directed his letters to the Emperor
Frederick alter this tenor, as follows :
127
"Adrian bishop, servant of the servants of God, to
Frederick emperor, health and apostolical benediction.
The law of God as it promises to them that honour father
and mother long life, so it threatens the sentence of death
to them that curse father and mother. We are taught
by the word of truth, that every one who exalteth himself
shall be brought low. Wherefore, my well-beloved son in
the Lord, we marvel not a little at your wisdom, in that
you seem not to show that reverence to blessed St. Peter,
and to the holy church of Rome, which you ought to
shew. For why ? In your letters sent to us, you jilace
your own name before ours, wherein you incur the note
of insolency, yea, rather of arrogancy. Why should I
here recite to you the oath of your fidehty, which you
sware to blessed St. Peter and to us, and how you ob-
serve and keep the same ? Seeing you so require homage
and allegiance of them that be gods, and all the sons of
the high God, and presume to join their holy lands with
yours, working contrary to us : seeing you also exclude,
not only out of your churches, but also out of your
cities, our cardinals, whom we direct as legates from
our side : what shall I say then to you ? Amend,
therefore I advise you, amend ; for while you go about
to obtain of us your consecration and crown, and to get
those things you have not, I fear much your honour will
lose the things you have. Thus fare ye well."
The Answer of Frederick the Emperor to the Pope.
" Frederick by the grace of God, Roman Emperor,
ever Augustus, to Adrian Bishop of the Roman church,
and to all such as be willing to cleave to those things
which Jesus began to do and to teach, greeting. The
law of justice gives to every person accordingly that
which is his. Neither do we derogate from our parents,
of whom according as we have received this our dignity
of the imperial crown and governance ; so in the same
kingdom of ours, we do render their due and true honour
to them again. And for so much as duty in all sorts of
men is to be sought out, let us see first in the time of
Constantine (Sylvester then being bishop of Rome) what
))atrimony or regality he had of his own, due to him that
he might claim. Did not Constantine of his liberal be-
nevolence give liberty and restore peace to the church ?
And whatever regality of patrimony the see of your
papacy has, was it not by the donation of princes given
to them ? Revolve and turn over the ancient chroni-
cles, (if either you have not read or neglected what we
do affirm) where it is to be found. Of them which are
gods by adoption, and hold our lordships of us, why may
we not justly require their homage, and their sworn al-
legiance, when he which is both your master and ours
(taking nothing of any king or any man, but giving all
goodness to all men) paid toll and tribute for him and
Peter unto Caesar ? giving you example to do the like.
And therefore he saith to you and all men, ' Learn of
me, for I am meek and lowly,' &c. Wherefore either
render again your lordships and patrimonies which ye
hold of U3 ; or else if ye find them so sweet to you,
then give that which is due to God unto God ; and that
which is due to CsSsar, unto Caesar. As for your cardi .
nals, we shut them out both of churches and cities,
because we see they are not preachers but prowlers ; not
makers of peace, but rakers for money ; not pillars and
upholders of the church, but the insatiable taxers of the
world, and collectors of money and gold. When we shall
see them otherwise (such as the church requires them
to be) as members and makers of peace, shining lorth
like lights to the people, assisting poor and weak men's
causes in the way of equity, &c., then shall they find us
forward and ready to relieve them with salaries, and all
things necessary. And where you bring such questions
as these to secular men (little conducing to religion) you
incur thereby no little note andblemish of your humility,
which is keeper of all virtues, and of your meekness.
Therefore let your fatherhood beware and take heed, lest
in moving such matters as seem to us unseemly for you,
ye give thereby offence to such as depend on your word
(giving ear to your mouth as it were to an evening
shower) : for we cannot but teU you of what we hear ;
123
DISSENSION BETWEEN THE POPE AND THE EMPEROR.
[Book IV
seeing now the detestable beast of pride creeps into the
Beat of Peter, providing always as much as we may (by
God's grace) for the peace of the church. Fare ye
well."
Upon this Adrian the pope directs a bull against Fre-
derick, excommunicating him with public and solemn
ceremonies, and then conspiring with William Duke of
Apulia, he souglit all manner of ways to infest the em-
peror, and to set all men against him, especially the
clergy. The pope understanding the intent of the empe-
ror,"and how loth he was to come under subjection to
his see, devised by all crafty ways to bring it to pass ;
and sent some sharp letters to him, and yet not so
sharp as proud and disdainful. Wherein the first sa-
lutation by his legates was this: "Oar most blessed
father the pope greeteth you, and the universal company
of the cardin tls, he as your father, they as your bre-
thren." Meaning that the emperor should understand
himself to be subject and underling to the pope, no less
than the cardinals were. The emperor with his princes,
perceiving, on perusing the letters, at what the pope by
his legates was aiming, could not brook such intolerable
presumption, whereupon there was much contention
between the legates and the princes. " And of whom
then," say the legates, " does the emperor receive the
empire, if not from the pope ?" With this the German
princes were so much offended that, had not the emperor
stopped them with some difficulty, they would have used
violence against the legates. But the emperor not per-
mitting that, commanded the legates away, charging them
to make no turn by the way, but to depart straight home.
And he, to certify to the whole state of the empire the
truth of the matter, directs forth these letters that
follow :
The Emperor's Letter sent through all his empire.
*' For so much as the providence of God (whereof de-
pendeth all power, both in heaven and earth) hath com-
mitted to us, his anointed, this our empire to be go-
verned, and the peace of his churches by our imperial
arms to be protected, we cannot but lament and com-
plain to you with great sorrow of heart, seeing such
causes of dissension the root and fountain of evils, and
the infection of pestiferous corruption thus to rise
from the holy church, imprinted with the seal of peace
and love of Christ.
" By reason whereof (except God turn it away) we
fear the whole body of the church is like to be polluted,
the unity thereof to be broken, and schism and division
to be betwixt the spiritual and temporal government.
Per we being of late at Bisunze, and there intreating
busily of matters pertaining as well to the honour of
our empire, as to the wealth of the churches, there came
ambassadors of the see apostolical, declaring that they
brought a legacy to our majesty of great importance,
redounding to the no small commodity of our honour and
empire.
"Who then, the first day of their coming, being
brought to our presence, and received of us (as the man-
ner is) with honour accordingly, audience was given
them to hear what they had to say. They forthwith
bursting out of the mammon of ini(iuity, haughty pride,
stoutness and arrogancy, out of the execrable presump-
tion of their swelling heart, delivered their message
with letter apostolical, whereof the tenor was this :
' That we should always have before our eyes, how tliat
our sovereign lord the pope gave us the imperial crown,
and that it doth not repent him, if so be we have received
greater benefits at his hand.' And this was the effect of
that so sweet and fatherly legation, which should nourish
peace both of the church and of the empire, to unite
them fast together in the band of love.
"And at the hearing of this so false, untrue, and
most vain-glorious presumption of so proud a message,
not only the emperor's majesty conceived indignation,
but, also all the princes (there present) were moved
with such anger and rage thereat, that if our presence
and request had not stayed them, they would not have
held their hands from "these wicked priests, or else
would have proceeded with sentence of death against
them.
" Furthermore, because a great number of other
letters (partly written already, partly with seals ready
signed, for letters to be written according as they.sliould
think good to the churches of Germany) w^ere found
about them, whereby to work their conceived intent of
iniquity here in our churches, to spoil the altars, to
carry away the jewels of the church, and to tear off
the limbs and plates of golden crosses, &c. To the in-
tent their avaricious meaning should have no further
power to reign, we gave them commandment to depart
the same way they came. And now seeing our reign and
empire stands upon the election of princes from God alone,
who in the passion of his Son subdued the world to be
governed with two swords ; and again, seeing Peter the
apostle hath so instructed the world with this doctrine,
' Fear God, honour your king ;' therefore, whoso sayeth
that we have and possess our imperial kingdom by the
benefit of the lord pope, is contrary both to the ordi-
nance of God, and to the doctrine of Peter, and also shall
be reproved for a liar.
" Therefore as our endeavour has been heretofore to help
and to deliver the servile captivity of churches out of the
hand and from the yoke of such Egyptians, and to main-
tain the right of their liberties and dignities, we desire
you all with your compassion to lament with us this
slanderous ignominy, cast upon us and our kingdom,
trusting that your faithful good will, which has been ever
trusty to the honour of this empire (never yet blemished
from the first beginning of this city, and of religion) will
provide that it shall have no hurt through the strange
novelty and presumptuous pride of such. Which thing
rather than it should come to pass, know you this for
certain ; I had rather incur the danger of death, than
suffer such confusion to happen in our days."
This letter of the emperor fretted the pope not a little,
who wrote again to the bishops of Germany, accusing the
emperor, and requiring them to work against him what
they could.
This pope continued not very long, the space only of
four years and odd months.
Although this Adrian was bad enough, yet the next
was much worse. Alexander III. was not elected alone,
for the emperor with nine cardinals set up another pope,
named Victor IV. Between these two popes rose a great
discord that long continued. So that the emperor, being
required to take up the matter, sent for them both to ap-
pear before him, that in hearing them both he might
judge their cause better. Victor came, but Alexander
refused to appear. Whereupon the emperor, with a full
consent of his bishops and clergy ratified the election of
Victor. Alexander flying into France accursed them both,
sending his letters through all Christendom against them,
as men to be avoided and cast out of all christian com-
pany. Also at Rome, by flattery and money he got on
his side the greatest part of the city. After this, Alex-
ander coming from France to Sicily, and from thence to
Rome, was there received with much favour, through the
help of Philip the French king.
The emperor, hearing of this, marched with great force
into Italy. Coming at length to Rome, he required the
citizens that the cause betwixt the two popes might be
decided, and that he who had the best right might be
taken. Alexander mistrusting his part, and doubting
the will of the citizens, fled to Venice.
The emperor sent his son Otho, with men and ships
against Venice, charging him not to attempt any thing
before his coming. The young man more hardy than
circumspect, joined battle with the Venetians, was over-
come, and taken prisoner.
The father, to help the captivity and misery of his son,
was compelled to submit himself to the pope, and to treat
for peace. So the emperor coming to Venice (at St.
Mark's church, where the bishop was, there to get his
absolution) was obliged to kneel down at the pope's
feet.
The proud pope, setting his foot upon the emperor's
neck, said this verse of the psalm, " Thou shalt tread upon
the adder and the serpent, the lion iind the dragon shalt
A.D. 1155-1164.]
THE HISTORY OF THOMAS BECKET.
thou tread under thy feet." The emperor answered,
" Not to thee but to Peter." The pope a<j;ain, " Both
to nie and to Peter." The emperor, fearing to give nny
occasion for further quarrelling, held his peace, and so
was absolved, and peace made between them. The con-
ditions were : first, that he should receive Alexander aa
the true pope, and secondly, that he should restore to
the church of Rome all that he had taken away. And
thus the emperor, obtaining his son's release, departed.
Here, as I noted in various writers a great diversity and
variety concerning this matter, of whom some say that
the emperor encamped in Palestine before he came to
Venice, some say after, so I marvel to see in Volateran
(so great a favourer of the pope) such a contradiction,
who in his two- and- twentieth book saith, that Otho the
emperor's son was taken in this conflict, which was the
cause of the peace between his father and the pope. And
in his three-and-twentieth book again saith, that the
emperor himself was taken prisoner in the same battle ;
and so afterwards (peace concluded) took his journey to
Asia and Palestine. This pope, in the time of his papacy
(which continued one and twenty years) kept sundry
councils both in Turin and at Lateran, where he con-
firmed the wicked proceedings of Hildebrand, and his
other predecessors ; as to bind all orders of the clergy to
the vow of celibacy.
Now, as Thomas Becket lived in the time of this
Pope Alexander, let us narrate somewhat of him, so far
as shall seem worthy of knowing : to the end that the
truth being sifted from all flattery and lies of such
popish writers as write his history, men may the better
judge both of him, and his cause.
THE LIFE AND HISTORY OF THOMAS BECKET, ARCH-
BISHOP OF CANTERBURY.
If it be the cause that makes a martyr, I do not see
why we should esteem Thomas Becket a martyr, more
than any other whom the prince's sword punishes for
their crimes. To die for the church I grant is a glorious
matter. But the church (as it is a spiritual and not a tem-
poral church) stands upon a heavenly foundation, as upon
faith, religion, true doctrine, sincere discipline, obedience
to God's commandments ; and not upon things pertain-
ing to this world, as possessions, liberties, exemptions,
privileges, dignities, patrimonies, and superiorities. If
these be given to the church, I pray God church-men
may use them well ; but if they be not given, the church
cannot claim them ; or if they be taken away, such a
measure is in the prince's power. To contend with
princes about it does not in my mind make a martyr,
but rather a rebel. Therefore as I suppose Thomas
Becket to be far from the title of a martyr, yet would 1
have wished the law rather to have found out his fault,
than the swords of men to have smitten him, without
command of either prince, or of the law to do so. It
would have been the better way, for the laws to have ex-
ecuted their justice upon him ; and certainly it had been
the safest way for the king, and a'so thereby his death
had been without all suspicion of martyrdom, neither
had there been that shrining and sainting of him
that followed. If the emperors had dealt according to
the law with the popes who contended against them,
when they had taken them prisoners, that is, if they had
used the law of the sword against them, and chopped off
the heads of one or two, according to their traitorous re-
bellions, they had broken the neck of much of that dis-
turbance, which long after troubled the church. But,
because the emperors having the sword, and the truth on
their side, would not use their sword ; but standing in
awe of the pope's vain curse, and reverencing his seat for
St. Peter's sake, durst not lay hands upon him, though
be were never so abominable and traitorous a malefactor ;
the popes, perceiving that, took so much upon them, not
as the scripture would give, but as the superstitious fear
of emperors and kings would suffer them to take.
Now to the history, if that be true which is set forth
by those four, who took upon them to narrate the life of
Thomas Becket, it appears, that he was a man of a stout,
tevere and inflexible temper. Whatever opinion he had
129
once conceived, from that he would in nowise be re-
moved, or very hardly. Threatenings and flattering were
to him both alike; following no man's counsel so^mncH
as his own. He had more natural than cultivated talents,
although he was somewhat skilled in the civil law ; he
had a good memory, and was well trained in courtly and
worldly matters. Besides this, he was of a chaste and
strict life, if the histories be true ; although in the first
part of his life (being yet archdeacon of Canterbury, and
after lord chancellor) he was very civil, courtly, pleasant,
much given both to hunting and hawking, according ta
the guise of the court ; and he was highly favoured by\i»
prince, who not only had thus promoted him, but also
had committed his son and heir to his instruction and
government. But in this his first beginning he was not so
well beloved, but that afterward he was much hated, both
by the king, and also by the greater part of his subject*,
save only certain monks and priests, and such as were
persuaded by them, who magnified him not a little for up-
holding the liberties of the church ; that is, the licentious
life and excesses of church-men. He was full of devotion
but without any true religion ; zealous, but without knowl
ledge. And therefore as he was stiff and .stubborn of
nature, so (a blind conscience being joined with all) it
turned to plain rebellion. So superstitious was he to the
obedience of the pope, that he forgot his obedience to bis
natural and most beneficent king : and in maintaining so
contentiously the constitutions and decrees of men, he
neglected the commandments of God. But here he is
most of all to be reprehended, that he not only (contrary
to the king's knowledge) sought to convey himself out of
the realm, when holding so high place and calling, but also
set matter of discord between the pope and his king,
and also between the French king and him, contrary to
all propriety, good order, natural subjection, and truo
Christianity. Upon which followed no httle disquiet to
the king, and damage to the realm.
His first preferment was to the church of Branfield,
which he had by the gift of St. Alban. After that, h»
entered into the service of the archbishop of Canterbury,
by whom he was then preferred to be his archdeacon ;
in process of time the king made him lord chancellor,
and he then left playing the archdeacon, and began to play
the chancellor. He fashioned his proceedings like the
king's both in weighty matters and trifles ; he would hunt
with him, and watched the time when the king dined and
slept. He began to love the merry jestings < f the court, lo-
delight himself with the great applause of men, and praisa
of the people. And that I may pass over his household,
stuff, he had his bridle of silver, and the bosses of his
bridle were worth a great treasure. At his table and in
other exi)enses he surpassed any earl. He acted also thi
good soldier under the king in Gascony, and both woQ'
and kept towns : in the four-and-fortieth year of his age,
he was made priest, and the next day, consecrated
bishop.
As touching the priesthood of this man, I find histories
to vary in themselves : for if he were beneficed, and
chaplain to Theobald, and afterwards archdeacon (as some
say) it is not likely, but that he was priest before, and not
(as most English histories say) made priest in one day,
and archbishop the next.
The chief cause of the variance that sprung up be-
tween the king and this Thomas Becket, was this,
a canon having reviled the king's justices, the king was
offended, the archbishop, to pacify the king, com-
manded the canon to be whipped and deprived of his
benefices for certain years. But the king was not con-
tent with this gentle punishment, because it rather in-
creased their boldness, and therefore he called the arch-
bishop, bishops, and all the clergy, to assemble at
Westminster. When they were assembled, the kmg
commanded that such wicked clerks should have no pri-
vilege of their clergy, but be delivered to the jailors ; and
this he said their own canons and laws had decreed.
The archbishop, counselling with his bishops and
learned men, desired heartily the king's gentleness, that
under Christ our new king, and under the new law of
Christ he would bring in no new kind of punishment
into this reahn against the old decrees of the holf.
k2
130
VARIANCE BETWEEN THE KING AND THOMAS BECKET.
[Book IV.
fathers ; and he frequently said, " That he neither ought
nor could suffer it." The king being angered at this,
alleges the old laws and customs of his grandfather, ob-
served and agreed upon by archbishops, bishops, pre-
lates, and other privileged persons, inquiring likewise of
the archbishop whether he would agree to the same.
To which laws and customs Thomas partly granted, and
partly would not grant. The copy of the which said
laws are contained in the number of eight-and-twenty
or nine-and-twenty, whereof I thought here to recite
some not unworthy to be known.
The Copy of the old Laws and Customs whereunto
Thomas Becket did agree.
"1. That no order should be given to husbandmen's
children and bondmen's children, without the assent or
testimonial of the lords of the country where they were
born and brought up : and if their sons become clerks,
they shall not receive the order of priesthood without
licence of their lords.
" 2. That if a man of holy church hold any lay fee
in his hand, he shall do therefore the king the service
that belongeth thereto, as upon juries, assize of lands
and judgments, saving only at execution doing of
death.
" 3. That if any man were the king's traitor, and
had taken to the church, it should be lawful for the king
and his officers to take him out.
" 4. That if any felon's goods were brought to holy
church, there should none such keep there ; for every
felon's goods be the king's.
" 5. That no land should be given to the church, or
to any house of reUgion, without the king's licence."
These Articles following , Thomas agreed not unto.
"1. If there were any striving for church-goods, be-
tween a clerk and a layman, the plea should be done in
the king's court.
" 2. That neither bishop nor clerk should go out of
the land without the king's licence, and then he should
swear that he would procure no hurt against the king,
nor any of his.
" 3. If any man were denounced accursed, and were
come again to amendment, the king would not that he
should be sworn, but only find sureties to stand to that,
that holy church should award.
"4. That no man, that held of the king in chief,
ior in service, should be accursed without the king's
licence.
'• 5. Tliat all the bishoprics and abbeys that were
vacant, should be in the king's hands, until such time
that he should choose a prelate thereto, and he should
be chosen out of the king's chapels ; and iirst before he
■were confirmed, he should do his homage to the king.
" fi. If any plea were brought to the consistory, they
should appeal from thence to the archdeacon, and from
thence to the bishop's court, and from the bishop's
court to the archbishop's, and from thence to the king,
and no furthej-. So that in conclusion, the complaints
of holy church must come before the king, and not the
pope.
" 7. That debts, that were owing through troth plight,
should not be pleaded in spiritual, but in temporal
courts.
" 8. That the Peter-pence, which were gathered to
the pope, should be taken to the king.
" !). If any clerk were taken for felony and so proved,
he should be first degraded, and then through judgment
be hanged, or if he were a traitor, be drawn."
Other Laws and Constitutions made at Clarendon in
Normandi/, and sent to England, vhereimto Becket
and the Pope would not agree, he being then fed out
of ike realm.
"1. If any person shall be found to bring from the
pope, or from the archbishop of Canterbury, any writing
containing any interdict or curse againat the realm of Eng-
land, the same man to be apprehended without delay for
a traitor, and execution to be done upon the same.
"2. That no monk nor any clerk shall be permitted
to pass over into England without a passport from the il
king or his justices : who so doth the contrary, to be i||
attached and imprisoned.
"3. No man to be so bold as to appeal to the pope,
or to the archbishop of Canterbury out of England.
" 4. That no decree or commandment, proceeding (fl
from the authority of the pope, or the bishop of Canter,
bury, be received into England, under pain of taking and
imprisoning.
" 5. In general, to forbid any man to carry over any
commandment or precept, either of clerk or layman, to
the pope, or to the archbishop of Canterbury, uuder
pain of imprisonment.
" G. If any bishop, clerk, abbot, or layman shall do
contrary to this inhibition, or will keep the sentence of
interdicting, the same to be thrust out of the land,
with all their kindred, and to leave all their goods be-
hind them.
"7. All the possessions, goods, and chattels of such
as favour the pope or the archbishop of Canterbury, to
be seized and confiscate for the king.
" 8. All such of the clergy as be out of the realm,
and derive their rents and profits out of the land, to be
summoned and warned through every shire within three
months to repair home, or else their rents and goods to
return to the king.
" y. That St. Peter's-pence should be no more paid
to the apostolical see, but to be reserved diligently in
the king's coffers, and there to be at his commandment.
" 10. That the bishops of Salisbury and Norwich be
at the king's mercy, and be summoned by the sheriff,
and beadles, that they before the king's justices do right
to the king and his justices, because (contrary to the
statutes of Clarendon) by commandment they interdicted
the land of Earl Hugh, and published the same in their
diocese without licence of the king's justices."
By these and such other laws and decrees it may ap-
pear, that the abolishing of the pope's authority is no
new thing in the realm of England. This only differ-
ence is, that the pope being driven out then, could not
be kept out so long as he is now. The cause is, that
the time was not yet come that antichrist should be so
fully revealed ; nor was his wickedness then so fully ripe
as in our time. We will now return to
The Communication and Controversy between the King
and Thomas Becket, with his Clergy.
The king assembling his nobles and clergy, required
the punishment of some delinquent clergymen ; but
Thomas Becket not assenting, the king demanded
whether he would consent, that the customs set forth in
the realm (meaning the first part of those decrees above
specified) should be observed. To which the arch-
bishop, consulting together with his brethren, answered,
That he was content, adding this. Salvo ordine sno ; that
is, Saving his order. And in like manner all the otlier
bishops answered with the same addition. Salvo ordine
suo. Hilarius, bishop of Chichester, alone agreed to
observe them bona fide. The king was greatly offended
at this exception or saving clause ; and turning to the
archbishop and prelates, said, " That he was not well
content with that clause of theirs, Salvo ordine suo,
whicli was captious and deceitful, having some venom
lurking under it ; and therefore required an absolute
agreement, without any exception, to the king's ordi-
nances." To this the archbishop answered again, " Tliat
they had sworn to him their fidelity, both life, body,
and earthly honour. Salvo ordine suo ; and that in the
same earthly honour also those ordinances were compre-
hended, and to tlie observing of them they would bind
themselves after no other form, but as they had sworn
before." The king with this was very angry, and all his
nobility not a little. As for the other bishojis, there
was no doubt but they would easily have changed their
minds, bad not the boldness of the archbishop made
A.D.1164.]
BECKET YIELDS TO THE KING, BUT AFTERWARDS REPENTS.
l.Sl
them more constant than otherwise they would have
been. The day being well spent, the king departed in
great anger, giving no salutation to the bishops. The
day following, the king took from the archbishop all the
honours and lordships he had given him before in the
time that he was chancellor ; which shewed the great
displeasure of the king against him and the clergy. Not
long after this, the king removing from London (un
known to the bishops) sailed over to Normandy, whither
the bishop of London resorted to crave tlie king's fa-
vour, and gave him counsel how to gain over some of
the other bishops. And the greater part of the bishops
were by this means reconciled again to the king ; the
archbishop, with a few others, only remained still in
their obstinacy. The king, to try every means, when he
saw no fears nor threats could change him, tried him
with gentleness ; but it would not serve. Many of the
nobles laboured between them to influence Becket, but
it would not be. The archbishop of York, with other
bishops and abbots, especially the bishop of Chester,
did the same. Besides this, his own household daily
called upon him, but no one could persuade him. At
length learning what danger might happen not only to
himself, but to the other clergy from the kmg's dis-
pleasure, and considering the love and kindness of the
king towards him in time past, he was content to give
way to the king's wishes, and came to Oxford to him,
and reconciled himself. The king being somewhat
softened by this, received him with a more cheerful
countenance, but yet not so familiarly as before, saying,
" That he would have his ordinances and proceedings
after the prescribed form, confirmed in the public au-
dience and open sight of all his bishops and all his
nobles." After this, the king at Clarendon called there
all his peers and prelates before him, requiring to have
all performed, which they had promised, in consenting
to the observing of his grandfather's ordinances and
proceedings. The archbishop now drew back from his
promise, but at last he was induced to assent. First
came to him the bishops of Salisbuiy and of Norwich,
weeping and lamenting to the archbishop, desiring him
to have some compassion of them, and to cease tliis op-
position to the king, lest it should exasperate the king's
displeasure, and cause himself to be imprisoned, and the
whole clergy endangered. Besides these two bishops,
there went to him two noble peers of the realm, influ-
encing him to relent and yield to the king's wishes : or
if not, that they should be forced to use such violence,
as would not be consistent with the king's fame, and
much less with his quietness ; but yet the obstinacy of
the man would not give over. After this came to him
two rulers of the temple, called templars, w-ith their
company, lamenting and bewailing the great danger
which they declared was hanging over his head : yet
neither with their tears, nor with their kneelings would
he be persuaded. At length came the last message
from the king, signifying with express words, and also
with tears, what he might expect, if he would not give
over.
By this message, either terrified or persuaded, he at
last submitted. The king immediately assembling the
states, the archbishop, before all others, promises the
king obedience and submission, and that cum bona fide,
leaving out his former addition, Salvo ordine: instead of
which he promised in verba veritatis, to observe and
keep the king's customs, and swear to the same. After
him tlie other bishops took the same oath ; upon which
the king commanded certain instruments obligatory to
be drawn, of which the king should have one, the arch-
bishop of Canterbury another, the archbishop of York
the third, requiring the latter prelate also to set to his
hand and seal. He, though he was ready to do so, yet
desired a little delay that he (being but newly come to
his bishopric) might, better peruse the customs and or-
dinances of the king. This request, as it seemed but
reasonable, was easily granted.
Alanus, one of the four writers of the life of this
Thomas Becket, records, that the archbishop in his
journey to Winchester, began greatly to repent of what
he had done through the instigation chiefly of his cross -
bearer, who earnestly expostulated with him for yielding
to the king's request, against the privilege and liberties
of the church, polluting not only his fame and con-
science, but also giving a pernicious example to those
that should come after. To make the matter short, the
aichbishop was touched with such repentance, that
keeping himself from all company, lamenting with tears,
with fasting, and afflicting himself with much penance,
he suspended himself from all Divine service, and would
not be comforted, till he was absolved by the pope, who,
compassionating the tears of his dear chicken, directed
to him letters by the same messenger which Thomas had
sent to him. In which letters he not only absolved him,
but also with words of great consolation encouraged him
to be determined in the aflair which he took in hand.
The copy of which consolatory letter here follows : —
" Alexander bishop, &c. Your brotherhood is not
ignorant that it has been advertised us, how that upon
the occasion of a certain transgression or excess of yours,
you have determined to cease henceforth from saying of
mass, and to abstain from the consecration of the body
and blood of the Lord ; which determination, how dan-
gerous it is (especially in such a personage) and also
what inconvenience may rise from it, I wish you ad-
visedly to consider, and discreetly to ponder. Your
wisdom ought not to forget what diff"erence there is be-
tween those who advisedly and willingly offend, and
those who through ignorance and for necessity sake of-
fend. For, as you read, so much the greater is wilful
sin, as the same not being voluntary is a lesser sin.
Therefore if you remember yourself to have done any
thing that your own conscience accuses you of, whatever
it be, we counsel you (as a prudent and wise prelate) to
acknowlege it. Which done, the merciful and pitiful
God, who has more respect to the heart of the doer than
to the thing done, will remit and forgive you the same
according to his accustomed great mercy. And we,
trusting in the merits of the blessed apostles St. Peter
and St. Paul, do absolve you from the offence commit-
ted, and by the authority apostolical we release you to
your fraternity, counselling you and commanding you,
that henceforth you abstain not (for this cause) from the
celebration of the mass."
This letter, with others of the same kind, the pope
then wrote to him, animating and comforting him in this
quarrel, which so nearly pertained to the pope's profit.
By which, Becket took no small courage and consolation.
In the meantime, the king hearing how he now refused
to set his seal to those sanctions which he yielded to be-
fore, felt no small displeasure against him, so that
threatening him, he began to call him to account, and
to burthen him with payments, that all men could per-
ceive that the king was against him. The archbishop
thought to escape out of the realm, and went in the
night (with two or three stealing with him out of his
house), to take shipping privately. Now among other
of the king's ordinances and laws, this was one, "That
none of the prelacy or nobility, without the king's licence,
or of his justices, should depart out of the realm." So
Becket twice attempted to take shipping to flee to the
see of Rome ; but the weather not being favourable, he
was driven home again, and for that time frustrated in
his purpose. After his flight began to be known, the
king's ot.lcers came to Canterbury to seize upon his
goods in the king's behalf. But the night before their
coming, Becket had returned, and was found at home,
so they did not proceed in their purpose.
Upon this, the archbishop (understanding the king's
displeasure against him, and that the seas would not
serve him), made haste to the court, which was then at
Woodstock. The king received him, but not so fami-
liarly as he used, taunting him jestingly and merrily, as
though one realm were not large enough to hold them
both. Becket, although he was permitted to go and
come at his pleasure to the court, he could not obtain
the favour that he wanted. The archbishop of York la-
boured to make peace between them ; but the king would
not be reconciled unless Becket would subscribe to hi|
132
DISSIMULATION OF THE POPE. BECKET CITED TO NORTHAMPTON. LBook IV.
laws. The king, considering his regal authority,
thought it too much that any subject should stand
against him. And the archbishop, emboldened by the
authority of the pojie, thouglit himself strong enough
against the king and all his realm. So that the arch-
bishop would not yield, but by virtue of his apostolical
authority gave censure upon tliese laws and constitutions
of the king, condemning some, and approving others.
Besides this, there came also Rotrodiis archbishop of
Rothomage (sent from the pope) to make peace between
the king and Canterbury : to which the king was content,
provided the pope would agree to ratify his ordinances.
But when that could not be obtained at the pope's hands,
then the king being stopped by Becket's apostolic legacy,
(bein^ legatus a latere) sent to the pope, to obtain of
him, that the same authority of the apostolic legacy
might be conferred on the archbishop of York : but the pope
refused. However, the pope was willing that the king
himself should be legate ; ac which the king felt great in-
dignation (as Hoveden writes), so that he sent back the
pope's letters.
The pope being perplexed, began after the old practice
of popish prelacy, to play with both hands : privily con-
spiring with the one, and openly dissembling with the
other. First he granted to the king's ambassadors their
request, to have the legate removed, and to place the
archbishop of York in that office ; and then to protect
the cause of Thomas Becket. He adds a promise, that
Becket should receive no harm or damage thereby. Thus
the po])e craftily managing the matter between them both,
writes to the king openly, and secretly directs another
letter to Becket : the contents whereof here follow.
Alexander the pope, to Thomas Archbishop of Canterhury .
" Although we. condescending to the king's request,
have granted the gift of our legacy after his mind from
you : yet let not your mind thereby be discomforted, nor
brought into sighs of despair. For before we had granted
that, or gave our consent thereunto, the king's ambas-
sadors firmly promised in the word of truth (ready also
to be sworn upon the same, if I would so have required)
that their letters also which he had obtained, should not
be delivered to the archbishop of York without our know-
ledge and consent therein. This is certain, and so per-
suade yourself boldly without any scruple, doubt or mis-
trust, that it was never my mind or purpose, nor ever shall
be ((Jod willing) to subdue you or your church under the
obedience of any person, to be subject to any, save only
to llie bishop of Rome. And therefore we warn you and
charge you, that if you shall perceive the king to deliver
these foresaid letters, which we trust he will not attempt
without our knowledge to do ; forthwith by some trusty
messengers or by your letters you will give us knowledge
thereof : whereby we may provide upon the same both for
your person, your church, and also your city committed
to you, to be clearly exempt by our authority apostolical,
from all power and jurisdiction of any legacy."
The king, after he had received the letters from the
pope, began to put forth more strength to his purposed
proceedings, against the archl)ishop, beginning with
inferiors of the clergy, such as were offenders against his
laws : as felons, robbers, quarrellers, breakers of peace,
and especially such as had committed homicide and mur
ders, whereof more than a hundred at that time were
proved upon the clergy, (Guliel. Neuburgensis, de gestis
Anglorum, lib. 2. cap Ki.) urging and constraining them
to be arraigned after the order of the temporal law, and
justice to be administered to them according to their de-
serts : as, first, to be deprived, and so be committed to
the secular hands. This seemed to Becket to derogate
from the liberties of holy church, that the secular
power should pass in criminal causes, or sit in judgment
against any ecclesiastical person. This law of exemption,
the clergy had forged out of Anaclclus, and Euaristus,
by whose falsely alleged and pretended autliority, they
have deduced this constitution from tlie apostles, giv-
ing immunity to all ecclesiastical persons to be free
from secular jurisdiction ! Becket, therefore, like a
valiant champion (fighting for his liberties, and having
the pope on his side) would not permit his clerka to b«
examined and deprived for their crimes, unless before
ecclesiastical judges, and no secular judge to proceed
against them : but that after their deprivation, if they
should incur the like offence again, then the temporal
judge might proceed against them. This obstinate and
stubborn rebellion of the archbishop stirred up much
anger and vexation in the king, and not only in him
but also in the nobles and the greater part of the
bishops, so that he was almost alone a wonder to all the
realm.
The king's wrath daily increasing more and more
against him, he caused him to be cited to appear by a
certain day at the town of Northampton, there to make
answer to such things as should be laid to his charge.
So when the day was come (all the peers and nobles,
with the prelates of the realm upon the king's procla-
mation being assembled in the castle of Northampton)
great fault was found with the archbishop for that be
(though personally cited to appear) did not come him-
self, but sent another in his stead. The cause why he
came not, Hoveden assigns to be this : the king had
placed his horse and horse-men in the archbishop's lodg-
ing ; he being offended at this, sent word that he would not
appear, unless his lodging were cleared of the king's
horsemen, &c. Upon which, by the public sentence as
well of all the nobles, as of the bishops, all his move-
ables were adjudged to be confiscated for the king, unless
the king's clemency would remit the penalty.
The next day the king laid an action against him in
behalf of his marshal, for certain injuries done to him, and
required of the archbishop the repaying of certain money,
lent to him when chancellor, amounting to five hundred
marks. This money the archbishop denied not that he
had received from the king, but he said it was by way
and title of a gift, though he could bring no proof thereof.
The king required him to give security for the payment :
the archbishop was so called upon, that either he should be
accountable to the king for the money ; or else he should
incur present danger, the king being so bent against him.
And being brought to such a strait, and destitute of his
own suffragans, he could not have escaped, had not five
persons of their own accord stepped in, being bound for
him, every man for one hundred marks each. And this
was concluded upon the second day.
The morrow after, which was the third day of the
council, as the archbishop was sitting below in a conclave
with his fellow bishops about him, consulting together,
the doors being fast locked on them, as the king had
commanded, it was propounded to him in the behalf of
the king, that he had divers bishopricks, and abbaricks in
his hand which were vacant, with the fruits and revenues
thereof due to the king for certain years, of which he had
rendered as yet no account to the king : wherefore it was
demanded of him to bring in a full and clear reckoning
of the same.
Thus, while the bishops and prelates were in council,
advising and deliberating what was to be done, at length
it came to voices, every man to say his mind, and to give
sentence what was the best course for their archbishop to
take. First began Henry bishop of Winchester, who
took part with Becket so much as he durst for fear of the
king, he said, " He remembered that the archbishop, first
being archdeacon, and then lord chancellor, when he was
promoted to the church of Canterbury, was discharged
from all bonds and reckonings of the temporal court, as
all the other bishops could not but remember and witness."
Next spake Gilbert, bishop of London, exhorting the
archbishop, that he should call to mind from whence
the king took him, and set him up ; what, and how
great things he had done for him ; also that he should
consider the dangers and perils of the time, and what ruin
he might bring upon the whole church (and ujion them
all there present) if he resisted the king's mind in the
things he required. And if it were to render up his arch-
bishoprick, although it were ten times better than it is,
yet he should not hesitate in the matter. To this the
archbishop answering, " Well, well," said he, " I perceive
well enough, my Lord, whither you tend." Then spake
Winchester, ""This form of counsel," saith he, "seem*
A. D. 1164.]
ADVICE OF THE BISHOPS, AND BECKET'S REPLY.
1:5.?
to me very pernicious to the catholic church, tending to
I our subversion, and to the confusion of us all. For if
; our archbishop and primate of all England do lean to this
I example, that every bishop should give over his authority
. and the charge of the flock committed to him, at the com-
I tnand and threat of the prince, to what state shall the
I church be brought, but that all shall be confounded at his
( pleasure and arbitrament, and nothing shall remain cer-
I tain by any order of law, and as the priest is, so shaJl the
j people be ?"
Hilary, the bishop of Chichester replies to this saying,
' *' If it were not that the urgency and the great danger of
I the times did otherwise require and force us, I would
think this counsel here given were good to be followed.
But now seeing the authority of our canon fails, and can-
■ not serve us, I judge it not best to go so strictly to work,
' but so to moderate our proceedings, that dispensation
I with sufferance may win that which severe correction may
I destroy. Wherefore my counsel and reason is, to give
i place to the king's purpose for a time, lest by over hasty
1 proceeding, we exceed so far, that both it may redound
I to our shame, and also we cannot rid ourselves out again
, when we would."
Much to the same end spake Robert the bishop of Lin-
i coin, " Seeing," saith he, " it is manifest that the life and
' blood of this man is sought, one of these two must needs
; be chosen ; that either he must part with his archbishop-
rick, or else with his life. Now what profit he shall
, take in this matter of his bishoprick, his life being lost, I
do not greatly see."
Next followed Bartholomew bishop of Exeter with his
; advice, who inclining his counsel to the state of the time,
; affirmed how the days were evil and perilous ; and if they
, could escape the violence of that raging tempest by bear-
1 ing and relenting, it were not to be refused. But that,
he said, could not be, except strictness should give place
to moderation ; and the state of the times required no
less, especially as that persecution was not general, but
personal and particular ; and he thought it more holy and
convenient, for one head to run into some danger, than
the whole of the church of England be exposed to inevit-
'able inconvenience.
! The answer of Roger bishop of Worcester advised nei-
' ther the one, nor the other: he said that he would give an-
! swer on neither part ; " for if I should say that the pastoral
I function and cure of souls ought to be relinquished at the
'king's will or threatening, then my mouth shall speak
I against my conscience to the condemnation of my own
I head. And if I shall give again contrary counsel to resist
I the king's sentence, they are here who will hear it, and
I report it to his grace, and so I shall be in danger to be
Ithrust out of the synagogue, and accounted amongst the
'public rebels to be condemned with them : wherefore
neither do I say this, nor counsel that."
' Against these voices and censures of the bishops,
iBecket the archbishop replies, expostulating and check-
ing them with rebukeful words, " I perceive (said he) and
understand you go about to maintain and cherish but
your own cowardliness under the colourable shadow of
j sufferance, and under pretence of dissembling softness to
choak the liberty of Christ's church. Who hath thus
Ibe witched you, O insatiable bishops .' What mean ye ?
I Why do ye so, under the impudent title of forbearing,
I bear a double heart, and cloak your manifest iniquity?
iWhat call ye this bearing with the times, to the detri-
|ment of the church of Christ : Let terms serve the mat-
'ter. Why pervert you that which is good with untrue
iterms ? For that ye say we must bear with the malice of
itime, I grant with you : but yet we must not heap sin to
•in. Is not God able to help the state and condition of
'his church, without the sinful dissimulation of the teach-
|ers of the church ? Certainly God is disposed to try you.
jAnd tell me when should the governors of the church
1 put themselves to dangers for the church, in time of tran-
quillity, or in time of distress ? And now then (the church
lying in so great distress and vexation) why should not
the good pastor put himself into peril for it? For neither
do I think it a greater act or merit for the ancient bishops
of the old time, to lay the foundation of the church then
with their blood, than now for us to shed our blood for
the liberties of the same. And to tell ycu plain, I think
it not safe for you to swerve from an example which you
have received of your holy elders."
On the next day following, because it was Sunday, no-
thing was done. So the day after, the archbisliop was
cited to appear before the King. But the night before
he was taken with a disease, so he kept his bed that day,
and was not able to rise. The morrow after, some that
were about him, fearing that some danger would happen
to him, gave him counsel in the morning to have a mass
in honour of the holy martyr St. Stephen, to keep him
from the hands of the enemies that day. When the
morrow was come (being Tuesday) there came to him the
bishops and prelates, counselling and persuading him co-
vertly by insinuation, (for they durst not openly) that he
would submit himself with all his goods (as also his arch •
bishoprick) to the will of the king, if peradventure his
indignation by that means might assuage. Adding, that
unless he would do so, perjury would be laid against him :
for that he being under the oath of fidelity to keep the
king's laws and ordinances, would not now observe them.
To this Becket the archbishop answered again, "Brethren,
ye see and perceive well how the world is set against me,
and how the enemy rises and seeks my confusion. And
although these things are dolorous and lamentable, yet
the thing that grieves me most of all, is this, the sons of
mine own mother are pricks and thorns against me. And
although I do hold my peace, yet the posterity will know
and report how cowardly you have turned your backs, and
have left your archbishop and metropolitan alone in his
conflict, and how you have sat in judgment against me
(although guiltless of crime) now two days together, and
not only in the civil and spiritual court, but also in the
temporal court, are ready to do the same. But in gene-
ral, this I charge and command (on the virtue of pure
obedience, and in peril of your order) that ye be pre-
sent personally in judgment against me. And that ye
shall not fail so to do, I here appeal to our mother (the
refuge of all such as be oppressed) the church of Rome :
and if any secular men shall lay hands upon me (as it is
rumoured they will) I straitly enjoin and charge you in
the same virtue of obedience, that you exercise your cen-
sure ecclesiastical upon them, as it becomes you to do for
a father and an archbishop. And this I do you to under-
stand, that though the world rage, and the enemy be fierce
and the body trembles (for the flesh is weak), yet God so
favouring me, I will neither cowardly shrink, nor yet
vilely forsake my flock committed to my charge," &c.
But the bishop of London, contrary to this command-
ment of the archbishop, did forthwith appeal from him.
And thus the bishops departed from him to the Court,
save only two, Henry of Winchester, and Joceline of
Salisbury, who returned with him secretly to his chamber,
and comforted him. This done, the archbishop, (who
yesterday was so sore sick that he could not stir out of
his bed) now addresses him to his mass of St. Stephen
with all solemnity, as though it had been an high festi-
val day, with his metropolitan pall, which was not used
but upon the holy days, &c.
The mass being ended, the archbishop (putting off his
pall, his mitre, and other robes) proceeded to the
king's court. But yet not trusting to the strength of his
mass, to make the matter more sure, he takes also
the sacrament privately about him, thinking himself suf-
ficiently defended thereby against all evils. In going to
the king's chamber (there to wait the king's coming)
as he entered the door, he takes from Alexander his
crozier, the cross, with the cross-staft", in the sight of all
that stood by, and carries it in himself, the other bi-
shops following him, and saying he did otherwise than
became him. Amongst others, Robert bishop of Here-
ford offered himself to bear his cross, rather than he
should so do, for that it was not comely ; but the arch-
bishop would not suffer him. Then said the bishop of
London to him, " If the king shall see you come armed
into his chamber, )ierchance he will draw out his sword
against you, which is stronger than yours, and then
what shall this profit you?" The archbishop answered
again, " If the king's sword do cut carnally, yet my sword
cuts spiritually and strikes down to hell. But you, my
134
BECKET ACCOUNTED A TRAITOR AND FLIES THE KINGDOM.
[Book IV
lord, as you Imve played the. fool in this matter, so
you -.vill not yet leave off your folly for any thin? I can
see;" an 1 so hi came into the chamber. The king
hearing of his coming, and of his manner, tarried not
long. First, the crier called the prelates and all the lords
of the temper ilty together. That being done (and every
one placed in his seat according to his degree) the king
begins with a great complaint against the archbishop for
his manner of entering into the court, " not as a subject
into a king'a court, but as a traitor, shewing himself in
such sort as has not been seen before in any christian
king's court, professing christian faith." To this all
there present gave witness with the king, affirming him
always to be a vain and proud man, and that the shame
of his act did not only redound against the prince him-
self, but also against his whole realm. They said, too,
that this had so happened to the king, because that he
had done so much for such a man, advancing him so
highly. And so all together with one cry, called him
traitor on every side, as one that refused to give earthly
honour to the king, in keeping (as he had sworn) his
laws and ordinances, at whose hands also he had re-
ceived such honour and great perferments : and there-
fore he was well worthy (said they) to be handled like a
perjured traitor and rebel. Whereupon there was great
doubt and fear what would befal him. The archbishop
of York, coming down to his men, said he could not
abide to see what the archbishop of Canterbury was like
to suffer. Likewise, the tipstaves, and other ministers
of the assembly, coming down with an outcry against him,
crossed themselves at seeing his haughty stubbornness,
and the business that was about him. Some there were
of his disciples sitting at his feet, comforting him
softly, and bidding him to lay his curse upon them.
Others bidding him not to curse, but to pray and forgive
them ; and if he lost his life in the quarrel of the
church and the liberty thereof, he should be happy. In
the meantime comes Bartholomew bishop of Exeter, de-
siring him to have regard and compassion of himself, and
also of them, or else they were all likely to suffer ; for (said
he) "there comes out a precept from the king that he shall
be taken, and sufferfor an open rebel, whoever takes your
part. It is said, too, that Joceline bishop of Salisbury,
and William bishop of Norwich, are to be brought to the
place of execution, for their resisting and making inter-
cession for the bishop of Canterbury." When he had
thus said, the archbishop, looking upon the said bishop
of Exeter, " Avoid hence from me," saith he, " thou
understandest not, neither dost savour those things that
be of God."
The bishops and prelates then going aside by them-
selves from the other nobles, the king permitting them
to do so, took counsel together what was to be done.
Here the matter stood in a doubtful perplexity, for
they must either incur the dangerous indignation of the
king, or else with the nobles they must proceed in con-
demnation against the archbishop for resisting the king's
sanctions. In this strict necessity they at length agreed
upon this, that they with common assent should cite
the archbishop to the see of Rome upon perjury : and
that they should oblige and bind themselves to the king
with a sure promise, to work their diligence in deposing
the archbishop ; upon this condition that the king
should promise their safety, and discharge them from the
peril of the judgment which was against them. So all
the bishops, obliging themselves thus to the king, went
to the archbishop, one speaking for the rest (which
was Hilary bishop of Chichester), in these words, " Once
you have been our archbishop, and so long we were bound
to your obedience ; but now forasmuch as you, once
swearing your fidelity to the king, do resist him, neglect-
ing his injunctions and ordinances, concerning and ap-
pertaining to his civil honour and dignity ; we here
pronounce you perjured, neither are we bound to give
obedience to an archbishop thus being perjured ; but,
putting ourselves and all ours in the pope's protection,
we do cite you up to his presence." And they assigned
him his day and time to appear. The archbishop upon
this sends to Rome in all haste to the pope, informing
him by letters of the whole matter, how, and wherefore,
and by whom he was cited.
The archbishop being thus cited up to Rome, still sat
with his cross in the court, neither giving place to the
king's request, nor abashed with the clamour of the
whole court against him, calling him traitor on every
side ; at length the king, by certain earls and barons,
sent command to him that he should without delay come
and render a full account of all he had received, as the
profits and revenues of the realm during the time he was
chancellor, and specially for the 150,000 marks, for the
which he was accountable to the king. The archbishop
answered, " The king knew how often he had made his
reckoning of those things which were now required of
him ; and that Henry, his son and heir of his realm, with
all his barons, and also Richard Lucy, chief justice of
England told him, that he was free and clear before God
and holy church from all receipts and reckonings, and
from all secular exactions on the king's behalf. And
that he, taking thus his discharge at their hands, en.
tered into his office ; and therefore he would make no
other account besides this." When this word was brought
to the king, he required his barons to put the law in force
against him ; and they sentenced him to be apprehended
and laid in prison. This done, the king sends the earl
of Cornwall and Devonshire, and the earl of Leicester,
to declare to him his judgment. The archbishop an-
swered, " Hear, my son, and good earl, what I say to
you : how much more precious the soul is than the
body, so much more ought you to obey me in the Lord,
rather than your earthly king. Neither does any law or
reason permit the children to judge or condemn their fa-
ther. Wherefore, to avoid both the judgment of the
king, of you, and all others, I put myself wholly to
the arbitration of the pope, under God alone, to be
judged by him, and by no other ; to whose presence I
do appeal here before you aU ; committing the ordering
of the church of Canterbury, my dignity, with all other
things appertaining to the same, under the protection
of God and him. And as for you, my brethren and
fellow bishops, who rather obey man than God, you also
I call and cite to the audience and judgment of the pope,
and depart henceforth from you, as from the enemies
of the catholic church, and of the authority of the apos-
tolic see."
Wliile the barons returned with this answer to the
king, the archbishop, passing through the throng, takes
his palfry, holding his cross in one hand, and his bridle
in the other, the courtiers following after, and crying,
" Traitor ! traitor ! tarry, and hear thy judgment." But
he passed on. While the king was at supper, he prepares
his journey secretly to escape away ; and changing his
garment and his name, went first to Lincoln, and from
thence to Sandwich, where he took ship and sailed into
Flanders, and from thence journeyed into France, as Ho-
veden writes. However Alanus, differing something in
the order of his flight says, " that he departed not
that night ; but at supper-time there came to him the
bishops of London and Chichester, declaring to him that
if he would surrender to the king his two manors of
Otford and Wingcham, there was hope to recover the
king's favour, and to have all forgiven. But when
the archbishop would not agree, as those manors be-
longed to the church of Canterbury, the king hearing
thereof took great displeasure, so that the next day
Becket was fain to send to the king for leave to depart
the realm. The king answered, " That he would pause
till the next day, and then he should have an answer."
But Becket not waiting for his answer, conveyed himself
away secretly to Lewis the French king. But before he
came to the king, Gilbert the bishop of London, and
William, the earl of Arundel, were sent from the king of
England to France, re<juiring the French king, on the
part of the king of England, not to receive nor retain
in his dominion the archbishop of Canterbury.
The French king, understanding the matter, and think-
ing thereby to have some advantage against the king
of England, not only harbours this Becket, but also
writing to the pope, intreats him to support the cause
A. D. IIGS.]
THOMAS BECKET RESIGNS HIS SEE TO THE POPE.
135
of the archbishop. The king sent another embassage
to Pope Alexander. The ambassadors sent on this mes-
sage were Roger archbishop of York, Gilbert bishop of
London, Henry bishop of Winchester, Hilary bishop of
Chichester, Bartholomew bishop of Exeter ; with other
doctors and clerks ; also William Earl of Arundel, with
otlier lords and barons, who coming to the pope's court
were friendly received by some of the cardinals. Among
the cardinals there arose some dissension about the mat-
ter. Some judging that the bishop of Canterbury in
defence of the liberties of the church was to be main-
tained. Some thinking again, that he (being a dis-
turber of peace and unity) was rather to be bridled for
his presumption, than to be fostered and encouraged.
But the pope wholly inclined to Becket. Wherefore the
day following, the pope sitting in consistory with his
cardinals, the ambassadors were called for the hearing
of Becket's matter ; and first begins the bishop of Lon-
don ; next, the archbishop of York ; then Exeter ; and
the other bishops, every one in their order. Their ora-
tions were not well received by the pope, and some of
them were disliked. The earl of Arundel perceiving that,
began after this manner :
" Although it is unknown to me, who am both unlet
tered and ignorant, what it is that these bishops here
liave said, nor am I so able to express my mind in that
tongue as they have done ; yet being sent and charged
thereto by my prince, neither can nor ought I but to
declare (as well as I may) what is the cause of our send-
ing hither : not indeed to contend or strive with any
person, nor to offer any injury or harm to any man,
especially in this place, and in the presence here of such
an one to whose beck and authority all the world
stoops and yields. But for this time is our legation hi-
ther directed, to present here before you, and in the
presence of the whole church of Rome, the devotion
and love of our king and master, which he ever has had,
and yet has still towards you. And that the same might
the better appear to your excellency, he has assigned and
appointed to this legation, not the least, but the great-
est, not the worst, but the best and chiefest of all his
subjects ; both archbishops, bishops, earls, barons, with
other potentates more, of such worthiness and paren-
tage, that if he could have found greater in all his realm,
he would have sent them, both for the reverence of your
person, and of the holy church of Rome. Over and
beside this, I might add more (which your holiness has
sufficiently tried and proved already) the true and
hearty fidelity of this our king and sovereign toward
you (in his first entrance to his kingdom) wholly sub-
mitting himself, with all that is his besides, to your will
and pleasure. And truly, to testify of his majesty how
he is disposed to the unity of the catholic faith : we
believe there is none more faithful to Christ than he, nor
more devout to God, nor yet more moderate in keeping
the unity of peace whereto he is called. And as I may be
bold to protest this for our king and master, so neither do
I affirm the archbishop of Canterbury to be a man desti-
tute or unfurnished with gifts and qualities in his calling,
but to be a man both sage and discreet in such things as
appertain to him, save only that he seems to some more
quick and sharp than needs. This blot alone if it were
not, and if the breach between our king and him had
not so happened, both the authorities together (the
temporal and spiritual) might quietly have flourished
one with the other in much peace and concord, both
tinder a prince so worthy, and a pastor so virtuous.
Wherefore, the case so standing as it does, our mes-
sage hither, and our supplication to your vigilant pru-
dence is, that (through your favour ,ind wisdom) the
neck of this dissension may be broken, and that refor-
mation of unity and love (by some good means) may be
sought."
This oration of his, although it was liked for its soft-
ness and moderation, yet it did not persuade the Ro-
mish bishop to condescend to their request ; which was, to
have two legates or arbitrators to be sent into England,
to examine the controversy between the king and the
archbishop. But the pope would not grant their peti-
tion ; as it would be prejudicial and tending to the
oppression of the archbishop. And therefore he de-
sired them to wait his coming ; otherwise being absent,
he would not in any case proceed against him. But
they, alleging that their appointed time was expired,
said, " Thai they could not wait for the coming of
Becket, but must return back with their cause frustrated,
and without the pope's blessing to the king." Within
four days after, Becket comes to the pope's court, where
prostrating himself at his feet, he brought out of his
bosom a scroll containing the customs and ordinances
of the king. The pope receiving the scroll, and read-
ing it in the open hearing of his cardinals, condemned
and accursed the most part of the decrees of the king,
which he called "his grandfather's ordinances." Be-
sides this, the pope blamed Becket, for having so much
yielded at the beginning : yet, because he was repen-
tant, he was content to absolve him for tlie same, and that
the rather, because of his great troubles, which for the
liberties of holy church he had sustained, and so with
great favour dismissed him for that day.
The next day, Alexander the pope assembling his
cardinals together in his secret chamber, archbishop
Becket appears before them, making this oration to the
pope and his popelings, which here I thought to set out
in our English tongue, that posterity hereafter may un-
derstand either the vain superstition or vile slavery of
the churchmen in those days, who being not content
with their own natural prince and king given them by
God, must seek further to the pope.
The Oration of Becket resigning his bishoprick to the
Pope.
" Fathers and lords, I ought not to lie in any place,
much less before God and in your presence here. Where-
fore, with much sighing and sorrow of heart, I grant and
confess, that these troubles of the church of England
were raised through my miserable fault. For I entered
into the fold of Christ, but not by the door of Christ ;
for that the canonical election did not call me lawfully
thereunto, but terror of public power drove me in. And
although against my will I took this burden upon me,
yet not the will of God, but man's pleasure placed me
in that office. And therefore no wonder all things have
gone contrary and backward with me. And as for the
resigning it again, if I had so done, and given up to their
hands the privilege of my episcopal authority, which I had
granted to me at the command of the king (as my fellow
bishops did urgently call upon me to do), then had I
left a pernicious and dangerous example to the whole
catholic church. Therefore I thought good to defer that
to your presence. And now acknowledging my ingress
not to be canonical, and therefore fearing it to have the
worse end ; and again pondering my strength and ability
(as not sufficient for such a charge) lest I should be
found to hold that office to the ruin of the flock to whom
I was appointed an unworthy pastor, I here render up
to your fatherly hands the archbishopric of Canterbury,
&c." And so putting off his ring from his finger, and
offering it to the pope, he desired a bishop to be provided
for the church of Canterbury : seeing he thought not
himself meet to fulfil the same, and so (with tears, as
the history saith) he ended his oration.
This done, the archbishop was bid to stand aside, and
the pope conferred with his cardinals about the resigna-
tion of Becket, what was best to be done. Some thought
it best to take the opportunity offered, thinking that
thereby the king's wrath might easily be assuaged, if the
church of Canterbury were assigned to some other
person, and Becket otherwise provided for. Others
again thought otherwise, whose reason was, " If he (who
for the liberties of the church had ventured not only his
goods, dignity, and authority, but also his life) should
now at the king's pleasure be deprived, it might be a
precedent hereafter to others ; and so it might redound
not only to the weakening of the Catholic church, but
also to the derogation of the pope's authority. Briefly,
this sentence at length prevailed ; and so Becket receives
his pastoral office from the pope's hand again, with com-
mendation and much favour. But as he could not well
136
LETTER OF THE POPE TO KING HENRY. AN ANSWER TO THE POPE. [Book IV.
be placed in England, in the mean while the pope sends
him with a monk's habit into the abbey of Pontigny
in France, where he remained two years ; from thence
he removed to Senon, where he abode live years. So the
time of his exile continued seven years in all.
Upon this, the king being certified by his ambassadors
of the pope's answer, how his favour inclined more to
Becket than to him, was moved (and very naturally)
with displeasure ; and upon sailing from England unto
Normandy, he directed certain injunctions again,t the
pope and the archbishop of Canterbury.
These and other injunctions Becket partly specifies in a
letter, writing to a friend of his in this manner.
"Thomas archbishop of Canterbury, to his well be-
loved friend, &c. Be it known to your brotherly good-
ness that we, with all ours here (by God's grace) are safe
and in good health. Having a good hope and trust in
your faithful friendship, I charge you, and require you,
that either by the bringer hereof, or by some other
(whom ye know faithful and trusty to our church of Can-
terbury, and to us) you write with all speed what is done.
As to the king's decrees here set out, they are these :
• That all havens and ports should be diligently kept,
that no letters of the pope's interdict or curse be brought
in. And if any monks bring them in, they shall have
their feet cut off; if he be a priest or clerk, he shall
be mutilated ; if he be a layman, he shall be hanged ;
if he be a leper he shall be burned. And if any bi-
shop, for fear of the pope's interdict, will depart, let
him have nothing else besides his staff' only in his hand.
Also the king's will is, that all scholars and students
beyond the seas shall repair home, or else lose their be-
nefices. And if they shall remain still, they shall lose
the liberty of ever returning. Further, if any such priests
shall be found who for the pope's suspension or interdict
will refuse to officiate, they shall be mutilated. In short,
all such priests as shew themselves rebels to the king, let
them be deprived of their benefices," &c.
Besides these and such like injunctions, it was also set
forth by the king's proclamation (A. D. 1166.) That
all manner of persons, both men and women, whoever
were found of the kindred of Thomas Becket, should be
exiled, without taking any part of their goods with them,
and sent to him where he was, which was no little vexa-
tion to Becket to behold them. Moreover, as he was
then living with Gwarine, abbot of Pontigny, to whom
the pope had commended him, the king wrote to the
abbot, required him not to retain the archbishop of Can-
terbury in his house ; for if be did, he would drive out
of his realm all the monks of his order. Upon which
Becket was forced to remove, and went to Lewis the
French king, by whom he was placed at Senon, and there
remained for the space of five years.
In the meantime the pope writes to King Henry, to
exhort and charge him to shew favour to Thomas
Becket ; where, in the course of the epistle, are these
words : " Therefore we do desire, admonish, and exhort
your honour by these our apostolical writings, and also
enjoin you upon the remission of your sins, in the be-
half of Almighty God, and of St. Peter, prince of the
apostles, by our authority, that you will receive again
the aforesaid archbishop into your favour and grace, for
the honour of God, his church, and of your own realm,"
&c.
Thus have we heard the pope's intreating letter. Now
here is another letter sent to the king, wherein he
menaces him.
" Bishop Alexander, servant of the. servants of God, to
King Henry, king of England, health and blessing
apostolical,
" How fatherly and gently we have oft-times entreated
and exhorted, both by legates and letters, your j)rincely
honour, to be reconciled again with our reverend brother
Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, so that he and
his may be restored again to their churches and other
possessions to them appertaining, your wisdom is not
ignorant, seeing it is notified and spread almost through-
out all Christendom. Forsomuch, therefore, as hitherto
we could not prevail with you, neither move nor stir
your mind with fair and gentle words, it laments us not
a little, to be so frustrated and deceived in the hope and
expectation which we had conceived of you. Especially
seeing we love you so dearly, as our own dearly beloved
son in the Lord, and understand so great a jeopardy to
hang over you.
" But forsomuch as it is written, ' Cry out and cease
not, lift up thy voice like a trumpet, and dtckre to my j.vo-
ple their wickedness, and to the house of J ;u:ui) their sins.'
Also forsomuch as it is in Solomon commanded, ' That
the sluggish person should be stoned with •the dung of
oxen,' we have thought good, therefore, not to forbear
or support your stubbornness any longer ai^ainst justice
and salvation : neither that the mouth of the arch-
bishop should be stopped from henceforth any more ; but
that he may freely prosecute the charge of his office and
duty, and revenge with the sword of ecclesiastical dis-
cipline, the injuries both of himself, and of his church
committed to his charge.
" And here I have sent unto you two legates, Peter de
ponte Uei, and Bernard de Corilio, to admonish you of
the same. But if ye will neither be advised by us, nor
give ear to tliem in obeying, it is to be feared, doubtless,
lest such things as they shall declare to you from us in
our behalf may happen and fall upon you. Dated at
Benevent, the ninth day before the kalends of June."
To answer these letters again, there was another writ-
ing drawn out and directed to the pope, made by some
of the clergy, as it seems ; but not without consent of
the king, as may appear by the title, inveighing against,
and disproving the misbehaviour of the archbishop.
The tenor whereof here follows, and begins :
An answer to the Pope,
" Time now requires more to seek help than to make
comjjlaints. For the holy mother church (our sins de-
serving the same), lies in a dangerous state of great
decay, which is like to ensue, unless the present mercy
of the Lord support her.
" Such is the wickedness now of schismatics, that the
father of fathers, Pope Alexander (for^ the defence of his
faith, and for the love of righteousness) is banished out
of his country ; not able to keep free residence in his
own proper see, by reason of the hardened heart of
Frederick the Pharaoh.
" The church also of Canterbury is miserably impaired
and blemished, as well in the spiritual as in the temporal
estate ; much like to the ship in the sea, being destitute
of her guide, tossed in the floods, and wrestling with the
winds, while the pastor being absent from his province,
dare not there remain thrcugh the power of the king ;
who, being over wise (to the jeopardy of himself, his
church, and us also), hath brought and entangled us
likewise with himself in the same partaking of his pu-
nishments and labours, not considering how we ought to
forbear, and not to resist superior powers. And also
he shews himself unkind to us, who with all our affec-
tions bear with him the burthen of his afflictions, not
ceasing yet to persecute us who stand in the same con-
demnation with him. For, betwixt him and our sove-
reign prince, the king of England, arose a certain matter
of contention, whereupon they were both agreed, that
a day should be appointed, to have the controversy
discussed by equity and justice.
" The day being come, the king commanded all the
archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of the church
to be called in a solemn assembly ; so that the greater
and more general this council was, the more manifest
the detection of this stubborn malice should appear and |
be seen. j
" At the day therefore above mentioned, this troubler
of the realm and of the church, presents himself in the
sight of our catholic king ; and not trusting the quality
and condition of his cause, arms himself with the armour
of the cross, as one who should be brought to the pre-
sence of a tyrant. By reason of which the king's ma- j
jesty being somewhat aggrieved (yet because he would |
be delivered from all suspicion) commits the mattei to
A.D. 11G6.] LETTERS OF BECKET TO THE BISHOP OF NORWICH AND TO THE POPE. 137
the hearing; of the bishops. This done, it rests in the
bishops to decide and cease this contention, and to
set agreement between them, removing all occasion of
dissension. Which thing they going about, this arch-
bishop comes in, forbidding, and commanding that no
man should proceed in any sentence upon him before
the king.
" This being signified to the king, his mind was
grievously provoked to anger ; whose anger, notwith-
standing, had been easily assuaged, if the other would
have submitted himself, and acknowledged his default.
But he adding stubbornness to his trespass, through the
greatness of his excess was the autlior of his own punish-
ment, which now by the civil law he bears, and yet
shames to crave pardon for his deserts at the king's
hand ; whose anger he fears not to stir up, in such a
trouljlesome time of the persecution of the church, aug-
menting and increasing thereby the persecution which
the church now lies under. Much better it had been for
him to have tempered himself with the bridle of moder-
ation, in the highest estate of bis dignity, lest in exceed-
ing too far in straining the strict points of things by
overmuch presumption, peradventure through his pre-
sumption, being not in mean and tolerable things, he
might fall from higher. And if the detriment of the
church would not move him ; yet the great benefits and
preferments of riches and honours ought to persuade him
not to be so stubborn against the king. But here
peradventure his friend and our adversary will ob-
ject, that his bearing and submitting to the king in
this behalf were prejudicial against the authority of the
apostolical see. Although he did not, or might not
understand, that although the dignity of the church
should suffer a little detriment in that judgment ; yet he
might, and ought to have dissembled, for the time, to
obtain peace to the church. He will object again, al-
leging the name of father, that it sounds like a point of
arrogancy, for children to proceed in judgment of con-
demnation against the father, which thing is not conve-
nient. But he must understand again, that it was ne-
cessary that the obedience and humility of the children
Bhould temper the pride of the father, lest afterward the
hatred of the father miglit redound upon the children.
Wherefore by these premises you father may understand
that tlie action of this our adversary ought to fall down, as
void, and of none effect, who only under the influence of
malice has proceeded thus against us, having no just
cause nor reason to stand upon.
" And forsomuch as the care and charge of all
churches (as ye know) lies upon us, it stands upon us to
provide concerning the state of the church of Canter-
bury, by our diligence and circumspection : So that the
church of Canterbury, by the excesses of its pastor, be
not driven to ruin or decay."
By this epistle it may appear that Becket (being ab-
sent from England"! went about to work some trouble
against some of the clergy and the laity, in excommuni-
cating such as he took to be his evil willers.
Now to understand further what his working was, or
who they were whom he excommunicated, this letter,
sent to William bishop of Norwich, shall declare.
A Letter of Becket to the Bishop of Norwich.
" He binds himself to the penalty of the crime, who-
ever receiving power and authority of God, uses and
exercises not the same with due severity, in punishing
vice : but winking and dissembling, ministers boldness
to wicked doers, maintaining them in their sin. For
the blood of the wicked is required at the hand of the
priest, who is negligent or dissembles. And as the
scripture saith, • Thorns and brambles grow in the
hands of the idle drunkard.' Wherefore, lest (through
our too much sufferance and dissembling) the trans-
gressions of manifest evil-doers should also be laid to
our charge, and redound to the destruction of the church
through our guilty silence ; we therefore following the
duthority of the pope's commandment, have laid our
sentence of curse and excommunication upon the Earl
Hugo : commanding you throughout all your diocese
pubhcly to denounce the said earl a« accursed, so that,
according to the discipline of the church, he be seques-
tered from the fellowship of all faithful people. Also, it
is not unknown to your brotlierhood, how long we have
born with the transgressions of the bishop of London ;
who, amongst other acts, I would to God were not a
great doer, and favourer of this schism, and subverter of
the rites and liberties of holy church. Wherefore we,
being supported with the authority of the apostolic see,
have also excommunicated him. Besides, also the
bishop of Salisbury, because of his disobedience and
contempt : and others likewise, upon divers and sundry
causes, whose names here follow subscribed : — Hugo
Bernard's son, Rodulph de Brock, Robert de Brock a
clerk, Hugo de St. Clare, and Letardus a clerk of Nor-
folk, Nigellus of Scacavil, and Richard Chaplin, William
of Hasting, and the friar who possesses my church of
Monchot. We therefore charge and command you by
the authority apostolical and ours, and on the virtue of
your obedience, and on the peril of salvation, and of
your order ; that ye cause these openly to be proclaimed
excommunicate, throughout all your diocese, and to
command all the faithful to avoid their company. Fare
ye well in the Lord. Let not your heart be troubled,
nor fear : for we stand sure through the assistance of the
apostohc see, God being our support against the shifts
of the malignant sort, and against all their appeals.
Furthermore, all such as have been solemnly cited by us
shall sustain the like sentence of excommunication, if
God wiU, on ascension-day : unless they shall otherwise
agree with me. That is, to wit, Geoffrey archdeacon of
Canterbury, and Robert his vicar, Rice of Wilcester,
Richard de Lucy, M'illiam Giffard, Adam of Cherings,
with others : who, either at the command of the king, or
upon their own temerity, have invaded the goods and
possessions either appertaining to us, or to our clerks
about us. With these also we do excommunicate all
such as are known, either with aid or council, to have
incensed or set forward the proceeding of our king
against the liberties of the church, and exiling of the in-
nocents. And such also as are known to impeach o'
hinder by any manner of way the messengers (sent
either from the pope, or from us) for the necessities of
the church. Fare you well again, and ever."
Hitherto the reader has seen divers and sundry
letters of Thomas Becket, whereby we may collect a
sufficient history of his doings and demeanor, though
nothing else were said further of liim, concerning
his lusty and haughty spirit, about that which be-
seemed either his degree or cause which he took in
hand. And here perhaps I may seem to tarry too
long in the history of this one man, having to write of
so many others better than he, yet for the weaker sort,
who have counted him, and yet do count him for a saint,
having in themselves little understanding to judge or
discern in the causes of men, I thought to add this
letter more, wherein he complains of his king to a
foreign power ; doing all in his power to stir up for his
own cause mortal war to the destruction of many. For
suppose wrong had been offered him by his prince, was
it not enough for him to fly ? What cause had he, for
his own private revenge, to set potentates in public dis-
cord ? Now, having no just cause, but rather offering
injury in a false quarrel, so to complain of his prince ;
what is to be said of this, let every man judge who sees
this letter.
An Epistle of Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury to
Pope Alexander.
" To our most loved father and lord, Alexander, by
the grace of God bishop, Thomas the humble minister
and servant of the church of Canterbury due and reve-
rend obedience. Long enough and too long most loving
father have I forborne, still looking after the amendment
of the king of England, but no fruit have I reaped of
this my long patience : nay rather, whilst unwisely I do
thus forbear, I augment and procure the detriment and
diminishing of mine authority, as also of the church of
God : for oftentimes have I by devout and religious mea-
138
LETPER OF THE SUFFRAGANS OF CANTERBURY TO BECKET.
[Book IV.
sengers invited him to make condign satisfaction, as also
by my letters (the copies whereof I have sent you) inti-
mated and pronounced God's severity and vengeance
against him, unless he repent and amend. But he, not-
withstanding that, grows from evil to worse, oppressing
and crushing the church and sanctuary of God ; perse-
cuting both me and those who take part with me : so
that with fearful and threatening words his purpose is to
terrify such, as (for God's cause and mine own) seek
any way to relieve and help me. He wrote also letters
to the abbot of the Cistercian order. That as he valued
the abbacy of his order (which he said was in his power)
he should not receive me into the fellowship thereof, nor
do any thing else for me. Why should 1 use many
words ? So much has the rigour and severity as well of
the king as of his officers, under our patience and suffer-
ance, shewed itself; that if a great number of men, yea,
and that of the most religious sort, should shew to you
the matter as it is indeed, I partly doubt whether your
holiness would give credit to them or not. With heavi-
ness of mind therefore considering these things, and be-
holding as well the peril of the king as of ourself, I have
publicly condemned not only those pernicious customs,
but all those perversities and wicked doings whereby the
church of England is disturbed and brought to confu-
sion ; as also the writing whereby they were confirmed ;
excommunicating generally as well the observers and
exacters thereof, as also the inventers and patrons of the
same, with their favourers, counsellors, and coadjutors
whatever, either of the clergy or laity, absolving also
our bishops from their oath, whereby they were so
strictly enjoined to the observation of the same. These
are the articles which in that writing I have principally
condemned, first, That it is inhibited to appeal to the
see apostolical for any cause, but by the king's licence.
That a bishop may not punish any man for perjury, or
for breaking of his troth. That a bishop may not ex-
communicate any man that holds of the king in cajnte,
or else interdict either their lands or offices without the
king's licence. That clerks and religious men may be
taken from us to secular judgment. That the king or
any other judge may hear and decide the causes of the
church and tithes. That it shall not be lawful for any
archbishop or bishop to go out of the realm, and to
come at the pope's call without the king's licence ;
and divers others such as these. I have also ex-
communicated John of Oxford, who has communicated
with that schismatic and excommunicate person (Regi-
nald Coloniensis) who also, contrary to the command-
ment of the lord pope and ours, hath usurped the
deanery of the church of Salisbury, and has (to renew
his schism) taken an oath in the emperor's court. Also
I have denounced and excommunicated Richard of Wor-
cester, because he is fallen into the same damnable
heresy, and communicated with that famous schismatic
of Cologne ; devising and foregoing all mischief possible,
with the schismatics and Flemings, to the destruction of
the church of God, and especially of the church of
Rome, by composition made between the king of Eng-
>and and them. Also Richard de Lucy, and Jocelin de
Baliol, who have assisted the favourers of the king's
tyranny and workers of their heresies. Also Rodulph de
Brock, and Hugo de St. Clare, and Thomas the son
of Bernard, who have usurped the possessions and goods
of tlie church of Canterbury without our licence and
consent. We have also excommunicated all those, who
without our licence stretch out their hands to the pos-
sessions and goods of the church of Canterbury. The
king himself we have not yet excommunicated per-
sonally, still waiting for his amendment : whom (not-
withstanding) we will not defer to excommunicate, un-
less he quickly amend, and be warned by what he has
done. And therefore that the authority of the see apos-
tolic, and the liberty of the church of God, which in
these parts are almost utterly lost, may be by some
means restored, it is meet and very necessary that what
we have herein done should be ratified by your holi-
ness, and confirmed by your letters. Thus I wish your
holiness long to prosper and flourish,"
By this epistle, he that wishes to understand the
doings of Becket, may partly judge what is to be thought
of them. Although in some part they may be imputed
either to ignorance of mind, or blindness of zeal, or
human frailty ; yet in this point, so vilely to complain
of his natural prince, he can by no wise be defended.
But such was the blindness of the prelates in those days,
who measured and esteemed the dignity and liberties of
Christ's church by nothing but by the goods and pos-
sessions flowing and abounding in the clergy ; and
thought no greater point of religion to be in the church,
than to maintain the same. For whicVi cause they most
abominably abused christian discipline and the excommu-
nication of the church. And what wonder if the acts and
doings of this archbishop seem now to us in tliese dajs
both fond and strange : when the suffragans of his own
church and clergy, writing to him, could not but repre-
hend him, as may be seen in this their epistle.
An effecfual and pithy Letter, full of reason and persua-
sion, sent from all the Svffrayans of the Church of
Canterbury to Thomas Becket their Archbishop.
" Such troubles and perturbations as happened
through the strangeness of your departure out of the
realm, we hoped by your humility and prudence should
have been reduced again (God's grace working withal)
into a peaceable tranquillity. And it was no little joy to
us, to hear so of you in those parts where you are con-
versant, how humbly you there behaved yourself, nothing
vaunting yourself against your prince and king, and that
you attempt no risings or wrestlings against his king-
dom, but that you bear with much patience the burthen
of poverty, and gave yourself to reading and prayer,
and to redeem the loss of your time spent, with fasting,
watchings, and tears ; and so, being occupied with
spiritual studies, to tend and rise up to the perfection of
virtue, &c. But now, through the secret relation of
some, we hear (what we are sorry for) that you have
sent to him a threatening letter, wherein there is no salu-
tation premised. In which also ye pretend no intreat-
ing nor prayers for the obtaining of favour, nor use any
friendly manner in declaring what you write, but menac-
ing with much austerity, threaten to interdict him, and
to cut him froni the society of the church. W'hich
thing if you shall accomplish with like severity, as in
words ye threaten to do, you shall not only put us out
of all hope of any peace, but also put us in fear of hatred
and discord without measure, and without all redress
amongst us. But wisdom will consider before the end
of things, labouring and endeavouring to finish that
which she wisely begins. Therefore your discretion
shall do well diligently to forecast and consider whereto
ye tend ; what end may ensue thereof, and whereabout
ye go. Certainly we, for our parts, hearing what we do
hear, are discouraged from what we hoped for, who,
previously having some good comfort of tranquillity to
come, are cast from hope to despair : so that while one
is drawn thus against another, there is scarcely any hope
or place left to make entreaty or supplication. Where-
fore, writing to your fatherhood, we exhort and counsel
you by way of charity. That you add not trouble to
trouble, nor heap injury upon injury: but that you so be-
have yourself, that all menaces set aside, you rather give
yourself to patience and humility, and to yield your
cause to the clemency of God, and to the mercy of your
prince ; and in so doing you shall heap coals of charity
upon the heads of many. Thus charity shall be kindled,
and that which menacings cannot do (by God's help and
good men's counsel) perad venture pity and godliness
shall obtain. It were better to sustain poverty with
praise, than in great promotions to be a common note
to all men. It is right well known unto all men, how
kind the king has been to you, from what baseness to
what dignity he has advanced you, and also into his own
familiarity has so much preferred you, that from the
northern ocean to the Pyrinean mountains, he has sub-
dued all things to your authority : in so much that they
were among all others accounted for fortunate men, who-
ever could find any favour with you.
A. D. linfi— 1169.
LETTER OF THE EMPRESS MATILDA TO BECKET.
139
" And, furthermore, lest your estimation should be
over matched by any nobility, he (against the mind of
j his mother, and of his realm) has placed and ratified you
I substantially in ecclesiastical dignity, and advanced you
I to this honour wherein ye stand : trusting through your
help and counsel to reign more safely and prosperously.
1 Now, if he shall find disquietness, wherein he trusted to
I have quietness, what shall all men say or think of you ?
M'hut recompence or retribution shall this be thought to
j be for so many and great benefits received ? Therefore
: (if it shall please you) ye shall do well to favour and
! spare your fame and estimation, and to overcome your
I lord and sovereign with humility and charity. Whereto
j if our advice cannot move you ; yet the love and fidelity
you bear to the bishop and holy church of Rome ought
to incline you not to attempt any such thing, where-
by the troubles of the church our mother may in-
crease, or whereby her sorrow may be augmented in the
loss of them, whose disobedience she now bewails : for
•what if it so happen through provocation, tliat the king
(whom all his subjects and kingdoms obey) should re-
linquish the pope, which God forbid, and should deny
all obedience to him, as he denies to the king help or aid
against you ? what inconvenience would grow thereof ?
And think you, he hath not great instigations, supplica-
tions, gifts, and many fair promises so to do ? Yet he
(notwithstanding) abides firm hitherto, in the rock, de-
spising with a valiant mind all that the world can offer.
This one thing we fear, lest his mind (whom no worldly
offers can assail, no glory, riches, nor treasure can over-
turn) only through indignation of unkindness be sub-
verted. Which thing if it chance to happen through
you, then may y^ou sit down and sing the song of the
Lamentation of Jeremiah, and weep your full.
" Consider therefore, if it please you, and foresee well
with yourself, this purpose of yours, if it proceed, how
hurtful and perilous it will be ; not only to the pope,
and to the holy church of Rome, but also to yourself
most especially. But some perad venture about you, of
haughty and high minded stoutness, more stout than wise,
will not suffer you to take this way, but will give yon con-
trary counsel, rather to prove and declare what you are
able to do against your lord and prince, and to practise
against him and all his the utmost of your power and au-
thority, which power and authority of yours, to him that
offends is fearful ; and to him that will not amend, terri-
ble. Such counsel as this, some peradventure will whis-
per in your ear. But to these again, we say this, and
answer for our king, whom notwithstanding we do not
affirm to be without fault ; but yet we speak confidently
and protest in his behalf, that he is always ready to amend
and make satisfaction.
" The king, appointed as the Lord's anointed, pro-
vides for the peace of his subjects all that he is able : and
therefore to the intent that he may preserve this peace in
his churches and among his subjects committed to him, he
wills and requires such ordinances as are due to the kings,
and were exhibited before time to them to be exhibited to
him also. Wherein if there has any contradiction sprung
between him and us, he being admonished from the pope
by the reverend bishops of London and Hereford, burst
not out into any defiance, but meekly and humbly an-
swered, that wherein soever the church or any ecclesias-
tical person can shew himself grieved he would therein
stand to the judgment of the church of his kingdom.
Which also he is ready no less to perform, thinking no-
thing more sweet unto him than to be admonished of his
fault, if he have offended the Lord, and to reform the same ;
and not only to reform and amend his fault, but also to
satisfy it to the utmost, it the law shall so require him.
W^herefore, seeing he is so willing to recompense and sa-
tisfy the judgment of the church in all things appertain-
ing to the church ; refusing no order that shall be taken,
but in all things submitting his neck to the yoke of Christ :
with what right, by what canon, or reason can you inter-
dict him, or use excommunication against him ? It is a
thing laudable and a virtue of great commendation in wise
men, wisely to go with judgment and reason, and not to
be carried with puffs of hasty violence. Whereupon this
u the oidy and common petition of us all, that your fa-
therly care will diligently provide for your flock and sheep
committed to you, so that they miscarry not, or run to
any ruin through any inconsiderate or too much heady
counsel in you : but rather that through your softness
and sufferance, they may obtain life, peace and security.
It doth move us all, what we hear of late to be done by
you against the bishop of Salisbury, and the dean of the
same church, prosperously, as some men suppose ; against
whom you have given out the sentence of excommunica-
tion and condemnation, before there was any question of
their crime ; following therein, as seems, more the heat of
hastiness than the path of righteousness. This is a new
order of judgment, unheard of yet to this day in our laws
and canons, first to condemn a man, and after to inquire
of the fact committed. Which order lest you should
hereafter attempt to exercise in like manner against our
sovereign and king, or against us and our churches, and
parishes committed to us, to the detriment of the pope,
and the holy church of Rome, and to the no little con-
fusion of us all ; therefore we lay here against you, for
ourselves, the remedy of appeal. And, as before, openly
in the public face of the church with lively voice we ap-
pealed to the Pope for certain perils that might have hap-
pened : so now again in writing we appeal to the same,
assigning as the term of our appeal the day of the Lord's
ascension. Most humbly and reverently beseeching your
goodness, that you, taking a better way with you in this
matter, will let your cause fall, sparing herein both the
labours and charges, as well of yourself, as ours also.
And thus we wish you right well to fare, reverend in the
Lord."
The Letter of Matilda the Empress, and Mother of the
King, to Thomas Becket.
" My Lord the Pope commanded me, and upon the
forgiveness of my sins enjoined me, that I should be a
mediator and means of peace and concord between my
son and you, by reconciling of yourself to him, whereunto
(as you know) you requested me. Wherefore the earnester
and with more affection (as well for the divine honour as
for holy church) I took the enterprise upon me. But
this by the way, I assure you, that the king, his barons,
and council, take it grievously, that you, whom he en-
tirely loved, honoured and madechiefest in all this realm
to the intent to have more comfort and better trust in
you, should thus (as the report is) rebel, and stir his peo-
ple against him. Yea and further, that as much as in you
lies, you went about to disinherit him, and deprive him
of his crown. Upon the occasion whereof, I sent to you
our trusty and familiar servant Lawrence archdeacon, by
whom I pray you that I may understand your mind here-
in, and good will toward my son, and how you mean to
behave yourself (if my prayer and petition may be heard
by him in your behalf) toward his Grace. But this one
thing I assure you of, that unless it be through your great
humility and moderation, evidently appearing in you, you
cannot obtain the favour of the king. Herein what you
mean to do, I pray you send me word by your proper
letters and messengers."
But to proceed further in the order of the history.
After these letters sent to and fro (A- D. 1169),
which was the fifteenth year of the reign of King
Henry II. the king doubting and fearing with him-
self, that the archbishop would proceed in his excommu-
nication against his person, made his appeal to the pre-
sence of the pope, requiring to have certain legates sent
down from Rome, to take up the matter between the
archbishop and him ; requiring moreover that they might
also be absolved that were interdicted. Whereupon two
cardinals, being sent from Alexander the Pope with let-
ters to the king, came to Normandy : where they ap-
pointed the archbishop to meet them before the king
upon St. Martin's day. But the archbishop, neither
agreeing with the day nor the place, delayed his coming
till the eighth day after, neither would go any further
than to Grisortium. where the two cardinals and arch-
bishop, with other bishops meeting together, had a treaty
of peace and reconciliation, but it came to no conclusion.
140
LETTER OF TWO CARDINALS TO THE POPE, CONCERNING BECKET. [Book IV,
The contents of which treaty or action, because it is suf-
ficiently contained in the cardiiial's letters, who were
called William and Otho, written to the pope, it requires
no further labour, than to give the letter itself, as follows.
The copy of the Epistle written and sent ly two Cardi-
nah to the Pope, concerning the matter of the Arch-
bishop Becket.
" William and Otho, cardinals of the church of Rome
to Alexander the Pope, &c. Coming to the land of the
king of England, we found the controversy betwixt him
and the archbishop of Canterbury more sharp and vehe-
ment than we would. For the king, and the greater part
of them about him, said, that the archbishop had stirred
lip the French king, grievously against him ; and also the
earl of Flanders his kinsman (wlio bare no displeasure to
him before) he made his open adversary, ready to war
against him, as is by divers evidences most certain.
Thus when we came to Cadomus, into the king's pre-
sence, we gave the letters of your fatherhood to his
hands, which after that he had received and considered
(bringing forth other letters received from you before,
something different and altering from these which he re-
ceived of us) he was moved with no little indignation ;
saying, that after our departure from you, the archbishop
had received of you other contrary letters, by the virtue
whereof he was exempted from our judgment, so that he
should not be compelled to answer us. Moreover, the
king affirmed to us, and so did the bishops there present,
testify the same, that concerning the old and ancient
customs of his progenitors (whereof complaint was made
to you) all that for the most part was false and untrue
which was intimated to you ; offering further to us, that
if there were any such customs or laws in his time, that
seemed prejudicial or disagreeable to the statutes of the
church, he would willingly be content to revoke and dis-
annul the same. Whereupon we with other archbishops,
bishops and abbots of the land hearing the king so rea-
sonable, laboured by all the means we might, that the
king should not utterly break from us, but rather should
incline to us to have the matter brought before us between
Lim and the forenamed archbishop. By reason whereof,
we directed our chaplains with letters to the archbishop,
appointing him both time and place where he might safely
meet with us in the feast of St. Martin. Nevertheless
he, pretending certain excuses, made delays, putting off
the time from the day of St. Martin to the eighth day
following, which stirred the king's heart more than is to
be thought.
" Thus although we offered to the archbishop safe con-
duct, yet when he refused to meet us in the borders of
the king, we, to satisfy his mind, condescended to meet
him within the land of the French king, in the place
where he himself appointed, because there should be no
hinderance in us, whereby to stop his profit. After we
had entered communication, we began to exhort him, all
that we could, to submit and humble himself to his sove-
reign and king, who had heaped him with such benefits
and dignities. He, being thus moved and exhorted by
us, departed aside to consult with his council upon
the matter. At length after counsel taken, he comes
again, answering in this manner : that he would submit
and humble himself to the king, ' Saving the honour of
God, and liberty of the church, saving also the honesty
of his person, and possessions of churches ; and more-
over, saving the justice of him and of all his in all things, '
&c. After which communication, we moved and required
him more urgently, that he would come to the special-
ties. Likewise we demanded of him, if he would stand
and submit himself to our letters, if the king and the
bishops were contented to do ."^o. To which he said, ' That
he had received from you a commandment, not to answer
until he and all his were restored fully to all their pos-
sessions ; and then he would proceed in the matter, accord-
ing as he should receive commandment from the see
apostolical.'
" Thus we breaking off communication, seeing that he
neither would stand to j'ulginent, nor come to confor-
■aity, thought to make relation thereof to the king, and
so did : declaring that which he had expressed to us ;
yet not uttering all, but keeping back a great part of that
which we had heard and seen. Which when the king and his
nobles had understanding of, he affirmed to us again ;
that he therein was cleared so much the more, for that
the archbishop would not stand to their judgment, nor
abide their trial. After much heaviness and lamentation
of the king, the archbishop, bishops, and abbots of the realm
requiring of us, whether we had any such power, by virtue
of our commission, to withstand him and proceed against
him ; and perceiving that our authority would not serve
thereto, and fearing lest the archbishop, refusing all order
of judgment, would work again disquietness to some
noble personages of the realm : and seeing our authority
could not extend so far as to help them against him, they
holding consultation among themselves agreed with one
consent, to make their appeal to your audience, prefix-
ing accordingly the term of their appeal."
By this epistle of these two cardinals sent to the
pope, may sufficiently appear all the discourse and
manner of that assembly concerning the confidence be-
tween the cardinals and the archbishop. When William,
who was the more eloquent of the two cardinals, had rea-
soned long with him asconcerning the peace of the church :
which Becket said he preferred above all things. "Well
then," said the cardinal, " seeing all this contention
between the king and you rises upon certain laws and
customs to be abrogated, and that you regard the peace
of the church so much : then what say you ? Will you
renounce your bishoprick, and the king will renounce his
customs ? The peace of the church now lies in your
hands, either to retain or to let go ; what say you :" To
whom he answereth again, " That the proportion was not
hke. For I," saith he, " (saving the honour of my
church and my person) cannot renounce my bishopric. On
the other hand, it becomes the king for his soul's health
and honour to renounce these his ordinances and customs."
Which thing he thus proved ; because the pope had con-
demned those customs, and he likewise with the church
of Rome had done the same, &c.
After the cardinals were returned, the French king
seeing the king of England disquieted and solicitous to
have peace (or at least pretending to set an agreement
between them) brought the matter to a communication
among them. In which communication the French king
made himself as umpire between them. The king of
England, hearing that the archbishop would commit him-
self to his arbitration, was the more willing to admit his
presence. Whereupon, many being there present, the
archbishop, prostrating himself at the king's feet, de-
clared to him kneeling upon his knees, that he would
commit the whole cause, whereof the dissension rose
between them, unto his own arbitration ; adding (as he
did before) " Saving the honour of God." The king (as
is said before) being greatly offended at this word, hear-
ing and seeing the stiffness of the man sticking so much
to this word, was highly displeased, rebuking him with
many grievous words, as a man proud and stubborn, and
also charging him with sundry and great benefits be-
stowed upon him, as a person ungrateful, and forget-
ing what he had so gently done and bestowed upon him.
And speaking to the French king there present : " See,
sir, if it please you," saith the king of England, " what-
soever displeases this man, he calls it contrary to the
honour of God. And so by this means he will vindicate
and challenge to himself both what is his and what is
mine also. And yet as 1 will not do anything contrary or
prejudicial to God's honour, this I offer him : there have
been kings in England before, both of greater and less
puissance than I am ; likewise there have been bishops
of Canterbury many both great and holy men : what the
greatest and most holy of all his predecessors before
him has done to the least of my progenitors and predeces-
sors,let him do thesame to me and I am content." Thejr
that stood by, hearing these words of the king, crifd all
with one voice, " The king hath debased hinistlf enough
to tlie bishop." The archbishop made no answer, but
kept silence, "What," saith the French king to him,
" my lord archbishop, will you be better than those holy
men .' Will ye be greater than Peter . What stand you
A. D. 1169— 1170.] DISSIMULATION OF LOUIS. BECKET RETURNS TO ENGLAND.
141
doubting ? Here now you have peace and quietness placed
in your o.vn hands, if ye will take it." To this the arch-
bishop answered again. "Truth it is," saithhe, '• my pre-
decessors were both much better and greater than I, and
every one of them for tiis time, although he did not
extirpate all, yet did pluck up and correct somewhat
which seemed adverse and repugnant to God's honour.
For if they had taken all together away, no such occasion
then had been left for any man to raise up this fiery trial
now against us ; that we, being so proved with them,
might also be crowned with them, being likewise par-
takers of praise and reward, as we are of their labour and
travel. And though some of them have been slack, or
exceeded in their duty, we are not bound in that to follow
their example. When Peter denied Christ, we rebuke
him ; but when he resisted the rage of Nero, therein we
commend him. And therefore because he could not find
in his conscience to consent to what he ought in no wise
to dissemble, neither did he ; by reason thereof he lost
his life. By such like oppressions the church has always
grown. Our fore-fathers and predecessors, because they
would not dissemble the name and honour of Chiist,
therefore they suffered. And shall I, to have the favour
of one man, suffer thehonour of Christtobe suppressed ?"
The nobles standing by, hearing him thus speak, were
greatly grieved with him, noting in him both arrogancy
and wilfulness, in perturbing and refusing such an honest
offer of agreement. But specially one amongst the rest
was most grieved, who there openly protested, that seeing
the archbishop so refused the counsel and the request of
both of the kingdoms, he was not worthy to have the help
of either of them ; but as the kingdom of England had
rejected him, so the realm of France should not receive
him.
Alan, Herbert, and another of his chaplains that com-
mitted to history the doings of Becket, record (whether
truly or no I cannot say), that the French king sending
for him, as one much sorrowing and lamenting the words
that he had spoken, at the coming of Becket did pro-
strate himself at his feet, confessing his fault, in giving
counsel to him in such a cause (pertaining to the honour
of God) to relent therein and to yield to the pletusure of
man : wherefore, declaring his repentance, he desired to
be absolved thereof. So that after this, the French king
and Becket were great friends together ; insomuch that
King Henry sending to the king to intreat him, and de-
sire him that he would not support nor maintain his
enemy within his realm, the French king utterly denied
the king's request, taking part rather with the archbishop
than with him.
Besides these quarrels and grudges betwixt the king
and the archbishop above mentioned, there followed yet
another, which was this : shortly after this communica-
tion between the king and Becket, the king of England re-
turning again from Normandy into England (A. D. 1170,
and the sixteenth year of his reign), kept his court of par-
liament at Westminster ; in which parliament he (through
the assent both of the clergy and the lords temporal) caused
his son Henry to be crowned king. Which coronation
was done by the hands of Robert archbishop of York,
with the assistance of other bishops administering to the
game, as Gilbert of London, Jocelin of Salisbury, Hugo
of Durham, and Walter of Rochester. By reason of
which Racket of Canterbury, being neither mentio.ied
nor ciUed for, took no little displeasure ; and so did
Louis the French king, hearing that Margaret his daughter
was not crowned with her husband : whereupon gather-
ing a great army, he forthwith marched into Normandy.
But the matter was soon composed by the king of Eng-
land, who sending his son to him in Normandy, there en-
treated and concluded peace with him, promising that his
son should be crowned again, and then his daughter
should be crowned also. But the archbishop not ceasing
his displeasure and emulation, sent to the pope, com-
plaining of these four bishops, especially of the archbishop
of York ; who durst be so bold in his absence, and with-
out his licence, to crown the king, being a matter proper
and peculiar to his jurisdiction. At this request, the pope
•ent down the sentence of eicommunication against the
bishop of London. The other three bishops with the arch-
bishop of York he suspended.
This being done, the archbishop of York with the other
bishops resorted to the king with a grievous comjjlaint,
declaring how miserably their case stood, and what they
had sustained for fulfilling his commandment. The king,
hearing this, was highly moved, as no marvel was. But
what remedy ? The time of tlie ruin of the pope was
not yet come ; and what prince then could withstand the
injurious violence of that Romish potentate ?
In the mean time the French king with his clergy and
courtiers lost no occasion to excite and solicit Alexander
the pope against the king of England to excommunicate
him also : thinking to have some advantage against the
realm. Nor was the king ignorant of this, which made
him more ready for reconciliation. At length came down
from the pope two legates, the archbishop of Rothomage
and the bishop of Navern, with the direction and full
commission either to drive the king to be reconciled, or
to be interdicted by the pope's censures out of the
church. The king understanding himself to be in greater
straits ihan he could avoid, at length through the medi-
ation of the French king and of other prelates and great
princes, was content to yield to peace and reconciliation
with the archbishop, whom he both received to his favour,
and also permitted and granted him free return to his
church again. Concerning his possessions and lands of
the church of Canterbury, although Becket made great
labour there for, yet the king (being then in Normandy)
would not grant him them, before he should repair to Eng-
land to see how he would there agree with his subjects.
Thus a sort of pea^e being concluded between the king
and him, the archbishop, after six years banishment, re-
turned to England, where he was right joyfully received by
the church of Canterbury ; although by Henry the young
king, he was not so greatly welcomed. So that coming up
to London to the king, he was sent back to Canterbury,
and there bid to keep his house. Roger Hoveden makes
mention in his chronicle, that the archbishop (upon
Christmas-day) excommunicated Robert de Brock for
cutting off the tail of a certain horse of his the day before.
In the mean time the four bishops before mentioned,
whom the archbishop excommunicated, sent to him,
humbly desiring to be released of their censure. To whom
when the archbishop would not grant clearly and simply
without cautions and exceptions, they went over to the
king, declaring to him and complaining of their misera-
ble state and uncourteous handling by the archbishop.
Whereupon the king conceived great sorrow in his mind,
and displeasure toward the party. Insomuch ihat he
lamented to them about him, (amongst so many that he
had done for) there was none that would revenge him of
his enemy. By occasion of which words, certain that were
about the king (to the number of four) hearing him tlms
complain and lament, addressed themselves in great heat
of haste to satisfy the grieved mind and quarrel of their
prince: who within four days after Christmas-day, sail-
ing over into England, came to Canterbury, where Becket
was commanded to keep. After certain consultations
among themselves, they pressed at length into the palace
where the archbishop was setting with his company about
him : first to try him with words, to see whether he would
relent to the king's mind, and come to some conformity.
They brought to him, they said, commandment from the
king, and bid him choose whether he had rather openly
there in presence, or secretly receive it. Then the com-
pany being desired to leave, as he sat alone, they said,
" You are commanded from the king beyond the sea, to
repair to the king's son here, and to do your duty to him,
swearing to him your fidelity for your barony and other
things, and to amend those things wherein you have tres-
passed against h'm." Whereupon the archbishop refus-
ing to swear, and perceiving their intent, called in his
company again, and in multiplying of words to and fro,
at length they came to the bishops who were excommu-
nicate for the coronation of the king, whom they com-
manded in the king's name he should absolve and set
free again. ■ The archbishop answered, " That he neither
supended nor excommunicated them, but the pope ; where-
142
BECKET SLAIN AT CANTERBURY BY FOUR SOLDIERS.
[Book IV
fore, if that were the matter that grieved them, they
should resort to the pope, he had nothing to do with the
matter."
Then said Reginald one of the four ; " although you
in your own person did not excommunicate them, yet
through your instigation it was done." To whom the
archbishop said again, " and if the pope (said he) tender-
ing the injuries done to me and my church, wrought this
revenge for me, I confess it offends me nothing." " Thus
then (said they) it appears well by your own words, that
it pleases you right well (in contempt and contumely oi
the king's majesty) to sequestrate his bishops from their
ministry, who at the commandment of the king did ser-
vice in the coronation of his son. And seeing you have
so presumed tlius to stand against the exaltation of this
our sovereign, our new king, it seems likely that you
asjiired to take his crown from him, and to be exalted
king yourself." " I aspire not (said he) to the crown and
name of the king, but rather if I had four crowns (to
give him more), I would set them all upon him ; such
good will I do bear him, that only his father the king
excepted, there is none, whose honour I more tender and
love. And as concerning the sequestrating of those bi-
shops, this I give you to understand, that nothing was
done in that behalf without the knowledge and assent of
the king himself ; to whom when I had made my com-
plaint at the feast of Mary Magdalene, of the wrong and
injury done to me and my church therein; he gave me
his good leave to obtain at the pope's hand such remedy
as I could, promising moreover his help to me in the
same." " What is this," quoth they, " that thou sayest?
Makest thou the king a traitor, and a betrayer of the
king his own son ? that when he had commanded the bi-
shops to crown his son, he would give thee leave afterward
to sus|)end them for so doing ? Certainly, it had been
better for you not to have accused so the king of this
treachery." The archbishop said to Reginald, that he
was there present at that time, and heard it himself. But
that he denied, and swore it was not so. " And think
you (said they) that we the king's subjects will or ought
to suffer this ?" And so approaching near him, they
said he had spoken enough against his own head ; where-
ujion followed great exclamation and many threatening
words. Then said the archbishop, " I have since my
coming over sustained many injuries and rebukes, con-
cerning both myself, my men, my cattle, my wines, and
all other goods ; notwithstanding the king, writing over
to his son, required him that I should live in safety and
peace, and now, beside all others, you come hither to
threaten me." To this Reginald answering again, said,
" If there be any that works you any injury otherwise
than is right, the law is open, why do you not complain ?"
" To whom, (said Becket,) should I complain ?" " To the
young king," said they. Then said Becket, " I have
complained enough if that would help, and have sought
for remedy at the king's hands, so long as I could he suf-
fered to come to his speech ; but now seeing that I am
stopt from that neither can find redress of so great vexa-
tions and injuries as I have and do daily sustain, nor can
have the benefit of the law or reason ; such right and law,
as an archbishop may have, that will I exercise and will
be hindered for no man." At these words one of them,
bursting out in exclamation, cried, " He threatens, he
threatens. What ? will he interdict the whole realm and
us altogether ?" " Nay, that he shall not, (saith another,)
he has interdicted too many already." And drawing more
near to him, they protested and denounced him to have
spoken words to the jeopardy of his own head. And so
departing in great fury and with many high words, they
rushed out of the doors ; but returning to the monks,
charged them in the king's name, to keep him forth-
coming, that he should not escape away. " What," quoth
the archbishop, " think ye, I will flee away ? Nay, nei-
ther for the king, nor any man alive, will I stir one foot
from you." " No, (say they,) thou shalt not leave, though
thou wouldst." And so they departed, the archbishop fol-
lowing them out of the chamber door, crying after them,
" Here, here, here shall you find me," laying his hand
upon his crown.
The names of these four soldiers above mentioned were
these, Reginald Bereson, Hugh Mortevil, William Thracy
and Richard Brito, who going to put on their armour,
returned the same day, but finding the hall door of the
palace of Canterbury shut against them, they went to an
inward back door leading into the orchard ; there they
broke a window, and opened the door, and so got into
the palace. The monks (it being about even-song time)
had got the archbishop into the church, who being per-
suaded by them, caused his cross to be borne before him,
and through the cloister, by a door which was broken
up for him, he proceeded into the choir. The armed men
following after, at length came to the church-door, which
door the monks would have shut against tliem ; but, as
the history says, the archbishop would not suffer them.
So they approaching into the church, and the archbishop
meeting them upon the stairs, there he was slain ; every
one of the four soldiers striking him with his sword into
the head, who afterward flying into the north, at length,
with much ado, obtained their pardon of the pope by the
king's procurement, and as some histories record, went to
Jerusalem.
Thus you have the life and death of Thomas Becket,
what judgment we should form respecting him, let his
own actions and conduct declare. And although the
Scripture ought to be the only rule for us to judge all
things by, yet if any one shall require further testimony
to satisfy the mind, we have the judgments of certain
men, in years and times almost as ancient as himself re-,
specting his conduct.
And first to begin with the testimony of one of hisov
religion and church, and also not far from his own timeJ
who in writing of his martyrdom and miracles, gives tol
us the judgment and opinion of others concerning his proj
motion and behaviour. The Chronicle being written "
Latin, is here translated for the English reader : " Man][
there are who as to his promotion regard it not as caJ
nonical. For it was effected rather by the influence of tha
king (thinking him a man ready and useful to him) than bj
the assent either of the clergy or of the people. It is reJ
marked in him as presumption and want of discretion,'
that when scarce worthy to take the oar in hand, he would
take upon him to sit at the helm and guide the ship
of the church, where the crew being in gesture and ves-
ture religious, is wont to have their prelate of the same
profession. Whereas he scarcely bearing the habit of a
clergyman, and going in his changes and soft apparel, is
more conversant among the delicate rufflers in the court,
rather savouring of worldly things, not refusing to climb
up to the high preferment of such an holy dignity, but
rather willingly and of his own accord aspiring to it.
Moses we read did otherwise, he being the (riend of God
and sent by him to conduct his people Israel out of Egypt,
trembled at the message, and said, who am I, Lord, that
I should go to Pharaoh, and bring thy people Israel out
of Egypt, &c."
And although scarcely any testimony is to be taken of
that age (being all blinded and corrupted with supersti-
tion), yet let us hear what Neubergensis an ancient his-
torian says, who being a contemporary and continuing
his history to the time of King Richard I. has these words,
writing of Thomas Becket.
" Whereas many are wont, in those whom they love o"*
praise (judging them more by affection than prudence)
to allow and approve whatever they do, yet if I might
judge tliis reverend man, verily I do not think his doings
and action praiseworthy or allowable, for so much as they
were unprofitable and only stirred up the anger of the
king, wliereujion afterward sprung many and great mis-
chiefs, although what he did might have proceeded from
a laudable zeal."
To this matter also refer the words of Cesarius the
monk, about the eight and fortieth year after the death of
Thomas Becket (A.D. 1220), his words are to this ef-
fect : —
" There was a question moved among the mastt rs of
the university of Paris, whether that Tlionias Becket
was saved or damned ? To this question Roger, a Nor-
man, answered, that he was worthy of death and damna-
tion, because he was so obstinate against God's minister,
his king. On the other hand, Peter Cantor, a Parisian^
§m\\ of Cjjomas %, ^etkt.
Piige 142.
A.D. 11 ro— 1171.] FALSE MIRACLES ASCRIBED TO BECKET, BLASPHEMOUS ANTHEM. 143
disputed, saying and affirming, tliat his miracles were
great signs and tokens of salvation, and also of great
holiness in that man ; affirming, moreover, that the
cause of the church allowed and confirmed his martyr-
dom, for which church he died," itc.
And tiius have ye the judgment and censure of the
school of Paris toucliing this question, for the sainting
of Thomas Becket. In which judgment as the greatest
argument rests in the miracles said to have been wrought
by him after his death ; let us, therefore, pause a little,
and examine these miracles. In this examination we
shall find one of these two things to be true, either that
if the miracles were true, they were wrouglit not by
God, but by a contrary spirit, of whom Christ our Lord
gives us warning in his gospel, saying, "There shall
arise false Christs and false prophets, and shall shew
great signs and wonders, insomuch that if it were possi-
ble, they shall deceive the very elect," Matt. xxiv. 24.
2 Thes. ii. 9. Rev. xiii. 14. ; or else we shall find that
no sucli miracles were ever wrought at all, but were
feigned and forged by idle monks, and by nuns and
friars, for the exaltation of their churches, and the profit
of their purses : this, indeed, seems rather to be the
truth, as may appear by the miracles themselves, set
forth by one of his own monks, and of his own time.
This monk, in five solemn books, has included all the
revelations, virtues, and miracles of the archbishop ;
which books I have seen and perused : in them is con-
tained the whole sum of all his miracles, to the number
of two hundred and seventy ; and they are far beyond
all truth and reason ; some are ridiculous, some mon-
strous, and vain, and absurd, some blasphemous, and
some so impudent, that not only they deserve no credit,
(altogether savouring of mere forgery), but also for very
shame would abash a modest pen to write them. Now
if miracles serve for convincing infidels, what necessity
was there, in a christian realm that has the word of God,
for God to work such miracles after the death of a man
who never wrought any miracle in all his life ? Then
if we consider the object of these miracles, to what pur-
pose do they tend, but only to bring men to Canter-
bury, with their vows and offerings to enrich the
Convent ?
Beside the number of these miracles, which is said to
be so great, that they lose all credit, what disease is
there belonging to man or woman, in the curing of which
some miracle has not been wrought by this wonder-
worker, as fevers, the gout, tooth-ache, palsy, consump-
tion, falling sickness, leprosy, head-ache, broken arms,
maimed legs, swelling throats, the raising up the dead
who have been two days departed, with numberless
others.
To recite all these prodigious revelations and fantasti-
cal miracles, falsely imagined and ascribed to this
archbishop, were nothing else but to write a legend
of lies, and to occu{)y the people with trifles. And be-
cause it pertains rather to the idle profession of such
dreaming monks and cloisterers, that have nothing else
to maintain their religion with ; I will not take their
profession out of their hands. Wherefore, to omit all
such vain and lying apparitions and miracles, as how this
angry saint (three days after his death) appeared by
vision at the altar in his Pontifical robes, commanding
the choir not to sing, but to say this office of his mass,
Exurge, quare ohdormis, Domine, i^'c. To omit also
the blasphemous lie, how in another vision the arch-
bishop said, " That his blood did cry out of the earth to
God, more than the blood of righteous Abel." Also in
another vision that appeared to a monk, how this saint
Thomas had his place in heaven appointed with the
apostles, above Stephen, Lawrence, Vincent, and all other
martyrs; for which. this reason is given that St. Ste-
phen, Lawrence, and others, suffered only for their own
cause ; but that this Thomas Becket suffered for the
universal church. Also, how it was shewn to a young
man twelve years before the death of this Becket,
that among the apostles and martyrs in heaven there was
a vacant place left for a certain priest of England, which
was credibly supposed to be this Thomas Becket.
Also, how a certain knight's son, being two days dead,
was revived again so soon as he had the water of Canter-
bury put into his mouth, and had four pieces of silver
offered by his parents, in Canterbury, in the child's be-
half. All these, I say, with such others, I omit, giving
only this one story, or another that follows, which shall
suffice to express the vanity and impudent forgery of all
the rest.
There is a miracle of a countryman of Bedfordshire,
whose name was Kihvard ; in his drunkenness, bursting
into another man's house, who was his debtor, he took
out of his house a whetstone, and a pair of hedging
gloves. The other party seeing this value not sufficient
for his condemnation, entered an action of felony againsi
him for other things besides, as for stealing his wimble,
his axe, his net, and other cloths. Whereupon Eihvard
being condemned, was judged to have both his eyes put
out. Which punishment by the malice of his adversary
being executed upon him, he, lying in great danger of
death by bleeding, was counselled to make his prayer to
this Thomas of Canterbury. Which done, saith the mi-
racle, there appeared one to him by night, in white ap-
parel, bidding him to watch and pray, and put his trust
in God and our lady, and holy St. Thomas Becket. In
conclusion, the miracle thus fell out. The next day at
evening, the man, rubbing his eyelids, began to feel his
eyes restored again ; first, in a little, after in a greater
measure, so that one was of a grey colour, the other was
of black. This one miracle I thought here to express, that
by this one thou mightest judge of all the rest of his mi-
racles. Wherefore, as I said, if the holy sainting of
Thomas Becket stands upon nothing but his miracles,
what credit is to be given thereto .' and upon what a
weak ground his shrine has stood so long, by this may
easily be seen. Another fable as notable as this we read
in the story of Gervasius. That Thomas Becket ap-
pearing to a certain priest, named Thomas, declared to
him that he had so brought to pass, that all the names of
the monks of the church of Canterbury, with the names of
the priests and clerks, and with the families belonging to
that city and church of Canterbury, were written in the
book of life !
But whatever is to be thought of his miracles, or how-
ever the testimony of the school of Paris, or of these an-
cient times, went with him or against him, certain it is,
that this anthem, lately written and used in his praise,
is blasphemous, and derogates from the praise of him to
whom only all praise and honour is due.
By the blood of Thomas,
MTiich he for thee did spend,
Grant us, Christ, to climb,
Where Thomas did ascend.
After the death of Thomas Becket, the king, fearing
the pope's wrath and curse, sent the archbishop of Rotho-
niage, with other bishops and archdeacons, to the pope
with his excuse, which the pope would in nowise hear.
And after other messengers were sent, it was shewn to
them that on Good Friday, the pope was used to absolve
or to curse, and that it was rumoured that the king of
England, with his bishops, would be cursed, and his land
interdicted, and that they should be put into prison.
After this, certain of the cardinals shewed the pope, that
the messengers had power to swear to the pope, that the
king would obey his punishment and penance. So that
on the same day the pope cursed the perpetrators, and
all that either aided or harboured them.
The king's ambassadors could find no grace or favour
for a long time at the pope's hands. At length it was
agreed, that two cardinals should be sent down to in-
quire into the matter concerning those that were con-
senting to Becket' s death. The king, perceiving what
was preparing at Rome, and being yet uncertain what the
design of the pope and coming down of the cardinals
would tend to, applied himself with a great army to invade
Ireland, giving it in charge and commandment, that no
bearer of any brief or letter should come into England,
or pass out of the realm, without special licer>e and as-
surance, that he would bring nothing that should be pre-
judicial to the realm.
144 PENANCE ENJOINED ON THE KING FOR THE DEATH OF THOMAS BECKET, [Book VI.
This being ordained, the king, with four hundred
great ships, takes his voyage to Ireland, where he sub-
dued in a sliort time the whole land, which at that time
was gv)verued under several kings, to the number of five ;
of wIkmu four submitted themselves to King Henry,
the fifth only refused to submit, keeping in the woods
and marshes.
Wiiile the king was thus occupied in Ireland, the two
cardinals that were sent from the pope, Theodine and
Albert, were come to Normandy. The year following,
the king went to meet them (October, A. D. 1172).
The king, returning out of Ireland, by Wales, into
England, and from thence to Normandy, there cleared
himself of the charge, before the pope's legates, as to the
death of Becket, to which he swore he was neither aid-
ing nor consenting, but only that he spoke severely
against him, because his knights would not avenge him
against Thomas ; for which cause this penance was en>
joined lam under his oath.
First, thdt he should send so much money into the
Holy Land, as would supply two hundred knights or
soldiers for the defence of that land.
Also, that from Christmas-day next following, he should
s?,t forth in his own person to fight for the Holy Land,
ft)r the space of three years together, unless he should
be otherwise dispensed with by the pope.
Also, that if he would make his journey into Spain,
he should there fight against the Saracens, and as long
as he should abide there, so long he might take in pro-
longing his journeys to Jerusalem.
Also, that he should not hinder, nor cause to be
hindered by him, any appeal made to the pope of
Rome.
Also, that neither he nor his son should depart or dis-
sever from Pope Alexander, or from his catholic succes-
sors, so long as they should count him or his son for
catholic kings.
Also, that the goods and possessions taken from the
church of Canterbury should be restored, as they stood
the year before Thomas Becket departed the realm ;
and that free liberty should be granted to all such
as were outlawed for Becket's cause to return again.
Also, that the customs and decrees established by
him against the church, should be extinct and repealed,
(such only except that concerned his own person, &c.;,
besides other secret fastings and alms enjoined him.
All these conditions the king with his son agreed to,
debasing himself in such submission before the two car-
dinals, that they took no little glory from it, using this
verseof the Psalm : " Helooketh on the earth, and it trem-
bleth, He toucheth the hills, and they smoke," Psalm
civ. 32. It is mentioned, too, that a little after, the king
returning out of Normandy to England, came first to Can-
terbury, (A. D. 1174) and as he came within sight of Bec-
ker's church, lighting off his horse, andputtingoffhis shoes
lie went barefoot to the tomb, the steps of which were
found bloody, through the roughness of the stones. And
not only tliat, but he received the further penance of the
discipline of the rod, by every monk of the cloister. By
whicli great degradation of the king, if it were true, we
mny see the blind and lamentable superstition and igno-
rance of tliose days.
The next yo-ir (A. D. 117.t"), a convocation of bishops
was held at Westminster by Richard archbishop of Can-
terbury. In which all the bishops and abbots of the
provinca of Canterbury and of York being present, de-
termined (as it had done a little before in the days of King
Henry I. A. D. 111.'5) about the obedience that York
should pay to Canterbury ; that is, whether the arch-
bishop of York might bear his cross in the diocese of
Canterbury or not, of which somewhat was mentioned
before in this history. Upon these and other such matters
rose such controversy between these two sees, that the
one appealed the other to the presence of the bishop of
Rome.
In these and such like causes, how much better had it
been if the supremacy had remained more near at home
in the king's hands. By which not only much labour
and travelling had been saved, but also the great and
wasteful expenses at Rome might with much more fruit
and profits have been spent among their cures and flocks
committed to them.
We have stated already among the acts and doings of
Pope Alexander III., how he had brought the emperor's
head under his foot in St. Mark's church at Venice,
when the peace was there concluded, and a composition
made between the pope and the Emperor Frederick. This
pacification Roger Hoveden, and Walter Gisbiirn. refer to
about this time (A. D. 1177), bringing in two letters sent
from the said pope to Richard archbishop of Canterbury,
and to Roger archbishop of York, and to Hugh bishop ot
Durham. Out of which letters, so much as serves to our
present purpose, I have here inserted.
The Letter of Pope Alexander.
" Alexander servant of the servants of God, to his re-
verend brethren Roger archbishop of York, and Hugh
bishop of Durham, greeting and apostolical blessing. The
obsequiousness and service of your kind devotion, which
hitherto you are known to have given both devoutly and
laudably to us and to the church, requires that we should
describe to you, as to our special friends, the prosperous
success of the church, and to let you know, as spiritual
children or the church, what has happened to the same.
For it is meet, convenient, and also honest, that you,
whom we have had so firm and sure in our devotion,
should now be cherished and made joyous in the prospe-
rity of us and of the church."
And about the end of the epistle it follows thus :
" The next day, which was the feast of St. James, the
emperor so requesting us, we came to the church of St.
Mark, to celebrate there our solemn mass ; where (as
■we were coming in the way) the emperor met us without
the church, and placing us on his right hand, he brought
us so into the church. After the mass was done, placing
us again on his right hand, he brought us to the church
door. And moreover, when we would mount our palfry,
he held our stirrup, exhibiting to us such honour and re-
verence, as his progenitors were wont to exhibit to our
predecessors. Wherefore these shall serve to excite your
diligence and zeal towards us, that you may rejoice with
us and the church in these our prosperous successes, and
also that you may open the same source of peace to other
devout children of the church : that such as are touched
with the zeal of the house of the Lord, may be thankful
and rejoice in the Lord for the great peace which he hath
given. Given at Venice, the 2f)th of July."
This year the contention revived again between the
two archbishops of York and Canterbury, the occasion
whereof was this ; the manner and practice of the pope
is, when he begins to want money, to send some cardinal
abroad to gather in his harvest. So there came this
year into England a cardinal from Rome, called Hugo,
who would needs keep a council at Westminster. To
this council resorted a great concourse of bishops, abbots,
priors, doctors, and others of the clergy. As every one
was there placed in his order, and according to his rank,
first comes the archbishop of York, who to anticipate the
other archbishop, came something sooner, and placed him-
self on the right hand of the cardinal, the archbishop of
Canterbury following shortly after, and seeing the first
place occupied, refuses to take the second, complaining of
the archbishop of York, as having prejudiced his see. So
while the one would not rise, and the other would not sit
down, there arose no small contention between them. The
archbishop of Canterbury claimed the upper seat by the
pre-eminence of his church. On the other hand, the
archbishop of York alleged the old decree of Gregory.
By which this order was appointed between the two
metropolitans of Canterbury and York, that which ever
of them should be first in election, should have the pre-
eminence in dignity before the other. Thus contending
to and fro, they waxed so warm in words, that at last
they turned to blows. How strong the archbishop of
York was in reason and argument, I cannot tell ; but the
archbishop of Canterbury was stronger at the arm's end ;
whose servants being more in number and like valiant
men, not suffering their master to take up with such a
trick, so succeeded against York, as he sat on the right
A.D. 1172—1189.] DEATH OF HENRY IT. FORM OF GIVING THE PALL TO THE ARCHBISHOP. 145
hand of the cardinal, that they plucked him down from the
hand to the foot of the cardinal upon the ground, treading
and trampling upon him with their feet, so that it was a
marvel he escaped with life. His robes were all rent
and torn from his back.
But what did the noble Roman cardinal ? Standing
up in the midst, and seeing the house in such a broil, he
committed himself to flight. The next day the arch-
bishop of York brings to the cardinal his robes, to bear
witness what injury and violence he had sustained ; ap-
pealing and citing up the archbishop of Canterbury to
the bishop of Rome. And thus the holy council was
dissolved the same day it was begun.
Under the reign of this King Henry II. the dominion
and crown of England extended so far as had not been
seen in this realm before him ; histories record him as
possessing under his rule and jurisdiction, first, Scot-
land, to whom William king of Scots, with all the lords
temporal and spiritual, did homage both for them and for
their successors (the seal whereof remains in the king's
treasury) as also Ireland, England, Normandy, Aqui-
taine. Gaunt, &c., to the mountains of the T'yrenees,
being also protector of France ; to whom Philip the
French king yielded both himself and his realm wholly to
his government (A. D. 1181). He was offered also to be
made king of Jerusalem, by the patriarch and master of
the hospital there ; who, being distressed by the Soldan,
brought him the keys of the city, desiring his aid against
the infidfls ; which offer he refused, alleging the great
charge wliich he had at home, and the rebellion of his
sons, which might happen in his absence.
The wisdom, discretion, manhood, and riches of this
prince was so spread abroad and renowned in all quarters,
that messages came from Emmanuel emperor of Constan-
tinople, Frederick emperor of Rome, and William arch-
bishop of Treves in Germany, the duke of Saxony, and
from the earl of Flanders, and also from the French king,
to ask counsel and determination in difficult questions
from this King Henry, as one most wise, and schooled
in all wisdom and justice, so as to solve their questions
and doubts. Alphonso king of Castile, and Sancius king
of Navarre being in strife for certain castles and other pos-
sessions, submitted them (of their free accord, and by their
oath) to abide the award of this King Henry ; who made his
award and pleased them both ; by this it is to be supposed,
that this king, to whom other princes so resorted, as to
their arbiter and judge, was not given either to sloth or
vicious living. From which it may appear that the acts
of this prince were not so vicious as some monkish writers
describe.
Among many other memorable things in this king, one is
that he reigned five-and- thirty years, and having such
wars with his enemies, yet he never put upon his sub-
jects any tribute or tax. And yet his treasury after his
death amounted to above nine hundred thousand pounds,
besides jewels, precious stones, and household furniture.
But as there is no felicity or wealth in this mortal
world so perfect, as not to be darkened with some cloud
of adversity ; so it happened to this king, that among his
other princely successors, this affliction followed him, that
his sons rebelled and stood in arms against him, taking
the part of the French king against their father.
At the coronation of his son Henry, whom the father
joined with him as king, he being both father and king,
notwithstanding, set down as if he was only an attendant,
the first dish to his son, renouncing the name of a king.
The archbishop of York, sitting on the right hand of the
young king, said, " Sir, ye have great cause this day to
joy, for there is no prince in the world that hath such an
attendant this day," &c. And the young king disdain-
ing his words, said, '* My father is not dishonoured in
doing this, for I am a king and a queen's son, and he is
not so." And not only this, but afterwards he even per-
secuted his father ; and so in his youth when he had
reigned but a few years he died ; teaching us what is the
reward of breaking the commandment of God.
After him likewise his son Richard (who was called
Richard Cceur de Lion) rebelled against his father, and
also John his youngest son did not much degenerate
from the steps of his brethren. Insomuch that this
Richard, taking part against his father, brought him to
such distress of body and mind, that for sorrow of heart
he fell into an ague, and within four days departed, (A.D.
118y) after he had reigned five-and-thirty years.
And thus much concerning the reign of Henry II., and
the death of Thomas Becket ; whose death happened in
the days of Pope Alexander III. ; which pope usurping
the keys of the ecclesiastical government one-and-twenty
years (or as Gisburn writes, three and-twenty years) go-
verned the church with much tumult.
This pope, among many other acts, had certain coun-
cils, some in France, some at Rome, in Lateran ; by
whom it was decreed, that no archbishop should receive
the pall, unless he should first swear to obey the pope.
Concerning the solemnity of which pall, for the order
and manner of giving and taking the same with obedience
to the pope, as it is contained in their own words, I
thought it good to set it forth.
The form and manner how and by what words the pope i»
wont to give the pall unto the Archbiahop.
"To the honour of Almighty God, and of blessed
Mary the virgin, and of blessed St. Peter and Paul, and
of our lord Pope N., and of the holy church of Rome,
and also of the church of N., committed to your charge,
we give to you the pall taken from the body of St. Peter,
as a fulness of the pontifical office, which you may wear
within your own church upon certain days which are ex-
pressed in the privileges of the said church, granted by
the see apostolic."
In like manner proceedeth the oath of every bishop
swearing obedience to the pope as follows :
" I, N., bishop of N., from this hour henceforth, will
be faithful and obedient to blessed St. Peter, and to the
holy apostolic church of Rome, and to my lord N. the
pope. 1 shall be in no council, nor hel]) either with my
consent or deed, whereby either of them, or any member
of them may be impaired, or whereby they maybe taken
with any evil taking. The counsel which they shall com-
mit to me either by themselves, or by messenger, or by
their letters wittingly or willingly I shall utter to none
to their hinderance and damage. To the retaining and
maintaining the papacy of Rome, and the regalities of St.
Peter, I shall be an aider (so mine order be saved) against
all persons, the legate of the apostolic see, both in going
and coming, I shall honourably treat and help in all ne-
cessities. Being called to a Synod I shall be ready to
come, unless I be hindered by some lawful and canonical
impeachment. The palace of the apostles every third
year I shall visit either by myself or my messenger, ex-
cept otherwise being licensed by the see apostoUc. All
such possessions as belong to tlie table and diet of my
bishoprick, I shall neither sell, nor give, nor lay to mort-
gage, nor lease out, nor remove away by any manner
of means without the consent and knowledge of the
bishop of Rome ; so God help me and the holy gospeb
of God."
In the reign of King Henry (about A.D. 1178), I find
in Roger Iloveden and others, that in the city of
Toulouse there was a great multitude of men and women
whom the pope's commissioners prosecuted and con-
demned as heretics ; some of them were scourged naked,
some were chased away, and some were compelled to ab-
jure. Concerning their opinions I can give no certain
account.because I find the papists so often falsifying things
in their accusations, and untruly collecting men's words,
not as they meant them, but wresting and depraving
men's assertions in such a way as pleased thcniselvea.
But I find that one of the commissioners or inquisitor!
(Henry the abbot), in a letter, wrote thus of one of
them, that, " After a new opinion he affirmed that the
holy bread of eternal life, consecrated by the ministry of
the priest, was not the body of the Lord," &c.
In the time of this Pope Alexander commenced the
doctrine and name of those who were called, " Poor mea
of Lvons," who, from Waldus or Waldo a chief senator
in Lyons, were named " Waldenses," ^about A.U., 1100,
or as Laziard writes A.D. 1170.)
Not long before this time lived Gratian, maaier of th«
12
I4()
THE HISTORY AND DOCTRINES OF THE WALDENSES.
decrees, and Peter Lombard, master of the sentences,
both arch -pillars of all papistry ; after whom followed two
others as bad or worse than they, Franci? and Dominic,
mai'itaining blind hypocrisy not less than the others main-
tained proud prelacy. As these laboured one way by
superstition and worldly advancement to corrupt the
simplicity of the christian relii^on, so it pleased Christ
on the contrary, working against them, to raise up the
Waldenses against the pride and hypocrisy of the
others.
Thus we never see any great corruption in the church,
but some sparks of the true and clear light of the gospel
by God's providence remains ; whatever doctors Aus-
tin, Reinerius, Sylvius, Cranzius, with others in their
popish histories, write of them, defaming them and ac-
cusing them as disobedient to orders, rebels to the
catholic church, and contemners of the Virgin Mary ;
yet they that judge impartial judgment, rather trusting
truth than wavering with the times, in weighing their
articles, shall find it otherwise ; and that they main-
tained nothing but the same doctrine which is now de-
fended in the church.
The history of the Waldenses concerning their original
and doctrine, with their persecutions.
The first origin of these Waldenses was one Waldus,
(or Waldo), a man of great substance in the city of
Lyons. About the year IKiO some of the best and
chief inhabitants of the city of Lyons, walking in a cer-
tain place after their old accustomed manner, especially
in the summer time, conferred and consulted together on
various matters, either to pass away the time, or to de-
bate their measures. Among them it chanced that one
fell down suddenly dead ; this Waldus was among them
at the time. He, looking on the matter more earnestly
than the others, and terrified with so awful an ex-
ample, and God's Holy Spirit working within him, was
stricken with a deep and inward repentance. Upon this
followed a great change, with a careful study to reform
his former life. So that first he began to minister large
alms of his goods to such as were in need. Secondly,
to instruct himself and his family with the true know-
ledge of God's word. Thirdly, to admonish all that
resorted to him on any occasion, to repentance and vir-
tuous amendment of life. Partly through his extensive
charities to the poor, partly through his diligent teaching
and wholesome admonitions, more of the people daily
frequented about him ; and when he saw them ready and
diligent to learn, he began to give out to them certain
easy portions of the scripture, which he had translated
himself into the French tongue ; for as he was wealthy
in riches, so he was also not unlearned in languages.
Although Laziard, Volateran, with others, describe
him as utterly unlearned, and charge him with ignorance,
yet by others that have seen his works yet remaining in
old parchment monuments, it appears he was both able
to declare and translate the books of scripture, and also
to collect the comments of the learned upon them.
But whatever he was, whether lettered or unlettered,
the bishops and prelates seeing him thus intermeddle
with the scriptures, and have such resort about him,
altliough it was only in his own house and in private
conference, could not abide that the scriptures should be
explained by any other than themselves, and yet they
would not take the pains to explain it themselves. So
they threatened to excommunicate him if he did not
cease to do so. Waldus seeing his proceedings to be
godly, and their malice stirred up without just or godly
cause, neglected the threatenings and frettings of the
wicked, and said, " that God must be obeyed rather
than man." To be brief, the more diligent he was in
setting forth the true doctrine of Christ against the
errors of antichrist, the more maliciously their fierceness
increased. So that when they saw their excommunica-
tion despised, they ceased not to persecute him with
(1) This article seems to be given of them in Bohemia not long
ftfter, fur indulgences came not in before Boniface VIII.
[Book IV.
prison, with sword, and banishment, till at length they
had driven both Waldus and all the favourers of his true
preaching out of the city.
Whereupon came first their name, that they were
called Waldenses, or the poor men of Lyons, not be-
cause they would have all things common among them,
or that they, professing any wilful poverty, would imi-
tate to live as the apostles did (as Eneas Sylvius falsely
belied them), but because, being thrust out both of
country and of goods, they were compelled to live poorly
whether they would or not.
And thtis much touching the first occasion and be-
ginning of these men, and of the restoring and maintain-
ing of the true doctrine of Christ's gospel, against the
proud proceedings of popish errors. Now, concerning
their articles, which I find in order and in number to be
these : —
L Only the holy scripture is to be believed in matters
pertaining to salvation, and no man's writing, or man
besides.
IL All things necessary to salvation are contained in
holy scripture, and nothing is to be admitted in religion,
but only what is commanded in the word of God.
in. There is one only Mediator; other saints are in
no wise to be made mediators, or to be invoked.
IV. There is no purgatory, but all men are justified
by Christ to life, or without Christ are condemned ; and
besides these two there is not any third or fourth place.
V. That all masses, namely, such as are sung for the
dead, are wicked and ought to be abolished.
VI. All men's traditions are to be rejected, at least
not to be reputed as necessary to salvation, and there-
fore this singing and superfluous chanting in the chancel
should be ceased ; constrained and prefixed fasts bound
to days and times, difference of meats, such variety of
degrees and orders of priests, friars, monks, and nuns,
superfluous holy days, so many sundry benedictions aud
hallowing of creatures, vows, pilgrimages, with all the
rites and ceremonies brought in by man, ought to be
abolished.
VII. The supremacy of the pope usurping above all
churches, and especially above all realms and govern-
ments, and his usurping the jurisdiction of both the
swords, is to be denied ; and no degree of orders is to be
received in the church, but priests, deacons, and
bishops.
VIII. The communion under both kinds is necessary
to all people, according to the institution of Christ.
IX. The church of Rome is the very Babylon spoken
of in the Apocalypse ; and the pope the fountain of all
error, and the very antichrist.
X. The pope's pardons and indulgences they re
ject. '
XI. The marriage of priests and of ecclesiastical
persons, is godly, and also necessary in the church.
XII. Such as hear the word of God, and have a right
faith, are the right church of Christ. And to this
church the keys of the church are given, to drive away
wolves, and to institute true pastors, and to preach the
word, and to minister the sacraments."
These are the principal articles of the Waldenses,
although there are some who add more to them ; some
again divide these into more parts.
The Waldenses, at length exiled, were dispersed in
many and various places, many remained long in Bo-
hemia, who, writing to their king, Uladislaus, to clear
themselves against the slanderous accusations of Dr.
Austin, gave their confession together with an apology
of their christian profession ; defending with strong and
learned arguments the same defence and confession
which is now received in most reformed churches con-
cerning gBBce, faith, charity, hope, repentance, and
works of mercy.
As for purgatory, they say that Thomas Aquinas is
the creator of it.
Concerning the supper of the Lord, their faith was.
(2) Some ancient autliors add another article — viz. " They r»-
ceive and approve of two sacruments only, Baptism and the Coi"
I munton." [Ed.]
A.D. 11S9.]
DOCTRINE AND MANNERS OF THE WALDENSES.
147
I that it was ordained to be eaten, not to be shewed and
worshipped ; for a memorial, not for a sacrifice ; to serve
for the present ministration, and not for reservation ; to
I be received at the table, not to be carried out of the
doors ; according to the ancient use of the primitive
church, when they used to communicate sitting. And
this they prove both by an old chronicle called Chronica
Gestorum, as also by ancient Origen upon the third
book of Moses, bringing in his words, which are these,
proving that this sacramental bread ought not to be re-
served : — " Whoever receives this bread of the supper
, of Christ upon the second or third day after, his soul
shall not be blessed, but polluted. Therefore because
the Gibeonites brought old bread to the children of
Israel, it was enjoined them to carry wood and water," &c.
; Dr. Austin, disputing against them about this matter
of the holy eucharist, urges then* with this question,
whether it be the same Christ present in the sacrament
, which is present at the right hand of the Father .' If it
' be not the same Christ, how is it true in the scripture,
'"One farth, one Lord Jesus Christ?" If it be the
i same Christ, then how is he not to be honoured and
worshipped here as well as there .•"
To this the Waldenses answer and grant that Christ is
one and the same with his natural body, in the sacra-
ment which he is at the right hand of his Father, but not
after the same existence of his body. For the existence
of his body in heaven is personal and local, to be appre-
hended by the faith and spirit of men. In the sacra-
ment the existence of the body is not personal or local,
to be apprehended or received of our bodies, after a
personal or corporeal manner, but after a sacramental
manner ; that is, where our bodies receive the sign, and
our spirit the thing signified. Moreover, in heaven the
existence of his body is complete with the full propor-
tion and quantity wherewith he ascended. Here, the
existence of his complete body, with the full proportion,
measure, and stature, does not, and cannot stand in tie
sacrament.
That answer being made to the captious proposition
of Dr. Austin, the Waldenses (retorting the like ques-
tion to him) demand of him to answer them : Whether it
be all one Christ substantially and naturally, which sits
in heaven, and which is under the forms of bread and
wine, and in the receivers of the sacrament ? If he
grant it to be so ; then they bid him say, seeing Christ
is as well in the sacrament as in heaven, and as well in
the receiver as in the sacrament, and all one Christ in
substance and nature ; why then is noi the same Christ
to be worshipped as well in the breast of the receiver, as
under the forms of bread and wine in the sacrament ;
seeing he is there after a more perfect manner in man,
than in the sacrament ? for in the sacrament he is but
for a time, and not for the sacrament's sake, but for the
man's sake : in man he is not for the sacrament's sake,
but for his own ; and that not for a season, but for ever,
as it is written, " He that eateth this bread shall live for
ever," &c.
Besides this, seeing transubstantiation is the passing
of one substance into another ; they question again with
him, whether, the forms of bread and wine remaining,
the substance be changed into the whole person of our
Lord Christ Jesus ; that is, into his body, soul, and
divinity, or not into the whole Christ .' If he grant the
whole ; then say they, that is impossible (concerning the
divinity) both to nature and to our faith, that any crea-
ture can be changed into the Creator. If he say, the
bread is changed into the body and soul of Christ, not
to his divinity, then he separates the natures in Christ.
If he say, into the body alone, and not the soul, then he
separates the natures of the true manhood, &c. and so it
cannot be the same Christ that was betrayed for us ; for
that he had both body and soul. To conclude, to what
part soever he would answer, this doctrine of transub-
stantiation could not be defended without great incon-
veniences.
Besides this, Eneas Sylvius, writing of their doctrine
and assertions (perchance as he found them, perchance
makinst worse of them than they taught or meant^ re-
ports of them after this manner :
"The bishop of Rome is equal with other bishops.
Among priests there is to be no difference of degree-
No priest is to be reputed for any dignity of his order,
but for the worthiness of his life.
"The souls of men departed enter either into pain ever-
lasting, or everlasting joy. There is no fire of purga-
tory. To pray for the dead is vain, and a thing only
invented for the lucre of priests.
" The images of God (as of the Trinity) and of saints
should be abolished. The hallowing of water and palm
are a mere ridicule. The religion of begging friars is
an invention of the devil. Priests should not engross
riches in this world, but rather follow poverty, being
content with their tithes, and men's devotion. The
preaching of the word should be free to all men called
thereto.
" No deadly sin is to be tolerated, for the sake of a
greater convenience. The confirmation which bishops
exercise with oil, and extreme unction, are not to hb
counted among the sacraments of the church. Auriculai
confession is but a childish thing ; it is enough for every
man to confess himself in his chamber to God. Bap-
tism ought to be administered only with pure water,
without any mixture of hallowed oil. The temple of the
Lord is the wide world. The majesty of God is not re-
strained within the walls of temples, monasteries, and
chapels, so as that his grace should be found in one
place more than in another.
"Priests' apparel, ornaments of the high altar, vest-
ments, corporals, chalices, patins, and other church-
plate, are of no use. It makes no matter in what place
the priest consecrates or ministers to them who require
it. li- is sufficient to use only the sacramental words
witVout other superfluous ceremonies.
" The suffrages of saints, reigning with Christ ia
iieaven, are prayed for in vain ; they being unable
to help us. In saying or singing the hours and
matins of the day the time is lost. A man ought to
cease from his labour no day, but only upon the Sun-
day.
" The feasts and festivals of saints ought to be rejected.
Such fasts as are compulsory, and enjoined by the
church, have no merit in them."
The doctrines of the Waldenses being thus specified
by Eneas Sylvius, who afterwards was pope, I thought
it well to give them in English, that as they are the less to
be doubted, being described by the pen of this pope, so
we may the better know what their opinions were, and
also understand how this doctrine, now preached and
taught in the protestant church, is no new doctrine, in-
asmuch as we here see it both taught and persecuted
almost 400 years ago. And as I have spoken hitherto
sufficiently concerning their doctrine : so now we will
briefly somewhat touch of the order of their life and
conversation, as we find it registered in a certain old
book of inquisition.
" The manner of the Waldenses is this, kneeling
upon their knees, and leaning on some bank or stay,
they continue in their prayers with silence so long as a
man may say the Lord's prayer thirty or forty times.
And this they do every day with great reverence, among
themselves, and such as are of their own religion, and
no strangers with them, both before and after dinner ;
likewise before and after supper ; also when they go to
bed, and in the morning when they rise, and at certain
other times also, as well in the day as in the night.
They use no other prayer but the Lord's prayer, and
that without any ' Hail, Mary,' or the creed, which
they affirm not to be by Christ, but only by the church
of Rome. Although they use the seven articles of faith
concerning the divinity, and seven articles concerning
the humanity, and the ten commandments, and seven
works of mercy, which they have compiled together in a
compendious book.
" Before they go to meat they ask a blessing, and that
the Lord Christ may have mercy upon them, and they
say the Lord's prayer. Which being said, then the
elder among them begins thus in their own tongue :—
' God who blessed the five barley loaves, and two fialiei
148
ORIGIN OF THE VARIOUS CROSSES.
[Book IV.
in the desert before his disciples, bless this table, and
what is set upon it, or shall be set upon it: In the name
of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost,
Amen.' And likewise again, when they rise from
meat, the senior gives thanks, saying the words of the
Apocalypse, ' Blessing, and worship, and wisdom, and
thanksgiving, honour, virtue, and strength to God alone
for ever and ever. Amen.' And adds, moreover, ' God
reward them in their bosoms, and be beneficial to all
them that be beneficial to us, and bless us. And may
the God who has given us bodily food grant us his
spiritual life ; and may God be with us, and we always
with him.' To which they answer again, ' Amen. '
And thus saying grace, they hold their hands upward,
looking up to heaven. After their meat and grace said,
they teach and exhort amongst themselves, conferring
together upon their doctrine," &c.
In their doctrine and teaching they were so diligent
and painful, that Reinerius, a writer about their time,
and a violent enemy against them, in a long process,
wherein he describes their doctrine and teaching, testi-
fies that he heard of one who knew the party, that a
certain heretic, as he calls him, merely to turn a person
away from our (Roman) faith, and to bring him to that
of the Waldenses, swam in the night, and in the winter
time, over the river Ibis, to come to him, and to teach
him. So perfect were they in the scriptures, that
Reinerius says, he heard and saw an unlettered country-
man who could recite the whole book of Job word by
word, without book, and others who had the whole New
Testament perfectly by heart.
And although some of them rather strange'y ilian un-
skilfully expounded the words, " Sui non rccepprvnt
e'i7n," John i. 11. ; " swine received him not ;" yet ihev
were not so ignorant and devoid of learning, nor yet ^-,
few in number, but that they greatly spread ; so that
Reinerius has these words : " There was none durst stop
them for the power and multitude of their favourers. I
have often been at their inquisition and examination,
and there were numbered forty churches infected with
their heresy, insomuch that in one parish of Cammach,
were ten open schools of them," &c.
And Reinerius, when he had said all he could in slan-
dering and impugning them, yet is driven to confess
this, where he distinguishes their sect from every other
sect. " This sect of the Lyonists has a great shew of
holiness, they live justly before men, and believe all
things well of God, and hold all the articles contained in
the creed ; only they blaspheme the Romish church, and
hate it," &c.
Now to say a little about their persecutions : After
they were driven out of Lyons, they were scattered into
various places (the Providence of God so permitting it,)
that the sound of their doctrine might be heard abroad
in the world. Some went to Bohemia, many fled into
the provinces of France, some into Lonibardy, others
into other pluces, &c. But as the cross commonly fol-
lows the true and sincere preaching of God's word,
80 neither could these be suffered to live or remain at
rest. There are yet to be seen the consultations of law-
yers, archbishops, and bishops of France, which yet re-
main in writing, for the extirpation of these Waldenses,
written above three hundred years ago ; by which it
appears that there was a great number of them in France.
Besides, there was a council held in Toulouse about
three hundred and fifty-five years ago, (A. D. 122!),)
against these Waldenses, who were condemed in another
council at Rome before that.
What great persecutions were raised up against them
in France by the pope's commissioners before alluded
to, appears by their writings ; I will recite some of
their words, which towards the end are these: — " Who
is such a stranger that he knows not the condemnation
of the heretical Waldenses decreed, so many years ago,
■o famous, so public, followed up with so great labours]
expenses, and travel of the faithful, and sealed with so
many deaths of these infidels, so solemnly condemned
and openly punished ?" By this we may see persecu-
tion to be no new thing in the church of Christ, when
antichrist so lon^j before (even three hundred yeais ago)
began to rage against these Waldenses. In Bohemia
likewise afterwards, under the name of Taborites (as
Sylvius records) they suffered no little trouble. But
never was persecution stirred up against them, or
against any other people more terrible than in these
later years in France by the French king (A. D. 1.54.i)
the lamentable story is described in Sleidan, and here-
atter in the course of this book, when we come to the
j)roper period it shall be narrated (by the grace of
Christ) more at large. In this persecution it is stated
that in one town, Cabiiera, there were slain eight hundred
))ersons at once, without respect of women or children
ot any age ; of whom forty women, and most of them
great with child, thrust into a barn, and the windows be .
ing kept with pikes, and fire being applied to them, were
all consumed. Besides, in a cave not far from the town
Mussium, five-and-twenty persons were at the same
time destroyed with smoke and fire. At Merindolum
(when all the rest had fied away) one young man,
being found, was tied to an olive-tree, and most cruellj
destroyed with torments. There was much more per-
secution, as shall appear hereafter in the history trans-
lated out of Sleidan.
There is also an old document of process, wherein it
appears that four hundred and forty-three were brought
to examination in Pomerania, Marchia, and places
thereabouts (about A. D. Kiyi).
And thus much touching the origin, doctrine, and the
lamentable persecutions of the Waldenses, who, as is de-
clared, first began about the time of this King Henry 11.
It now remains in the order of time to narrate such
other incidents as occurred under the reign of this kiu",
not unworthy to be observed.
There was a great war in Palestine, when the city of
Jerusalem, with the cross and king of the city, and
others of the temple, were taken by the Saracens, and
most pait of the christians there were either slain or
taVen. There was cruel murder and slaughter by the
Turk, wlio caused all the chief of the chri.-*^ians to be
brougu forth and beheaded before his face, so that Pojie
Urban III. died for sorrow, and (Gregory VIII., ne.\C
pope after him, lived not two months. Then, in tiie
days of Pope Clement III., sorrow was growing daily
for the loss of Palestine, and destruction of the chris-
tians. King Henry of England, and Philip the French
king, the duke of Burgundy, the earl of Flanders, the
earl of Campania, with other christian princes with a
general consent upon St. George's day, took the mark
of the cross upon them, promising together to take
their voyage into the Holy Land. At which time the
histories say, the king of England received first the red
cross, the French king took the white cross, the earl of
Flanders took the green cross ; and se likewise other
princes took various colours, so as to be known every-
one by his proper cross. But King Henry (after the
three years were expired, in which he promised to per-
form his voyage) sent to the pope for further delay
of his promise, offering to erect three monasteries in-
stead.
Almaric, king of Jerusalem, destroyed Babylon (A. D.
1170), so that it was never after to this day restored,
but lies waste and desolate ; wherein was fulfilled that
which in the j)roj)hets was threatened against Babylon.
This Almaric had a son named Baldwin, and a daugh-
ter called Sibylla.
Sibylla was first married to one Willerm, marquis of
Mount Ferrat, by whom she had a son called also Bald-
win. After him she was married to another husband
named Guido de Liziniaco, earl of Joppa and of Asca-
lon. After the death of Baldwin, and the next heir, his
crown by descent fell to Sibylla the wife of Guido. The
peers and nobles, joining together in council, offered
Sibylla as the lawful heir to the crown, that she should
be their queen, with this condition, that she should
separate, by solemn divorce, from her husband Guido ;
but she refused the kingdom offered to her on that con-
dition, till at last the magistrates, with the nobles in
general, granted to her, and by their oaths confirmed it,
that whoever she would choose as her husband, they
would all obey as their king. Guido her husband, among
A.D. 1000—1190.] KING RICHARD II.— SLAUGHTER OF THE JEWS.
149
the rest, humbly requested her that the kingdom might
not, for his account, or for his private loss, be desti-
tute of government. At length, with tears consenting to
their entreaty, she was solemnly crowned their queen,
and received their allegiance by their oath. Upon this,
Guido, without any hope of wife and kingdom, departed
home quietly to his own place. Then the queen, as-
sembling her states and prelates together, conferred with
th.-m about choosing a king, according to what they had
pioniis.>d, and sworn to her, that they would obey him
as their king whom she would name to be her husband.
Thu^, while they were all in great expectation, waiting
every man to see whom she would nominate, the queen
with a loud voice said to Guido that stood among them,
•• Guido, my lord, I choose thee for my husband, and,
yielding myself and my kingdom unto you, openly I
proclaim you to be the king." At these words all the
assembly, being amazed, wondered that one simple
woman had beguiled so many wise men. And she was
worthy, no doubt, to be commended and extolled for her
singuiir virtue, both of faithfulness and prudence : so
man:iging the matter, that she obtained to her husband
the kingdom, and retained to herself her husband, whom
she so faitlifully loved.
As I have hitherto described the public acts of King
Henry, so now I mean to say something of his private
condition. He was of mean stature, eloquent, and
learnei, manly and bold in chivalry, fearful of the muta-
bility and chance of war, more lamenting the death of
his soldiers when dead, than loving them when alive.
No one was more courteous and liberal for obtaining
Ihis purpose ; in peace and tranquillity none was more
rou^^h ; stubborn against the stubborn ; sometimes mer-
ciful to those whom he had vanquished ; strict to his
household servants, but liberal to strangers ; publicly of
jiublic things liberal, sparing of his own ; whoever he
once took a displeasure against he hardly or never would
receive again to favour ; somewhat lavish of his tongue,
a willing breaker of his promise, a lover of his ease, but
lan oppressor of his nobility ; a severe avenger and pro-
imoter of justice, variable of word, and crafty in his
italk, a nourisher of discord amongst his children ; more-
jover the papists, bearing him (for Thomas Becket's quar-
rel, and such like, as may be gathered) no good will,
term him an adversary of the faith.
He died in the five-and-thirtieth year of his reign, in
khe castle of Chinon in Normandy.
KING RICHARD.
King Richard, the eldest son of Henry II., succeeded
his fiither (A. L>. 1189) ; at which time Pope Clement
sat at Rome, succeeding Gregory, who died a little be-
fore with sorrow for the loss of the holy cross.
During the time of his coronation it happened, that,
filthough the king, the day before his coronation, by public
ledict, had commanded the Jews and their wives not to
presume either to enter the church or palace, during
the solemnization of his coronation, amongst his nobles
tmd barons, yet, while the king was at dinner, the chief
bf the Jews, with several others, entered the court gates.
IA christian man, being offended, struck one of them, and
bade him stand further from the court gate, as the king
had civen commandment. Others following the example,
and displeased against the Jews, offered them similar in-
iBult. Others, also, supposing that the king had so com-
^landed, fell upon all the Jews that stood outside the
court gate: and first they beat them, but afterwards
they took up stones and such other things as they could
get, and threw at them from the court gates, some of
them they wounded, some they slew, and some they left
for dead.
! There was among the Jews,one who was called the blessed
Jew of York, who was so severely wounded, that for fear
'of his life, he said he would become a christian, and was
baptized ; by which he escaped death, and the persecu-
tors' hands. In the meanwhile, there was a great ru-
mour spread throughout all the city of London, that the
:king had commanded to destroy all the Jews. Upon
which, the citizens, and innumerable people, being as-
sembled to see the king's coronation, armed themselves
and came together. The Jews thus being for the most
part slain, the rest fled into their houses, where, for a
time, they were defended ; but at length their houses
were set on fire, and they destroyed within them.
These things being declared to the king while he was
with his nobles and barons at dinner, he sends immedi-
ately Ranulfe de Glanville, the lord high steward of Eng-
land, with other noblemen to accompany him, that they
might stay and refrain these excesses of the Londoners ;
but all was in vain ; for in so great a tumult, there was none
that either regarded what the nobility said, or reverenced
their persons, but, rather with stern looks and threaten-
ing words, advised them to depart, and that quickly.
They, thinking it best to do so, departed ; the tumult
and insurrection continuing till the next day. At which
time the king, sending certain of his officers into the
city, gave them in command to apprehend and present
such as were the chief of the malefactors. Three were
condemned to be hanged ; one, because he had robbed
a christian's house in the tumult ; and the other two
because they fired the houses to the great danger of the
city. After this, the king sent for the man that from a
Jew was converted to Christianity, and in the presence
of those that saw where he was baptized, the king asked
him whether he was become a christian or not ? He,
answering the king, said " No ; but to the intent he might
escape death, he promised to do whatever the christians
would have him." Then the king asked the archbishop of
Canterbury (other archbishops and bishops being present)
what were best to be done with him ? Who, unadvisedly
answering, said, " If he will not be a man of God, let him be
a man of the devil," and so he returned again to Judaism.
Then the king sent his writs to the sheriffs of every
county, to inquire for the authors of this outrage. Of
whom three were hanged ; and several were imprisoned.
So great was then the hatred of Englishmen against the
Jews, that as soon as they began to be removed from the
court, the Londoners fell upon them, set their houses on
fire, and spoiled their goods. The country again, follow-
ing the example of the Londoners, did the same. And
thus the year which the Jews took to be their jubilee,
was to them a year of confusion. In the city of York,
the Jews obtaining a certain castle for their preserva-
tion, and afterward not being willing to restore it to the
christians again, when they saw no other remedy, but
to be vanquished by force, first offered money for their
lives ; when that would not be taken, by the counsel of
an old Jew among them, every one, with a sharp razor,
cut another's throat, whereby a thousand and five hun-
dred of them were destroyed.
King Richard, after the death of his father, coming
to remembrance of hinistlf, and of his rebellion against
his father, sought for absolution ; and, in satisfaction for
the same, agreed with Philip the French King, to take
his voyage with him for the recovery of Christ's patri-
mony, as they call the Holy Land.
After this, King Richard, preparing to set all things
in an order before his going, tomniitted the whole go-
vernment of the realm, principally to William, bishop of
Ely, his chancellor, and to Hugh, bishop of Durham,
whom he appointed the chief justice of all England in
his absence, sending also to Pope Clement, in behalf uf
William, bishop of Ely, that he might be made the
j)ope's legate through all England and Scotland, which
also was obtained. Thus the bishop, being advanced to
high authority, provides out of every city in England,
two palfries, and two sumpters, and also out of every
abbey, one palfry, and one sumpter, for the king's service
in Palestine.
These things being set in order, the king, according
to his appointment, sailed into France, wlierc the French
king and he conferring together, prorogued their voyage
till after midsummer. In the meantime, the king oc-
occupied himself in redressing and establishing such
things as were requisite. Ue ajpointcd the cap-
tains and constables over his navy, and set laws to be ob-
150
KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND AT MESSINA.
[Book IV.
served in his voyage upon the seas, but especially his
care was to make unity and concord between parties that
were at variance, and to reconcile them.
After King Richard had composed such things as were
to be redressed within the realm, he advanced forward
bis journey, and came to Touraine, to meet with Philip
the French king ; and so after that went to Vezelay ;
where the French king and he joining together, for the
continuance of their journey, assured themselves by
solemn oath, swearing fidelity one to the other ; the form
of whose oath was this : " That either of them should
defend and maintain the honour of the other, and bear
true fidelity unto him of life, members, and worldly
honour ; and that neither of them should fail one the
other in their affairs ; but the French king should aid
the king of England in defending his land and dominions,
as he would himself defend his own city of Paris, if
it were besieged ; and that King Richard of England
likewise should aid the French king in defending his
land and dominions, no otherwise than he would defend
his own city of Rouen if it were besieged," &c.
But how slenderly this oath held these two kings, and
by whose chief occasion it first fell asunder, the sequel
of the history (the Lord willing) shall declare.
The laws and ordinances appointed by King Richard
for his navy were these :
1 . That whoever killed any person on shipboard, should
be tied with him that was slain, and thrown into the sea.
2. And if he killed him on the land, he should in like
manner be tied with the party slain, and be buried with
him in the earth.
3. He that shall be convicted by lawful witness to
draw out his knife or weapon, to the intent to strike
any man, or that hath stricken any to the drawing of
blood, shall lose his hand.
4. Also, he that strikes any person with his hand,
without effusion of blood, shall be plunged three times
in the sea.
5. Wlioso speaks any opprobrious or contumelious
words in reviling or cursing one another, for so often as
he hath so reviled, shall pay so many ounces of silver.
6. A thief or felon that has stolen, being lawfully con-
victed, shall have his head shorn, and boiling jiitch
poured upon his head, and feathers or down strewed
upon the same, whereby he maybe known ; and so at the
first landing-place they shall come to, there to be cast
up, &c.
King Richard sending his navy by the Spanish seas,
and by the straits of Gibraltar, to meet him at Marseilles,
went himself to Vezelay, to the French king. The two
kings from thence went to Lyons, where the bridge over
the Rhone gave way with the press of people, and many,
both men and women, were drowned. The two kings
were then constrained to separate for the rest of their
journey, arranging to meet in Sicily ; and so Philip
took his way to Genoa, and King Richard to Marseilles,
where he remained eight days, appointing his navy to
meet him there. From thence crossing over to Genoa,
where the French king was, he passed forward by the
coast of Italy, and entered the Tiber not far from Rome,
where meeting with Ottoman, the cardinal and bishop of
Hostia, he complained greatly of the filthy simony of the
pope and the pope's court, for receiving seven hundred
marks for consecrating the bishop Cenomanensis ; also
a thousand and five hundred marks from William the
bishop of Ely for his office as legate ; and likewise an infinite
sum of money from the bishop of Bordeaux, for acquit-
ting him when he should have been deposed for a certain
crime laid to his charge by his clergy, ^c.
The seventh day of August King Richard departed
from Marseilles, and the three-and-twentieth of Septem-
ber arrived at Messina, with such a noise of trumpets
and shawms, with such a rout and show, that it was to
the great wonder and terror both of the Frenchmen and
all others that heard and beheld the sight.
The French king had come to the town of Messina be-
fore the sixteenth day of the month of September, and
had taken the palace of Tancred, king of Sicily, for his
lodgings. King Richard after his arrival, soon went to
Lim; and when the two kings had conversed together,
immediately the same day the French king took shipping
to sail to the laud of Jerusalem. But after he was out
of the haven, the wind rising against him, he returned
to Messina. The last day of September, Richard passed
over the Hood of Delfar, and there gained a strong hold
called De la Bagmare, or Le Bamre, and placing therein a
sufficient garrison, he returned to Messina. The second
of October he won another stronghold, and he deposited
there all his store and provision, which came from Eng.
land or other places.
The citizens of Messina, seeing that the king of Eng-
land had won the castle and island in De la Bagmare, and
also the monastery of the Griffons, and doubting lest the
King would extend his power further to invade their city,
and if he could, all the Isle of Sicily, began to stir
against the king's army, and to shut the Englishmen out
of tlie gates, and keep their walls against ihem. The
Englishmen seeing that, made to the gates, and by force
would have broken them open, so that the king riding
among them with his staff, and breaking some of their
heads, could not assuage their fierceness ; such was the
rage of the Englishmen against the citizens of Messina.
The fourth day of the month of October, the archbishop
of Messina came to King Richard, with two other arch-
bishops, also with the French king, and other earls,
baions, and bishops, to treat for peace. As they were
consulting, and had almost concluded upon the peace, the
citizens of Messina issued out of the town, some went
uj) upon the mountains, some with open force invaded
the mansion or lodging of Hugh Brun an English captain.
The noise of this coming to the ears of the king, he, sud-
denly breaking off the conference with the French king
and the rest, departed, and coming to his men, commanded
them forthwith to arm themselves ; who then, with some
of his sohliers, making up to the top of a mountain,
there put the citizens to flight, chasing them down the
mountain, to the very gates of the city; some of the
king's servants pursued them within the city, where
five valiant soldiers, and twenty of the king's servants
were slain, the French king looking on, and not once
desiring to rescue them, contrary to his oath and league
with the king of England. For the French king with
his men, being there present, rode in the midst of them
safely and without harm to and fro, and might well have
assisted the king's party, if he wished.
This being known to the English army, how their com-
rades were slain, and the Frenchmen permitted in the
city, and that they were excluded, and the gates barred
against them, being also stopped from buying of food and
other things ; they with great indignation, gathered them-
selves in arms, burst open the gates, and scaled the walls,
and so, winning the city, set up their flags, with the Eng-
lish arms upon the walls. When the French king saw
this he was ofiended; requiring the king of England
that the arms of France might also be set up and joined
with his ; but King Richard would not agree ; but to
satisfy his mind, he consented to take down his arms,
and commit the custody of the city to the Hospitale and
Templars of Jerusalem, till the time that Tancreil king of
Sicily and he, should agree together u])on the conditions.
In this mean time, as these two kings of France and
England were thus wintering at Messina, the eni])eror,
Frederick I. (on whose neck Pope Alexander trod in
the church of Venice, saying the verse of the j)sulm,
"Thou shalt tread on the serpents and the adders,")
and his son Conrad, with a mighty army of Germans
and others, were coming likewise to the siege of Acre ;
where the emperor, falling oflT his horse into a
river, was drowned. Conrad, his son, taking the con\-
mand of his army, came to the siege of Acre, in which
siege he also died. In consequence of the coming of thi^
multitude of Germans, there was a dearth in the camp
which lasted two months, so that a loaf of bread, which
before the coming of the German army was sold for one
j)enny, was afterward sold for three pounds, by reason
of this many christian soldiers perished through famine.
The chief food which the princes had to feed upon was
horse-flesh. This famine being so miserable, some
good bishops who were in the camp, namely, Hubert
bishop of Salisbury, with certain others, makiuij a
AD. 1190.] RICHARD OVERCOMES CYPRUS, AND PROCEEDS TO THE SIEGE OF ACRE. 151
general collection through the whole camp for the poor,
made such a provision that in this penury of all things,
no man was so destitute and needy, but he had some-
what for his relief; till within a few days after by the
merciful providence of God, who is the feeder of all
creatures, ships came to them with abundance of corn,
wine, and oil.
The siege of this town of Acre lasted a long time, and
as it was ably assailed by the christians, so it was strongly
defended by the Saracens, especially by the help of wild-
fire, which the Latins call Greek fire, so that there was
great slaughter on both sides.
The next year following (A. D. 1191), King Richard
sent over his gallies to Naples, there to meet his mother
Eleiior, and Berengaria the daughter of Sancius king of
Navarre, whom he purposed to marry. In the meantime
King Richard shewed himself exceeding bountiful and
liberal to all. To the French king he gave several
ships ; upon others he bestowed rich rewards ; and of
his goods and treasure he distributed largely to his sol-
diers and servants about him. It was reported that he
distributed more in one month, than any of his prede-
cessors did in a whole year ; by which he obtained great
love and favour, which not only redounded to the ad-
vancement of his fame, but also to his great advantage
and profit, as the sequel proved.
To proceed then in the progress of King Richard,
leaving the city of Messina, he went to Catana, where
Tancied king of Sicily then lay, where he was honourably
received, and remained with King Tancred three days
and three nights. On the fourth day, when he was
departing, Tancred offered him many rich presents in
gold and silver, and precious silks ; of which King
Richard would receive nothing, but one little ring, as a
token of his good will. For which King Richard again
gave liim a rich sword. At length, when King Richard
should take his leave, King Tancred would not so let
him part, but would give him four great ships, and fifteen
gallies ; and he himself would accompany him the space
ol two days journey to a place called Tavernium.
Then the next morning when they should take their
leave, Tancred declared to him the message which the
French king a little before had sent to him by the duke
of Burgundy, which was this: "That the king of
England was a false traitor, and would never keep the
peace that was between them. And if Tancred would
war against him, or attack him secretly by night, he
would assist him with all his power, and join with him to
the destruction of him and all his army," &c. Richard
the king protested that he was no traitor, nor ever was ;
and as to the peace begun between them, it should never be
broken through him ; nor could he believe that the French
king, being his good lord and his sworn partner in that
voyage, would utter any such words by him. When
Tancred heard this, he brings forth the letters of the
French king sent to him by the duke of Burgundy ; af-
firming, that if the duke of Burgundy would deny the
bringing of the letters, he was ready to meet him by any
of his dukes. King Richard receiving the letters, and
musing not a little upon them, returns to Messina.
From that time King Richard being angered against
King Philip, never shewed him any gentle countenance
peace and amity, as he was wont before.
Soon after this. King Philip sailed for Acre, and the
next month King Richard sailed with an hundred and
fifty great ships, and three-and-fifty great gallies well
manned and appointed, also towards Acre ; on Good Friday
there rose a mighty tempest, which scattered all his navy.
The king with a few ships, was driven to the isle of
Crete. The ship that carried the king's sister queen of
Sicilia, and Berengaria the king of Navarre's daughter,
with two other ships, were driven to the isle of Cyprus.
The king making great moan for the ship of his sister,
and Berengaria his intended wife, and not knowing where
they were, after the tempest was blown over, sent his
gallies diligently to search for the ship wherein his sister
was, and the maiden whom he was to marry ; at length
they were found safe and well at the port of Limisso in
the isle of Cyprus. Though the two ships, which were
iu their company in the same haven, were lost. The
king of Cyprus was then Isakius (called also the empe-
ror of the Griffons) who took and imprisoned all English-
men, who were cast by shipwreck upon his land ; and
would not suffer the ship wherein the two ladies were
to enter within the port.
The tidings of this being brought to King Richard, he
in his great wrath, gathering his gallie?and ships together,
landed in Cyprus, where he first iu gentle terms signifies
to King Isakius, how he with his Englishmen, coming
as strangers to the support of the Holy Land, where by dis-
tress of weather, driven upon his borders, and therefore
with all humble petition besought him in God's behalf,
and for reverence of the holy cross, to release such pri-
soners of his as he had in captivity, and to restore again the
goods of them who were drowned, and which he detained
in his hands, to be employed for the benefit of their souls,
&c. And this the king, once, twice, and thrice requested
of Isakius. But he, answering proudly, sent the king
word, that he would neither let the captives go, nor re-
turn the goods of those who were drowned, &c.
When King Richard heard how little Isakius made of
his humble and honest petition, and how nothing there
could be got without force ; he soon gives command
through all his army, to put themselves in armour, and
to follow him, to revenge the injuries received from that
proud and cruel king of Cyprus; desiring them to put
their trust in God, and not to doubt but the Lord would
stand with them, and give them the full victory. Isakius
in the mean time, stood guarding the sea coasts, where
the Englishmen should arrive, with swords, bills, and
lances, and such other weapons as they had, setting
boards, stools, and chests before them instead of a wall.
However, but few of them were in armour, and for the
most part inexpert, and unskilful in the feats of war. Then
King Richard with his soldiers, issuing out of their ships,
first set his bowmen forward, who with their shot made a
way for others to follow. The Englishmen, thus gaining
the land, pressed so fiercely upon the Griffons, that after
long fighting, and many blows, Isakius was put to flight;
King Richard valiantly pursued, and slew many, and
several he took alive, and had nearly taken the king, had
not the night come on and parted the battle. And thus
King Richard returning with much spoil and great vic-
tory to the port town of Limisso, which the townsmen
had abandoned for fear, found there great abundance of
corn, wine, oil, and provisions.
The same day, Joan the king's sister, and Berengaria
the maiden entered the port and town of Limisso, with
fifty great ships, and fourteen galliots ; so that the whole
navy, there meeting together, were two hundred and fifty
four tall ships, and above threescore galliots. Then
Isakius, seeing no way to escape by sea, pitched his tents
five miles off, swearing that the third day he would give
battle to King Richard. But Richard set upon the tents of
the Griffons early, while they were unwares and asleep,
and made a great slaughter of them, so that Isakius was
compelled to run away naked, leaving his tents and pavi-
lions to the Englishmen, full of horses and rich treasure, al-
so with the imperial standard, the lower part of which with
a costly streamer was covered and wrought all with gold.
King Richard then returning with victory and triumph
to his sister and Berengaria, shortly after, married Beren-
garia, in the isle of Cyprus.
Isakius being afterwards taken and sent in chains of
silver and gold to Tripoli, and all things being set in order
touching the possession of the isle of Cyprus, the keep-
ing of it he committed to Radulph, son of Godfrey, lord
chamberlain. King Richard departed from the isle of
Cyprus, with his ships and gallies towards the siege of
Acre ; and on his voyage he met with a great bark,
fraught with soldiers and men of war, to tlie number of
one thousand and five hundred ; who pretending to be
Frenchmen, and shewing their flag with French arms,
were really Saracens in disguise, secretly sent with wild-
fire, and barrels of unknown serpents, to the defence of
the town of Acre. King Richard at length perceiving
this, soon set upon them, and vanquished them, the niost
of them were drowned, and some were taken alive. The
next day. King Richard came to Acre : soon after his
coming, the Pagans within the city seeing their walls
152
RICHARD TAKEN BY THE DUKE OF AUSTRIA.
undermined, and towers overthrown, were driven to escape
•with life and limb, to surrender the city to the two kings.
An jfhe.r great help to the christians in winning the city
WH.^ this r in the city of Acre there was a secret christian
aino:.;^ the Saracens, who in the time of the siege, used
to CA>t over the walls, into the camp of the christians,
cert^iin letters written in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, in
which he disclosed to the christians, from time to time,
the doings and counsels of their enemies, advertising
them ho>v, and by what way they should work, and what
to bjware of; and always his letters began thus : "In the
nane of the Father, and of the Sou, and of the Holy Ghost."
By this, the christians were much advantaged in their
proceedings. But it was a source of great heaviness to
them, that he would never tell his name, nor when
the city was got, could they ever understand who he
was.
To make of a long siege a short narration, upon the
twelfth day of July (A. D. lliU), the princes and
ciptai;i3 of the Pagins, upon agreement came, to the
tent of the Templars, to commune with the two kings
touching peice and giving up of their city.
The twentieth d ly of July, King Richard, speaking
with the French king, desired him that they two with
their armies would bind themselves by oath to remain
there, still in the land of Jerusalem the space of three
years, for the winning and recovering again of those
countries. But he said he would swear no such oath.
So al)out the beginning of the month of August, Philip
tlie French king, went from Acre to Tyre ; although King
Ricliard and all the princes of the christian army with
great intreaty desired him to tarry ; shewing what a
shame it were for him to come so far, and now to leave
undone that for which he came. After his departure the
Pagans refused to keep their covenants ; they would
neither restore the holy cross, nor the money, nor the
captives, as they had pledged ; sending word to King
Richard, that if he beheaded the hostages left with him
at Acre, they would chop off the heads of such captives
of the christians as were in their hands. Shortly after
this, the Saladin, sending great gifts to King Richard,
requested the time limited, viz., forty days for behead-
ing the captives might be prolonged ; but the king re-
fused to take his gifts, and to grant his request. W'here-
Upon the Saladin caused all the christian captives within
his possession forthwith to be beheaded, which was the
eighteenth day of August. But yet. King Richard would
not anticipate the time before prescribed for the execu-
tion of his prisoners, being the twentieth of August.
Upon which day he caused the prisoners of the Sara-
cens, openly in the sight of the Saladin army, to lose
their heads : the number came to two thousand five
hundred, save only that certain of the principal of them
he reserved for purposes, and considerations, especially
to make exchange for the holy cross, and some of the
christian captives.
After this, King Richard purposed to besiege the city
of Joppa ; where, by the way between Acre and Joppa,
Saladin with a great multitude of his Saracens came
fiercely against the king's rear : but through God's mer-
ciful grace, the king's warriors acquitted them so well,
that the Saladin was put to flight (whom the christians
pursued the space of three miles), and lost the same day
many of his nobles and captives, so that the Saladin had
not been put to such confusion for forty years before.
From thence King Richard went to Joppa, and then to
Ascalon, where he found first the city of Joppa forsaken
by the Saracens, who durst not abide the king's coming.
And Ascalon, the Saladili tlirew down to the ground,
and forsook the holy land of Syria; through all which
the king had free passage without resistance, neither
durst the Saracen piince encounter after that with King
Richard.
Many other valiant and famous acts were achieved
by him and the French king, and more would have been
accoiniili.-ihed, had not those t'vo kings, falling into
discord, separated thrmselves. Pliilip, the French king,
returni'd home within a short time, and soon invaded
Normandy, urging John, the brother of King Richard, to
seize tiie kingdom of England iu his brother's absence ;
[Book IV.
who then made league with the French king, and did
homage to him. Richard being then in Syria, and hear-
ing of this, made a peace with the Turks for three years.
And not long after (in the spring following) King Richard
returned also. In his return he was driven, by distress
of weather, about the parts of Istria, in a town called
Synaca, and was there taken by Leopold, duke of the same
country, and sold to the Emperor Henry, for 60,000
marks.
King Richard, being thus shipwrecked, and traitor-
ously taken and sold to the emperor by the Duke of
Austria, was there kept in custody a year and three
months. In some histories, it is affirmed that King Ri-
chard, returning out of Asia, came to Italy with prosper-
ous winds, where he desired of the pope to be absolved
from an oath made against his will, and could not obtain
the absolution. And so setting out from thence towards
England, passing by the country of Conrad, the marquis,
whose death was falsely imputed by the French king to the
king of England, was there traitorously taken, as is be-
fore said, by Leopold, duke of Austria. Although in
another history I find the matter more credibly set forth,
which saith, "That King Richard slew the brother of
this Leopold, playing with him at chess in the French
king's court. And Leopold, taking his advantage, was
the more cruel against him, and delivered him, as is said,
to the emperor ; in whose custody he was detained during
the time above mentioned, a year and three months.
The French king, in the meantime, raised war in Nor-
mandy ; and Earl John, the king's brother, invaded
England ; but the barons and bishops of the land
mightily withstood him, and besieged him in the castle
of Windsor, where they took from him all the castles
and forts, which he had got before. Thus the earl, see-
ing no hope of prevailing in England, and suspecting the
deliverance of the king his brother, went to France, and
stayed with the French king. At length it was agreed
and concluded with the emperor, that King Richard
should be released for a hundred thousand pounds.
That sum of money was here gathered, and made in
England, of chalices, crosses, shrines, candlesticks, and
other church plate, also with public contribution of
friaries, abbies, and other subjects of the realm. Part
of this sum was immediately paid, and for the residue,
hostages and pledges were taken, which was about
the fifth year of his reign. And then it was obtained of
the pope, that priests might celebrate with chalices of
pewter and tin, and so it was granted and continued long
after.
Thus King Richard being ransomed, was restored again
and repaired into England. At his return Earl John his
brother, coming to him with humble submission, desired
to be pardoned for his trangressions. King Richard an-
swered, " I would to God that this your misconduct as it
dies in oblivion with me, so it may remain in remembrance
with you," and so he gently forgave him. And after he
had recovered his holds and castles, he caused himself to
be crowned again. Which done, he went with his forces
against the French king, and drove him out of Normandy.
And after that, he went against the Welshmen, and sub-
dued them.
The year following, (A.D. 1197,) Philip the French king
brake the truce made between him and King Richard ;
and the king was compelled to sail over again to Nor-
mandy to withstand the malice of his enemy. About which
time, my history records of one called Fulco by some ;
some say he was the archbishop of Rouen, called Walter,
This Fulco being then in England, and coming to the
king's presence, said to him with great courage and bold-
ness; " Thou hast, O mighty king, three daughters very
vicious and of evil disposition ; take good heed of them,
and at once ])rovide for them good husbands ; lest, by
untimely bestowing them in marriage, thou shalt not only
incur great loss and injury, but alsu utter ruin and de-
struction to thyself." The kingina rage said, "Thou lying
and mocking hyi)0crite, thou knowest not where thou ait,
or what tliou sayest ; I think thou art mad, or not wi-U
in thy wits ; for 1 have never had a daughter, as all the
world knows, and therefore thou 0])en liar get rhee out of
our presence." Fulco answered, "No, and like yojr grace.
A. D. 1191—1205.] DEATH OF RICHARD CCEUR DE LION. SUCCEEDED BY JOHN.
153
I lie not. but say truth : for you have three daughters
wliich I iintinually frequent your court, and wholly possess
your person, and such three naughty ones as never before
was heard of; 1 mean, mischievous /;rjrfe, greedy covet-
ou-miexif, and filthy ludtti-y ; and therefore again I say, O
king, ijcware of tnem, and at once provide marriages for
tiiein, lest m not so doing, thou utterly undo both thyself
aui all tijc whole realm."
The king took his words in good part, with correction
of himseli, and confession of the same. Whereupon im-
mediately, he called his lords and barons before him, to
whom he declared the conversation of Fulco, who had
desired hiui to beware of his three daughters, pride, ava-
rice, and luxury, with advice to marry them immediately,
lest further inconvenience should ensue both to him and to
the whole realm : "His good counsel (my lords)l intend to
follow, not doubting of all your consent thereto. Wherefore
here before you all, 1 give my daughter swelling pride to
wife to the proud Templars ; my greedy daughter avarice to
the covetous order of the Cistercian monks ; and last of all,
my tilthy daughter luxury to the riotous prelates of the
church, whom I think to be very meet men for her ; and
go severally well agreeing to all their natures, that the like
matches in this our realm are not to be found for them."
And thus much concerning Fulco.
Not long after this, a certain noble personage found a
great treasure both of gold and silver hid in the ground,
a great part of which he sent to King Richard, as chief
lord and prince over the whole country. Which the king
refused ; saying, he would have all or none, for that he
was the principal chieftain over the land. But the tinder
■would not condescend to that. Therefore the king laid
siege to a castle of his, called Galuz, thinking the treasure
to lie there. But the keepers and warders of the castle,
seeing themselves not sutticient to withstand the king,
offered to him the castle, desiring to depart with life and
armour. To this the king would in no wise grant, but bid
them to re-enter the castle again, and to defend it in all
the forcible wise they could. It so befel, that as the king
with the duke of Brabant went about the castle, viewing
the places thereof; a soldier within, named Bertrand
Cordoun, struck the king with an arrow in the arm, and
the iron remaining and festering in the wound, the king
I within nine days after died ; who, because he was not
I content with the half of the treasure that another man
i found, lost all his own treasure that he had. The king,
I being thus wounded, caused the man that struck him to
be brought to him, and asked him the cause why he so
' wounded him ? Who answered him (as the history says),
i that he thought to kill rather than to be killed ; and what
! punishment soever he should sustain, he was content, so
! that he might kill him who had before killed his father and
: brothers. The king, hearing his words, freely forgave him
and caused an hundred shillings to be given him. Al-
though (as the history adds) after the death of the king,
the duke of Brabant, caused him after great torments, to
' be hanged. The history of Gisburn says, that the killer of
; King Richard coming to the French king, thinking to
have a great reward, was commanded to be drawn asunder
with horses, and his quarters to be hanged up.
Another history affirms, and Gisburn partly testifies the
] same, that a little before the death of King Richard, three
' abbots of the order Cistercian came to him, to whom he
I was confessed ; and when he saw them somewhat stay at
1 Lis absolution, he added these words : that he did willingly
' commit his body to be eaten of worms, and his soul to
I the fire of purgatory, there to be tormented till the judg-
ment, in the hope of God's mercy.
KING JOHX.
After the death of King Richard, called Coeur de Lion,
his brother John, earl of Morton.began his reign, A. D.
1199. The archbishop put the crown on his head, and
swore him to defend and to maintain the church. And
unless he resolved in his mind to do so, the archbishop
charged him not to presume to take on him this dignity.
And on St. John Baptist's day next following, King John
sailed into Normandy and came to Rouen, where he was
royally received, and a truce concluded between him and
the French king for a time. And there came to him the earl
of Flanders, and all other lords of France that were of Kiiu;
Richard's band and friendship, and were sworn unto him.
Not long after this, Philip the French king made Ar-
thur a knight, and received his homage for Normandy,
Brittany, and all other his possessions beyond the sea, and
promised him assistance against King John. After this,
King John and the French king conferred with their lords
about one hour's space ; and the French king asked so
much land for himself and Knight Arthur, that King
John would grant him none, and so he de]iarted in wrath.
The same year a legate came into France, and com-
manded the king on pain of an interdict, to release
one Peter out of prison, who was elected to a bishoprick ;
and he was accordingly released.
And after that the legate came into England, and com-
manded King John, also under pain of an interdict, to de-
liver the archbishop whom he had kept as prisoner two
years ; which the king refused to do, till he had paid him
six thousand marks ; because he took him in armour in
battle against iiim, and sware him upon his deliverance,
that he should never wear armour against any Christiaa
man.
This time a divorce was made between King John and
his wife, daughter of the Earl of Gloucester, because they
were in the third degree of kindred. And afterwards by
the advice of the French king, King John wedded Isabel,
daughter of the Earl of Angouleme ; and then Arthur of
Brittany did homage to King John for Brittany and other
lands.
At this time there was a contention between King John
and Geffrey the archbishop of York ; first, because he
would not suffer and permit the sheriff of York to pro-
ceed in such affairs as he had to do for the king within his
diocese. Secondly, because he also excommunicated the
sheriff. Thirdly, because he would not sail with him into
Normandy, to make the marriage between Louis the
French king's son, and his niece, &c.
In the year 1202, Philip the French king required that
King John should part wich all his lands in Normandy
and Pictavia to Arthur his nephew, or else he would war
against him ; when King John refused, the next day the
French king with Arthur attacked his towns and castles
in Normandy, and put him to much trouble ; but he re-
ceived, however, such a repulse at the Englishmen's
hands, that they, pursuing the Frenchmen in their flight,
so followed them that they not only took Arthur prisoner,
with many others, but gave such an overthrow, that none
was left to bear tidings home.
This Arthur was nephew to King John, and son to
Geffrey, who was the elder brother to John. For King
Henry II. had eight children ; one William, who died in
childhood; the second, Henry, who died also while his
father was yet alive ; the third, Geffrey, earl of Brittany,
who likewise died in his father's days, leaving behindhim
two children, Arthur and Brecca ; the fourth, Richard Coeur
de Lion, king ; the fifth, John, now reigning ; and three
daughters besides.
Arthur being thus taken, was brought before the king,
and having been exhorted with many gentle words to
leave the French king, and to incline to his uncle, an-
swered boldly and with great indignation ; demanding the
kingdom of England, v.-ith all the other dominions thereto
belonging, as the lawful heir of the crown. By this he pro-
voked the king's displeasure against him and was sent to
the tower of Rouen, where at length (whetuer by leaping
into the ditch, thinking to make his escape, or whether
by some other secret hand, or by what chance else it is
not yet agreed upon in history) he finished his life. King
John was under great suspicion ; whether justly or un-
justly, the Lord knows.
The year following, John lost all his holds and posses-
sions in Normandy, through the power of the French
king.
After these losses, came other troubles upon him, with
as great or greater enemies, that is, with the pope and his
popelings in the affair of the archbishop of Canterbury.
In A. D. 1205, Hubert the archbishop of Canter-
bury died. Before his body was yet committed to the
earth, the younger sort of the monks gathered them-
1«4
DISPUTE CONCERNING THE ARCHBISHOPRICK OF CANTERBURY. [Book IV
selves together at midnight, and elected their superior
Reginald, and without the king's license, or even know-
ledge, placed him in the metropolitan seat. And lest
the king should make the election void, tliey charged him
by virtue of his oath to keep all secret, and to reveal no-
thing till he came to the pope ; but he, contrary to his
oath, so soon as he came into Flanders, opened abroad all
the matter. The next day the elder monks sent to the
king, desiring him of his gracious license canonically to
choose tiieir archbishop. The king most gently and fa-
vourably granted their petition, desiring that for his sake
they would shew favour to John Gray, then bishop of
Norwich, as indeed they did, electing him to that See of
the primacy. As the authority of kings and princes was
then but small in their own dominions, without the pope's
consent and confirmation ; he also sent to Rome to have the
election ratified by the pope. The suffragans of Canter-
bury then being not a little offended at these two elections
sent speedily to Rome to have them both stopped ; for
they had not been consulted about them. And from
them grew a most prodigious tumult.
In this year the clergy grew so unruly, that they ne-
glected their charge, and incensed the king's displeasure
so much against them, thathetook order about the goods
of such as were faulty.
A Letter of King John, touching the Lands and Goods of
such Clergymen as refuse to celebrate Divine Service.
" The king to all clerical and lay persons within the bi-
shoprick of Lincoln, greeting : know ye that from Mon-
day next before the feast of Easter, we have committed to
William of CornhiU, archdeacon of Huntington, and to
Joseline of Canvil, all the lands and goods of the abbots
and priors, and of all the spiritual persons ; and also of
all clerks within the bishoprick of Lincoln, who will not
from that time celebrate divine service. And we com-
mand you, that from thence you assist them as our bai-
liffs ; and believe them in those things which they shall
tell you privately on our behalf. Witness ourself at Claren-
don the 18th day of March, in the 9th year of our reign."
But to proceed in this troublesome election : the next
year, the suffragans of the province of Canterbury on one
side, and the monks of Canterbury on the other, came be-
fore the pope with their brawling matter. First , the
monks, presenting Reginald their superior, desired that
their election might be confirmed. The suffragans like-
wise complained that the monks should presume to choose
the archbishop without their consent, and therefore de-
sired the first election to be annulled. The pope, decid-
ing the matter, pronounced with the monks ; charging
the suffragans and bishops to meddle no more with that
election, but to let the monks alone. The monks of Can-
terbury, now having the whole election in their own hands,
fell out among themselves. The younger sort who had
chosen Reginald their superior, wished that election to
stand. The elder sort of monks replied that the first
election was done by stealth and by night, and by the
younger part ; also without the counsel of the other
monks. Besides, it was done without the king's license
and appointment, and without due solemnity.
When they had multiplied talk on both sides a long
time, and could not agree upon one person, Pope Inno-
cent condemned both their elections, commanding them
to choose Stephen Langton, then cardinal of St. Chryso-
gon, for their archbishop. The monks then answered,
that they durst not so do without consent of their king.
The pope in a passion, taking the words out of their
mouths, said to them, " We desire you to know that we
have full power and authority over the church of Canter-
bury, and are not wont to tarry for the consent of princes,
therefore we command you, on pain of our great curse,
that ye choose him only whom we have appointed."
The monks at these words abashed and terrified, though
they much murmured in their hearts, yet consented, and
thus Stephen Langton was made archbishop of Canterbury.
Upon this occasion King John conceived an exceeding
displeasure against the clergy and monks of Canterbury
for doing so many things against his prerogative. With-
out his license they elected their archbishop, and set
aside the bishop of Norwich, whom he had appointed.
They wasted a great part of his treasure, and to bring all
to the devil, they made Stephen Langton their high me-
tropolitan ; so that in his anger he banished them out of
the land to the number of sixty-four.
The king then sends messengers to the pope with his
letters, wVerein he sharply remonstrates with the pope,
because he so uncourteously refused the election of the
bishop of Norwich, and set up Stephen Langton, conse
crating him archbishop of Canterbury ; and among other
things he adds, that he will stand for his liberties, if need
be, unto death ; and he thus concludes, saying, "That
if he be not heard in this his request, he will so pro-
vide for the sees that there shall be no such gadding and
coursing any more over toRome, suffering the riches of the
land no more to be transported there. And seeing he has
of his own, archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of
the church, sufficiently provided and instructed in all kinds
of knowledge, he shall not require to seek for judgment
and justice abroad."
When these came to the pope, he directs letters ia
return to the king in this form :
" Innocent, pope, servant of the servants of God, to
our well-beloved son in Christ, the king of England,
health and apostolical blessing. Whereas we have writ-
ten to you heretofore, exhorting and intreating you after
an humble, diligent, and gentle way ; you have written
to us in reply after a threatening and upbraiding manner;
both spitefully and frowardly. And whereas we have
borne with you and given way to you above what our right
and duty required ; you for your part have given to us
not so much as by right and duty you are bound to do.
And though your devotion, as you say, has been to us
very necessary, yet consider again that ours also is not a
little opportune and expedient for you. And whereas we
have not shewed at any time the like honour to any prince
as we have to you ; you again have so much derogated
from our honour, as no prince else hath presumed to do
besides you alone ; pretending certain frivolous causes
and occasions," &c.
Then alluding at length to the election of Langton, he
thus proceeds : " Wherefore be it known to your dis-
cretion or kingly prudence, that as this election of Ste-
phen Langton has proceeded without fraud or deceit
upon a person meet for the same ; therefore we will for
no man's pleasure, neither may we without danger of
fame and of conscience defer or protract any longer the
consummation of the said election. Wherefore, my well-
beloved son, seeing we have had respect to your honour,
above what our right and duty required, study to honour
us so much as your duty requires again, so that you may
the more plentifully deserve favour both at God's hand
and ours ; lest that by doing the contrary you bring
yourself into such a sea of troubles as you shall after-
wards scarce free yourself of again. For know this for
a certainty, that in the end it must needs fall out that he
shall have the better, to whom every knee of ' things in
heaven, and things in earth, and things under the earth'
doth bow, whose place I serve in earth, though I be un-
worthy. Therefore set not yourself to obey their per-
suasions, who always desire your unquietness, that they
may fish the better in the troubled water ; but commit
yourself to our pleasure, which undoubtedly shall turn
to your praise, glory, and honour."
After this letter was sent, there proceeded not long
after a charge and commandment into England to certain
bishops, requiring them by apostolic authority that if the
king would not receive the prior of Canterbury and his
monks they should interdict him throughout all his realm.
For the executing of this four bishops were appointed
by the pope's bulls, namely, William, bishop of London ;
Eustace, bishop of Ely ; Walter, bishop of Winchester ;
and Giles, bisliop of Hereford. These bishops went to
the king, and shewed their commission from the i)ope,
and wished him to consent ; but the king refused, and
would by no means grant their request. They went on
the morrow after the Annunciation of the Virgin, and pro-
nounced the general interdict throughout all England,
so that the church doors were shut up with keys and othel
fastenings, and with walls, &c.
A. D. 1205—1210.]
THE POPE CURSES KING JOHN.
Ic
Now when the king heard of this, he began to be
moved against them, and took all the possessions of the
four bishops into his haads, appointing certain men
to keep the livings of the clergy throughout the realm,
ar.d that they should enjoy no part thereof. Which be-
ing done, the bishops cursed alt them that kept, or should
meddle with church goods.
After a time certain prelates, on the king's part,
made an arrangement with them, and when the form of
agreement was concluded, it was engrossed in two in-
dentures ; and the four bishops set their seals to one
part, and the other part the bishops, earls, and abbots
carried to the king. When the king saw the arrange-
ment he liked it well, only he would not agree to make
restitution of the church goods. So he sent to the four
bishops again that they should put out that point of
restitution. But they answered stoutly that they would
not put out one word. Then the king sent word to the
archbishop, by the four bishops, that he should come to
Canterbury to speak with him. When the archbishop
Stephen came to Canterbury, the king sent his treasurer
the bishop of Winchester to him, to persuade him to
put out of the indentures the clause of restitution ; but he
refusing to alter a word of it, angered the king so that
immediately it was proclaimed throughout England at
the king's command that all those that had any church
livings, and went over sea should come back to England
by a certain day, or else lose their livings for ever. And
further in that proclamation, he charged all sheriffs
within the realm, to inquire if any bLshops, abbots,
priors, or any other churchman (from that day forward)
received any command that came from the pope, and
that they should take his or their body and bring it be-
fore him : and also that they shovdd take into their
hands, for the king's use, all the church lands that were
given to any man by the Archbishop Stephen, or by the
priors of Canterbury, from the time of the election of
the archbishop ; and he further charged that all the
woods, that were the archbishop's, shovdd be cut down
and sold.
When tidings came to the pope that the king had
acted thus, he was moved with fiery wrath, and sent to
the king two legates (Pandulph and Durant), to warn
him in the pope's name that he should cesise his doings
to the holy church, and amend the wrong he had done
to the archbishop of Canterbury, to the priors and the
monks of Canterbury, and to all the clergy of England.
And further, that he should restore the goods again that
he had taken against their will, or else they should
curse the king by name ; and for this purpose, the pope
gave them his bulls and letters patent. These two legates,
coming into England, came to the king, and informed
him of the pope's pleasure.
Then the king answered, " All that ye have said I
would gladly do, and all things else that you would or-
dain ; but as to the archbishop, 1 shall tell you as it lies
in my heart. Let the archbishop leave his bishoprick,
and if the pope shall then intreat for him, perhaps I
may give him some other bishoprick in England, and
upon this condition I will receive and admit him."
Then said Pandulph to the king, " Holy church was
wont never to degrade an archbishop without reasonable
cause ; but she was ever wont to correct princes that
were disobedient to her."
" What.' How now ?" said the king, " do ye threaten
me r"
" Nay," said Pandulph, " but you have now openly
told us as it stands in your heart ; and now we will tell
you what is the pope's wiU. He has wholly interdicted
and cursed you, for the wrongs you have done to the
church and to the clergy. And for so much as ye continue
in your malice, and will come to no amendment, you
are to understand, that from this time forward the sen-
tences against you have force and strength. And all
those that have had intercourse with you before this
time, whether that they be earls, barons, knights, or any
other, we absolve them safely from their sins up to this
day ; but from this time forward we accurse them
openly, and specially by this our sentence, that hold in-
tercourse with you. -\nd we absolve, moreover, earls,
barons, knights, and all other manner of men, of their
homages, services, and fealties. Also, Sir King," said
Pandulph, " all the kings, princes, and the great dukes
of Christendom, have requested the pope to give license
to them to cross themselves, and to war against thee, as
upon God's great enemy, and win thy land, and to ap-
point for king whom the pope pleases. And we here
now absolve of their sins all those that will rise against
thee here in thine own land."
Then the king, hearing this, answered, " \Miat fur-
ther shame may ye do to me than this r"
Pandulph again : " We say to you, by the word of
God, that neither you, nor any heir that you have, after
this day shall be crowned."
So the king said, " By him that is Almighty God, if I
had known of this thing before ye came into this land,
and that ye had brought me such news, I woidd have
made you stay away these twelve months out of my
realms."
Then answered Pandulph, " Full well we thought, at
our first coming, that you would have been obedient to
God and to holy church, and have fulfilled the pope's
commandment, which we have shewed and pronounced
to you. And now you say, that if you had known the
cause of our coming, you would have made us stay away
a whole year ; you might as well say, that you would
have taken a whole year's respite without the pope's
leave ; but, thoug'n we were to suffer death for it, we
shall not shrink from telling all the pope's message and
wiO, that he gave us in charge."
In another chronicle I find the words between the
king and Pandulph somewhat otherwise described, as
if the king had threatened him with hanging, if he had
foreknown of his coming. Pandulph answered, that he
looked for nothing else at his hands, but to suffer for
the church's rights. Whereupon the king, being
mightily incensed, departed. The king, being then at
Northampton, desired the sheriffs and bailiffs to bring
forth all the prisoners there, that such as had deserved it
should be put to death, to the intent (as some think) to
make Pandulph afraid. Among them was a certain
clergyman, who, for counterfeiting the king's coin, was
condemned to be hanged, drawn, and quartered ; and
was commanded by the king, thereby to anger Pan-
dulph, to be hanged higher than the rest. Panduljih
hearing of this, though he began to fear lest he should
be hanged himself, yet went with courage to the
church to bring out book, beU, and candle, charging
that no man, under pain of cursing, should lay hands
upon the clergyman. Upon this the king and the car-
dinal parted in no little anger ; and Pandulph went to
Rome, and reported to the pope and the cardinals what
had been done.
Then the pope summoned all the bishops, abbots, and
clergy of England, to repair to Rome, to consult what
was to be done. In which council it was decreed, that
John king of England should be accursed, with all such
as held with him. However, it was not yet permitted
that the people should assume the cross to fight against
him, because as yet he had shed no blood. But after-
wards the pope, seeing that King John would not stoop
under his subjection, sent to the French king, that upon
remission of all his sins, and those of all that would
accompany him, he should invade the realm of England.
Pope Innocent again commanded, on pain of his
great curse, that no man should obey King John : he
forbid all persons to eat and drink with him, or talk
with him, to commune or counsel with him ; yea, he for-
bid his own familiar household to do him any kind of
service, either at bed, or at board, in church, in hall,
or in stable. Neither was the pope content with this,
but gave sentence definitive that King John should be
put from his regal seat and deposed, and another put in
his room. And for the speedy execution of this sen-
tence he appointed the French king Philip, promi.-ing
to give him full remission of all his sins, and the clear
possession of all the realm of England, to him and his
heirs, if he either killed him or expelled him.
The next year the French king began his attempt,
being well manned with bishops, monks, prelates, priests,
156
KING JOHN RESIGNS HIS CROWN TO THE POFE.
[Book IV.
and their senants. But, behold the work of God, the
English navy took three hundred of the French king's
ships, well laden with wheat, wine, meal, flesh, armour,
and such materials for the war ; and burnt one hun^
dred within the harbour, taking the spoils with them.
In the meantime the priests within England had pro-
vided them a false prophet, c died Peter Wakefield of
Poiz, who was an idle wanderer and talking fellow. They
made this Peter prophesy lies, rumouring his ))rophesies
abroad, to bring the king out of all credit with his peo-
ple. This knavisii fellow prophesied of King John, that
he should reign no longer than Ascension-day (A.D.
r2l:i), and this, he said, he had by revelation. Then it
was demanded of him whether John would be slain, or
expelled, or resign the crown ? He answered, that he
could not tell ; but of this he was sure, that neither he,
nor any of his stock, or lineage, should reign after that
dav. The king, hearing of this, laughed much at it.
" Tush, (said he,) it is but an idiot knave, and one out of
his wits." But when this foolish prophet had escaped
the king's displeasure, he used to talk more than enough ;
so tliat they who loved the king apprehended him as a
malefactor, and he was thrown into prison without the
king knowing it.
Soon after, the fame of this prophet went all over the
realm, and his name was known every where, specially
because he was imprisoned for the matter. From thence
old gossips' tales went abroad, new tales were invented,
fables were added to fables, and lies grew upon lies, so
that every day new slanders were raised against the
king, rumours arose, blasphemies were spread, the ene-
mies rejoiced, and treasons were maintained by the
priests.
When the Ascension-day was come, which was pro-
phesied of before. King John commanded his regal tent
to be spread abroad in the open field, passing that day
with his noble council and men of honour, in the great-
est solemnity that he ever did before, solacing himself
with musical instruments and songs, and always in sight
among his trusty friends. When that day was past in
all prosperity and mirth, his enemies turned all to an
allegorical understanding, to make the prophesy good,
and said, " he is no longer king, for the pope reigns, and
not he." Then was the king persuaded by his council,
that this false prophet had troubled the realm, perverted
the hearts of the people, and excited the commons
against him. The king, therefore, commanded that he
should be hanged and drawn like a traitor.
Then the popish prelates, monks, canons, priests, &c.,
began to practise with Pope Innocent and the French king
abroad, besides the treasons which they wrought within
the real,m, and they blinded the nobility and commons
by their confessionals. The king thus surrounded with
enemies, and knowing the conspiracies that were work-
ing against him, as well by the pope, as by Philip the
French king, and being aware that his lords and barons
were rebelliously incited against him, and seeing the
pope's curses and interdicts against such as took his
part, and his absolutions and dispensations for all those
that woidd rebel against him, commanding them to de-
tain from him such homage, service, duties, debts, and
all other allegiance that godly subjects owe and are
bound to yield and give to their liege lord and prince.
The king, I say, in the thirteenth year of his reign, see-
ing all this, and that the French king began an invasion
upon his realm, sent ambassadors to the pope, the foun-
tain of all this mischief, promising to do whatever the
pope should command him in the reformation of himself,
and restitution of all wrongs done to holy church.
Then the pope sent again into England his legate
Pandulph, with others, and the king waited their coming
at Canterbury ; where, the thirteenth day of May, the
king received them, making an oath, that of and for all
things wherein he stood accursed, he would make ample
restitution and satisfaction. All the lords and barons
of England (so many as were there with the king) sware
in like manner, that if the king would not accomplish in
every thing the oath which he had taken, they would
compel him to hold and confirm the same.
Then the king submitted himself to the court of
Rome, and resigned his dominions and realms of Eng-
land and Ireland for himself and for his heirs for ever.
With this condition, that the king and his heirs should
take again these two dominions of the pope to farm, pay-
ing yearly to the court of Rome one thousand marks of
silver. Then the king took the crown from his head,
and kneeling upon his knees, in the presence of all his
lords and barons of England, he gave it to Pandulph,
saying, " Here I resign the crown of the realm of Eng-
land to the hands of the pope. Innocent III., and place
myself wholly at his mercy." Then Pandulph took the
crown, and kept it five days as a possession and seizin-
taking of these two realms of England and Ireland, con-
firming also all things promised by his charter obligatory,
as follows : —
The Copy of the Letter Obligatory that King John made
to the Pope, concerning the yielding vp of the Crown
and Realtn of England into the Pope's hands, for a
certaiti sum of money yearly to be paid.
" To all christian people throughout the world, John,
by the grace of God, king of England, greeting : be it
known unto you all, that as we have grieved and offended
God, and our mother church of Rome, and as we have
need of the mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, and we can
offer nothing so worthy, or make so competent satis-
faction to God and to holy church, as with our realms of
England and of Ireland, then, by the grace of the Holy
Ghost, we desire to humble ourselves, for the love of
him that humbled himself to the death upon the cross.
And through counsel of the nobles, earls, and barons, we
offer and freely grant to God, and to the apostles St.
Peter and Paul, and to our mother church of Rome, and
to our holy father Pope Innocent III., and to all the
popes that come after him, all the realm, patronages of
churches of England and of Ireland, with all the appur-
tenances, for remission of sins, and help and health of
our kings' souls, and of all christian souls. So that
from this time afterward, we will receive and hold of our
mother church of Rome, as in farm, doing fealty to our
holy father the pope. Innocent III., and to all the popes
that come after him, in the manner above said. And in
the presence of the wise Pandulph, the pope's legate, we
make liege homage, as if it were in the pope's presence ;
and thereto we bind us, and all that come after us, and our
heirs for ever, without any gainsaying to the pope.
And in token of this, we will confirm, and ordain, that
he be our special renter of the aforesaid realms, saving
St. Peter-pence, in all things. To the mother church of
Rome, paying by the year 1000 marks of silver, at two
periods of the year, for all customs that we should do
for the said realms, that is to say, at Michaelmas, and at
Easter ; that is, for England 700 marks, and 300 marks
for Ireland, saving to us and to our heirs, our justices and
our other franchises. And all these things, we will that
they be firm and stable without end, and to that obliga-
tion, we and all our successors, and our heirs in this
manner are bound, that if we or any of our heirs
through any presumption fail in any of these things, and
he being warned and not amending, he shall then lose the
aforesaid realms for ever ; and this charter of obligation
and our warrant for ever, shall be firm and stable without
gainsaying. We shall from this day afterward be true to
God, and \o the mother church of Rome, and to thee,
Innocent IH., and to all that come after thee, and the
realms of England and of Ireland we shall maintain
against all manner of men, by our power through God's
help."
Upon this obligation, the king was discharged the se-
cond day of July, from that tyrannical interdict, under
which he continued five years and three months. But
before the release, he was thus miserably comjiellcd to
give over both his crown and sceptre to that antichrist of
Rome, for the space of five days, and as his client, vas-
.•581, feudary, and tenant, to receive it again of him at the
hands of another cardinal, being bound both for himself
and for his successors, to pay yearly (for acknowledg-
ment thereof) 1000 marks for England and Ireland.
la (A. D. 1215), as witnesses, Paulus utmihus.
A.D. 1210—1216.]
KING JOHN POISOxNED BY A MONK.
IS
and other histories, Pope Innocent III. held a ge-
neral synod at Rome, called the council of Lateran.
The chief causes of that council were these : 1 i the days
of this Innocent, heresy, as he calls the truth of God, or
the doctrine that rebukes sin, began to spread forth its
branches, so that many princes were excommunicated.
as Otho the emperor, John the kinc; of En2;land, Peter
king of Arragon, Raimund the earl of Toulouse, Aqui-
tain, Sataloni, and others. Therefore this council was
proclaimed, and prelates from all iiations called to it. And
the pope gave out that his intent was only to have the
church universally reformed, and the Holy Land reco-
vered from the Turks. But all this was craft and false-
hood, as the sequel proved. For his jiurpose was to
subdue all princes, and to make himself rich and wealthy.
For there he made this antichristian act, and established
it by public decree, that the pope should have from
thenceforth the correction of all christian princes, and
that no emperor should be admitted, except he were
sworn before, and were also crowned by him. He or-
dained, too, that whoever should speak evil of the pope,
should be punished in hell with eternal damnation ;
(Cnnradris, Urspergensis , Hieronymus, Marins.)
In this council transubstantiation was first invented
and brought in ; of which John Scot, sirnamed Duns,
makes mention in his fourth book, writing in these
words : " The words of the scripture might be expounded
more easily, and more plainly, without transubstantia-
tion. But the church did choose this sense, which is
more hard ; being moved thereto, as it seems, chiefly be-
cause about the sacraments men ought to hold as the
holy church of Rome holds," &c.
Now let us return to King John again, and mark how
the priests and their adherents were plagued for their
treatment of his majesty's will. In the council of
Lateran, Stephen Langton, archbishop of Canterbury,
was excommunicated, with all those bishops, prelates,
priests, barons, and commons, who had been with him in
the former rebellion. And when the archbishop had made
suit to be absolved, the pope answered with great indig-
nation,— " I swear by St. Peter, thou shalt not so soon
at my hand obtain the benefit of absolution." With the
barons of England, the pope had been so deeply offended
and angered a little before, that he rent and destroyed the
great charter of the liberties of England, and by sen-
tence condemned it for ever ; and cursed all the other
rebels, with book, bell, and candle.
About the same time were such treasons and conspi-
racies wrought by the bishops, priests, and monks
throughout all the realm, that the king knew not where
to find trusty friends ; he was compelled to tn vel from
place to place, but not without a great army of men,
looking every day when his barons and their confeder-
ates would cruelly set upon him. For the space of
three months he remained in the Isle of Wight, abroad
in the air to quiet himself for a time from all tumults,
and led there a solitary life among rivers and watermen.
He rather coveted to die than to live, being so traitor-
ously handled by his bishops and barons, and not know-
ing how to be avenged. Therefore, he took upon him
the cross, or voyages against the Turks, for the recovery
of Jerusalem. Influenced rather by the doubts which he
had of his people, than by any devotion ; and he said to
his familiar servants, " Since I submitted myself and my
lands (England and Ireland) to the church of Rome,
nothing ever prospered with me, but all hath gone against
me."
In this year (A. D. 1216,) died Pope Innocent III.
After whom succeeded Cintius, called Honorius III., a
man of very great age : yet he lived in the papacy ten
years and a half, and more.
In the same year, as King John was come to Swinstead
abbey, not far from Lincoln, he rested there two days :
where (as most writers testify) he was most traitorously
poisoned by a monk of that abbey.
Among other peculiar traits belonging to this king,
there was one which is not to be reprehended, but rather
commended in him : for being above the superstition
which kings at that time were commonly subject to, he
regarded not the popish mass ; I find testified of him,
that on a time in his hunting, coming where a very fat
stag was cut up and opened, the king beholding the fat-
ness and the liking of the stag : " See," saith he, " how
easily and happily he has lived, and yet for all that he
never heard a mass."
It is recorded in the chronicle of William C'axton,
that the Monk Simon being much off'ended with the
king, cast in his wicked heart how he most speedily
might bring him to his end. And first of all he took
counsel with his abbot, shewing him the whole affair, and
what he designed to do. He alleged the prophesy of
Caiajihas, " It is expedient for us that one man die for
the people, and that the whole nation perish not," John,
xi. 50. " I am well contented," saith he, "to lose my
life, and so become a martyr, that I may utterly destroy
this tyrant." The abbot wept for gladness, and much
commended his fervent zeal. The monk then being ab-
solved by his abbot beforehand for doing this act, con-
veyed poison into a cup of wine, and with a smiling and
flattering countenance said to the king, *' If it please
your princely majesty, here is such a cup of wine as ye
never drank better in all your life time ; I trust this was-
sail shall make all England glad :" and with that he
drank a great draught of it himself, the king pledging him.
The monk died, and had continually from thenceforth
three monks to sing mass for his soul, confirmed by their
general chapter ! What became of King John, ye shall
now learn. I would ye did mark well the wholesome pro-
ceedings of these holy votaries, how virtuously they obey
their king, whom God hath appointed, and how religiously
they bestow their confessions, absolutions, and masses !
The king within a short space after (feeling great pain
in his body) asked for Simon the monk ; and answer was
made that he was dead. " Then God have mercy upon
me," said he, " I suspected as much, after he had said that
all England should thereof be glad." With that he com-
manded his chariot to be prepared, for he was not able
to ride. So he went from thence to Sleaford castle, and
from thence to Newark on Trent, and there within less
than three days he died. Upon his death-bed he much
repented of his former life, and forgave all them that
had done him injury ; desiring that his elder son Henry
might be admonished by his example, and learn by his
misfortunes to be natural, favourable, gentle, and loving
to his people. His soldiers both Englishmen and strangers
were still about him, and followed his body in their
armour, till they came to the cathedral church of Wor-
cester, and there he was honourably buried by Silvester
the bishop, between St. Oswald and St. Wolstan, two
bishops of that church. He died A. D. 1216, the nine-
teenth day of October, after he had reigned in such ca-
lamity, eighteen years and six months and odd days.
Many opinions are among the chroniclers of the death
of King John. Some of them write that he died of sor-
row and heaviness of heart, as Polydore : some of sur-
feiting in the night, as Raduljih Niger : some of a bloody
flux, as Roger Hoveden : some of a burning ague ; some
of cold sweat, some of eating apples, some of eating
pears, some of plums, &c.
Thus you see what variety is among the writers con-
cerning the death of this King John. Of which writers,
although the most of them agree in this, that he was poi-
soned by the monk, yet Matthew Paris writes thus,
" That going to Lincolnshire, and there hearing of the loss
of his carriage and of his treasures upon the washes, he
fell into great heaviness of mind ; insomuch that he fell
thereby into a burning fever, at the abbey of Swinsted.
This ague he also increased through evil surfeiting and
improper diet, by eating of peaches and drinking of new
ciser, or as w^e call it cider. Thus being sick, he was
carried from thence to the castle of Sleaford, and from
thence to the castle of Newark ; where calling for his son
Henry, he gave to him the succession of his crown and
kingdom, writing to all his lords and nobles to receive
him for their king ; and shortly after, upon St. Lucy's
eve, he departed this life, being buried at Worcester," &c.
In the reign of this King John, the citizens of London
first obtained of the king to choose yearly a mayor. In
whose time also the bridge of London was first built of
stone, which before was of wood.
1S8
ORIGIN OF THE DOMINICANS AND FRANCISCANS.
[Book IV.
KIXG HENRY THE THIRD.
After King John had reigned seventeen years, he died.
He left behind him four sons and three daughters ; firj^t,
Henry, the second Richard earl of Cornwall, the third
William of Valentia, the fourth Guido Disenaie : he had
also another son, who afterwards was made bishop. Of
his daughters, the first was Isabel, married to the emperor
Frederick, tlie second Elenor, married to William earl
marshal, the third to Mountford the earl of Leicester, &c.
Another history says, that he had but two daughters, Isabel
and Elenor, or as another calls her Joan, who was after
queen of Scotland.
Henry the eldest son was then nine years of age, when
the majority of the barons of England adhered to Lewis
the French king's son, whom they had previously in-
vited to come to England, proposing, in their opposition
to King John, then under the pope's curse, to elect this
Lewis as their king, and had sworn to him their allegiance.
Then William, earl marshal, a nobleman of great autho-
rity, and a grave and sound counsellor, in a friendly and
quiet way called together several earls and barons, and tak-
ing this Henry the young prince, he sets him before them,
using these words, "Behold, right honourable and well
beloved, although we have persecuted the father of this
young prince for his evil demeanour, and worthily ; yet
this young child w^hom here ye see before you, as he is in
years tender, so is he pure and innocent from these his
father's doings : wherefore in as much as every man is
charged only with the burthen of his own works and trans-
gressions, neither shall the child (as the scripture teacheth
us) bear the iniquity of his father : we ought therefore
of duty and conscience to pardon this young and tender
prince, and take compassion of his age. And now for
so much as he is the king's eldest son, and must be our
sovereign and king and successor of this kingdom; come
and let us appoint him our king and governor, and let us
remove from us Lewis the French king's son, for it is a
shame to our nation, and let us cast off'the yoke of our
servitude from our shoulders." To these words the earl
of Gloucester answered ; "And by what reason or right,"
said he, "can we so do, seeing we have called him
hither, and have sworn to him our fealty?"
The earl marshal again said, " Good right and reason
we have, and ought of duty to do no less ; for contrary
to our mind and calling he has abused our affiance and
fealties. It is true we invited him, and meant to prefer
him to be our chieftain and governor ; but he has con-
temned and despised us: and if we shall so suffer him,
he will subvert and overthrow both us and our nation,
and so shall we remain a spectacle of shame to all men,
and as outcasts of all the world."
At these words they all cried with one voice, " Be it
so, Henry shall be our king." And so the day was ap-
pointed for his coronation. Notwithstanding this, Lewis
did not forego his claim, but laid siege to the castle of
Dover. When he could not succeed there he took the
castle of Berkhamstead, and also the castle of Hert-
ford, doing much harm in the countries, in spoiling and
robbing the people where he went : so that the lords and
commons, who held with the king, assembled together to
drive Lewis out of the land, and gave battle to him ; in
conclusion Lewis lost the field and fled to London, which
was in the hands of his friends, causing the gates to
be shut, and waiting there for more succour out of France.
In the meantime, Eustace, a French lord, came with a
grand army and a hundred ships to assist Lewis ; but
before they arrived, they were encountered upon the seas
by Richard, King John's natural son ; who having no
more than eighteen ships to keep the cinque ports, set
eagerly upon them, and tlirough God's grace overcame
them, and he smote off the head of Eustace : the rest of
the French lords to the number of ten, he brought ashore
with hiin, where he imprisoned them in the castle of
Dover, and slew almost all their men, and sunk their
ships in the sen, so that only fifteen ships escaped.
Lewis hearing this loss of his ships and men, proposed
terms, and left the kingdom.
The life and acts of Pope Innocent III. are partly de-
scribed before : how he intruded Stephen Langron against
the king's will into the archbishoprick of Canterbury,
stirring up sixty-four monks of the church of Canterbury
privily to work against the king. How he excommuni-
cated the king as a jiublic enemy of the church, putting
him and his whole kingdom under interdict, for the space
of five years and three months, and at length deposed
and deprived him of his sceptre, keeping it in his own
hands for five days. How he absolved his subjects
from their due obedience and subjection to him. How
he gave away his kingdoms and his possessions to Lewis
the French king's son, commanding Lewis to spoil him
both of lands and life. Whereupon the king, being for-
saken of his nobles, prelates, and commons, was forced
against his will to submit and swear obedience to the pope,
paying a yearly tribute of one thousand marks a year,
for receiving his kingdom again, whereby both he and his
successors after him were vassals to the pope. These
were the apostolical acts of this holy vicar of Jesus Christ
in the realm of England ! Moreover, he condemned
Almeric, a learned man and a bishop, as an heretic, for
teaching and holding against images. This pope brought
first into the church the jiaying of private tithes. He
ordained the receiving the communion once a year at
Easter. To the papal decretals he added the decree,
which declares every human creature to be subject to the
pope. Also the reservation of the sacrament, and the
going wth the bell and light before the sacrament, was
appointed by him. In the council of Lateran he also
ordained that the canon of the mass should be received
with equal authority, as though it had proceeded from the
apostles themselves. And it was he, in this council, who
first formally established trausubstantiation as the doc-
trine of the church of Rome.
In this council of Lateran there were present sixty- one
archbishops and primates, four hundred bishops, twelve
abbots, eight hundred priors and conventuals, besides other
ambassadors and legates, doctors and lawyers innume-
ble, &c.
In the history of Herman Mutius, we read how iu
A. D. 1212, in this pope's time several noblemen, and
others in the country of Alsatia, held contrary to the tra-
dition of the Romish popes, that every day was free for
eating flesh, if done in moderation. They held also that
it was wicked to restrain priests and ministers from their
wives, for which opinions, this pope Innocent and his
bishops, caused an hundred of them in one day to be
burned and martyred !
In the days of this Pope Innocent, began the twd
orders of friars, one called "The Preachers' Order,
and Black Friars of St. Dominic ;" the other called " The
Minorites of St. Francis."
The preachers of the black friars order began with one
Dominic, a Spaniard, about the parts of Toulouse, who
after he had laboured ten years in preaching against the
Albigenses, and such others as held doctrines contrary to
the church of Rome, afterward cameto the council of Late-
ran, and desired of Innocent, to have his order of preaching
friars confirmed, which the pope a great while refused to
grant : at length he had a dream, that the church of
Lateran was ready to fall ; and that this Dominic, with
his shoulders propped up the church, and so preserved
the building from falling, &c. And right well this dream
may seem verified, for the friars have been always tlie
chief pillars and upholders of the pope's church. Upon
this the pope, waking out of his dream, called Dominic
to him, and granted his petition : and so came up this
order of the dominicans !
Tlie order of the minors or minorite friars, was de-
scended from one Francis, an Italian, who, hearing how
Christ sent forth his disciples to preach, thought to. imi-
tate the same in himself and his disciples, and so left off
his shoes, and had but one coat, and that of coarse cloth.
Instead of a latchet to his shoe, and of a girdle, he took
about him a hempen cord, and so he apparelled his disciples,
teaching them to fulfil, for so he speaks, the perfection
of the gospel, to embrace poverty, and to walk in the
way of holy simplicity. He left in writing, to his dis-
ciples and followers, his rule, which he called "The
Rule of the Gospel." As if the gospel of Christ were
A. D. 1220.]
THE RA.BBLEMENT OF RELIGIOUS ORDERS.
159
not a sufficient rule to all christian men, but it must take
its perfection from Francis ! This Francis, as he was
superstitious in all things ; so by way of penitential de-
ception he covered his body in the winter season with
ice and snow ! These Franciscan or begging friars, al-
though all under one rule of St. Francis, yet are divided
into "many orders : some go on treen shoes or pattins,
some barefooted, some are called Regular Franciscans or
Observants, some Minors or Minorites, others Minimi,
others Gospelers, others De Caputio. They all differ in
many things, but agree in superstition and hypocrisy. As
we have here entered into the matter of these two orders
of friars, I thought a little to digress from our history, in
reciting the whole catalogue or rabblement of monks,
friars, and nuns of all sects, rules, and orders, set up
and oontirraed by the pope. The names are as follow :
THE R.-LBJiLEMENT Or RfiLIGIOUS ORDERS.'
Augustinians, the first order. A.n.
Ambrosians, two sorts ;^0y
Antony's Hermits •*-■*
Austin's Hermits 498
Austin's Observants 41>0
Armenians.
Ammonites and Moabites.
Basiliu's Order 384
Benedict's Order ^'^^
Bernardus' Order 1120
Barefooted Friars 1221-
Bridget's Order 1-^0
Beghearts or White Spirits 1^93
Brethren of Jerusalem 1103
Brethren of St. John de Civitate, Black Friars . 1220
Brethren of Wilful Poverty.
Cluny, Order of °1*'
Canons of St. Augustine 1080
Charter-house Order 1086
Cistercian Order 1098
Cross-bearers, or Crossed Fnars 1216
Carmelites, or White Friars 1212
Clare's Order 1225
Celestine's Order 1297
Cuuialdulensi's Order °^0
Cross-starred Brethren.
Constantinopolitan Order.
Cross-bearers.
Chapter-Monks.
Dutch Order Ipl^
Dominican Black Friars 1220
Franciscans 1224
Grandmontain Order 10/6
Gregory's Order ^"4
George's Order 1407
GuUelmites (Williamites) 1246
Gerundinensis Order.
Galilei, or Galileans.
Hermits.
Helen's Brethren. Humiliati 1166
Hospital Brethren.
Holy Ghost Order.
' Jerome's Orders, two sorts 1412
I John's Hermits.
I Justin's Order 1432
John's Order, Joannites ^80
Otherwise Kmghts of Rhodes 1308
Injesuati 1365
Jerome's Hermits 490
Joseph's Order.
Janu's Order.
James' Brethren Order.
James' Brethren wth the Sword.
Indian's Order.
The reader sees what orders and what sects of religion
have been set up by the pope, the catalogue and number
of them all, si far as we could search them out. The
number of which rabblement of monkish persons came
to one hundred and one.
Now as I have reckoned up the names and varieties of
these prodigious sects, I will add the words of Hildegar-
dis. a celebrated nun in 1146, against the Romish pre-
(1) This list is very far from satisfactory. The various orders of
monks and nuns were far more numerous than are here given :
Eraillianne specifies half as many more, while he omits some that
are here specified by Foxe " The Lords of Hungary," or Teu-
tonic Knights, " The Templars," &c. as here inserted, are a very
tmall portion of the military orders. It is not easy to explain the
K5.tharine of Sienna Order 1455
Keyedmonks. Knights of Rhodes.
Lazarites of Mary Magdalene's, our Lady Brethren 1034
Lords of Hungary.
Minorites, who are divided into
Conventuals. De Caputio.
Observants. De Evangelic.
Reformed. Amedet.
Collectane. Clariui and others.
Minors or Minorites 1224
Malay's Servants 1304
Monks of Mount Olivet 1046
Marovinies.
Minorites.
Monachi and Monachae.
Morbonei and Meresti.
Menelaish and Jasonish Sect.
New Canons of St. Austin 1430
Nestorini.
Nalheart Brethren.
New Order of our Lady.
Nazareans.
Paul's Hermits 345
PrBemonstre Order 1119
Preacher-Order or Black Friars.
Peter the Apostle's Order 1409
Purgatorean Brethren.
Rechabites.
Sarrabites.
Sambouites 1199
Scourgers, the first Sect 1266
Soldiers of Jesus Christ 1323
Scopenits or St. Salvator's Order 1367
Specularii, or the Glass Order.
St. Sepulchre's Order.
Sheer Order.
Swerd's Order.
Starred Monks.
Starred Friars.
Sclavonian Order.
Scourgers, the second Sect, called Ninevites.
Stool Brethren.
Scottish Brethren Order.
Sicarii.
St. Sophia's Order.
Templar Lords
Templar Knights
The Valley of Jehoshaphat's Order.
Vallis Umbrosa 1400
Waldenses Sect.
Wentzelaus Order.
Wilhelmer Order.
White Monks of Mount Olivet 1406
Zelote's Order.
lates, and especially against the friars. This Hildegardis
is held among the papists themselves as a great prophet-
ess, and therefore let us hear her opinion about these mcu,
long before the Reformation.
" In tliose days shall arise a senseless people, proud,
greedy, without faith, and subtle, who shall eat the sins
of the people, holding a certain order of foolish devotion
in.erti.mof such names as Galileans - Rechabites - Waldenses,
&c They seem to have been taken witliout correction from some
list\Yhich confounded sects and orders without distinction -an
error very natural to writers before the Reformation and not ud-
frequently committed. Ku.j
1110
1120
160
THE l»ROPHECY OF HILDEGARDIS, A NUN.
[Book IT, '
under the feigned cloak of being " mendicants," prefer-
ring tlieinselves above all others by their "feigned
devotion, arrogant in understanding, and pretending
holiness, walking without shamefacedness or the fear of
God, in inventing many new mischiefs strong and stout.
But this order shall be accursed of all wise men and faith-
ful christians. They shall cease from all labour, and
give themselves over unto idleness, choosing rather to
live through flattery and begging. Moreover, they shall
together study how they may perversely resist the teach-
ers of tlie truth, and slay them together with the noble-
men ; how to seduce and deceive the nobility, for the
necessity of their living and pleasures of tliis world :
for the devil will graft in them four principal vices,
that is to say, flattery, envy, liypocrisy, and slander. Flat-
tery, that they may have large gifts given thein ; envy,
when they see gifts given to others, and not to them ;
hypocrisy, that by false dissimulation they may please
men. Backbiting, that they may extol and commend
themselves, and backbite others, for the praise of men,
and seducing of the simple. Also they shall instantly
preach, but without the devotion, or after the example
of the martyrs, and shall speak evil of the secular
princes, taking away the sacraments of the church
from the true pastors, receiving alms of the poor,
diseased, and miserable, and also associating themselves
with the common people ; instructing women how tliey
shall deceive their husbands and friends by their flattery
and deceitful words, and to rob their husbands to give
to them, for they will take all these stolen and evil-
gotten goods and say, ' Give it to us, and we will pray
for you ;' so that they being curious to hide other
men's faults, do utterly forget their own. And alas,
they will receive all things of rovers, pickers, spoilers,
thieves, and robbers, of sacrilegious persons, usurers,
and adulterers, heretics, schismatics, apostates, noble-
men, perjurers, merchants, false judges, soldiers, tyrants,
princes, of such as live contrary to the law, and of
many perverse and wicked men, following the persuasion
of the devil, the sweetness of sin, a delicate and transi-
tory life, and fulness even unto eternal damnation.
" All these things shall manifestly appear in them to
all people, and they (day by day) shall wax more wicked
and hard-hearted: and when their wickedness and deceits
shall be found out, then shall their gifts cease, and then
shall they go about their houses hungry, and as mad dogs
looking down upon the earth, and drawing in their necks
as doves, that they might be satisfied with bread. Then
shall the people cry out upon them, ' Woe be unto you,
ye miserable children of sorrow, the world has seduced
you, and the devil hath bridled your mouths, your flesh
is frail, and your hearts without savour, your minds have
been unsteadfast, and your eyes delighted in much vanity
and folly, your dainty appetites desire delicate meats,
your feet are swift to run into mischief. Remember when
you were apparently blessed, yet envious ; poor in siglit,
but rich ; simple to see to, but mighty flatterers, unfaith
ful betrayers, perverse detractors, holy hypocrites, sub-
verters of the truth, righteous overmuch, proud, un-
shamefaced, and unsteadfast teachers, dilicate martyrs,
confessors for gain ; meek, but slanderers ; reUg'ous, but
covetous ; humble, but proud ; iiitiful, but hard-hearted
liars ; pleasant flatterers ; persecutors, op])ressors of
the poor, bringing in new sects newly invented of
yourselves; thought merciful, but found wicked ; lovers
of the world, sellers of pardons, spoilers of benefices,
unprofitable orators, seditious conspirators, drunkards,
desirers of honours, maintainers of miscliief, robbers of
the world, unsatiable preachers, mon-pleasers, seducers,
and sowers of discord. You have Iniilded up on high,
and when you could ascend no higher, then did you
fall even as Simon Magus, whom (Jod overthrew, and
did strike with a cruel jdague ; so you likewise through
your false doctrine, naughtiness, lies, detractions, and
wickedness are come to ruin. And the people shall say
unto them, 'Go, ye teachers of wickedness, subverters of
the truth, brethren of the Shunamite, fathers of heresies,
false apostles, which have feigned yourselves to follow the
life of the apostles, and yet have not followed it in any
part : ye sons of iniquity, you will not follow the know-
ledge of your ways, for pride and presumption hath de-
ceived you, and insatiable covetousness hath subverted
your erroneous hearts. And when you would ascend
higher than was meet or comely for you, by the just
judgment of God, you are fallen back into perpetual
opprobrium and shame."
About the same time that these Franciscans and
Dominican friars began, then sprang up also the Cross-
Bearers, or Crutched Friars. Innocent III. raised an army,
signed with a cross ,-on the breast, to fight against the
Albigenses, whom the pope accounted for heretics la
the neighbourhood of Toulouse. What these Albi-
genses were cannot be well gathered from the old popish
histories ; for if any held, taught, or maintained anything
against the pope or his papal pride, or withstood and
gainsayed his traditions, rites, and religions, &c., the
historians of that time do so deprave and misrepresent
them that they paint them forth as worse than Turks and
infidels. And it was that, I suppose, which caused tlie
pojiish historians to write of them as they did. I find
in some records that the opinions of the Albigenses
were sound enough, holding and professing nothing else
but only against the wanton wealth, pride and tyranny
of the prelates, and denying the pope's authority to have
ground in the scriptures ; neither could they bear with
the ceremonies and traditions, images, pardons, purga-
tory of the Romish church, calling them (as some say)
blasphemous o(-cupyings, &c. Of these Albingenses '
there were slain and burned a great multitude by the
means of the pope, one Simon and others.
As mention is here made of these superstitious sects
of friars, and such other mendicant orders, it might seem
not out of place, as I have done with Hildegardis before, )
so now to annex also another ancient treatise compiled
by Geoffery Chaucer, by the way of a dialogue or ques-
tions, moved in the person of a certain uplandish and
simple ploughman of the country. The author intitled
it "Jack Upland," and shews in it to all the world
the blind ignorance and discord of these irreligious
monks ; whereby it may be seen that it is no new thing,
but that their blasphemous doings have been detected by
various good men in old time.
A Treatise of Geoffrey Chaucer, intitled Jack Upland.
I, Jack Upland make my moan to God, and to all that
are true in Christ, that antichrist and his discijiles (by co-
lour of holiness) walking and deceiving Christ's church
by many false figures, where through, (by antichrist and
his) many vertues been transposed to vices.
But the felliest folk that ever antichrist found, been
last brought into the church and in a wonder wise, for
they been of divers sects of antichrist, sown of divers
countries and kindreds. And all men known well, that
they be not obedient to bishops, ne leegemen to kings :
neither they tillen, ne sowen, weeden, ne repen, wood,
corn, ne grass, neither nothing that man should help ;
but only themselves their lives to sustain. An these men
han all manner power of God as they seein in heaven and in
yearth, to sell heaven and hell to whom that them liketh,
and these wretches weet never were to been themselfs.
And therefore (Freer) in thine orders and rules been
grounded on Goddis law, tell thou me. Jack Upland,
that I ask of thee, and if thou be or thinkest to be on
Christ's side keep thy paciens.
Saint Paul tcacheth, that all our deeds should be
doo in charity, and else it is nought worth, but displeasing
to God and harme to our own souls. And for that freers
challenge to be greatest clerks of the church, and next
following Christ in living. Men should for charity ax
them some questions, and pray them to ground their an-
swers in reason and holy writ, for else their answer would
nought be worth, be it florished never so fair : and as
mee think men might skilfully ask thus of a freer.
1. Freer, how many orders be in earth, and which
is the perfectest order ? Of what order art thou ? Who
made thine order ? What is thy rule ? Is there any
perfecter rule than Christ himself made? If Christ's
rule be most perfect, why rulest thou thee not thereafter .'
A D. 1220.] A TREATISE OF GEOFFREY CHAUCER, ENTITLED ' JACK UPLAND,'
161
W itlioiit more why, shall a freer be more punished if he
bi^ak the rule that his patron made, than if he break the
h:,sts tuit God himself made ?
2. Approoveth Christ any more religions then one,
that St. James speaketh of.' If he approoveth no more,
whv hast thou left his rule and takest another ? Why is
a freer apostate that leaveth his order and taketh another
Sect, sith there is but one religion of Christ ?
3. Why be you wedded faster to your habits then a
mail is to his wife ? For a man may leave his wife for a
year or two as many men done : and if you leave your
habit a quarter of a year, ye should be holden apostate.
4. Maketh your habit you men of religion or no ? If
u do, then ever as it weareth, your religion weareth, and
after that your habit is better, your religion is better, and
when you have liggen it beside, then lig ye your religion
beside you, and bin apostates : why hie you so pretious
clothes ? sith no man seeketh such but for vain glory, as
St. Gregory saith.
What betokeneth your great hood, your scalpery, your
knotted girdle, and your wide cope .■■
5. Why use ye all one colour, more then other chris-
tian men doo ? What betokeneth that ye been clothed all
in one manner of clothing ?
If ye say, it betokeneth love and charity, certes then
ye be oft hypocrits, when any of you hateth another, and
in that that ye wooll be said holy by your clothing.
Why may not a freer wear clothing of another sect of
friers, sith holiness stondeth not in the cloths?
fi. Why hold ye silence in one house, more then ano-
ther, sith men ought over all to speak the good and leave
the evil ?
Why eat you flesh in one house more than another, if
your rule and your order be perfect, and the patron that
made it ?
7. Why get you your dispensations to have it more
easie .' Certes, either it seemeth that ye be unperfect,
or he that made it so hard, that ye may not hold it, and
Biker, if ye hold not the rule of your patrons, ye be not
then her freers, and so ye lie upon your selves.
8. Why make you as dead men when ye be professed,
and yet ye be not dead, but more quick beggers then ye
were before ? And it seemeth evil a dead man to go
about and beg.
9. Why will yee not suffer your novises hear your
councils in your chapter-house ere that they have been
professed, lif your councels been true and after God's
law ?
10. W^hy make ye you so costly houses to dwell in ?
lith Christ did not so, and dead men should have but
graves, as falleth it to dead men, and yet ye have more
courts than many lords of England : For ye now wen-
den through the realm, and each night will lig in your
own courts, and so mow but few right lords do.
11. Why heire you to ferm your limitors, giving there-
fore erth year a certain rent, and will not suffer one in
anoth<r's limitation, right as yee were your selves lords
of countries ?
Why be ye not under your bishops' visitations, and
. leege men to our king ?
Why axe ye no letters of bretherheds of other men
, prayers, as ye desire that other men should axe letters of
you .'
I If your letters be good, why grant ye them not gene-
I rally to all manner of men for the more charity ?
1 12. Mow ye make any man more perfect brether for
j your prayers then God hath by our believe ? by our bap-
I tism and his own grant .' If ye mow, certes then ye
} be above God.
1 Why make ye men believe that your golden trental
i tong of you, to take therefore ten shillings, or at least
I five shillings, wool bring souls out of hell, or out of
1 purgatory ? If this be sooth, certes ve might bring all
I Bouls out of pain, and that wool ye nought, and then ye
be out of charity.
l.i. Why make ye men believe that he that is buried
in your habit shall never come in hell, and ye weet not
i of yourself whether ye shall to hell or no ? and if this
I were sooth, ye should sell your high houses to make
many habits for to save maay men's souls
14. Why steal ye men's children for to make hem of
your sect, sith that theft is against God's bests, and sith
your sect is not perfect ? ye know not whether the rule,
that ye bind him to, be best for him or worst.
1"). Why underneme ye not your brethren for their
trespass after the law of the gospel, sith that undernem-
ing is the best that may be .■' But ye put them in prison
oft when they do after God's law, and by St. Augustine's
rule. If any do amiss and would not amend him, ya
should put him from you.
16. Why covet ye shrifts and burying of other men's
parishens, and none other sacrament that falleth to
christian folk.
Why bussy ye not to hear to shrift of poor folk as
well as of rich lords and ladies, sith they mow have more
plenty of shrift fathers than poor folk mow.
Why say ye not the gospel in houses of bedred men,
as ye do in rich men's that mow go to church and hear
the gospel ?
Why covet you not to bury poor folk among you ?
sith that they bin most holy (as ye saine that ye been for
your poverty ?)
17. Why will ye not be at hir dirges as ye have bin at
rich men's ? sith God praiseth him more then he doth
other men.
What is thy prayer worth ? sith thou wilt take there-
fore, for all chapmen ye need be most wise for dread of
simony.
What cause hast thou that thou wilt not preach the
gospel, as God saith that thou shouldest ? sith it is the
best lore and also our believe.
Why be ye evil apaid that secular priests should
preach the gospel .' sith God himself hath hodden hem.
18. Why hate ye the gospel to be preached, sith ye
be so much hold thereto .' For ye win more by year
with in principio, then with all the rules that ever your
patrons made, and in this minstrels bin better then ye,
for they contrarien not to the mirths that they maken,
but ye contrarien the gospel both in word and deed.
19. Freer, when thou receivest a penny for to say a
mass, whether sellest thou God's body for that penny,
or thy prayer, or else thy travel .' If thou sayest thou
wolt not travel for to say the mass, but for the penny,
that certes if this be sooth, then thou lovest too little
meed for thy soul : and if thou sellest God's body, other
thy prayer, then it is very simony, and art become a
chapman worse then Judas that sold it for thirty pence.
20. ^Tiy writest thou her names in thy tables that
yeveth thee money ? sith God knoweth all things : for it
seemeth by thy writing that God would not reward him,
but thou writest in thy tables, God would els forgotten
it.
Why bearest thou God in hand and slanderest him
that he begged for his meat ? sith he was Lord over all,
for then had he bin unwise to have begged, and have no
need thereto.
Freer, after what law rulest thou thee ? where findest
thou in God's law that thou shouldest thus beg ?
21. What manner men needeth for to beg ?
For whom oweth such men to beg ?
Why beggest thou so for thy brethren ?
If thou sayst, for they have need, then thou dost it
for the more perfection, or els for the least, or els for
the mean. If it be the most perfection of all, then
should all thy brethren do so, and then no man needed
to beg but for himself, for so should no man beg but
him needed. And if it be the least perfection, why (
lovest thou then other men more then thyself? For so
thou art not well in charity, sith thou shouldest seek the
more perfection after thy power, living thyself most
after God, And thus leaving that imperfection thou
shouldest not so beg for them. And if it is a good
mean thus to beg as thou doest, then should no man do
so, but they bin in this good mean, and yet such a
mean granted to you may never be grounded on God'g
law ; for then both lerid and leaud that bin in mean de-
gree of this world, should go about and beg as ye do.
And if all should do so, certes well nigh all the world
should go about and beg as ye done, and so should there
be tea beggers against ooe yever
M 2
62
A TREATISE OF CHAUCER'S, ENTITLED < JACK UPLAND.'
[Book IV.
Why procurest thou men to yeve thee their ;ilms, and
sayest it is so needful, and thou wilt not thyself win thee
that meed ?
22. Why wilt not thou beg for poor bedred men that
bin poorer then any of your sect? That liggen and
mow not go about to help himselfes, sith we be all
brethren in God, and that bretherhed passeth any other
that ye or any man could make, and where most need
were, there were most perfection, either els ye hold
them not your pure brethren, but worse, but then ye be
unperfect in your begging ?
Why make ye so many masters among you ? sith it is
against the teaching of Christ and his apostles ?
2.5. Whose been all your rich courts that ye ban, and
all your rich jewels ? sith ye saine that ye ban nought ne
in proper ne in common. If ye saine they been the
popes, why gether ye then of poor men and lords so
much out of the king's hand to make your pope rich ?
And sith ye saine that it is great perfection to have
nought in proper ne in common, why be ye so fast about
to make the pope that is your father rich, and put on
him imperfection ? sithen ye saine that your goods been
all his, and he should by reason be the most perfect
man, it seemeth openlich that ye been cursed children so
to slander your father and make him imperfect. And if
ye saine that the goods be yours, then do ye aienst your
rule, and if it be not aienst your rule, then might ye
have both plough and cart, and labour as other good
men done, and not so to beg by losengery, and idle as
ye doone. If ye say that it is more perfection to beg,
then to travel or to worch with your hand, why preach
ye not openly and teach all men to do so ? sith it is the
best and most perfect life to the help of their souls, as ye
make c'.iildren to beg that might have been rich heirs.
Why make ye not your feasts to poor men and yeveth
him yefts, as ye done to the rich .' sith poor man han
more need then the rich.
What betokeneth that ye go twain and twain together?
If ye be out of charity, ye accord not in soul.
Why beg ye and take salaries thereto more then other
priests ? sith he that most taketh, most charge hath.
24. Why hold ye not St. Francis' rule and his testa-
ment ? sith Francis saith, that God shewed him this
living and this rule : and certes if it were God's will, the
pope might not fordo it ; or else Francis was a lier that
said oil this wise. And but this testament that he made
accord with God's will, or else erred he as a lier tliat
were out of charity : and as the law saith, he is accursed
that letteth the rightful last will of a dead man. And
this te^itament is the last will of Francis that is a dead
mau ; it seemeth therefore that all his freers been
cursed.
25. Why will you not touch no coined money with
the cross, ne with the king's head, as ye done other
jewels both of gold and silver ? Certes if ye despise the
cross or the king's head, then ye be worthy to be de-
spised of God and the king ; and sith you will receive
money in your hearts, and not with your hands, and it
seemeth that ye hold more holiness in your hands then
in your hearts, and then be false to God.
26. Why have ye exempt you from our king's laws
and visiting of our bishops more then other christen
men that liven in this realm, if ye be not guilt of trait-
ory to our realm, or trespassers to our bishops ? But
ye will have the king's laws for the trespass do to you,
and ye will have power of other bishops more then other
priests, and also have leave to prison your brethren, as
lords in your courts, more then other folks han that been
the king's leege men.
27. Why shall some sect of your freers pay ech a
year a certain to her general provincial or minister, or
else to her sovereigns ? but if he steal a certain number
of children (as some men saine) and certain if this been
sooth, then ye be constrained upon a certain pain to
doe theft against God's commandment, Non jurtum
fades.
28. Why be ye so hardy to grant by letters of frater-
nity to men and women, that they shall have part and
merit of all your good deeds, and ye weeten never
whether God be apaid with your deeds because of your
sin ? Also ye witten never whether that man or woman
be in state to be saved or damned, then shall he have no
merit in heaven for his own deeds ne for none other
man's. And all were it so, that he should have part of
your good deeds : yet should he have no more then God
would give him after that he were worthy, and so much
shall each man have of God's yeft without your limita-
tion. But if ye will say that ye been God's fellows, and
that he may not do without your assent, then be ye
blasphemers to God.
2y. What betokeneth that ye have ordained, that
when such one as ye have made your brother or sister,
and hath a letter of your seal, that letter mought be
brought in your holy chapter and there be read, or else
ye will not pray for him. And but ye willen pray espe-
cially for all other that were not made your brethren or
sistren, then were we not in right charity, for that ought
to be commen, and namely in ghostly things.
30. Freer, What charity is this, to overcharge the
people by mighty begging under colour of preaching or
praying, or masses singing ? sith holy write biddeth not
thus, but even tlie contrary : for all such ghostly deeds
should be done freely, as God yeveth them freely ?
31. Freer, What charity is this to beguile childien or
the commen to discretion, and bind hem to your orders
that bin not grounded in God's law against her friends
will ? sithen by this folly bin many apostates both in will
and deed, and many bin apostates in her will during all
her life, that would gladly be discharged if they wist
how, and so many bin apostates that shoulden in other
states have bin true men.
32. Freer, What charity is this, to make so many
freers in every country to the charge of the people ? sith
parsons and ■^^cars alone, yea secular priests alone, yea
monks and canons alone, with bishops above them were
inough to the church to do the priest's office. And to
add more then inough is a foul error, and great charge
to the people, and this openly against God's will that
ordained all things to be done in weight, number, and
measure. And Christ himself was apaid with twelve
apostles and a few disciples, to preach and to do priest's
office to all the whole world, then was it better done
then is now at this time by a thousand dele. And right
so as four fingers with a thumb in a man's hand helpeth
a man to worch, and double number of fingers in one
hand should let him more, and so the more number that
there were passing the measure of God's ordinance, the
more were a man letted to worch : right so (as it
seemeth) it is of these new orders that bin added to the
church without ground of holy write and God's ordi-
nance.
33. Freer, What charity is this, to the people to lye,
and say that ye follow Christ in poverty more than other
men done ? and yet in curious and costly housing, and
fine and precious clothing, and delicious and liking feed-
ing, and in treasure and jewels, and rich ornaments,
freers passen lords and other rich worldly men, and
soonest they should bring her cause about i^lie it never
so costly) thoufdi God's law be put back.
34. Freer, What charity is this, to gather up the
books of holy write, and put hem in treasory, and so
emprison them from secular priests and curates, and by
this cautel let hem to preach the gospel freely to the
peo])le without worldly meed, and also to defame good
priests of heresie, and lien on hem openly for to let hem
to shew God's law by the holy gospel to the christian
peojjle ?
3.'). Freer, What charity is this, to fain so much holi-
ness in your bodily clothing (that you clepe your habit)
that many blind fools desiren to die therein more than
in another ? and also that a freer, that leaveth his habit
late founden of men, may not be assoiled till he take
again, but is a))ostate as ye sain, and cursed of God and
man both ? The freer believeth truth, and patience,
chastity, meekness and sobriety, yet for the more part
of his life he may soon be assoiled of his prior, and if he
bring home to his house much good by the year (be it
never so falsely begged and pilled of the poor and needy
people in countries about) he shall behold a noble freer.
O Lord, whether this be charity ?
A. D. 1220.] THE NOBLES COMPLAIN AGAINST THE POPE'S COVETOUSNESS.
1R3
36. Freer, "WTiat charity is this, to prease upon a rich
man, and to intice him to be buried among you from his
parish-church, and to such rich men give letters of fra-
ternity confirmed by your general seal, and thereby to
bear him in hand that he shall have part of all your
masses, mattens, preachings, fastings, wakings, and all
other good deeds done by your brethren of your order
(both whilst he liveth, and after that he is dead) and yet
ye witten never whether your deeds be acceptable to
God, ne whether that man that hath that letter be able
by good living to receive any part of your deeds, and
yet a poor man (that ye wite well or supposen in certen
to have no good of) ye ne given no such letters, though
he be a better man to God than such a rich man : never-
theless, this poor man doth not retch thereof. For as
men supposen such letters and many other that freers
behotten to men, be full false deceits of freers, out of all
reason, and God's law and christian men's faith.
3". Freer, What charity is this, to be confessors of
lords and ladies, and to other mighty men, and not
amend hem in her living ? but rather as it seemeth, to be
the bolder to pill her poor tenants, and to live in riot,
and there to dwell in your office of confessor for winning
of worldly goods, and to be hold great by colour of such
ghostly offices ? this seemeth rather pride of freers, than
charity of God.
38. Freer, A\Tiat charity is this, to sain that who so
liveth after your order, liveth more perfectly, and next
foUoweth the state of apostles in poverty and pennance,
and yet the wisest and greatest clerks of you wend or
send, or procure to the court of Rome to be made cardi-
nals or bishops of the pope's chaplains, and to be as-
soiled of the vow of poverty and obedience to your mi-
nisters, in the which (as ye sain) standeth more perfec-
tion and merit of your orders, and thus ye farren as
Pharisees that sain one and do another to the contrary.
Why name ye more the patron of your order in your
conjiteor when ye begin mass, then other saints,
apostles, or martyrs, that holy church hold more glo-
rious then hem, and clepe hem your patrons and your
avowries .'
Freer, Whether was St. Francis in making of his rule
that he set thine order in, a fool and a lyar, or else wise
and true ? If ye sain that he was not a fool, but wise ;
ne a lyar but true : why shew you contrary by your
doing, when by your suggestion to the pope ye said,
That your rule that Francis made was so hard that ye
mow not live to hold it without declaration and dispen-
sation of the pope, and so by your deed ^ Ne let your
patron be a fool that made a rule so hard that no man
may well keep, and eke your deed proveth him a lyar,
where he saith in his rule, " That he took and learned it
of the Holy Ghost." For how might ye for shame pray
the pope undo that the Holy Ghost bit, as when ye
prayed him to dispence with the hardness of your
order .'
Freer, Which of the four orders of freers is best to a
man that knoweth not which is the best, but would
fain enter into the best, and none other ? If thou sayest
that thine is the best, then saiest thou that none of the
other is as good as thine, and in this each freer in the
three other orders wooU say that thou lyest, for in the
self manner each other freer wooU say that his order is
best. And thus to each of the four orders bin the other
three contrary in this point : in the which if any say
sooth, that is one alone, for there may but one be the
best of four. So foUoweth it that if each of these orders
answered to this question as thou dost, three were false,
and but one true, and yet no man should wite who that
were. And thus it seemeth, that the most part of freers
bin or should be lyers in this point, and they should
answer thereto. If you say that another order of the
freers is better than thine, or as good ; why took ye not
rather thereto as to the better, when thou mightst have
chose at the beginning .-' And eke why shouldst thou be
an apostate to leave thine order and take thee to that is
better, and so why goest thou not from thine order in
that?
Freer, Is there any perfecter rule of religion than
Christ God's Son gave in his gospel to his brethren ?
Or then that religion that St. James in his epistle
maketh mention of? If you say yes, then puttest thou
on Christ (that is the wisdome of God the Father) uu-
kunning, unpower, or evil will : for then he could not
make his rule so good as another did his. And so he
had unkunning, that he might not so make his rule so
good as another man might, and so were he unmighty,
and not God, as he would not make his rule so perfect
as another did his, and so he had bin evil willed, namely
to himself.
For if he might and could, and would have made a
rule perfect without default, and did not, he was not
God's Son Almighty. For if any other rule be perfecter
than Christ's, then must Christ's rule lack of that per-
fection by as much as the other weren more perfecter,
and so were default, and Christ had failed in making of
his rule : but to put any default or failing in God is blas-
phemy. If thou say that Christ's rule, and that religion
which St. James maketh mention of, is perfectest ; .why
boldest thou not thilk rule without more ? And why
clepest thou tlie rather of St. Francis or St. Dominick's
rule, or religion, or order, than of Christ's rule, or
Christ's order ?
Freer, Canst thou assign any default in Christ's rule of
the gospel (with the which he taught all men sikerly to
be saved) if they kept it to her ending ? If thou say it
was too hard, then sayst thou Christ lyed ; for he said
of his rule, " My yoke is soft, and my burthen light."
If thou say Christ's rule was too light, that may be
assigned for no default, for the better it may be kept.
If thou sayest that there is no default in Christ's rule '
of the gospel, sith Christ himself saith " It is light and
easie ;" what need was it to patrons of freers to add
more thereto ? and so to make an harder religion to
save freers, than was the religion of Christ's apostles
and his disciples helden and were saved by. But if they
woulden that her freers saten above the apostles in
heaven for the harder religion that they keepen here, so
would they sitten in heaven above Christ himself, for
their more and strict observations, then so should they
be better than Christ himself with mischance.
Go now forth and frain your clerks, and ground ye
you in God's law, and gif Jack an answer, and when ye
ban assoiled me that I have said sadly in truth, I shall
soil thee of thine orders, and save thee to heaven.
If freers kun not or mow not excuse hem of these
questions asked of hem, it seemeth that they be horrible
guilty against God, and her even christian ; for which
guilts and defaults it were worthy that the order that
they call their order were fordone. And it is wonder
that men sustain hem or suffer her live in such manner.
For holy write biddeth, " That thou do well to the
meek, and give not to the wicked, but forbed to give
hem bread, least they be made thereby mightier through
you."
After these digressions, we may now return to the
course of our history again.
After England had been subjected by King John, and
made tributary to the pope, it is incredible how the un-
satiable avarice of the Romans oppressed and wrung the
commons and all estates of the realm, especially bene-
ficed men, and such as had any thing of the church ;
who were brought into such slavery and penury, that
when the king durst not remedy their wrongs by him-
self ; yet by his advice, Simon Montfort, and the Earl of
Leicester, with other noblemen, thought to bridle and
restrain the insatiable ravening of these greedy wolves.
They devised a letter, giving command to tlie ecclesi-
astics, and to such as had churches to farm, tliat hence-
forth they should not pay the Romans such farms and
rents any more, as follows :
" A complaint of the nobles of England apahxt the in-
tolerable covetousness of the Pope and Prelaten of
Rome.
" To such and such a bishop, and such a ch'^ptor ;
all the university and company of them, that had rather
164
COUNCIL HELD AT LONDON— THE POPE'S EXACTiONS REFUSED. [Book IV.
die than be confounded by the Romans, wishes health.
How the Romans and their legates have hitherto be-
haved themselves toward you and other ecclesiastical
persons of this realm of England is not unknown to
your discretion, in disposing and giving away the bene-
fices of the realm after their own fancies, to the intoler-
able prejudice and grievance both of you, and all other
Englishmen. For, whereas the collation of benefices
should and does jiroperly belong to you and your fe.Uow-
oishops (ecclesiastical persons), they, thundering against
yoa the sentence of excommunication, ordain that you
should not bestow them upon any person of this realm,
until in every diocese and cathedral church within the realm,
five Romans, sucli as the pope shall name, be provided
for, to the value of every man an hundred pounds a-
ye;ir. Besides these, many other grievances the Ro-
manists do inflict on the laity and nobles of the realm,
for the patronages and alms bestowed by them and their
an''cstors, for the support of the poor of the realm, and
also for the clergy and ecclesiastical persons of the realm
touching their livings and benefices. And yet the Ro-
mans, not contented with these, do also take from the
clergy of this realm the benefices which they have to be-
.stow them on men of their own country, &c.
" Wherefore, we considering the rigorous austerity of
these aforesaid Romans, who once coming in but as
Strangers here, now take upon them not only to judge,
•but also to condemn us, laying upon us insupportable
burthens, whereunto they will not put one of their own
fingers to move ; and laying our heads together upon a
general and full advice had among ourselves concerning
the same, have thought good, although very late, to
withstand them, rather than be subject to their intoler-
able oppressions, and greater slavery hereafter to be
looked for. For which cause we straitly charge and
command you (as your friends going about to deliver
you, the church, the king, and the kingdom from that
miserable yoke of servitude) that you do not intermeddle,
or take any part concerning such exactions or rents to
be required or given to the said Romans. Letting you
to understand for truth, that in case you shall (which
God forbid) be found culpable herein, not only your
goods and possessions shall be in danger of burning, but
you also in your persons shall incur the same peril and
punishment as shall the Romish oppressors themselves.
Thus fare ye well."
In the reign of this Henry III., cardinal Otho was
sent from the i)ope with letters to the king, as other
letters also were sent to other places for exactions of
money.
The king, opening theletters,and perceiving the contents,
answered, " That he alone could say nothing in the matter
which concerned all the clergy and commons of the whole
realm." Not long after a council was called at Westmin-
ster (A.D. 122(i), where the letters being opened, the
form was this : " We require to be given to us, first, of
all cathedral churches, two prebends, one for the bishops'
part, the other for the chapter ; and likewise of monas-
teries where are divers portions, one for the abbot,
another for the convent ; of the convent so much as ap-
pertains to one monk, the portion of the goods being
proportionally divided ; of the abbot likewise as much,"
&c.
When those proposals of the legate were propounded
in the assembly on the pope's behalf, answer was made
that the matter concerned especially the king ; but in
general it touched all the archbishops, with their suffra-
gans, the bishops, and all the prelates of the realm.
Wherefore, seeing the king, by reason of his sickness,
■was absent, and the archbishop of Canterbury, with
other bishops, also were not there, therefore in their ab-
sence they had nothing to say in the matter, neither
could they do so without prejudice of those that were
absent. And so the assembly broke up.
Notlongafter, Cardinal Otho, coming again from Rome,
called another council at London, and caused all prelates,
archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, and others of the
clergy, to be summoned to the council, to be held in the
church of St. Paul's, at Loadoa. The pretence of which
council was for the redress of matters concerning bene-
fices and religion ; but the chief and principal object was
to hunt for money ; for putting them in fear and in hope,
some to lose, some to obtain spiritual promotions at his
hand, he thought some gain would rise thereby, and so
it did. For, in the meantime, precious gifts were of-
fered him in palfries, in rich plate and jewels, iii costly
and sumptuous garments, richly furred; in coin, in vic-
tuals, and such like things of value, well worthy of ac-
ceptance. Wherein one endeavoured to go beyond
another in munificence.
The time of the council drawing nigh, the cardinal
commanded at the west end of St. Paul's church an high
and solemn throne to be prepared, rising up with a glo-
rious scaffold upon substantial stages strongly built, and
of great height. Thus, on the day assigned, the arch-
bishops, bishops, abbots, and others of the prelacy, as-
sembled both far and near throughout all England,
wearied and vexed with the winter's journey, bringing
their letters procuratory. Being assembled together, the
cardinal was about to begin his sermon, when there broke
out a great dispute between the two archbishops of Can-
terbury and York, about sitting at the right hand and
left hand of the glorious cardinal, for which the one ap-
pealed against the other. The cardinal, to pacify the
strife between them, brought forth a bull of the pope ;
in the midst of this bull was pictured the figure of the
cross. On the right side of the cross stood the image of
St. Paul, and on the left side St. Peter. "Lo!" said
the cardinal, holding open the bull with the cross ;
" here you see St. Peter on the left hand of the cross,
and St. Paul on the right, and yet there is between these
two no contention, for both are of equal glory. And yet
St. Peter, for the prerogative of his keys, and for the pre-
eminence of his apostleship and cathedral dignity, seems
most worthy to be placed on the right side. But yet be-
cause St. Paul believed on Christ when he saw him not,
therefore has he the right hand of the cross ; for,
' blessed be they,' saith Christ, ' which see not, and yet
have believed.'" And from that time forth the arch-
bishop of Canterbury enjoyed the right hand, and the
archbishop of York the left.
The cause why the pope was so greedy and needy of'
money, was this ; he had mortal hatred and waged conti-
nual battle against the good emperor Frederick 11. who
had married Isabel, the sister of King Henry. And there-
fore because the pope's war could not be sustained with-
out charges, it made the pope the more importunate to
take money in all places, but especially in England; so
that he shamed not to require the fifth part of every eccle-
siastical man's living, as Matthew Paris writes. And he
bargained with the citizens of Rome that if they would
join with him in vanquishing Frederick, he would grant
to them, that all the benefices in England, whieh should
be vacant should be bestowed at their own will to their
children and kinsfolks ! Upon which it follows thus ia
the forenamed history. " The pope sent commandment
to the archbishop of Canterbury and four other bishops,
that provision should be made for three hundred Romans
in the chief and best benefices in all England at the next
vacancies, so that the archbishop and bishops should be
suspended in the meantime from all collation or gift of be-
nefices,until the foresaid three hundred were provided for."
At length the bishops, abbots, and archdeacons came to
the king, lamentably complaining of the exactions of the
pope, desiring the king, that seeing the matter touched
not themselves alone, but the whole church, and seeing
the valuation of churches was better known to their arch-
deacons than to themselves, therefore there might be a
general calling and conference on the matter. In the oc-
taves of St. John the Baptist, the day and place was aa-
signed where they should confer ; at which day and place
the prelates of England, assembling together, durst not
give any direct denial of that contribution, but after a
modest way insinuated certain exceptions against it.
[Not long after followed a general council at Lyons,
(A.D. r245)called by pope Innocent IV. in which the Eng-
lish nation exhibited the following articles of their griev-
ances.
I. The kingdom of England is grieved that the pope,
A.D. 1226.]
INSOLENT CONDUCT OF THE POPE'S LEGATE AT OXFORD.
it;5
j being not content with his Peter-pence, requires and ex-
j torts from the clergy great exactions, without the con-
sent of the king, and against the customs of the realm.
j IL The church and kingdom of England is grieved,
that the patrons of the same cannot present as they were
wont, to their churches because of the pope's letters ; but
the churches are given to Romans, who know neither the
realm nor the language, both to the great peril of souls
and robbing away the money out of the realm.
III. It is grieved, because the pope having agreed by
Lis letters, that in requiring pensions and provisions in
,fhe realm of England he would require only twelve bene-
fices, now contrary to his agreement and letter, many
more benefices and provisions are given away by him.
I IV. The realm is grieved and complains that in the
ibenefices in England, one Italian succeeds another, the
Englishmen being not only excluded, but also compelled
for determining of their matters, to seek to Rome, con-
trary both to the customs of the realm, and also to the
■privileges granted by the pope's predecessors to the
'king and kingdom of England.
I V. The fifth grievance is for the frequent recourse of
Ithat infamous legate, by whom both faith and fidelity,
the ancient customs of the realm, the authorities of old
grants, statutes, laws, and privileges, are annulled and
abrogated, wherebr an infinite number in England are
grievously afflicted and oppressed.
VI. The realm is also grieved in general taxings, col-
lections and assessments made without the king's con-
sent, the appeal and contradiction of the king's proctors
to the contrary notwithstanding.
VII. The realm complains and is grieved, that in
the benefices given to Italians, neither the old ordi-
nances, nor relief of the poor, nor hospitality, nor any
preaching of God's word, nor care of men's souls, nor ser-
vice in the church, nor yet the walls of the churches are
kept up and maintained, as the manner and custom of
the realm requires.
Over and above these grievances, there came also from
I the pope other letters, charging and commanding the pre-
lates of England to find at their own costs and charges
[for one whole year, some ten armed soldiers, some five,
some fifteen, to be ready at the pope's command wher-
ever he should appoint.
After these and other grievances and enormities of
Rome, the states of England, consulting together, direct
their letters to the pope, for the reformation of them.
First the abbots and priors, then the bishops and suffra-
gans, afterward the nobles and barons, last of all the king
himself.]
At length the ambassadors who were at Rome came
home, bringing word that the pope, hearing what was
done in the council of Westminster, and by the king, was
greatly displeased with him and the realm, denouncing
the king and his people as half schismatics. The king
jwas marvellously incensed at this, and commanded by ge-
neral proclamation through all his realm, that no man
! should hereafter consent to any tax or subsidy of money
' for the court of Rome. But afterwards the king, for fear
' of the pope, and partly through the persuasions of the bi-
I shop of Worcester and other prelates, gave over.
At this time it is told of the legate Otho that as he left
j no place unsought, where any advantage might be got :
' EO among others he came to Oxford, where he was re-
ceived with great honour ; the scholars presenting him
honourably with such dishes and rewards as they had,
thinking to gratify the cardinal after the best manner.
This being done before dinner, and the dinner ended, they
came reverently to see and welcome him, supposing that
they also should be entertained with like courtesy. As
they came to the gate, the porter (an Italian) asks what
I they wanted. They said they came to see the lord le-
gate. But the porter holding the door half open, with
proud and insolent language thrust them out, and would
! not suffer them to enter. The scholars seeing that, by
force thrust open the gate and came in ; and when the
Romans who were within would have repelled them with
their fists, and such staves as they had in their hands,
they fell to much heaving and pushing, and many blows
were given on both sides. In the meantime, while some
of the scholars ran home for their weapons, there chanc^ed
a poor scholar (an Irishman) to stand at the gate waiting
for his alms. When the master-cook saw him at the gate,
he took hot scalding water and cast it in his face. One
of the scholars, a Welshman, that came with his bow and
shafts, seeing this, let fly an arrow, and shot this master
of cooks clean through the body, and slew iiim at once.
When the cook fell dead, there was a mighty uproar and
a great clamour throughout all the house. The cardinal,
hearing the tumult and great noise about him, like a va-
liant Roman runs as fast as he could into the steejjle, and
there locks the doors fast, where he remained till mid-
night. The scholars in the meanwhile, not yet pacified,
sought all about for the legate, exclaiming and crying
out, " Where is that usurer, that simonist, that pilferer
and taxer of our livings, that prowler and extortioner of
our money, who perverts our king, and subverts his king-
dom, enriching himself with our spoils:" &c. All this
the cardinal heard and held his peace : when the night
approaching had broken up the field, the cardinal coming
out of his fort, and taking his horse in the silence of night
was privately conveyed over the river to the king.
Mention was made a little before of the Albigenses
living about the city of Toulouse. These Albigenses,
because they began to discover the pope, and to con-
trol the inordinate proceedings and discipline of the see
of Rome, the pope therefore accounting them as a he-
retical people, excited Lewis, the young French king,
through the instance of Philip his father, to lay siege
against Toulouse to eradicate and extinguish these Al-
bigenses. Whereupon Lewis reared a mighty army to
beset the city. But after he had long wearied him-
self and his men, there fell upon the French host such
famine and pestilence both of men and horses, besides
the other daily slaughter of the soldiers, that Lewis
was forced to retire and return to France. In the
slaughter, besides many others. Earl Simon de Mout-
fort, general of the army, to whom the lands of the earl
of Toulouse were given by the pope, was slain.
In the year 1226, died Pope Honorius III., a great
adversary against the Emperor Frederick, after whom
succeeded Gregory IX. In which year also died Lewis,
the perjured French king, at the siege of Avignon, whom
the pope now the second or third time had set up to
fight against Reymond the good earl of Toulouse, and
the Albigenses of that country, the origin whereof was
this. In the days of Philip the French king, this Rey-
mond (earl of "Toulouse) was disdained by the pope for
holding with the Albigenses, and, therefore, by the in-
stigation of the pope, the lands of the earl were taken
from him and given to Simon Montfort ; but when
Earl Reymond would not be removed from the right of
his possessions, then the pope set Philip to make war
against him. Whereupon Lewis (his son) was sent, as
above declared, to besiege the city of Toulouse ; but
being repulsed, returned home, after he had lost the
most part of his army by pestilence and other calamity.
And thus continued the good earl still in quiet posses-
sion till this present time (A.D. 1226), when the pope,
not forgetting his old malice against the earl, and no
less inflamed with insatiable avarice, directed his legate
Romanus to France for two purposes ; one to extirpate
the earl, the other to enlarge his own revenues. Thus
the legate begins to summon a council, requiring the
French king, with the archbishops, bishops, and clergy
of France, to appear before him at Bitures. The coun- '•
cil being set, and the pope's letters read, there appears
before them Reymond earl of Toulouse on the one part,
and Simon Montfort on the other part. Simon de-
manded the lands and possessions of Reymond, which
the pope and Philip the French king had given to him
and to his father before, confirmed by the donation of
the pope and of the king. Adding, moreover, that the
Earl Reymond was deprived and disinherited in the
general council at Rome for the heresy, which is called
the heresy of the Albigenses.
To this the Earl Reymond answered, offering himself
ready to all duty and office both towards the French
king and to the church of Rome, whatever duly apper-
tained to him. And as to the heresy with which he was
lb'6
SIEGE OF TOULOUSE— PERJURY OF THE POPE'S LEGATE,
TBooK IV.
there charged, he not only there offered himself in that
council before the legate, but most humbly entreated
of him, that he would take the pains to come into every
city within his precinct, to inquire of every person there
the articles of his belief; and if he found any person or
persons holding that which was not catholic, he would
see the same corrected and amended according to the
censure of holy church to the uttermost. Or if he
should find any city rebelling against him, he, to the
uttermost of his might, with the inhabitants, would
compel them to do satisfaction. And, as to himself,
if he had committed or erred in anything, he offered
there full satisfaction to God and the church, as became
any faithful christian man to do, &c. But all this the
legate despised, neither could the catholic earl there find
any grace, unless he would give up his heritage, both
for himself and for his heirs for ever.
After much altercation on both sides about the mat-
ter, the legate required every archbishop to call aside his
suffragans, to deliberate with them upon the case, and to
give in writing what was concluded. Which being done
accordingly, the legate denounced excommunication
against all such as revealed any part of that which was
there concluded, before the pope and the king had in-
telligence of it.
In the meantime certain preaching friars were di-
rected by the legate, throughout all France, to incite and
stir up the French to assume the cross, and to war
against the earl and the people of Toulouse, whom they
accounted for heretics. He ceased not to prosecute the
pope's fury against him and his subjects, stirring up the
king and the French, under pain of excommunication,
to war against them. Lewis being thus forced by the
legate, answered, that he for his own safety would not
achieve that expedition, or venture against the earl, un-
less the pope would first write to the king of England,
commanding him, that, during the time of that expe-
dition, he should invade and molest no piece of his
lands and possessions. All this being done and accom •
plished, the French king and the legate, crossing them-
selves to the field, appointed a day for the Frencli army
to meet together at Lyons, under pain of the pope's
excommunication, and with horse and armour to set
■pon the Toulousians.
When the day was come, the French king marched
forward with a mighty host, after whom also came the
legate, with his bishops and prelates. The number of
lighting-men in his army, besides the victuallers and
waggoners, were fifty thousand men. The legate openly
excommunicated the earl of Toulouse, and all that took
his part, and interdicted his whole land. Thus the king
came marching forward, till he came into the province
of Toulouse, and the first city of the earl's which he
came to there was Avignon, which city they thought
first to have besieged, and so in order to have destroyed
and wasted the whole province belonging to the earl.
And first the king demanded of them to have his passage
through the city, pretending peace, as desiring only to
paiss through. The citizens, consulting with themselves
what was to be done, gave answer, " That they mis-
trusted their coming, and supposed that in deceit they
required entrance into their city, and for no necessity
of their journey."
The king being much offended at this, swore an oath,
that he would not depart till he had taken the city, and
immediately he began to make assaults. The citizens
manfully defended themselves, and casting stone for
•tone, and shooting shot for shot, slew and wounded many
of the French. Thus when they had long besieged the
city, and could not win it, at length provisions began to
fail in the French camp, and many of the French army
died for hunger ; for the earl of Toulouse, as a wise man of
war, hearing before of their coming, took into the town
all the provision that was abroad, and left nothing with-
out to serve for their defence and succour. He ploughed
up the fields, that there should be no pasture to serve
their horses ; he put out of the town aU the old people
and young children, lest they who kept the town should
want provisions, and before their coming sent them far
away, so that within the town they had plenty, and
without they died for famine. And, besides, in seekin»
about for their forage, many fell into the hands of tliain
that kept the city, who secretly lay in wait for them
abroad, and slew many of them ; besides a great number
of cattle and horses died for want of forage, and poor
soldiers, that had no great store of money, died for want
of victuals. By which mortality a pestilence broke out
among them, so that the king himself, and also the legate,
were greatly dismayed, thinking it to be no little dis-
grace, as well to the realm of France, as also to Rome,
that they should depart and break up their siege : and
the soldiers also thought that it was much better for
them to end their lives by battle, than to starve and die
like dogs. Wherefore, with one consent, they deter-
mined to give a new assault at the bridge that goes over the
river Rhone into tlie town ; to which place they came in
such number, that either by the weakness of the bridge,
or the subtilty of the soldiers that kept the town, the
bridge broke, and three thousand of them, vrith bridge
and all, fell armed into the violent stream, and were
drowned. There was nothing then but joy and gladness
among the citizens, and much lamentation and heavi-
ness among the others ; and shortly after the citi-
zens (when they saw a convenient time) came suddenly
upon them, and slew two thousand of them, and re-
turned to the town again with safety. Lewis the king,
to avoid the pestilence that was in the camp, went into
an abbey not far off, where he shortly after died ; of
whose death there are various opinions, some saying,
that he was poisoned ; some, that he died of dysentery.
The legate thought to keep his death secret till the
town should be surrendered ; for he thought himself dis-
graced for ever, if he should depart before the town was
taken ; so he considered how by falsehood he might be-
tray them, and he sent certain heralds, to desire them
that they should consult among themselves upon articles
of peace, and bring the same to the French camp ; they
faithfully promised the safe conduct of the messengers,
both in coming and going ; and when they had given
their pledges, the messengers from the citizens talked
with the legate, who promised them, if they would deli-
ver up their city, they should have their lives, goods,
and possessions in as ample a manner as they now en-
joyed them. But the citizens and soldiers refused,
and after much talk on both sides, the legate
requested them, that he and his prelates might come
into their city to examine what faith and belief they
were of, and that he neither sought nor meant any
other thing, but their own safety as well of body as of
soul, which he faithfully sware to. " For," saith he,
" the report of your great infidelity has come to the lord
pope's ear, and therefore he desired us to truly certify
thereof." The citizens, not mistrusting his oath and
promise, granted entrance to him and the clergy. But
the soldiers of the camp, as was privately arranged by
the legate, made themselves ready ; so that at the en-
trance of the prelates in at the gate, disregarding their
oath and fidelity, the soldiers were ready, and suddenly,
with violence, rushing in, slew the porter and warders, and
at length won the city and destroyed it. Thus when they
had taken this noble city by falsehood and policy, they
carried the king's corpse to Paris, where they buried it.
Of the whole number of the French soldiers who were
destroyed in this siege by famine, pestilence, and drown-
ing, are recounted more than two-and-twenty thou-
sand.
In the former part of this history it has been stated
how the church and commons of England were misera-
bly afflicted by the intolerable oppression of the pope,
who, through his violent extortion, had procured the best
benefices to be given to his Romans, and the chief fruits
of them to be reserved to his own coffers. You heard
before what complaints had been made, but yet no re-
dress could be had. Such was the insatiable avarice of
these Roman exactors, prowling and taking wherever
they came, with their provisions and exactions out of
measure, and never satisfied. And these importunate
exactions and contributions of these Itahan harpies, be-
sides the Peter-pence, besides the common tribute, in-
creased daily more and more, to the great grievance of
A.D. 1226—1232.] VARIANCE BETWEEN POPE GREGORY IX. AND THE ROMANS.
167
j the realm, so that the wealth of this land was almost
! sucked out, and transferred to the court of Rome. The
I king was not ignorant of this, but he could not help the
i matter. Therefore it was devised by some of the nobles,
I (A. D. I'i.'U), that certain letters, under the pretended
■ authority of the king, should be sent abroad, command-
ing that such corn and grain, with other revenues, as
were takt.n up for the pope, should be stayed and forth-
coming by a certain day appointed in the letters.
At thit time, (about A. D. 1232), there was at St.
I Albans i great consistory of abbots, priors, archdeacons,
' with s( veral both of the nobility and clergy. At the
breaki) g up of which consistory, there was a certain
I clerk, whose name was Cincius, a Roman, carried away
by the soldiers ; and one John, archdeacon of Norwich,
a Florentine, hardly escaping, got to London, where he
; hid himself. Cincius, after being kept five weeks, when
I they had well emptied his bags, was safely sent again
j without any more injury to London.
Not long after this, the barns of a beneficed man, a
I Roman, being full of com, were broke up by a like
company of armed soldiers, and the corn brought out to
be sold and given away to the poor people.
The same year, about Easter, all the barns in England
which were in the hands of any Roman or Italian, were
likewise wasted, and the corn sold to the best advantage
for the poor commoners ; of which, great alms were dis-
tributed, and many times money, also with corn together
was scattered for the poor people to gather up. Neither
was there any that would or durst stand against them.
A") for the Romans and Italians themselves, they were
struck with such fear, that they hid themselves in monas-
teries and cells, not daring to complain of their injuries,
but held it better to lose their goods, than to lose their
lives. The authors and workers of this feat were to the
number of fourscore armed soldiers, of whom the prin-
cipal captain was one naming himself William Withers,
surnamed Twing.
This coming to the pope's knowledge, he sends his
letters immediately to the king, with sharp threats and
imperious commands, charging him for suffering such
villany within his realm, straightly enjoining him, under
pain of excommunication, to search out the perpetrators
with all diligence, and so punish them that all others
might take example by them.
Thus, after inquisition made of all parties, and wit-
nesses sworn and examined, many were found culpable
in the matter, some that were actors, some that were
consenters, of whom some were bishops and chaplains
to the king, some archdeacons and deans, with soldiers
and laymen. Among them was the Robert Twing above
mentioned, a comely young man, and a tall soldier, who,
of his own accord, with five other servitors, whom
he took with him abroad to work that feat, came to the
king, openly protesting himself to be the author of that
deed, and said he did it for hatred of the pope and the
Romans, because that by the sentence of the bishop of
Rome, and fraudulent circumvention of the Italians, he
was bereaved of the patronage of his benefice, having no
more to give but that one ; wherefore to be revenged of
that injury, he enterprised that which was done, prefer-
ring rather to be justly excommunicated for a season,
than to be spoiled of his benefice for ever. Then the
king, and other executors of the pope's commandment,
gave him counsel, that seeing he had so incurred the
danger of the pope's sentence, he should offer himself to
the pope to be absolved of him again, and there make
his declaration to him, that he justly and canonically
was possessed of that church. The king, moreover, sent
with him his letters testimonial to the pope, urgently de-
siring the pope that he might be heard with favour. At
this request. Pope Gregory both released him of the
sentence, and restored to him his patronage, writing to
the archbishop of York, that he might again enjoy the
right of his benefice, in as ample a manner as he did be-
fore it was taken from him.
Variance between Pope Gregory JX. and the Romans.
At this time dissension and variance began in Rome,
between the pope and the citizens. The citizens claimed
I
by old custom and law, that the bishop of Rome might
not excommunicate any citizen of the city, nor suspend
the city with any interdict for any manner of excess.
To this the pope answered, " That although he was lesa
than God, yet he was greater than any man : and therefore,
greater than any citizen, yea also, greater than king or
emperor." And as he is their spiritual father, he both
ought, and lawfully may chastise his children when they
offend, as being subject to him in the faith of Christ.
The citizens alleged again for themselves that the au-
thorities of the city, and the senators received from the
church of Rome a yearly tribute, which the bishops of
Rome were bound to pay to them, both by new and also
ancient laws. Of which yearly tribute they have beea
ever in possession bef<Jre this Pope Gregory IX.
To this the pope answered, that although the church of
Rome in time of persecution, for defence and peace, was
wont to respect the rulers of the city with gentle rewards,
yet that ought not now to be taken for a custom ; for
that custom only ought to stand, which consists not upon
examples, but upon right and reason.
By these and such other controversies rising between
the pope and the Romans, such dissension was kindled,
that the pope with the cardinals, leaving the city of
Rome removed to Perusiura, there to remain and to
plant themselves ; but the Romans overthrew several of
his houses in the city, for which he excommunicated
them. The Romans then flying to the emperor, desired
his aid and succour ; but he, to please the pope, gather-
ing an army, went rather against the Romans. Then the
pope's army, whose captains were the earl of Toulouse,
(to purchase the pope's favour,) and Peter the bishop of
Winchester, whom the pope had sent for, partly for his
treasure, partly for his skill in feats of war, and the em-
peror's army, joined together, and going about the city
of Rome, cast down the castles or mansions belonging to
the citizens round about the suburbs, to the number of
eighteen, and destroyed all their vines and vineyards
about the city. The Romans not a little enraged, brake
out of the city with more heat than order, to the number
of one hundred thousand, to destroy Viterbium the pope's
city with sword and fire. But the multitude being in dis-
order, and out of battle-array, and unprepared for con-
tingencies, fell into the hands of their enemies, who were
in wait for them, and destroyed a great number ; so that
on both sides there were slain to the number of thirty thou-
sand ; but the greater portion was of the citizens. And
this dissension thus begun, was not soon ended, but con-
tinued long after.
By these and such other histories, who sees not how
far the church of Rome has degenerated from the true
image of the right church of Christ ? which by the rule
and example of the gospel, ought to be a daughter of
peace, not a mother of debate, not a revenger of herself,
nor a seeker of wars ; but a forgiver of injuries, humbly
and patiently referring all revenge to the Lord ; not a
raker for riches, but a winner of souls ; nojt contending
for worldly mastership, but humbling themselves as ser-
vants ; and not vicars of the Lord, but jointly like bre-
thren serving together, bishops with bishops, ministers
with ministers, deacons with deacons ; and not as
masters separating themselves by superiority one from
another ; but briefly communicating together in doctrine
and counsel, one particular church with another ; not as
a mother, one over another, but rather as a sister church
one with another, seeking together the glory of Christ,
and not their own. And such was the church of Rome
first in the old ancient beginning of her primitive state,
esjiecially while the cross of persecution yet kept the
bishops and ministers in humility of heart, and fervent
calling upon the Lord for help ; so that happy was* that
christian then, who with liberty of conscience might only
hold his life, how barely soever he lived. And as for the
pride and pomp of the world, as striving for patrimo-
nies, buying of bishopricks, gaping for benelices, so far was
this off from them, that then they had little leisure, and
less desire so much as once to think of them. Neither did
the bishops of Rome then fight to be consuls of the city,
but sought how to bring the consuls to Christ, being glad
if the consuls would permit them to dwell with them iu
168
SEPARATION OF THE EASTERN AND WESTERN CHTTRrHES.
[Book IV.
the city. Neither did they then presume so high, as to
bring the emperors' necks under their girdles, but were
glad to save their own necks in any corner from the
sword of tlie emperors. Then they lacked outward peace,
but they abounded with inward consolation, — God's holy
Spirit mightily working in their liearts. Then was one
catholic unity of truth and doctrine amongst all churches
against errors and sects. Neither did the east and
west, nor distance of place divide the church ; but both
the eastern church and western church, the Greeks and
Latins made all one church. And although there were
then five patriarchal sees appointed for order sake, differ-
ing in regions, and peradventure also, in some rites one
from another ; yet all these consenting together in one
unity of catholic doctrine, having one God, one Christ,
one Spirit, one faith, one baptism, one head, and linked
together in one bond of charity, and in one equality of
honour, they made altogether one body, one church, one
communion, called one Catliolic Universal and Aposto-
lic Church. And so long as this knot of charity and
equality did join them in one unity together, so long the
church of Chiist flourished and increased, one ready
to help and harbour another, in time of distress, as Aga-
petus and Vigilius flying to Constantinople, were there
aided by the patriarch, &c. So that all this while, neither
foreign enemy, neither Saracen, nor Soldan, nor Sultan,
nor Calipha, nor Corasmine, nor Turk, had any power
greatly to harm it.
But through the malice of the enemy, this catholic
unity did not long continue, and all by reason of the
bishop of Rome, who, not contented to be like his bre-
thren, began to extend himself, and to claim superiority
above the other four patriarchal sees, and all other
churches in the world. And thus as equality amongst
christian bishops was by pride oppressed, so unity began
by little and little to be dissolved, and the Lord's vesture,
which the soldiers left whole, began to be divided. Which
■vesture of christian unity, although now it has for a long
time been rent asunder by the occasion aforesaid, yet not-
withstanding in some part it held together in some
mean agreement, under subjection to the see of Rome,
till the time of this Pope Gregory IX. (A. D. 12:50), at
which time this rupture and schism of the church brake
out into a plain division, utterly dissevering the eastern
church from the western church, upon this occasion.
There was a certain archbishop elected to an arch-
bishoprick among the Grecians ; who, coming to Rome
to be confirmed, could not be admitted unless he promised
a great sum of money. Which when he refused to do,
and detested the execrable simony of the court of Rome,
he repaired home again to his own country unconfirmed,
declaring there to the whole nobility of that land, how
the case stood. There were others also, who having come
lately from Rome, and having there experienced the same
or worse treatment came in and gave testimony to the
truth of his saying. Upon which, all the churches of the
Grecians, hearing this, departed utterly from the church
of Rome, in the days of this Pope Gregory IX.
By the occasion of this separation of the Grecians from
Pope Gregory, it happened shortly after, (A. D. 1237)
that Germanus, patriarch of Constantinople, wrote to the
pope, humbly desiring him to study and seek some means
of unity, that the seamless coat of the Lord Jesus thus
lamentably rent, not witli the hands of soldiers, but by the
discord of prelates, might be healed again ; offering this
besides, that if he would take the pains to do so, he
for his part, notwithstanding his old age and feeble body,
would not refuse to meet him in the mid-way, that tlie
truth on both sides being debated by the scriptures, the
wrong may be reduced, the slander stopped, and unity
reformed between them.
This request of the patriarch, as it was both godly and
reasonable, so it was the pope's part again with like humi-
lity to have yielded and agreed to it, and to have been
glad with all his might to help forward the reformation
of christian unity in the church of Christ, and so to have
shewed himself the son of peace : but the proud bishop
of Rome, more like the son of discord and dissension,
standing still upon his majesty, refused, and wrote an-
■wer to his letters, with great disdain, seeking nothing
else, but how to advance his see above all other churches ;
and not only that, but shortly after sent forth his preach-
ing friars, to move all christians to take the sign of the
cross, and to fight against the Grecians no less than
against the Turks and Saracens : so that in the isle of
Cyprus many good men and martyrs were slain for the
same, as by the letters of Germanus patriarch of Con-
stantinople is to be seen.
Shortly after, pope Gregory prepared to send men-of-war
signed with the cross, to fight against the (.Grecians ; upon
which the archbishop of Antioch, with Germanus, so-
lemnly excommunicated the pope, after he first had ex-
communicated them. In the meantime by the tenor of
the letters of the patriarch sent to the pope and to the car-
dinals, it is evident to all men.
First, that the whole universal church of Christ from the
east to the west, in ancient times, were altogether united
in one consent of doctrine, and linked together in bro-
therly charity, one church brotherly helping another, both
with temporal aid and spiritual counsel, as case required.
Neither was there any one mother-church above other
churches, but the whole universal church was the mother-
church and spouse of the Lord to every faithful believer.
Under the universal church in general were compre-
hended all other particular churches in particular, as sister
churches together, not one greater than another, but all
in like equality, as God gave his gifts so serving one ano-
ther, ever holding together the unity of faith and sisterly
love. And so long was it and rightly might it be called
"the catholic church," having in it true unity, univer-
sality and free consent. Unity in doctrine, universality
ill communicating and joining together of voices, con-
sent in spirit and judgment. For whatever was taught
at Rome touching faith and salvation, was no other than
that which was taught at Antioch, Syria, &c.
Secondly, how in process of time, through occasion of
the tyranny and violent oppression of the bishops of
Rome, this ring of equality being broken, all flew in
pieces, the eastern church from the western, the Greeks
from the Latins, and that which was one before, now was
made two ; unity turned to division, universality to sin-
gularity, and free consent to dissension.
Thirdly, here is also to be noted after this piteous
breach of equality, how many and what great nations de-
parted from the communion of the church of Rome, and
especially about this time, (A.D. 1230) so that both before
and after that time many councils were held, and many
things concluded in the western church, to which one- half
of Christendom in the east never agreed ; and on the other
hand, many councils were holden with them, which in the
Latin church were not received. So that the church now
as she lost the benefit of universal consent, so also she
lost the name catholic. Upon which this question is to
be asked, that when the council of Lateran, under pope
Innocent III. ordained the doctrine of transubstantiation,
and auricular confession here in the western church, with-
out the free consent of the eastern church, whether that
doctrine is to be accounted catholic or not .'
Fourthly, in the departing of these churches from the
bishop of Rome, there is also to be noted that the
churches of the Greeks, although they separated them-
selves from the church of Rome, and that justly, yet they
still kept their unity with their God, and still received the
true and sincere doctrine of faith, ready to discuss and
try the truth of their religion by the scriptures. Where-
fore the church of Rome has done them open wrong, for,
when the Greeks offered so gently to try and to be tried
by the truth of God's word, she not only would stand
to no trial, nor abide any conference, but even excom-
municated as heretics, those who appear to have been
more orthodox christians than they themselves.
Fifthly, these things being so, then we have to con-
clude that the church of Rome falsely pretends itself ca-
tholic, for if the name of catholic must needs import an
universal consent of the whole, how can that be catholic
where the consent of so many famous and true christian
churches has been wanting ; and further, where the con-
sent that has been among themselves, has rather been a
constrained than any true or free consent * As is easy to
be proved ; for let the fires and faggots cease, let kings
|A.D. 1232—1237.] A TABLE OF THE UNREASONABLE EXACTIONS OF THE POPE.
169
and princes leave off pressing their subjects with the
pope's obedience ; let the scripture and the bishops alone,
every one in his own diocese, to govern their flock after
the rule of God's word, and how few are there in this
western world, that would not do the same that these Gre-
cians, Ethiopians, and Syrians, have done before us.
When I consider the acts of this Gregory, and then
the conduct of the Greek church, I cannot but commend
their wisdom, and judge their state happy and blessed,
in shaking off from their necks the miserable yoke of the
pope's tyranny ; and on the other side, considering with
myself the wretched thraldom of these our churches here
in the western part of the world under the bishop of Rome,
I cannot tell whether more to marvel at or to lament
their pitiful state, who were brought into such oppression
and slavery under him, that they could neither abide him,
nor yet dare to cast him off. So intolerable were his ex-
actions, so terrible was his tyranny, his suspensions and
excommunications like to a mad man's dagger, drawn at
jevery trifle, that no christian patience could suffer it, nor
ination abide it. Again, so deep did he sit in their con-
sciences, they falsely believing him to have the authority
of St. Peter, that for conscience sake neither king nor
emperor durst withstand him, much less poor subjects.
And although his takings and spoilings, in this realm of
England, were such that neither the laity nor spiritualty
could bear ; yet was there no remedy, they must bear
them, or else the pope's sentence was upon them, to curse
them as black as pitch.
In reading the histories of these times, any good heart
would lament and rue, to see the miserable captivity of
the people which they suffered under this thraldom of the
bishop of Rome.
A brief Table or Declaration of the Papers unreasonable
gatherings, exactions, and oppressions in thi realm
of England.
I And first to begin with the elections of the bishops,
abbots, deans, and priors within this realm, it cannot be
told what mass of money grew to the popes by them in this
king's time, for no election happened either of archbishop,
bishop, abbot, or any dignity, but when the convent or
chapter had chosen one, the king would set up another.
'By which when the other appealed to Rome, no small ri-
vers of English money went flowing to the pope's sea.
And although the election went never so clear, yet the
I new elect must needs respect the Holy Father with some
'gentle reward.
j A contention happened between the king and the
monks of Winchester, about the election of William Rale,
whom the monks had chosen, but the king refused, and
t therefore sent to Rome, with no small sum of money to
'evacuate the election of William Rale ; commanding also
that the gates of Winchester should be shut against him;
and that no man should be so hardy as to receive him
into the house. Upon this William being excluded, af-
ter he had laid his curse upon the whole city of Win-
chester, repaired to Rome, where for eight hundred marks
promised to the pope, his bishopric (spite of the king)
was confirmed, (Ex. Mat. Paris, fol. 164 and 240.)
After the death of Stephen Langton archbishop of Can-
i terbury, the monks had elected Walter, a monk of Canter-
bury. But the king to stop that election, sent to the
I pope to annul it. Perceiving at first how hard and
unwilling the pope and cardinals were thereto, and
I considering how all things might be bought for money,
I rather than the king should fail of his purpose, his proc-
tors promised on the king's behalf to the pope, a tenth
part of all the moveables in the realm of England and of
Ireland. At the contemplation of which money the pope
I soon be','an to pick quarrels with Walter, for not answer-
I ing rightly to his questions about Christ's descending to
hell, making of Christ's body on the altar, the weeping of
Rachel f )r lier children, she being dead before ; about
the sentence of excommunication, and certain causes of
matrimony. He was therefore put back, and the king's
man preferred, which cost the whole realm of England
and Ireland the tenth part of their moveable goods. (Ex.
I Mat. Paris, fol. 71.)
There was the like dissension also between the king
and the convent of Durham, for not choosing Master
Lucas the king's chaplain, whom the king oft'ered to be
their bishop, when much money was bestowed on both
sides, the pope defeating them both, admitted neither
Master William, nor Master Lucas, but ordained the
bishop of Sarum to be their bishop, (A. D. 1228.)
Between the monks of Coventry, and the canons of
Lichfield there arose another quarrel, which of them
should have the superior voice in choosing their bishop.
In which suit after much money bestowed in the court
of Rome, the pope to requite each for their money gave
this order that each by course should have the choosing
of the bishop. (A.D. 1228.)
What business arose likewise between Edmund arch-
bishop of Canterbury, and the monks of Rochester, about
the election of Richard Wendour, to be their bishop ?
And what was the end ? First, the archbishop was obliged
to travel himself to the pope, and so did the convent also
send their proctors. Who being better monied, weighed
down the cause, so that the good archbishop was con-
demned by the pope in a thousand marks, of which the
greatest part (no doubt) redounded to the pope's coffers.
(A. D. 1233.)
After the returning of Edmund archbishop of Canter-
bury from Rome, the monks of Canterbury had elected
their prior without his assent ; for which he excommu-
nicated the monks, and evacuated their election. Not
long after this, the pope's exactors went about to extort
from the churchmen the fifth part of their goods to the
service of the pope, who was fighting then against the
emperor. This cruel exaction being a great while resisted
by the prelates and clergy, at length the archbishop,
thinking thereby to get the victory against the monks,
was contented to grant the exaction, adding moreover of
his own, for an overplus, eight hundred marks ; where-
upon the rest of the clergy were obliged to follow sifter,
and contribute to the pope's exactors. (A.D. 1240.)
In the church of Lincoln there arose a contention between
Robert Grosthead then bishop, and the canons of the ca-
thedral church about their visitation, whether the bishop
should visit them, or the dean ; the bishop and the chap-
ter, both went to Rome, and there after they had well
wasted their purses, they received at length their answer,
but paid full sweetly for it. (A.D. 1239.)
Robert Grosthead bishop of Lincoln having a great
anxiety to bring the privileged orders of religious houses
within his precinct, under his subjection and discipline,
went to Rome, and there with great labour and much mo-
ney procurtd of the pope a mandate, whereby all such
religious orders were commanded to be under his power
and obedience. Not long after the monks (who could
soon weigh down the bishop with money) sent to the
pope, and with their golden eloquence so persuaded him,
and stirred his affections, that they soon purchased to
themselves freedom from their ordinary bishop. Robert
Grosthead having intelligence of this, aigain went up to
Rome, and there complaining to the pope, declared how
he was disappointed and confounded in his purpose, con-
trary to the promises and assurance made to him before.
Pope Innocent looking with a stem countenance, made
this answer, " Brother what is that to thee ? Thou hast
delivered and discharged thine own soul. It hath pleeised
us to shew favour to them. Is thine eye ill, because I
am good?" And thus was the bishop sent away, mur-
muring with himself, yet not so softly, but that the pope
heard him say these words: "O money, money! what
canst not thou do in the court of Rome ?" Wherewith
the pope being somewhat pinched, gave this answer, " O
ye Englishmen, Englishmen ! of all men most wretched,
for all your seeking is how ye may consume and devour
one another," &c. (A.D. 1250).
It happened also the same year that Robert Grosthead
excommunicated and deprived one Ranulph, a beneficed
person in his diocese, being accused of immorality, who
after the term of forty days, refusing to submit himself,
the bishop wrote to the sheriff of Rutland to ajjprehend
him as contumacious. The sheriff, because he deferred
or refused to do so (bearing favour to the party,) and be-
ing therefore solemnly excommunicated by the bishop,
170 THE OPPRESSION OF ENGLAND BY THE POPE, IN THE REIGN OF HENRY III. [Book IV.
uttered his complaint to the king. The king taking great
displeasure with the bishop for excommunicating hisshe-
ritf, and not first making his complaint to him, sends
fortlnvithtopope Innocent, a substantial messenger, by vir-
tue of whose words the pope, easy to be intreated, sends
down a proviso to the abbot of Westminster, charging
that no prelate nor bishop in the realm of England,
should molest or enter action against any of the king's
bailiff's or officers, in such matters as to the king's juris-
diction appertained. And thus was the strife ended,
not without some help and heap of English money ; so
that no wind of any controversy stirred here in England,
were it never so small, but it blew some profit for the
pope's advantage.
Icome now likewise totouchbrieflyof someof thepope's
dispensations, provisions, exactions, contributions and
extortions in England in this king's days ; for to tell of
all, it is not one book would contain it.
Simon Montfort, earl of Leicester, had married
Elenor the king's sister, who had taken the mantle and
ring. Wherefore the king, and his brother Richard,
earl of Exeter, were greatly offended with the marriage ;
which the Earl Simon seeing, took a large sum of
money, and posting over to Rome, after he had talked a
few words in Pope Innocent's ear, the marriage was
good enough ; and letters were sent to Otho the pope's
legate here, to give sentence solemnly with the earl.
Notwithstanding which the Dominican friars, and others
of the religious fraternity, withstood the sentence of the
pope stoutly, saying, that the pope's holiness was de-
ceived, and souls were in danger ; that Christ was
jealous over his wife ; and that it could not be any wise
possible that a woman who had vowed marriage with
Christ, could afterward marry with any other, &c.
(A. D. 1238).
As there was nothing so hard in the wide world, with
which the pope would not dispense for money ; so by the
dispensations much mischief was wrought abroad. For
the people trusting upon the pope's dispensation, little
regarded what they did, what they promised, or what
they sware. As well appeared by this King Henry III. ;
who being a great exactor of the poor commons, and
thinking to win the people to his devotion, most faith-
fully promised them once or twice, and thereto bound
himself with a solemn oath, both before the clergy and
laity, to grant to them the old liberties and customs as
well of Magna Charta, as Charta de Foresta, perpetually
to be observed. Whereupon a fifteenth was granted to
the king. But after the payment was sure, the king,
confident of the pope's dispensation for a little money
to discharge him of his oath and covenant, went from
what he had promised and sworn before.
In like manner the king another time, being in need
of money, signed himself with the cross, pretending and
swearing deeply in the face of the whole parliament,
that he would himself personally fight in the Holy Land
against the Saracens. But as soon as the money was
taken, small care was had for performance of his oath ;
for the pope for a hundred pounds or two, would quickly
discharge him thereof.
Out of the same corrupt spring of these popish dis-
pensations, have proceeded also many other foul ab-
surdities. For there were many young men in those
days who enjoyed benefices, and yet were no priests,
and when by the procurement of Robert Grosthead,
bishop of Lincoln, these young men should be forced,
whether they would or not, to enter orders, they laying
their purses together, sent to Rome, and obtained of the
pope a dispensation to remain still as they were, that is,
to have the fruits of benefices to keep them at school or
at the university, and yet themselves neither ministers to
takecharge, nor yielding any service for their profits taken.
Besides innumerable heaps of enormities more, proceed-
ing from the pope's dispensations, as dispensing one
man to have several bishoprics, to engross pluralities
of benefices, to make children parsons, to legitimatize
natural children, with such other like ; the particu-
lars whereof for brevity sake, I omit to further oppor-
tunity.
The intolerable oppression of the Realm of England by
the Papers exactions and contributions, and other
sleights used in the time of King Henry III.
Although these emoluments, thus rising daily to the
pope's purse by simony and bribery, by elections and
disjiensations, might seem sufficient to satisfy his greedy
ajjpetite ; yet so insatiable was the avarice of that see,
tliat he not yet contented, sent continually some legate
or other into this realm. With all violence exacting
and extorting continual provisions, contributions, and
sums of money to be levied out of cells, abbeys, priories,
fruits of benefices, and bishoprics, and also laymen's
purses, to the miserable impoverishing both of the clergy
and temporality.
First, after Pandulph, Cardinal Otho was sent into
this realm. Great preparation was made for receiving
him ; many rich and precious gifts in scarlet, in plate, in
jewels, in money and palfries, were given him. The
king also himself went as far as the sea-side to receive
him, bowing down his head in low courtesy to the car-
dinal's knees. To whom also the bishop of Winchester
for his part gave towards keeping of his house, fifty fat
oxen, a hundred semes of wheat, and eight great vessels
of pure wine. This legate at his first coming, began
first to bestow such benefices, as he found vacant, upon
them whom he brought with him, without respect
whether they were meet or unmeet.
After this the pope hearing how the nobles and com-
mons of the realm began to dislike the cardinal for his
excessive procurations and exactions, sent for him home;
but £is the king stood in fear of his nobles, and thought
to have some support from the cardinal against all oc-
currences, he entreated him to stay while he wrote to
the pope to obtain further licence for him to tarry ; and
so he did, not without some English money you may be
sure.
In the mean time, Otho, thinking to lose no time,
but to gather also some crumbs in Scotland, made as
though he would set things in order there, and so comes
to the king of Scots, who was then in York with King
Henry, to have leave to enter. The king thus made
answer, that he never to his remembrance saw any
pope's legate in his land, neither was there any need
(God be praised) for such to be sent for. Matters
there were well enough, and needed no help of his.
And as he could never learn, either in the days of his
father, or any of his predecessors, that any such en-
trance was granted to any legate ; so he for his part
would not now begin. " But yet as I hear (said he)
that you are a good man, this I tell you beforehand,
that if you will adventure in, do it warily, and take care
of yourself, lest it happen to you otherwise than I would
wisli ; for they are a savage and unruly people, given
much to murder, and shedding blood, whom I myself
am scarce able to bridle ; so that if they fall upon you, I
shall not be able to help you. How they also invaded
me, and sought to expel me from my kingdom, you
heard of late. And therefore I warn you beforehand,
take heed in time what you think best to do." After
the cardinal heard the king speak these words, he drew
in his horns, and durst proceed no further, but kept still
by the side of King Henry. Shortly after, however,
coming to the borders of Scotland, he there called the
bishops to him, and when he had well filled his bags,
came back again.
Not long after licence came from Pope Gregory to his
legate Otho, for his longer abode here, with new autho-
rity also to proceed in the pope's affairs. Who first
shewing to the bishops and the clergy his letters of
longer tarrying, required of them, as no man (said he)
wars of his own charges, to be supported with new pro-
curations ; which was to have of every able church four
marks ; and where one church was not able to reach
thereto, that other churches should join withal to make
up the money. Notwithstanding the bishops a great
while stood in the denial thereof.
Besides, he assembled together all the black monks of
lA.D. 1238—1244.]
THE INTOLERABLE EXACTIONS OF THE POPE.
171
jSt. Benedict's order, giving to them strict orders, which
shortly after (for money) he released them from.
Moreover, collation of benefices being taken out of
•the hands of the patrons, were given to light and vile
'runaiiates, coming from Italy and other places, such as
;the pope and his legate pleased to give them to, to the
great prejudice of the ancient liberty and right of the
true patrons. Upon this the earls, and barons, and
nobles of the realm, addressed letters unto Pope Gregory
by Sir Robert Twing, knight, for redress of such wrongs
•and injuries ; who otherwise should be forced (they said)
to invoke the succour of their king, who was both able,
land no less willing, according to his duty, they trusted,
ito reform such enormities, and to defend the liberties of
ihis realm. The tenor of whose writing is to be read
■;in Matthew Paris, (fol. 128, a).
: Not long after, (A. D. 1240), came a new precept
from Pope Gregory, by Peter Rubeus the pope's nuncio,
that all beneficed clergy, as well in England as in France,
iShould pay to the pope the fifth part of their revenues.
lUpon this, when the clergy made their complaint to the
king, seeking to be relieved by him, the king answered
;that he neither would, nor durst stand against the pope,
and so without any hope of assistance sent them away.
Then were the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and pre-
'lates of the church commanded to assemble together at
Reading, there to hear the pope's pleasure concerning
;the payment of this fifth part, where in the end, thus the
matter concluded ; that the prelates desired a further
time to be given them to advise upon the matter; and for
that season the assembly brake up. Notwithstanding
at last, after many excuses made by the clergy ; first,
■•• That because the money was gathered to fight against
the emperor, they ought not to contribute their money,
icontrary to the liberties of the church. Also, forso-
jniuch as they had paid a tenth not long before to the
[{)ope, upon condition that no more such payments
should be required of them, much less now the fifth part
'should be exacted of them, because an action twice
done, makes a custom. Also seeing they had often-
times to repair to the court of Rome, if they should give
this money against the emperor, it would turn to their
idanger coming through his land. Also, seeing their
iking had many enemies, against whom they must needs
jrelieve the king with their money, they could not do so
If the realm were thus impoverished," &c. They were,
Ibowever, compelled at length to conform to the pope's
good pleasure, through the example given by Edmund,
(archbishop of Canterbury, who, to obtain his purpose
against the monks of Canterbury (with whom he was
then in strife) began first to yield to the legates, eight
hundred marks for his part, whereby the rest also were
tobliged to follow after.
' The same year the pope agreed with the people of
Rome, that if they would aid him against the Emperor
Frederick, whatever benefices were vacant in England
should be bestowed upon their children. Whereupon
commandment was sent to Edmund, archbishop, and to
the bishops of Lincoln and Sarum, that all the collations
of benefices within the realm should be suspended, till
provision were made for three hundred children of the
citizens of Rome to be first served !
1 This done, then Peter Rubeus the pope's nuncio, and
;Ruffin went into Scotland, from whence they brought with
them three thousand pounds to the pope's use about All-
liallows the same year. At which time also, cometh
janother harpy from the pope to England, named Mume-
ilius, bringing with him three-and-twenty Romans here
juto the realm to be beneficed. Thus, what by the king
Ion the one side, and what by the Cardinal Otho, Peter
IRubeus, Ruffin, and Mumelius on the other side, poor
lEagland was in a wretched case.
Another pretty practice of the pope to prowl for
money was this : Peter Rubeus, coming into religious
houses, and into their chapters, caused them to con-
tribute to the pope's holiness, by the example of this
ibishop and that abbot, pretending that he and he, of
their own voluntary devotion, had given so much and so
much, and so seduced them. Also the pope craftily
•suborned certain friars, authorized with full indulgence,
that whoever had vowed to fight in the Holy Land, and
was disposed to be released of his vow, needed not to
repair to Rome for absolution, but paying so much
money as his charges would come to going thither, he
resorting to the friars, might be absolved at home.
This passed A. D. 1240. Now all these troubles laid
together, were enough to vex the meekest prince in the
world ; the king had also much ado with the prelates and
clergy, who were always tampering with his title, es-
pecially in their assemblies and councils . he sent Geoffry
Langley to the archbishop of York, and to other bishops
purposed to meet at Oxford, to appeal for him, lest, in
the council there called, they should presume to ordain
any thing against his crown and dignity. This was
done A. D. 1241. In which year also came a command
apostolical to the house of Peterborough, that they must
grant the pope some benefice, the fruits of which were
worth at least a hundred pounds, and if it were more it
should be the better welcome ; so that they should be as
the farmers, and he to receive the profits. In fine, the
convent excused themselves by the abbot being then not
at home. The abbot, when he came home, excused
himself by the king being the patron and founder of the
house. The king being grieved with the unreasonable
ravening of these Romanists, utterly forbade any such ex-
ample to be given.
In the time of the council of Lyons, Pope Innocent
IV. (as the instrument whereby the realm of England
stood tributary to the pope, was thought to be burned in
the pope's chamber a little before), brought forth either
the same, or another chai-t like it, to which he straitly
charged and commanded every English bishop present at
the council, to set his hand and seal. Which unrea-
sonable demand of the pope, although it went sore
against the hearts of the bishops, yet (see in what miser-
able subjection the pope had all the bishops under him)
none of them durst but accomplish the pope's request,
both to their own shame, and to the prejudice of the
public freedom of the realm. Which act, when the king
and the nobility understood, they were mightily and
worthily offended therewith, (A. D. 1245).
When Cardinal Otho was sent for by Pope Gregory in
all haste to come to the general council, two others re-
mained here in his room, whose names were Peter
Rubeus, and Peter de Supino. Of whom the one, bear-
ing himself for the pope's kinsman, brought out his bills
and bulls under the pope's authority, to such an abbot,
or to such a prior, or to such and such a bishop, ^nd so
extorted from them a great quantity of gold and silver.
The other, namely, Peter de Supino, sailed to Ireland,
from whence he brought with him a thousand and five
hundred marks to the pope's use, (A. D. 1241). All
which money, however, fell into the hands of Frederi('k
the emperor, who caused it to be restored, as near as he
could, to them of whom it was taken.
After these came Master Martin, from the new Pope In-
nocent IV. (A. D. 1244), armed with full power, to sus-
pend all prelates in England from giving benefices, till
the pope's kinsmen were first preferred. Neither would
he take the fruits of any benefice, unless it were above
the value of thirty marks. At his first coming, he re-
quired prelates, and especially religious houses to fur-
nish him with horses and palfries, such as were conve-
nient for the pope's special chaplain and legate to sit
upon ; also with plate, raiment, provision for his kit-
chen and cellar, &c,, and such as denied, or excused, he
suspended, as the abbot of Malmesbury, and the }>rior
of Merton. All prebends that were void he sought out
and reserved for the pope, among which was the golden
prebend of Sarum, belonging to the chancellor of tlie
choir, whom he preferred to the bishopric at Bath, and
so seized upon the prebend being void, against the wills
both of the bishop and the chapter. He brought with hira
blanks in paper and parchment, signed in the pope's cham-
ber with his stamp and seal, wherein he miglit aftenvanl
write to whom, and what he would. He, moreover,
required of the king, in the pope's behalf, to help his ho-
liness with a contribution to be taxed amongst his
clergy, at least 10,000 marks. And to the end that the
pope might win the king sooner to his devotion, ho
\7i
AMOUNT OF THE POPE'S EXACTIONS IN ENGLAND.
[Book IV.
writes to the nobles and commons of the realm, that they
should not fail, upon pain of his great curse, to grant
such subsidy of money to the support of the king, as he
then demanded of them, but they stood stiff in not
granting to him.
While the insatiable avarice of the pope thus made no
end in gathering riches and goods together in England ;
the nobles and barons, with the community as well of
the clergy as the laity, weighing the miserable state of
the realm, and especially of the church, who now neither
had liberty left to choose their own ministers, nor yet
could enjoy their own livings, laid their heads together,
and so exhibited an earnest intimation to the king, be-
seeching him to consider the pitiful affliction of his sub-
jects under the pope's extortion, living in more thraldom
than the people of Israel under Pharaoh. Whereupon
the king beginning at last to look up, and to consider
the injuries and wrongs received in this realm tlirough
the avarice of the court of Rome, directs to Pope Inno-
cent IV. this letter, in tenor as follows :
J%c hinges letter to Pope Innocent IV.
" To the most holy father in Christ, and lord Inno-
cent IV., by the grace of God, chief bishop, Henry, by
the same grace, king of England, &c. Greeting and
kissings of his blessed feet. The more devout and ob-
sequious the son shews himself in obeying the father's
will, the more favour and support he deserves to find at
his father's hands again. This therefore I write because
both we and our realm have ever and in all things been
hitherto at the devotion and commandment of your fa-
therhood ; and although in some certain affairs of ours
and of our kingdom, we have found your fatherly favour
and grace some times propitious to us, yet in some things
again, as in provisions given and granted to your clerks
of foreign nations, both we and our kingdom have felt no
small detriment. By reason of which provisions, the
church of England is so sore charged and burthened,
that not only the patrons of churches to whom the do-
nations thereof do appertain, are defrauded of their right,
but also many other good works of charity thereby do
decay, for that such benefices, which have been merci-
fully bestowed upon religious houses, to their sustenance
are now wasted and consumed by your provisions.
" Wherefore as your apostolic see ought to be favour-
able to all that are petitioners to the same, so that no
person be wronged in that which is his right, we thought
therefore to be suitors to your fatherhood, most humbly
beseeching your holiness, that you will desist and cease
for a time from such provisions. In the meantime, it
may please your fatherhood, we beseech you, that our
laws and liberties (which you may rightly repute none
other but your own), you will receive to your tuition, to
be conserved whole and sound, nor to suffer the same by
any sinister suggestion in your court to be violated and
infringed. Neither let your holiness be any whit moved
therefore with us, if in some such cases as these be, we
do or shall hereafter resist the tenor of your command-
ments ; for so much as the complaints of such, which
daily call upon us, do necessarily inforce us thereto,
who ought, by the charge of this our office, and kingly
dignity committed to us of Almighty God, to foresee that
no man in that which is their right be injured, but truly
to minister justice to every one, in that which duly to
him appertains." This letter was sent the eight-and-
twentieth year of the king's reign. (Ex Parisiensi,
fol. 172.)
A man would think that this so gentle and obedient
letter of the king to the pope would have wrought some
good effect in the apostolical breast. But how little all
this prevailed to stop his insatiable greediness and into-
lerable extortions and oppressions, the sequel well de-
clares. Shortly after, the pope sent Master Martin with
blanks, being bulled for contribution of ten thousand
marks, in all haste to be paid also, even immediately upon
the receiving of this letter. And the pope, after all this
great submission of the king, and so manifold benefits
and payments yearly out of his realm was not ashamed
to take of David, prince of North Wales, five hundred
marks a-year, to set him against the king of England,
and exempted him from his fealty and obedience due to
his own liege lord and king, to whom both he and all
other Welchmeu had sworn their subjection before.
(Matth. Parisiensi, fol. 172.)
Neither did Master Martin in the meanwhile slip his
business, in making up his market for the pope's money
of ten thousand marks, but still was caUing upon the
prelates and clergy, who, first excusing themselves by
the absence of the king and the archbishop of Can-
terbury, afterward being called again by new letters,
made their answer by the dean of St. Paul's their pro-
locutor : —
That the poverty of the realm would not suffer them
to consent thereto.
That, whereas they had given before a contribution to
Cardinal Otho, for paying of the pope's debts, and knew
the money to be employed to no such end as it was de-
manded, for they had now more cause to doubt, lest this
contribution in his hands, which was a much more infe-
rior messenger than the cardinal, would come to the
same, or a worse effect.
That, if they should now agree to a new contribution,
they feared le.st it would grow to a custom, seeing that
one action, twice done, makes a custom.
That, forsomuch as a general council is shortly looked
for, where every prelate of the realm must needs bestow
both his travel and expenses, and also his present to the
pope, if the prelates now should be bound to this tax,
they were not able to abide this burthen.
That, seeing it is alleged, that the mother church of
Rome is so far in debt, it were reason and right, that
the mother so oppressed should be sustained of aU her
devout children meeting together in the general council ;
whereas by helps of many, more relief might come than
by one nation alone.
And, last of all, they alleged, that for fear of the
emperor and his threatenings, they durst not consent to
the contribution.
While these things were thus in talk between the
pope's priests and the clergy of England, comes in John
Mariscal and other messengers from the king, command-
ing in the king's name, that no bishop that held his ba-
ronage of the king, should infeft his lay fee to the court
of Rome, which they ought only to him, &c.
Not long after this, (in A. D. 1245), the whole nobi-
lity of the realm, by general consent, and not without the
king's knowledge also, caused all the ports by the sea-
side to be watched, that no messenger with the pope's
letters and bulls from Rome should be permitted to
enter the realm ; some were taken at Dover and there
stayed. But, notwithstanding, when complaint was
brought to the king by Martin, the pope's legate, there
was no remedy, but the king must needs cause these let-
ters to be restored again, and executed to the full ef-
fect.
Then the king, upon advice, caused a view to be
taken through every shire in England, to what sum the
whole revenues of the Romans and Italians amounted,
which, by the pope's authority, went out of England;
the whole sum whereof was found to be yearly sixty
thousand marks, to which sum the revenues of the
whole crown of England did not extend I (Ex Matt.
Parisiensi, fol. 185. a.)
The nobles then understanding the miserable oppres-
sion of the realm, being assembled together at Dunsta-
ble for certain causes, sent one Fulco, in the name of
the whole nobility, to Martin, the pope's legate, with
this message ; that he immediately upon the same warn-
ing should prepare himself to be gone out of the realm,
under pain of being cut to pieces. At which message,
the legate being sore aghast, went straight to the king, to
know whether his consent was to the same or not. Of
whom when he found little better comfort, he took his
leave of the king, who bade him adieu in the devil's
name, says Matthew Paris, and thus was the realm rid
of Master Martin, (A. D. 1245.)
As soon as Pope Innocent had intelligence hereof, by
the complaint of his legate, he was in a mighty rage.
A.D. 1245—1246.] SUPPLICATION TO THE POPE IN THE GENERAL COUNCIL AT LYONS. 173
And, remembering how the French king, and the king of
Arragon, not long before had denied him entrance in'o
their land, and being therefore in displeasure with them
likewise, he began in great anger to knit his brows, and
said, " It is best that we fall in agreement with our
prince, whereby we may the sooner bring under these
little petty kings ; and so the great dragon being
pacified, these little serpents we shall handle at our own
pleasure as we please."
After this, immediately then followed the general
council of Lyons, to which council the lords and states
of the realm, with the consent of the commonalty, sent
two bills, one containing a general supplication to the
pope and the council, the other with the articles of such
grievances as they desired to be redressed, whereof re-
lation is made sufficiently before. The other bill of the
supplication, because it is not before expressed, I
thought here to exhibit for two causes ; first, that men
in these days may see the pitiful blindness of those igno-
rant days, wherein our English nation here did so
blindly humble themselves and stand to the pope's
courtesy, whom rather they should have shaken off, as
the Grecians did. Secondly, that the pride of the pope
might the better appear in his colours, who so disdain-
fully rejected the humble suit of our lords and nobles,
when they had much more cause, rather to disdain and
to stamp him under their feet. The tenor of the sup-
plication was this :
I The copy of (he sttpplication written in the names of
all the nobles and commons of England, to Pope
Innocent IV., in the general council at Lyons,
(A. D. 1245.^
" To the reverend father in Christ, Pope Innocent, chief
bishop, the nobles, with the whole commonalty of
the realm of England, sendeth commendation with
kissing of his blessed feet.
" Our mother, the church of Rome, we love with all
our hearts, as our duty is, and covet the increase of her
honour with so much affection as we may, as to whom
we ought always to fly for refuge, whereby the grief
lying upon the child, may find comfort at the mother's
hand. Which succour the mother is bound so much the
rather to impart to her child, how much more kind and
beneficial she finds him in relieving her necessity.
Neither is it unknown to our mother how beneficial and
bountiful a giver the realm of England has been now of
long time for the more amplifying of her exaltation, as
appeared by your yearly subsidy, which we term by the
name of Peter-pence. Now the said church, not con-
tented with this yearly subsidy, has sent divers legates
for other contributions, at divers and sundry times to be
taxed and levied out of the same realm ; all which con-
tributions and taxes notwithstanding have been lovingly
and liberally granted.
" Furthermore, neither is it unknown to your father-
hood, how our forefathers, like good catholics, both
loving and fearing their Maker, for the soul's health, as
well of themselves, as of their progenitors and successors
also, have founded monasteries, and have largely en-
dowed the same, both with their own proper lands, and
also patronages of benefices, whereby such religious
I persons professing the first and chiefest perfection of
I holy religion in their monasteries, might with more peace
and tranquillity occupy themselves devoutly in God's
service, as to the order appertained ; and also the clerks
presented by them into their benefices, might sustain the
I other exterior labours for them in that second order of
religion, and so discharge and defend them from all
hazards, so that the said religious monasteries cannot be
defrauded of those their patronages and collations of
benefices, but the same must touch us also very near,
and work intolerable griefs unto our hearts.
" And now see, we beseech you, which is lamentable
to behold what injuries we sustain by you and your pre-
decessors, who, not considering those our subsidies and
contributions above remembered, do suffer also your
Italians and foreigners, which are out of number, to be
possessed of our churches aud benefices in England,
pertaining to the right and patronage of those monas
teries aforesaid, which foreigners, neither defending the
said religious persons, whom fhey ought to see to, nor
yet having the language, whereby they may instruct the
flock, take no regard of their souls, but utterly leave
them to wild wolves to be devoured. Wherefore it may
truly be said of them, that they are no good shei)herds,
whereas they neither know their sheep, nor do the sheep
knowthe voice of their shepherds, neither do they keep any
hospitality, but only take up the rents of those benefices,
carrying them out of the real.n, wherewith our bre-
thren, our nephews, and our kinsfolks might be sus-
tained, who could and would dwell upon them, and employ
such exercises of mercy and hospitality as their duty re-
quired. Whereof a great number now for mere neces-
sity are laymen, and obliged to fly out of the realm.
" And now to the intent more fully to certify you of
the truth, ye shall understand that the said Italians and
strangers receiving of yearly rents out of England, not
so little as sixty thousand marks by year, besides other
avails and excises deducted, do reap in the said our
kingdom of England more emoluments of mere rents,
than doth the king himself, being both tutor of the church,
and governor of the land.
" Furthermore, whereas at the first creation of your
papacy we were in good hope, and yet are, that by
means of your fatherly goodness we should enjoy our
franchises, and free collation of our benefices and dona •
fives, to be reduced again to the former state, now
comes another grievance which we cannot but signify
unto you, pressing us above measure, which we receive
by Master Martin, who, entering late into our land without
leave of our king, with greater power than ever was seen
before in any legate, although he bears not the state
and shew of a legate, yet he has doubled the doings of a
legate, charging us every day with new mandates, and so
most extremely has oppressed us ; first, in bestowing
and giving away our benefices, if any were above thirty
marks, as soon as they were vacant, to Italian persons.
" Secondly, after the decease of the said Italians, un-
knowing to the patrons, he has intruded other Italians
therein, whereby the true patrons have been spoiled and
defrauded of their right.
" Thirdly, the said Master Martin yet also ceases not
to assign and confer such benefices still to the like per-
sons ; and some he reserves to the donation of the apos-
tolical see ; and extorts, moreover, from religious houses
immoderate pensions, excommunicating and interdicting
whoever dare withstand him.
" Wherefore, forasmuch as the said Master Martin has
so far extended his jurisdiction, to the great perturbation
of the whole realm, and no less derogation to our king's
privilege, to whom it has been fully granted by the see
apostolic, that no legate should have to do in his land,
but such as he by special letters did send for : with
most humble devotion we beseech you, that as a good
father will always be ready to support his child, so
your fatherhood will reach forth your hand of compas-
sion to relieve us your humble children from these
grievous oppressions.
" And although our lord and king, being a catholic
prince, and wholly given to his devotions and service of
Christ Jesus our Lord, so that he respects not the health
of his own body, will fear and reverence the see apos-
tolic, and, as a devout son of the church of Rome, de-
sires nothing more than to advance the estate and
honour of the same ; yet we who labour in his affairs,
bearing the heat and burden of the day, and whose duty,
together with him, is to tender the preservation of the
public wealth, neither can patiently suffer such oppres-
sions, so detestable to God and man, and grievances in-
tolerable, neither by God's grace will suffer them,
through the means of your godly remedy, which we well
hope and trust of you speedily to obtain. And thus
may it please your fatherhood, we beseech you to accept
this our supplication, who in so doing shall worthily
deserve of all the lords and nobles, with the whole com-
monalty of the realm of England, condign and special
thanks accordingly." A. D. 1245. (Ex Mat. Paris,
fol. 188.)
174
MISERY OF CHRISTENDOM THROUGH THE POISE'S EXTORTIONS. [Book IV
This supplication being sent by the hands of Sir R.
Bigot, knight, W. de Powick, esq., and Henry de la
Mare, with other knights and gentlemen, after it was
there opened and read, Pope Innocent, first keeping
silence, delayed to make answer, making haste to pro-
ceed in his detestable excommunication and curse
against the good emperor Frederick ; which curse being
done, and the English ambassadors waiting still for
their answer, the pope told them flatly they should not
have their request fulfilled. Whereat the Englishmen,
departing in great anger, sware -with terrible oaths,
that they would never more suffer any tribute, or fruits
of any benefices, whereof the noblemen were patrons,
to be paid to that insatiable and greedy court of Rome,
worthy to be detested in all worlds.
The pope hearing these words, although making then
no answer, thought to watch his time, and did so. Dur-
ing the council, he caused every bishop of England to
))ut his hand and seal to the obligation made by King
John for the pope's tribute ; threatening, moreover, and
saying, that if he had once brought down the em-
peror Frederick, he would bridle the insolent pride of
England.
But here by occasion of this council at Lyons, that
the reader may see upon what slippery uncertainty and
variableness the state of the king depended, it is ma-
terial here to introduce the form of a letter sent by
Henry III. to the prelates of his land, before they were
transported over the sea to Lyons ; wherein may be
gathered, that the king suspected they would be pushing
and heaving at his royalty, and therefore directed these
letters to them, otherwise to prepare their affections :
the tenor whereof follows : —
A Letter of Charge to the Prelates of England, pur-
posed to assemble in the Council at Lyons, that they
should ordain nothing to their King^s prejudice.
" The king to the archbishops, bishops, and to all
other prelates of his land of England, appointed to meet
at a council at Lyons, greeting : you are (as you know)
bound to us by oath, whereby you ought to keep all the
fealty that you can to us in all things, concerning our
royal dignity and crown. Wherefore we command you
upon the fealty and allegiance wherein you are firmly
bound to us, enjoining that you do your uttermost en-
deavour, as well to get as to keep, and also to defend
the right of us and our kingdom. And that neither to
the prejudice of us, or of the same kingdom, nor yet
against us or our rights, which our predecessors and we
by ancient and approved custom have used, you pre-
sume to procure or attempt anything in your council at
Lyons ; nor that you give assent to any that shall pro-
cure or ordain ought in this case, upon your oath afore-
said, and the loss of your temporalities, which you hold
of us. Wherefore in this behalf so behave yourselves,
that for your good dealing and virtue of thankfulness, we
may rather specially commend you, than for the con-
trary by you attempted (which God forbid) we reprove
your unthankfulness, and reserve vengeance for you in
due time. Witness myself, &c., the nine-and -twentieth
year of our reign."
In the same way he wrote to the archbishops and
bishops, &c. of Ireland and Gascony.
In the beginning of the year following (A.D. 1246),
Pope Innocent came to Cluny, where a secret meeting
was tlien appointed between the pope and Lewis the
French king (who was then preparing his voyage to
Jerusalem). The pope sought all means to persuade
the French king, in revenge of his injury, to war against
the weak and feeble king of England, as he called him,
either to drive him utterly from his kingdom, or else
to damnify him, whereby he should be constrained,
whether he would or no, to stoop to the pope's will and
obedience, wherein he also would assist him with all the
authority he could. Nevertheless, the French king
would not agree to this.
Straight upon this followed then the exaction of Boni-
face archbishop of Canterbury, that he had bought of
the pope ; which was to have the first year's fruits of all
benefices and spiritual livings in England for the space
of seven years together, until the sum should come to
ten t.iousand marks. At this the king at first was
greatly grieved. But in conclusion, he was obliged at
last to agree with the archbishop, and so the money was
gathered.
Over and besides all other exactions wherewith the
pope miserably oppressed the church of England, thig
also is not to be passed over in silence, how the pope,
sending down his letters from the see apostolic, charged
and commanded the prelates to find him some ten, some
five, and some fifteen able men, well furnished with
horse and armour for one whole year, to fight in the
pope's wars. And lest the king should have knowledge
of it, it was enjoined them, under pain of excommuni-
cation, that they should reveal it to none, but to keep it
in secret only to themselves.
When Pope Innocent IV. had knowledge of certain rich
clerks leaving great substance of money, who died in-
testate, as of one Robert Hailes, archdeacon of Lincoln,
who died leaving thousands of marks and much plate
behind him, all which, because no will was made, came
to temporal men's hands : also of Almarike, arch-
deacon of Bedford, being found worth a great substance
when he died ; and likewise of another, John Ho-
tosp, archdeacon of Northampton, who died suddenly
intestate, leaving behind him five thousand marks, and
thirty standing pieces of plate, with other infinite jewels
besides ; he sent forth a statute to be proidaiuied in
England, that whatsoever ecclesiastical person hence-
forth sliould decease in England intestate, that i.s, witli-
out making his will, all his goods should redound to the
pope's use.
The pope, not yet satisfied with all this, addresses
new letters to the bishop of Winchester, and to William
bishop of Norwich, for gathering up among the clergy,
and religious houses in England, six tliousand marks
for the holy mother church, without any excuse or de-
lay, by virtue of obedience. Which, being greatly
grudged by the clergy, when it came to the king's ear,
he directed contrary letters to all the prelates, and every
one of them, commanding them, upon fortViting their
temporalities to the king, that no such subsidy-money
should be gathered or transported out of the rcahri.
But the pope again hearing of this, in great anger writes
to the prelates of England, that this collection of money,
upon pain of excommunication and suspension, should
be provided, and brought to the new Temple in London,
by the feast of the Assumption next ensuing.
And as he perceived the king to go about to oppose
his proceedings, taking thereat great disdain, he was
about to interdict the whole land. To whom then one
of his cardinals, called John Anglicus, an Englishman
born, speaking for the realm of England, desired his
fatherhood for God's cause to mitigate his moody ire,
and with the bridle of temperance to assuage tlie pas-
sion of his mind: "Which," said he, " to tell you
plain, is here stirred up too much without cause. Yotir
fatherhood may consider that these days be evil. First,
the Holy Land lies in great perils to be lost. Ail the
Greek church is departed from us. Frederick the eu)-
peror is against us, the mightiest prince this day in all
Christendom. Both you and we, who are the peers of
the church, are banished from the papal see, thrust out
of Rome, yea, excluded out of all Italy. Hungary,
with all coasts bordering about it, looketh for nothirig
but utter subversion by the Tartars. Gerniai;y is
wasted and afflicted with inward wars and tumults.
Spain is fierce and cruel against us, even to the cutting
out of the bishops' tongues. France is so im])overished
by us that it is brought to beggary, which also conspires
against us. Miserable England, being so often plagued
by our manifold injuries, even much like to Balaam's
ass, beaten and bounced with spurs and staves, begins at
length to speak and complain of her intolerable griefs
and burthens, being so wearied and damnified, that she
may seem past all recovery ; and we, after the manner
of Ishmael, hating of men, provoke all men to hate us."
For all these words of John Anglicus his cardinal, t'>e
A.D. 1246.] SICKNESS AND SUPPOSED MIllACULOUS RECOVERY OF THE FRENCH KING. 175
pope's passion could not yet be appeased, but forthwith
he sends commandment with full authority to the bishop
of Worcester, that in case the king would not speedily
cease his rebellion against his apostolical proceedings
he would interdict his land. So that in conclusion, the
king, for all his stout enterprise, was obliged to relent at
last, and the pope had his money, (A. D. I2iti).
What man having eyes is so blind who sees not these
execrable dealings of the pope to be such, as would
cause any nation in the world to do as the wise Grecians
did, and perpetually to renounce the pope, and well to
consider the usurped authority of that see not to be of
God .' But such was the rude dulness then of miserable
England, for lack of learning and godly knowledge, that
they feeling what burdens were laid upon them, yet
would play still the ass of Balaam, or else the horse of
JEsop, which receiving the bridle once in his mouth,
could afterward neither abide his own misery, nor yet
recover liberty. And so it fared with England under
the pope's thraldom.
And so it follows in the history of Matthew Paris,
how the pope taking more courage by his former abused
boldness, and perceiving what a tame ass he had to ride
upon, ceased not thus, but directed a new precept the
same year (A.D. 1246), to the prelates of England, com-
manding by the authority apostolic, that all beneficed
men in the realm of England, who were resident upon
their benefices, should yield to the pope the third part of
their goods, and they who were not resident should
give the one-half of their goods, and that for the space
of three years together, with terrible threatenings to all
them that should resist ; and ever with this clause withal,
non obstante, which was like a key that opened all
locks. Which sum, cast together, was found to amount
to sixty thousand pounds, which sura of money could
scarce be found in all England to pay for King Richard's
ransom. (Paris, fol. 207.) The execution of this pre-
cept was committed to the bishop of London, who con-
ferring about the matter with his brethren in the church
of St. Paul's, as they were busily consulting together,
and bewailing the insupportable burden of this contri-
bution, which was impossible for them to sustain, sud-
denly comes in certain messengers from the king, Sir John
Lexinton, knight, and Master Lawrence Martin, the
king's chaplain, straightly in the king's name foibidding
them in any case to consent to this contribution, which
would be greatly to the prejudice and desolation of the
whole realm.
And thus much hitherto of these matters, to the in-
tent that all who read these histories, and see the doings
of this western bishop, may consider what just cause
the Grecians had to separate from his subjection, and
communion. For what christian communion can be held
with him who so contrary to Christ and his gospel seeks
for worldly dominion, so cruelly persecutes his brethren,
so given to avarice, so greedy in getting, so injurious in
oppressing, so insatiable in his exactions, so malicious iu
revenging, stirring up wars, depriving kings, deposing
emperors, playing the monarch in the church of Christ,
so erroneous in doctrine, so abominable in abusing excom-
munication, so false in promise, so corrupt in life, so void
of God's fear: and briefly, so far from all the qualifications
of a true evangelical bishop .' For what seems he to care
for the souls of men, who sets boys and outlandish Ita-
lians in the benefices : and further appoints one Italian
to succeed another, who neither knew the language of
the flock, nor could bear to see their faces ? And who
can blame the Grecians then for dissevering themselves
from such an oppressor against Christ ?
If this realm had followed their wise example, as it
might, our predecessors had been rid of an infinite num-
ber of troubles, injuries, oppressions, wars, commotions,
long journeys and charges, besides the saving of innu-
merable thousands of pounds, which this bishop of Rome
full falsely had raked and transported out of this realm.
But as I must not exceed the bounds of my history, my
purpose being not tostandupon declamations, nor to dilate
on common places, I will pass this over, leaving the
judgment of it to the further examination of the reader.
For if I wished to prosecute this argument so far as
the matter would lead me, and truth perhaps require me to
say, I might not only say, but could well prove the pope
and court of Rome to be the fountain and principal
cause, not only of much misery here in England, but of
all the public calamities and notorious mischiefs which
have ha])pened these many years through all these western
parts of Christendom, and especially of the lamentable
ruin of the church, which not only we, but the Grecians
also this day do suffer by the Turks and Saracens. As
whoever well considers by reading of histories, and views
the doings and acts passed by the bishop of Rome, shall see
good cause to think with me. Only one narrative touch-
ing this argument, I am disposed to set before the readers,
it happened about this present time of King Henry's
reign (A. D. 1244.)
It happened that Lewis the French king, son to Queen
Blanch, fell very sick, lying in a trance for some days,
in such a way that few thought he would have lived, and
some said he was gone already. Among others, there was
with him his mother, who sorrowing bitterly for her son,
and given somewhat to superstition, went and brought
forth a piece of the holy cross, with the crown and the
spear ; and blessing him with them, laid the crown and
spear to his body, making a vow in the person of her son,
that if the Lord would visit him with health, and release
him of that infirmity, he should be crossed or marked
with the cross, to visit the holy sepulchre, and solemnly tc
render thanks in the land which Christ had sanctified with
his blood. Thus as she, with the bishop of Paris, and
others there present were praying, the king, who was
supposed by some to be dead, began with a sigh to
move his arms and legs, and stretching himself began to
speak, giving thanks to God, who from on high had
visited him, and called him from the danger of death.
As the king's mother with others took this as a great mi-
racle wrought by the virtue of the holy cross : so the king
amending more and more, as soon as he was well re-
covered, received solemnly the badge of the cross.
After this there was great preparation and much ado in
France toward the setting forth to the Holy Land. For
after the king first began to be crossed, the greater part
of the nobles of France with several archbishops and
bishops, with earls, and barons, and gentlemen to a
mighty number, received also the cross upon their sleeves.
A. D. 1246. (Ex Matt. Parisiensi, fol. 204. 6.)
The next year, the French king yet persevering in his
purposed journey. Lady Blanch his mother, and the bishop
of Paris his brother, with the lords of his council, and
other nobles, and his special friends advised him with great
persuasions to alter his mind as to that adventurous and
dangerous journey, for his vow, they said, was unadvisedly
made, and in time of his sickness, when his mind was not
perfectly established : and what dangers might happen
at home was uncertain ; the king of England being on
the one side, the emperor on the other side, and the Pic-
tavians in the midst, so fugitive and unstable : and as to
his vow, the pope would dispense with it, considering the
necessity of his realm, and the weakness of his body.
To this the king answered, *' As you say, that it was
in feebleness of my senses I took this vow upon me .
lo, as you wish me, I lay down the cross that I took."
And putting his hand to his shoulder, lie tare oif the
badges of the cross, saying to the bishop, " Here I resign
to you the cross wherewith I was signed." At the sight
of this there was no small rejoicing among all that were
present. The king then, altering his countenance and
his speech,thus spake to them : " My friends, whatever I
was in my sickness, now I thank God I am of perfect sense,
and sound reason, and now I require my cross again to be
restored unto me :" saying moreover, " That he would eat
no food until he were recognized again with the same cross,
as hewas before." At this all present were astonished, sup-
posing that God had some great matter to work, and so
moved no more questions to him.
Upon this drew nigh the feast of John Baptist, which
was the time appointed for setting forth. And being in
readiness, the king in a few days after was entering his
journey : but yet one thing was wanting. The king, per-
ceiving the mortal variance between the pope and good
Frederick the emperor, thought best before his going to
CONTESTS BETWEEN THE FRENCH AxNiJ THE SsARACENS.
176
have that, matter appeased, by whii^h his way might be
safer through the emperor's countries, and also be less
danger at home after his departure ; and therefore, he first
went to Lyons, where the pope was, partly to take his
leave; but especially to make reconcilement between
the emperor and the pope. . , ,
Here it may be noted by the way, that with the good
emperor there was no difficulty or hindrance. He rather
sought all means how to compass the pope's favour, and
never could obtain it: so that before he was excom-
municated in the council of Lyons, he not only answered
sufficiently by his attorney, discharging himself against
whatever crimes or objections could be brought against
him ; but so far humbled himself to the pope and the
council, that for all detriments, damages, losses, or
wrongs done on his part, what amends soi;ver the pope
coulifor would require, he would recompence it to the
uttermost. This the pope would not take.
He then offered, that if the pope could not abide liis
remaining in his own dominions and empire, he would go
and fight against the Saracens and Turks, never to re-
turn into Europe again, offering there to recover the
lands and kingdoms, that at any time belonged to Christ-
endom, provided that the pope would be contented that
Henry his son, who was nephew to King Henry here in
England, should be emperor after him. Neither would
this be admitted by the pope.
Then he offered for the security of his promise, to put
in the French king and the king of England to be his
sureties, or else for trial of his cause to stand to their
award and arbitration. Neither would that be granted.
At last he desired, that he might come himself and
answer before the council. But the proud pope in no
case would abide that, saying, " That he did not yet find
himself so ready and meet for martyrdom, to have him
to come to the council ; for if he did, he would depart
himself," &c.
Such was the obstinate rancor and devilish malice of
Pope Innocent and his predecessor, against that valiant
emperor and against the Grecians ; what disturbance and
mischief it wrought to the whole church, what strength it
gave to the Saracens and Tartars, how it impaired chris-
tian concord, and weakened all christian lands, not only
the army of the French King found shortly after, but
Christendom even to this day may and does feel and rue
it. Nor can there in history be found any greater cause
that made the Turks so strong, to get so much ground
over Christendom as they have, than the pestilent work-
ing of this pope, in deposing and excommunicating this
worthy emperor.
In the mean time, when the French king coming thus
to the pope at Lyons to intreat for the emperor, could
find no favour, he took his leave, and with great heavi-
ness departed, setting forward on his journey.
About the beginning of October, the French took
Damietta, being the principal fort or hold of the Sara-
cens in Egypt (A. D. 1249.) After wiiming Damietta,
the Saracens, being terrified at the loss, offered to the
christians great ground and possessions more than ever
belonged to Christendom before, on condition that they
might have Damietta restored to them again. But the
pride of the earl of Artois, the king's brother, would not
accept the offers of the Saracens, but required both Da-
mietta and Alexandria the chief metropolitan city of
all Egypt, to be surrendered. The Saracens, seeingthe pride
and greediness of the Frenchmen, would not abide that :
which turned afterwards to the great loss of the christians.
At length after long conferences between them, the Sol-
dan proposed to them to resign to him the city of Dami-
etta, with every thing which they found in it, and that they
should have in return all the country about Jerusalem,
with all the captive christians, restored to them. The
christians, said he, ought to be contented with this, and
to seek no more, but only to possess the land of Jerusa-
lem ; which being granted to them, they ought not en-
croach into lands and kingdoms, whereto they had no
right. This form of peace well pleased the meaner
sort of the poor soldiers, and many of the council and
nobiUty ; but the proud earl of Artois, the king's brother,
would not assent to it, but still required the city of Alex-
[BooK IV.
andria to be yielded to him, which the Egyptians would
by no means agree to.
From that time the French army, being surrounded by
sea and by land, began every day more and more to be dis-
tressed for provisions and with famine, being driven to that
misery, that they were obUged to eat their own horses in
Lent time, which should have served them unto other
uses. Neither could any christian power, nor Frederick,
being deposed by the pope, send them any succour. The
more misery the christians were in, the more fiercely the
Saracens pressed upon them on every side, detesting their
froward wilfulness. Many of the christian soldiers de-
serted, and not able to abide the affliction, privately went
over to the Saracens, who gladly received and relieved them,
and some were permitted still to keep their faith, some
marrying wives among them, and for hope of honour
apostatized. The Soldan, being perfectly informed by
these fugitives of every thing in the king's army, sent to
him in derision, asking where were all his mattocks, forks,
and rakes, scythes, ploughs, and harrows, which he
brought over with him, or why he did not occupy them,
but let them lie by him to rust and canker ? All this and
much more the king with his Frenchmen were obliged to
bear with.
The French king, with his army, seeing himself dis-
tressed, and that nothing was done against the Soldan of
Egypt, after he had fortified the city of Damietta, with
an able garrison, and left it with the duke of Burgundy, j
he removed his camp from thence to go eastward. In
his army followed William Longspath, who came from
England to fight in the Holy Land, accompanied with a
picked number of English warriors : but such was the ■
hatred of the French against this William Longspath ,
and the English, that they could not abide them, but
flouted them in an insulting manner, calling them
" English tails," insomuch that the good king himself
had much ado to keep peace between them. (|
The original cause of this grudge between them began ?
thus : there was, not far from Alexandria in Egypt, a
strong fort or castle, filled with noble ladies, and rich
treasure of the Saracens : this stronghold it happened
that W^illiam Longspath, with his company of English
soldiers, got possession of, more by good luck and politic
dexterity, than by open force of arras, by which he and
his followers were greatly enriched. W'hen the French
had knowledge of this, they began to conceive a heart-
burning against the English soldiers, and could not i
speak well of them after that. It happened again, not
long after, that William Longspath had intelligence of a
company of rich Saracen merchants going to a fair about
the parts of Alexandria, with their camels, asses, and
mules, richly laden with silks, precious jewels, spices,
gold and silver, with cart-loads of other wares, besides
victuals and other furniture, of which the soldiers then
stood in great need. Having secret knowledge of tliis,
he gathered all the EngUsh, and so by night falling
upon the merchants, some he slew, some he took, and
some he put to flight. The carts with the drivers and
with the oxen, and the camels, asses, and mules, with
the whole carriage and provisions he took and brought
with him, losing in all the skirmish but one soldier, and
eight of his servitors.
This being known in the camp, forth came the French,
who all this while loitered in their pavilions, and meet-
ing the carridges by the way, took all the spoils wholly
to themselves, rating Longspath and the English, for
adventuring and issuing out of the camp without leave
or knowledge of their general, contrary to the disci})line
of war. William Longspath said, he had done nothing
but he would answer to it, that his purpose was to have
the spoil divided to the whole army : when this would
not serve, being grieved in mind at being spoiled in so
cowardly a way, of that for which he had so adventur-
ously travelled, he went to the king to complain. But
when no reason nor complaint would serve, owing to the
proud earl of Artois disliking him, he bid the king fare-
well, and said he would serve him no longer. And
so William Longspath, with his followers, breaking
from the French host, went to Acre. Upon their de-
parture the earl of Artois said, " Now is the army of th»
A. D. 124&— 1250.] OVERTHROW OF THE FRENCH ARMY BY THE SARACENS.
177
French well rid of these tailed people." ^N'Tiich words,
Bpoken in great despite, were evil taken by many good
men that heard him.
The king, setting forward from Damietta, directed his
journey towards Cairo. The Soldan in the meantime
hearing of the coming of the French host, in great hopes
of conquering all, sent to the king, offering to the chris-
tians the quiet and full possession of the Holy Land,
with all the kingdom of Jerusalem, and more ; besides
other infinite treasure of gold and silver, or what else
might please them, only upon this condition, they would
restore again Damietta, with the captives there, and so
would join together in mutual peace and amity. Also
they should have all their christian captives delivered
home, and so both countries should freely pass one to
another with their wares and traffic, such as they chose
to adventure. It was also firmly asserted that the
Soldan, with most of his nobles, were willing to leave
the filthy law of Mahomet, and receive the faith of
Christ, so that they might quietly enjoy their lands and
possessions. Then great quietness had no doubt per-
vaded in all Christendom, with the end of bloodshed and
misery, had it not been for the pope and his legate, who
(having command from the pope, that if any such offers
should come, he should not take them) in no wise would
receive the conditions offered, (Paris, fol. 2'^3).
After this every thing was prepared on both sides for
war. The king comes to the great river Nile, thinking
to pass over upon a bridge of boats. On the other
side the Soldan pitched himself to oppose his passage.
In the mean time there occurred a certain festival among
the Saracens, in which the Soldan was absent, leaving
his tents by the water side. This was observed by a
Saracen lately converted to Christ, ser\'ing with Earl
Robert the king's brother, who pointed out a shallow
ford in the river, where they might more easily pass
over ; the earl and the master of the Templars, with a
great force of about the third part of the army, passed
over the river, followed by William Longspath with his
band of English soldiers. Being joined together on the
other side of the water, they encountered the Saracens
i remaining in the tents, and put them to flight. After
1 this victory the French earl, elated with pride and
J triumph, as if he had conquered the whole earth, would
i needs press forward, dividing himself from the main
i host, thinking to win the spurs alone. Some sage men
I among the Templars advised him not to do so, but rather
to return and take their whole strength with them, and
1 that so they would be more sure against all deceits and
1 dangers. The practice of that people (they saidj they
i knew well, and had had more experience of than he : alleg-
I ing also, their wearied bodies, their tired horses, their
I famished soldiers, and the insufficiency of their number,
I which was not able to withstand the multitude of the
enemies : with other such like words of persuasion.
'When the proud earl heard them, being inflamed with
I no less arrogancy than ignorance, he reviled them, called
ithem cowardly dastards and betrayers of the whole
country, objecting to them the common report, which
said, That the land of the holy cross might be won to
I Christendom, were it not for the rebellious Templars, with
the Hospitallers and their fellows, &c.
To these contumelious rebukes the master of the
iTemplars answered for himself and for his companions,
ibidding the earl display his ensign whenever he would,
and wherever he dared, they were quite as ready to fol-
low him, as he to go before them. Then began William
iLongspath the worthy knight to speak, desiring the
earl to give ear to those men of experience, who had
better knowledge of those countries and people than he
had, commending their counsel to be discreet and whole-
some, and so turning to the master of the temple he be-
gan with gentle words to soften and appease him. The
knight had not half ended his taik, when the earl, taking
the words out of his mouth, began to fume and swear,
crying out of these cowardly Englishmen with tails.
" What a pure army (said he) should we have here, if
these tails, and tailed people were purged from it?"
with other like words of great villany and much hatred.
The English knight answered " Well, Earl Robert t
wheresoever you dare set your foot, my step shall go a:i
far as yours ; and I believe, we go this day where you
shall not dare to come near the tail of my horse." la
the event it proved true.
Now, seeing Earl Robert would needs set forward to
get all the glory to himself, he attacked a place called
Mansor. Then immediately comes the Soldan with all
his main power ; he seeing the christian army to be di-
vided, and the brother separated from the brother, had
that which he had long wished for, and so enclosing
them round about so that none should escape, he fell on
them and there was a cruel fight. Then the earl began
to repent of his rashness, but it was too late : then see-
ing William Longspath the English knight gallantly
fighting in the chief brunt of the enemies, cried to him
in a most cowardly way to fly, seeing God (said he)
fights against us. The knight answered " God forbid
that my father's son should run away from the face of a
Saracen." The earl then turning his horse fled away,
thinking to escape bv the swiftness of his horse, and so
taking the river of Thafnis, pressed down with his
armour, he sunk and was drowned. Thus the earl being
gone, the French began to despair and scatter. Then
William Longs])ath, bearing all the force of the enemy,
stood against them as long as he could, wounding and
slaying many a Saracen, until at length his horse being
killed, and his legs maimed, he could no longer stand,
yet as he was down, he mangled their feet and legs, and
did the Saracens much sorrow, till at last, after many
blows and wounds, being stoned by the Saracens, ho
yielded his life. After his death the Saracens setting
upon the rest of the army, whom they had compassed on
every side, destroyed them all, so that scarce one man
escaped alive, saving two Templars, one Hospitaller, and
one poor soldier, who brought tidings of it to the king.
These things being known in the French camp to the
king and his soldiers, there was no little sorrow and
heaviness on every side, with great fear and doubt in.
themselves what was best to do. At last, when they saw
no remedy, but they must stand manfully to revenge-
the blood of their brethren, then the king with his host-
passed over the Nile, and coming to the place where the-
battle had been, there they beheld their fellows and
brethren, pitifully lying with their heads and hands cufc
off. For the Saracens for the reward before promised
by the Soldan or Sultan, to them that could bring the
head or hand of any christian, had mangled the chris-
tians, leaving their bodies to the wild beasts. Thus as-
they were sorrowing and lamenting the rueful case of
their christian fellows, suddenly appears the coming of
the Soldan, with a multitude of innumerable thousands.
Against them the Frenchmen soon prepare themselves to
encounter, and so the battle being struck up, the armies
began to join. But alack for pity, what could the
French do, their number was so lessened, their hearts
wounded with fear and sorrow, their bodies consumed
with penury and famine, their horses for feebleness not
able to serve them .' In conclusion, the Frenchmen were
overthrown, slain, and dispatched; and seeing there was
no flying, happy was he that first could yield himself.
In which miserable conflict, the king with his two
brethren, and a few that clave unto him, were taken
captives, to the confusion of all christian realms, and
presented to the Soldan. All the rest were put to the'
sword, or else stood to the mercy of the Saracens,,
whether to be slain or to remain in woful captivity.
And this was the end of that sorrowful battle, wherein
almost all the nobihty of France was slain, and there
was scarcely one man in the multitude who escaped free,
but was either slain, or taken prisoner.
The Soldan, after taking of the French king, deceit-
fully disguising an array of Saracens to the nimaber of
the French army, with the arms and ensigns of them
that were slain, made toward Damietta, where the duke of
Burgundy, with the French queen, and Otho, the pope's
legate, and other bishops, and their garrisons were re-
maining, supposing under the shew of Frenchmen to be
let in ; but the captains mistrusting their hasty coming,.
and doubting their visages, not like to the Frenchmeiu
shut the gates against them.
v2
THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDERICK II. EMPEROR OF GERMANY. [Book IV.
175
As the Soldan missed his purpose, he thought by ad-
vice of his council, to use the king's life for his own
advantage in recovering the city of Damietta, as in the end
it came to pass. For, although the king at the first was
greatly unwilling, and had rather die than surrender
Damietta again to the Saracens, yet the conclusion fell
out, that the king was put to his ransom, and the city of
Damietta was also resigned, which city being twice won,
and twice lost by the christians, the Soldan or Soladine
afterward caused it utterly to be razed down to the
ground. The ransom of the king, upon condition that
the Soldan should see him safely conducted to Acre,
came to 6'0,000 marks. The number of French and
others who died in that war by water and by land, came
to 80,000 persons.
And thus you have the brief narration of this lamenta-
ble pilgrimage of Lewis the French king, all occasioned
by the pope and Otho his legate ; by whose sinister
means and pestilent pride, not only the lives of so many
christians were then lost, but also the loss of other cities
and christian regions bordering in the same quarters,
is to be ascribed ; for by the occasion of all this, the
hearts of the Saracens on the one side were so encou-
raged, and the courage of the christians on the other
side so much discomfited, that in a short time after,
both the dominion of Antioch, and of Acre, with all other
possessions belonging to the christians, were lost, to the
great diminishing of Christ's church.
Another reason, too, why the ruin of this French army
is deservedly imputed to the pope, is this ; for, when
Lewis the French king perceiving what a necessary
friend and helper Frederick the tmperor might be to
him against the Saracens, and therefore was an earnest
suitor for him to the pope, to have him released ; yet
neither he, nor the king of England, by any means could
obtain it. Through which, not only the French king's
army went to wreck, but also such a fire of mischief was
kindled against Christendom, as yet to this day cannot
be quenched. For the Saracens, and after them the
Turks, got such a hand over Christendom, as to this
day we all have great cause to rue and lament.
The chief and greatest cause of all which, was, that the
emperor who could have done the most, was deposed by
the pope's tyranny, by which all those churches in Asia
were left desolate. As to the Emperor Frederick, whom
we have frequently mentioned before, as his history is
strange, his acts wonderous, and his conflicts tragical,
which he sustained against four or five popes one after
another, I thought it well to set it forth, that the reader
may know what is to be thought of this see of Rome,
which had wrought such abominable mischief in the
world, as in the sequel of the history following, may be
seen.
The whole tragical history of the Emperor Frederick IT. ,
translated out of the Latin book of Nicholas Cisnerus,
(fromA.D. 1193, to A.D. 1250.J
Frederick II. was of the noblest lineage, being grand-
son to Frederick Barbarossa, and son to the Emperor
Henry VI., and Constantia, daughter of the king of
Sicily.
The Emperor Henry "VI., when he died, which was
shortly after the birth of Frederick II., committed the
protection of him to Constantia his wife, to Philip his
brother, governor of Etruria, and to the bishop of
Rome, then Innocent III.
Constantia, not long after the death of Henry her hus-
band, being sickly and growing into age, resigned, and
willed by her testament the safety both of her son
Frederick, and also of his dominions, to the protection
and government of Innocent III.
This Pope Innocent, as soon as he had the protection
of the young emperor, became, instead of a patron and
protector to him and his dominions, both an enemy
and conspirator. The examples are many ; he per-
suaded Sibylla, the wife of Tancred (whom Henry put
from the kingdom of Sicily), to recover the same again.
"Whereupon Walter, who was married to tlie daughter of
this Tancred, by the instigation, counsel, and aid of
the French king, with the pope, invaded Campania and
Apulia. At which time also, the same worthy protector
Innocent III., sent his legates with letters of excoinmu-
nication against all that would not take Walter for their
king.
Again, when the princes, electors, and other nobles,
had promised by their oath to Henry, that they would
make Frederick his son emperor after his decease,
the pope absolved them all from the oath which they
had taken and given for the election of Frederick.
He then went about to procure that Otho, the son of
Henry Leo, should be made emperor. He deprived all
such bishops as he knew to be favourable to Philip, who
ruled the empire during the minority of his nephew Fre-
derick. But Philip, whose cause was better, and whose
skill in martial affairs was greater, and who was stronger
in power, after many and great conflicts, and the fearful
disturbance and desolation of the whole empire, by God's
help, defeated the other. All which calamities and mis-
chiefs, Conrad Lichtenau, living at that time, in his
annals, most pitifully complains of, and accuses the bi-
shop of Rome and his adherents to be the chief authors
and devisers of this great and lamentable mischief.
Thus you may see how it was by the counsel and con-
sent of Pope Innocent, and by his instigation, besides
his secret conspiracies, that this good Frederick and his
dominions were hurt and damaged.
At this time Frederick was come to the age of twenty
years ; by the provision of Constantia his mother, he
was so well instructed in letters, and so accomplished
with other arts and virtues, that at these years there ap-
peared and shone in him excellent gifts both of wisdom
and knowledge.
He was excellently well versed in the Latin and
Greek languages, although at that time learning began to
decay, and barbarousness to increase. He had also the
German tongue, the Italian tongue, and the Saracen
tongue. He daily exercised and put in practice those
virtues which nature had planted in him, as piety, wis-
dom, justice, and fortitude; so that he might well be
compared and accounted among the worthiest and most
renowned emperors his predecessors.
When Frederick had gathered his armies, he was
crowned ; and after that, he set the empire at rest, and
in order, and appeased the whole of Germany. And
then with all his nobles and princes he returned to
Rome, and by Pope Honorius III. was with great solem-
nity consecrated and called Augustus. W^hich Honorius
succeeded Innocent in the papal see.
After the consecration of Frederick was with great
solemnity finished, he departed from Rome, to set in
order and settle the cities and great towns of Italy, for
the better tranquillity of himself, and the safety of his
subjects, where he heard of some that began to raise and
make new factions against him. Among whom were
Thomas and Richard, the brothers of Innocent III., who
held some castles from him by force. These castles he
besieged and beat down. Richard he took and sent as a
prisoner into Sicilia ; but Thomas escaped to Rome ; there
also repaired certain bishops and others that were con-
spirators against Frederick, and were by this bishop of
Rome maintained and defended. Frederick began to ex-
postul;\te with the pope, who, on the other side, was
so chafed and vexed, that immediately, without further
delay, he thunders out against Frederick his curses and
excommunications.
Thomas Fazel declares the detestation or defiance that
broke out between them in a different manner. There were,
says he, among those who were found traitors to the em-
peror, certain bishops, who flying to the pope, requested
his aid : upon which the pope sent his legates to the eini)e-
ror, and requested liim, that he would admit and receive
to favour those bishops whom he had banished and put
from their offices, and that he would not intermeddle with
any ecclesiastical charge wherewith he had nothing to do:
and said further, that the correction and punishment of
such matters pertained to the bishop of Rome, and not
to him. And, moreover, that the oversight of those
churches in that kingdom, from the which he had expelled
the bishops, pertained and belonged to the pope.
To this Frederick replied, " That forsomuch as now
A. D. 119:5— 1250.] THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDERICK II. EMPEROR OF GERMANY. 179
four hundred years and more (from the time of Charle-
magne) all emperors and kings in their dominions might
lawfully commit to meet and tit men for the same, such
ecclesiastical functions and charges as were within their
territories and kingdoms ; that he also looked to have the
like privilege and authority, which his predecessors had
before him." And being chafed and moved with these
demands of the pope, lie breaks forth and says, " How
long will tlie bishop of Rome abuse my patience ? When
will his covetous heart be satisfied ? Whereunto will his
ambitious desire grow?" With such words, repeating
certain injuries and conspiracies, both against him and
his dominions, plotted as well by Honorius as by Inno-
cent. " What man, (says he,) can suffer and bear this in-
credible boldness and intolerable insolency of so proud a
bishop ? Go," says he, to the legates, " and tell Hono-
rius, that I will hazard both the seigniory of my empire,
and crown of my kingdom, rather than suffer him thus"^
to diminish the authority of our majesty."
Whilst Frederick was in Sicilia,his wife Constantia died.
In the mean time the christians, with a great navy sailed
into Egypt, and took the city Heliopolis, commonly
called Damietta, being in good hope to have driven the
Soldan out of Egypt, they experienced a great and mar-
vellous overthrow by the water of the Nile (which then
overflowed their camp), and they were obliged to agree to
a truce with the Soldan for some years, and to deliver up
the city again. Upon this, John sumamed Brennus, king
of Jerusalem, arrived in Italy, and prayed aid of the em-
peror, in whom he had great hopes of finding a remedy
of these calamities ; thence he went to Rome to the pope,
describing to him the great discomfiture, as also the pre-
sent peril and calamity that they were in. By his means,
the emperor was reconciled again to the pope, and pro-
mised, that he would prepare an army for the recovery of
Jerusalem, and go there himself. In the mean time
Honorius, to whom he was lately reconciled, purposed to
have made against him some great and secret attempt,
had he not been prevented by death.
After him succeeded Gregory IX., who was as great an
enemy of Frederick. This Gregory was scarcely settled
in his papacy, when he threatened the emperor with ex-
communication, unless he would proceed into Asia accord-
ing to his promise ; the reason why the pope so hastened
the journey of Frederick, you shall hear hereafter. For
he could not well bring to pass, what he had devised in
his mischievous mind, unless the emperor were farther
from him. However, Frederick it should seem smelling
a rat, or mistrusting somewhat, as well he might, alleged
different excuses for delay.
Fazell, a Sicilian writer, says, that the special cause of
the emperor's stay was, the oath of truce and peace during
certain years, which was made between the Saracens and
christians, and which time was not yet expired.
The same also writes of King John of Jerusalem, that
when his daughter was brought to Rome, the emperor and
the pope were reconciled together. And being called up to
Rome to celebrate the marriage of the emperor with Joel,
the daughter of John, Pope Gregory (as the manner of
those proud prelates is) offered his right foot to the em-
peror to kiss. But the emperor, not stooping so low,
scarcely with his lip touched the upper part of his knee,
and would not kiss his foot ; which the pope took in very
evil part, and was marvellously offended. But no opportu-
nity that time served to revenge his malice, so he dissem-
bled for that time, thinking to recompence it at the full, as
time would serve.
After this, the emperor hearing how the christians were
oppressed by the Soldan in Syria, and that there came
a great army against the christian princes, he made
the more haste, and was with more desire encouraged to
set forward on his journey into Asia.
\\ ith all his power, he made speedy preparation for
the wars : he rigged and manned a puissant navy ; he
had the most picked men and the best soldiers that
were in every country, and made warlike provision for
every thing pertaining to such a voyage and expedition.
Great bands assembled and mustered both of German
soldiers and others, and appointed under their captains,
they set forth and marched to Brundusium, where lying
a long time, and waiting for the emperor, who was delayed
by sickness, a great pestilence broke out among them,
through the great heat of that country ; and many a sol-
dier there lost his life ; among them died Thuringus, one of
their generals. The emperor when he had somewhat re-
covered his health, launched with all his navy, and set
forward to Brundusium. And when he came to the
straits of Peloponnesus and Crete, he suddenly fell sick,
his diseases returning upon him again, and so sending be-
fore all or the most part of his bands and ships into
Palestine, and promising to follow them so soon as he
might recover and get never so little health ; he himself
with a few ships returned to Brundusium, and from thenca
for want of health, went into Apulia.
When tidings hereof came to the pope's ear, he sent
out his thundering curses and excommunications against
the emjieror. The pretended cause of this, I find noted
and mentioned by his own letters, how that wlien Frede-
rick had robbed and taken from Brundusius, prince of
Thuring, his horses, his money, and other rich furniture
of his house at the time of his death, he sailed into Italy ;
not to make war against the Turk, but to convey his prey
away from Brundusius ; and so neglecting his oath and
promise which he had made, and feigning himself tobesick,
came home again : and by that his default Damietta was lost,
and the host of the christians sore afflicted. Then Frede-
rick, to repel and refute the slander, sends the bishop of
Brundis and other legates to Rome ; but the pope would
not suffer them to come to his presence, nor yet to the coun-
cils of the cardinals, to make his vindication. Wherefore
the emperor, to purge himself of the crimes which the pope
so falsely accused him of, both to all christian kings, and
especially to the princes of Germany, and all the nobles
of the empire, writes his letters that those things are
both false and feigned and invented by the pope's own head ;
and he shews, how that his ambassadors with his vindica-
tion were not suffered to come into the pope's presence.
" Amongst other catholic princes," says Matthew
Paris, " he also wrote his letters to the king of England,
embossed with gold ; declaring in the same, that the
bishop of Rome was so inflamed with the fire of avarice
and manifest covetousness, that he was not contented
with the goods of the church which were innumerable, but
also that he shamed not to bring princes, kings, and em-
perors to be subjects and contributors to him, and so to
disinherit them, and put them from their kingly dignities:
and that the king of England himself had good experi-
ment thereof, whose father. King John, they held so
long excommunicated, till they had brought both him and
his dominions under servitude, and to pay tribute to him.
Behold the manners and conditions of our Roman bishops !
behold the snares wherewith these prelates seek to entangle
men ; to wipe their noses of their money , to make their child-
ren bondmen, to disquiet such as seek to live in peace, being
clothed with sheep's clothing, when indeed they be but
ravening wolves, sending their legates hither and thither
to excommunicate and suspend ; as having power to pun-
ish whom they please, not sowing the seed, that is, the
word of God, to fructify, but that they may bribe and
tax men's persons, and reap that which they never sowed.
Thus it comes to pass, that they spoil the holy churches
and houses of God, which should be the refuge for the
poor, and the mansion houses of saints, which our devout
and simple parents built for that purpose, and ordained
for the relief of poor men and pilgrims, and for the sus-
tenance of such as were well disposed and religious. But
these degenerate varlets, whom letters have only made
both mad and malapert, strive and gape to be both kings
and emperors.
" Doubtless the primitive church was built and laid in
poverty and simplicity of life, and then, as a fruitful
mother she begat those her holy children, whom the
catalogue of saints now makes mention of ; and verily no
other foundation can be laid by any other church, than
that which is laid by Jesus Christ. But this church as
it swims and wallows in all superfluity of riches, and
builds and raises the frame in all superfluous wealth and
glory ; so is it to be feared lest the walls thereof fall to
decay, and when the walls be down, utter ruin and sub-
version follow after," &c.
iSD
THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDERICK II. EMPEROR OF GERMANY. [Book IV
But now, that Frederick might in very deed stop the
mouth of tlie cruel pope, who persisted still in his ex-
communication against him, when he had prepared all
things for the war, and had levied a great army, he de-
parted, and came by sea to Cyprus with his army.
From Cyi)rus the emperor sailed to Joppa, which he
fortified ; but it came to i)ass, that in short space they
wanted provisions, and were afflicted with famine. Then
they made their humble supplication to God, and the
great tempest and foul weather ceased, whereby, the
seas being now calm, they had provisions and all other
necessary things brought to them. Immediately the
emperor and his army, as also the inhabitants of Joppa,
were greatly refreshed and animated ; and, on the other
side, their enemies being disappointed of their purpose,
were greatly discouraged, so that the king of Egypt,
who with a great army had encamped within one day's
journey of Joppa, thinking to have besieged it, was now
contented to treat for peace. Whereupon ambassadors
were sent with the emperor's demands, and the Sara-
cens immediately granted them, so that a peace for ten
years was concluded, and was confirmed by solemn
oath on the behalf of both princes, according to their
several usages and manner : the form and condition of
which articles of peace briefly collected, are these : —
" First, That Frederick the emperor should be crowned
and anointed king of Jerusalem, according to the man-
ner of the kings of Jerusalem before him.
" Secondly, That all the lands and possessions which
were situated between Jerusalem and Ptolemais, and
the greatest part of Palestine, and the cities of Tyre and
Sidon, which were in Syria, and all other territories
which Baldwin IV. at any time had and did occupy
there, should be delivered unto him, only certain castles
being reserved.
" Thirdly, That he might fortify and build what for-
tresses and castles, cities and towns, he thought good in
all ^'yria and Palestine.
" Fourthly, That all the prisoners which were in the
Saracens' hands, should be ransomed freely and sent
home. And again, that the Saracens might have leave
without armour to come into the temple, where the
Lord's sepulchre is, to pray ; and that they should still
hold and keep Chratum and the king's mount."
As Frederick thought the conclusion of this peace to
be both necessary, and also profitable for all christians,
and as he had got as much thereby, as if the wars had
continued, he sent his legates with letters to all chris-
tian kings, princes, and potentates, as also to the bishop
of Rome, declaring the circumstance and success of his
journey and wars, as you have partly heard ; requiring
them that they also would praise and give God thanks
for his good success and profitable peace concluded.
And he desired the pope, that as he had now accom-
plished his promise, and there was no cause why he
should be displeased with him, he might be reconciled
and obtain his favour.
In the meantime the emperor with all his army
marched to Jerusalem, where, upon Easter-day (A.D.
122y,) he was with great triumph, and to the joy of all
his nobles, and also the magistrates of that kingdom,
solemnly crowned king.
After this he rebuilt the city and the walls, which
■were beaten down by the Saracens ; he supplied it with
munition, he built up the churches and temples that were
in ruins, he fortified Nazareth and Joppa with strong
garrisons, provisions, and all other necessary things.
Now see and behold, I pray you, whilst Frederick
was thus occupied, what practices the pope was about in
Italy ; not any whit careful in the affairs of the christian
commonwealth, but studying and labouring what mis-
chief he might work against the emperor. First, he
caused the soldiers, whom the emperor sent for out
of Germany to the maintenance of the holy wars, to be
stopped as they passed tlirough Italy, preventing their
journey, and spoiling them of all such provision as they
had. And not only this, but lie sent secretly letters
iato Aula to the patriarch of Jerusalem, and the sol-
diers that kept the temple and the hospital, enticmg and
inciting them to rebel against the emperor ; and, fur
thermore, he dissuaded tlie princes of the Saracens, that
they should make no league nor truce with F'-ederick,
nor deliver up to him the crown and kingdom of Jeru-
salem. Which letters, as they were manifest testimo-
nies of his treachery and treason towards him, whom
God had instituted and made his liege lord and sove-
reign, and mightiest potentate upon the earth ; so it was
lus will that he should come to the knowledge thereof,
and that tliose letters should fall into his hands, that he
kept those letters for the more certain testimony of all
this, he protests in his last epistle to the christiait
princes.
When the pope had thus conspired against Frederick,
and had betrayed him, as far as he could, to the public
enemy of all christians, the Turk, he could not dissem-
ble this his mischievous treasons, nor content himself
with it, but he must needs devise and practise another.
For he incited John, father-in-law to Frederick, to make
war against him, and caused the subjects of the empire
to withdraw their allegiance from him, as also the inha-
bitants of Picenum and of Lombardy ; and thus joining
themselves together they sought further assistance of the
French king, by which they gained great power. That
done, they divided their force in two armies, invading
with one the empire, and with the other the territories
belonging to the inheritance of Frederick.
But when the pope saw, that fortune neither favoured
his designs, nor served his longings, he was as a man
bereft of his wits, and especially at these tidings of the
prosperous success of the emperor against the Saracens.
He tore and threw all his letters on the ground, and with
all insulting language rebuked and reviled the legates
for the emperor their master's sake.
These injuries of the pope against Frederick, are great
and most wicked treasons. But still his cruel and ty-
rannical mind was not contented, but it went so far as is
scarce credible, for he not only set variance between
Frederick and his son Henry, but also caused the son to
become an enemy to the father. And this was the drift
of all his policy, that at one instant in different and
many places far one from another, war might be made
against the emperor.
When the emperor understood what commotion the
pope kept up in ail his dominions in his absence, think- I
ing to prevent the pope's purpose, and also to confirm
the friendship of those whom in his absence he found I
his trusty subjects ; he left Asia, and with all speed came \
to Calabria. During the time of his being there, he as-
sembled his forces, and made all the preparation he could.
From thence he went to Berletta, where the duke of
Spoletanum, with all his garrisons came to him ; and
thence he came into Apulia ; and within a short time, by
God's help, recovered again all his dominions there. And
then, going into Campania, he won as many towns and
holds as the pope had there, even almost to Rome. And i
now although the emperor had got this entrance upon \
the pope's dominions, whereby he might have revenged i
himself of all the injuries done to him ; yet he preferred
nothing before the christian and public tranquillity, for
the love of which, restraining his wrath, he sends his
legates to treat for peace. Furthermore, to treat for
this peace, and decide all controversies, he sent to the
jjope eight or ten of the noblest and chiefest about him,
l)rinces and dukes of the empire.
But yet so great was the insolence and pride of the
pope, that by no gentleness or kindness could he be
brought to promote the profitable concord of the church
and christian commonwealth. O, worthy head, that chal-
lenges all authority to himself in the church of Christ,
and for his own wilful revenge, cares nothing for the
health and advantage of all Christendom 1 The next
year a peace was concluded between them, by the help of
Leopold of Austria. The pope absolving the emperor of
his excommunication, took therefore of him 120,000
ounces of gold, restoring the titles both of his empire,
and also of his kingdoms.
Although Frederick concluded writh the pope this
peace unprofitable for himself, yet he performed thoM
A.D. 1193—1250.] THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDERICK II. EMPEROR OF GERMANY. 181
tilings that were agreed upon faithfully. But the pope,
who thought it but a trifle to break his promise, would
not stand to the conditions of the peace. For, to pass
over other things, he neither restored, as he promised,
the customs of the land of Sicily, nor yet the city Castel-
lana. Yet Frederick, for the quietness and advantage of
the commonwealth, bore and suffered these small inju-
ries, and studied in all that he could, as well by liberal
gifts as otherwise, to make the pope a trusty friend.
Whilst these things were done in Italy and Sicily,
great rebellions were moved in Germany against the
emperor, by his sons Henry Caesar, and Frederick of
Austria. For Henry being now shaken off from his
I ;rd pope, by reason of the peace between his father and
thi:- pope, began now to make an open claim to the empire.
■Wht-n intelligence of these things was brought to the
emperor, he sent his legates, and commanded that both
the Ciesar his son, and other princes of Germany, who
ha.l assembled their armies, should break up and dis-
perse. And as he saw his son made so apparent rebel-
lion ag-iinst him, and fearing greater insurrections in
Germaay, he thought it good to prevent the same with
all expedition. So he determined to go in all haste to
Germany with his army, from whence he had now been
absent fourteen years. The pope promised the emperor
that he would write letters in his behalf to all the princes of
Germany, but persuaded him to the utmost of his
power, that he should in no case go into Germany him-
self. For why ? his conscience accused him that he
had written to the nobles in Germany, even from the be-
ginning of his papacy, that they should not suffer the
emperor, nor any of his heirs, to enjoy the empire ; and
had stirred them all up to rebel against him ; and had
moved Henry the emperor's son, by his bribes and fair
promises to conspire against his father. And to con-
clude, he was the author and procurer of the conspiracy
which the Lombards then made against him, and fearing
lest these things should come now to the emperor's ear,
he was greatly troubled. But the emperor not thinking
it good at so important a time to be absent, went
speedily into Germany. And assembling there a council,
Henry Caesar his son, after his conspiracy was manifestly
detected, whereof the pope was chief author, was by
judgment and sentence of seventy princes, condemned of
high treason ; and being commanded by his father to be
bound, was brought to Apulii, where, not long after, he
died in prison. Furthermore, by public commandment
he renounced his son Frederick of Austria, and caused
him to be proclaimed an enemy to the public weal.
And when he saw that that punishment did not cause
him to remember himself, and acknowledge his miscon-
duct, the emperor, with a great army, took from him all
Austria and Styria, and brought them again under his
own obedience and fidelity.
Then when he had set Germany in quietness, he left
there his son Conrad Caesar, and returned to Italy, to
punish such as had conspired against him, whose trea-
sons were all detected at the condemnation of his son,
chiefly set on by the pope. The pope understanding that
the emperor marched towards Italy, pretended himself
reconciled, and a friend to Frederick, yet was he not-
withstanding a most secret and dangerous enemy. He
advised the rebellious to join together, and to fortify
strongly their cities with garrisons, that they should send
for aid to their friends, and that with all the force they
Were able, they should prepare for the war.
And he sent his ambassadors to the emperor, to whom,
under the pretence of promoting a peace, he had given
a secret commandment that they should interdict him and
his army, so soon as he came within the borders of Italy.
The emperor then prosecuted his purpose, and marched
into Italy, where he brought under his subjection those
cities that rebelled against him. And then he set upon
the great host of the confederators, of whom he took one
thousand prisoners, and also their general, and slew
several captains, and took all their ensigns.
The pope now somewhat dismayed at this overthrow of
his confederates, began to fear the emperor ; and whereas
before, he wrought secretly and by others, now he goes
to woiic with might and main to subdue and deprive the
emperor. And although the emperor saw and perceived
what hate and mortal malice he bare towards him ; yet,
that there should be no fault found in him for the breach
of the peace, he sent four legates to the bishop of Rome,
who should answer and refute those criminating charges
which he laid to him.
The bishop, when he understood the ambassadors to be
not far from Rome, thought that in hearing the e.\cuse
and reasonable answer of the emperor, perhaps he might
be pro%-oked to desist from his purpose, so he refused to
speak with them, and at the day appointed pronounced the
sentence of proscription against him, depriving him of all
his dignities, honours, titles, prerogatives, kingdoms and
whole empire. And calling the Venetian and Genoese le-
gates, he made a peace bet-^^een them, and covenanted with
them, that at their charges they should rig and man five-
and-thirty galleys, which should spoil and burn all along the
sea-coasts of the kingdoms and dominions of Frederick.
But when the pope saw the good will and fidelity
which the good duke of Venice bare to the emperor, and
saw also what aid the emperor had from him, and that he
was not likely to win him to his purpose ; then he had
recourse again to his old crafty practices and subtilties.
And he devised to put forth an edict at Rome to the uni-
versal church and people ; wherein he declares the causes
why he curses and gives the emperor to the devil of hell, and
has dejected him from all his princely dignity. He in the
same edict accuses him of many and great crimes, that are
detestable even to name. And, besides that, he restrains
his sovereign lord and emperor of the appeal, which every
private man by law may have. He accuses him of trea-
son, perjury, cruelty, sacrilege, killing of his kindred,
and all impiety ; he accuses him for an heretic, a schis-
matic, and a miscreant : and to be brief, what mischief
soever the pope can devise, with that he charges and
burthens the emperor. The pope issued two other man-
dates, in which he commanded all bishops, prelates, and
other of the clergy, that they should solemnly recite the
same in their churches instead of their sermon, that by his
decree he had excommunicated Frederick out of the fel-
lowship of christian men, put him from the government
of the empire, and that he had released all his subjects of
their allegiance and fidelity towards him. And charges
them, and all other christian men, under pain of cursing
and damnation, that they neither succour the emperor,
nor yet so much as wish him well.
Among the other noblemen of Germany at that time,
was Otho, a prince of great honour, riches, and estima-
tion. This prince, the pope both with fair promises and
rewards, enticed from the emperor. Otho again caused
three other princes and dukes to revolt from the emperor
to the pope. To whom came also Frederick of Austria,
his son ; who was easily won to the pope.
The emperor was at Patavium when this news was
brought to him. Therefore he commanded Peter of Ve-
nice his secretary, upon Easter day, to make a narration
to the people of his great and liberal munificence to the
bishops and church of Rome, and again, of the injuries
of them toward him in recompence thereof ; of his inno-
cence also in that, of which the pope had accused him, and
of the unseemliness of such an act or deed, of the right
use of the ecclesiastical censure, and of the errors and
abuse of the church of Rome. By which oration of his,
he so removed the cloud of blind superstition from many
men's hearts, and the conceived opinion of holiness of
the church of Rome, and its bishops, and their usurped
power, and subtle jjcrsuasion, that they plainly saw the
vices of the church of Rome, and of the bishops of that
see, as also their fraudulent deceits, and flagitious doings,
most vehemently lamenting and complaining of the same.
The emperor also, by his letters and legates, gives in-
telligence to all christian kings, to the princes of his own
empire, to the college of cardinals, and people of Rome ;
as well of the pretended crimes wherewith he was charged,
as also of the cruelty of the bishop of Rome against him.
The copy of which letter or epistle is as follows : —
The Emperor to the Prelates of the World.
" In the beginning and creation of the world, the in-
182 THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDERICK II. EMPEROR OF GERMANY. [Book IV.
estimable foreknowledge and providence of God (who
asketh counsel of none) created in the firmament of heaven
two lights, a greater and a less ; the greater he created
to rule the day, and the less to rule the night : which two
80 perform their proper offices and duties in the zodiac,
that although oftentimes the one be in an oblique aspect
to the other, yet the one is not an enemy to the other ; but
rather the superior communicates his light to the in-
ferior. Even so the same eternal foreknowledge hath
appointed upon the earth two authorities, that is to say,
priesthood and kingly power ; tlie one for knowledge and
wisdom, the other for defence ; that man which is made
of two parts, might have two reins to govern and bridle
him withal, that thereby peace and love might dwell
upon the face of the earth. But alas, the bishop of
Rome sitting in the chair of perverse doctrine or pesti-
lence, that pharisee anointed with the oil of iniquity
above the rest of his consorts in this our time, who for
his abominable pride is fallen from heaven, endeavours
with his power to destroy and to undo all, and thinks, I
believe, to star himself again there, from whence he fell.
His purpose is to darken and to shadow the light of our
unspotted life, whilst that, altering the verity into lies,
his papal letters, stuffed with all untruths, are sent into
sundry parts of the world ; of his own corrupt humour,
and upon no reasonable cause, blemishing the sincerity of
our religion. The lord pope has compared us to the beast
rising out of the sea, full of names of blasphemy, and
spotted like a leopard. But we say, that he is that mon-
strous beast of whom it is said, and of whom we thus
read : ' And there went out another horse that was red,
and power was given to him that sat thereon to take peace
from the earth, and that they should kill one another,'
Rev. vi. 4. For since the time of his promotion he has
not been the father of mercy, but of discord ; a diligent
steward of desolation, instead of consolation, and has en-
ticed all the world to commit offence. And to take the
words in a right sense and interpretation, he is that great
dragon that has deceived the whole world ; he is that
antichrist, of whom he has called us the forerunner ; he
is that other Balaam hired for money to curse us ; the
prince of darkness, who has abused the prophets. This
U the angel leaping out of the sea, having his vials filled
with bitterness, that he may hurt both the sea and the
land ; the counterfeit vicar of Christ, that sets forth his own
imaginations. He says, that we do not rightly believe
in the christian faith, and that the world is deceived with
three manner of deceivers, which to name, God forbid we
should open our mouth ; seeing that we openly confess
only Jesus Christ our Lord and Saviour to be the ever-
lasting Son of God, coequal with his Father and the Holy
Ghost, begotten before all worlds, and in process of time
sent down upon the earth for the salvation of mankind ;
conceived by the Holy Ghost ; who was born of the glori-
ous Virgin Mary, and after that suffered and died, as
touching the flesh ; and by his godhead the third day
he raised from death that other nature which he as-
sumed in the womb of his mother. But we have learned
that the body of Mahomet hangs in the air, and his soul
is buried in hell : whose works are damnable and con-
trary to the law of the Most High. We affirm also, that
Moses was the faithful servant of God and a true teacher
of the law ; and that he talked with God in Mount Sinai.
By whom also God wrought miracles in Egypt, and
delivered the law written to the Israelites, and that after-
wards with the elect he was called to glory. In these
and other things our enemy and envier of our state, caus-
ing our mother the church to accuse her son, has written
against us venomous and lying slanders, and sent the
same to the whole world. If he had rightly understood
the apostle's meaning, he would not have preferred his
■violent will, which bears such sway with him, before
reason ; neither would he have sent out his mandates at
the suggestion of those who call light darkness, and evil
good ; who suspect honey to be gall, for the great good
opinion they had conceived of that holy place, which in-
deed is both weak and infirm, and converts all truth into
falsehood, and affirms that to be which is not.
" Truly my opinion, so impartial on every side, ought
not in any case to be infringed and turned from the
faith to such enemies of so corrupt a conscience. Where-
fore we are greatly forced to marvel not a little, which
thing also doth much disquiet us to see ; that you, who
are the pillars and assistants in the office of righteous
dealing, the senators of Peter's city, and the principal
beams in God's building, have not remedied the disturb-
ances of so fierce a judge ; as do the planets of heaven
in their kind, which to mitigate the passing swift course
of the great orb or sphere of heaven, draw a contrary
way by their opposite movings. In very deed our im-
peiial felicity has been, almost from the beginning,
spurned against, and envied by the papal see and dignity :
as Simonides being demanded why he had no more
enemies and enviers of his state, answered : ' Be-
cause I have had no good success in any thing that ever
I took in hand.' And whereas we have had prosperous
success in all our enterprises (the Lord's name be blessed
therefore), especially in the overthrow, of late, of our
rebellious enemies, the Lombards, to whom in their
quarrel he promised life and absolution, with remission
of their sins, and this our success is the cause why tii's
apostolical bishop mourns and laments. And nov^', not
by your counsels, I suppose, he labours to oppose this
our felicity, but out of his own power of binding and
loosing, of which he glories so much. But presently where
power and ability wants redress, there abuse takes
place. We see in him who was so mighty a king, and
the worthiest prince among all the prophets, a desire and
craving of the restitution of God's Holy Spirit, wlien he
had polluted the dignity of his office. But the proverb is,
' As things indissoluble are not to be loosed, so things that
cannot be bound, are not to be bound.' Which thing is
manifestly proved in him. For why, the scriptures of
God instruct men how to live, they mortify our souls
which are immortal, and quicken the same which are
dead for want of life. And doubtless he is able to hum-
ble and bring down those that are unworthy of dignity,
as much as he pleases, and when he pleases. Doubtless
if the bishop of Rome were a true bishop indeed, inno-
cent, unpolluted, and not associated with wicked livers
and evil men, his life should prove him to be so. He
would not then be an offerer of dissentious sacrifice, but
a peacable oll'erer of love and charity, and would cense,
not with the incense of grief and hatred, but with the
sweet smelling incense of concord and unity, neither yet
would make of a sanctified office an execrable abuse. If
he were sucli a bishop as he ought to be, he would not
wrest or abuse the preaching the word into the fruit and
gain of his own dissension, neither should we be accused
as such an enemy of our mother the true church, as is laid
unto her Son's charge by such a bishop. W^hich true and
mother church we honour with all reverence, and embrace,
being so beautified and adorned with God's holy sacra-
ments. Some singular persons notwithstanding, feigning
themselves to be our brethren by that mother, and who yet
are not, such, I say, as are subject and slaves to cor-
ruptible things (putting them from amongst us) we ut-
terly reject : especially because injuries done by them are
not merely transitory and belonging to this life, where-
with our majesty is so molested, vexed, and grieved.
Wherefore we cannot so easily mitigate our mood, neither
ouglit we in very deed to do so, and therefore are we
forced the more to take the greater revenge of them.
You therefore that are men of grave and deliberate
counsel, having tlie excellent gift (as from God) of wis-
dom and understanding ; oppose that roaring enemy of
ours in these his proceedings, whose beginnings are so
wicked and detestable, wisely comparing things past,
with those to come. Otherwise you that are under our
subjection, as well of our empire as other our dominions,
shall feel and perceive (both of my chief enemy and per-
secutor, as also of the princes that are his favourers and
adherents) wliat revenge by sword Frederick Augustus
shall take upon them, God so permitting."
The bishops and prelates, with one consent support-
ing the emperor, and contemning the pope's mandates
and writs, and also the curses and threatenings of Al-
bert his legate, accused, reproved, and greatly blamed
his temerity, and also the tyranny which he usurped
A.D. 1193— 1250.] THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDERICK II. EMPEROR OF GERMANY. 183
against the churches of Germany, and especially against
the good emperor ; that without his consent he durst be
80 bold as to meddle in churches committed to the em-
peror's government against the old and ancient cus-
toms ; and that he had excommunicated the emperor
without just cause ; that he had condemned the empe-
ror's faithful subjects as enemies to the church, for
standing with their liege and sovereign prince (which
allegiance without horrible iniquity they might not vio-
late), and so had sought to disquiet them likewise in
their charges and administrations ; and had also in that
quarrel given such defiance to the emperor. They ac-
cused and condemned Albert for a most impudent im-
postor, and for a most pestiferous botch and sore of the
christian commonwealth, and they give him to the devil
as a ruinous enemy, as well of the church as of his own
natural country, and further think him worthy to have
his reward with the rest of the pope's pursuivants,
being one of the most wicked inventors and devisers of
mischief that were in all Germany. This done, they in-
formed the emperor of it by their letters ; and, further,
they advertised all the princes of Germany (especially
those which were of the pope's faction or rebellion, and
were the favourers of Albert), that they should take
heed and beware in any case of his subtle deceits and
pernicious deceivable allurements, and that they should
not assist the pope against the emperor.
While these things were thus in working in Ger-
many, Frederick came to Etruria, and after he had
allayed certain insurrections there, from thence to Pisa,
where he was received and welcomed with great amity
and honour. This city was always faithful to the emperors
of Germany.
Frederick then getting on his side the Lucenses, the
Volaterans, the Genenses, the Aretines, and several
cities besides in Etruria, came to Viterbium, which took
part with him.
When the pope understood that Frederick was come
to Viterbium he was very heavy, for he feared he would
come to Rome, the good-will of which city the pope
much mistrusted. He, therefore, caused a supplication
to be drawn, pourtraying the heads of Peter and Paul,
and with a sharp and contumelious oration he much de-
faced the emperor, promising everlasting life and the
badge of the cross to as many as would arm themselves
and fight against the emperor, as against the most
wicked enemy of God and the church. Now when the
emperor, marching somewhat near to the gates of Rome,
beheld those whom the pope had, with his goodly spec-
tacle of St. Peter and St. Paul, and with his alluring
oration, stirred up against him, and marked with the
badge of the cross, coming forth in battle against him ;
disdaining to be accounted for the enemy of the church,
when he had been so beneficial to it, he made a fierce
charge upon them, and soon put them to flight, and as
many as he took (cutting off that badge from them) he
caused to be hanged.
After this, when the emperor had greatly afflicted by
battle such as conspired with the pope against him, he
marched to vanquish the rest of his enemies in Italy,
and besieged Asculinum. There understanding what
the pope's assistants had done with the princes elec-
tors, and other princes of Germany, he wrote his letters
to them. In which, first he shewed how that those con-
tumelies and spiteful words, which the pope blustered
out against him, are lighted upon himself ; and how the
bishops of Rome not only seek to bring emperors,
kings, and princes under their obedience, but also seek
to be honoured as gods, and say that they cannot
err, nor yet be subject or bound to any religion.
And further, as princes they command (under pain
of cursing) that men believe every thing they say,
how great a lie soever it be. Insomuch that by this
covetousness of his, all things go backward, and the
whole commonwealth is subverted, neither can any
enemy be found more hurtful or perilous to the church
of God than he. He wrote to them further, that he,
seeing their good wills and practices towards him,
would, with all the power and ability that God had
given him, endeavour that he who in the likeness of
the shepherd of the flock, and the servant of Christ,
and chief prelate in the church, shews himself so very a
wolf, persecutor and tyrant, may be removed from that
place, and that a true and careful shepherd of God's
flock may be appointed in the church. Wherefore he
exhorts them, if they desire the safety and preservation
of the whole state of the commonwealth and empire,
that they be furtherers of his purpose and proceedings,
lest otherwise they also should happen to fall into the
same snare of servitude with the bishop of Rome.
When the pope, as is said before, would not hear the
emperor's legates that came to treat for peace, he called
to a council at Rome, all such prelates out of Italy,
France and England, as he thought to favour him and
his proceedings, that thereby, as his last shift and only
refuge, he by their help might deprive Frederick of his
empire, as an utter enemy to God and to the church.
All which things Frederick having knowledge of, deter-
mined to prevent their passage to Rome, as well by sea
as by land. So that all the passages by land being now
stopped and prevented, he commanded his son Henry
with certain galleys to go and keep the coasts of Sardinia,
and from thence to go to Pisa, and with the Pisans to rig
out a navy to meet with such as should come to aid the
pope at Rome. The pope's champions understanding
they could not safely repair to Rome by land, procured
galleys and ships out of Genoa to the number of forty sail
for their defence ; thinking that if they should happen to
meet with any of the emperor's ships or galleys, they
should be able to make their part good, and give them
the repulse. Encius in like manner and Huglinus (being
captain and admiral of the Pisan navy for the emperor)
launched forth to sea with forty ships and galleys ; and met
with the Genoese ships, and fiercely began to grapple with
them and board them, in which fight at length three of
the Genoese ships were sunk, with all the riches and trea-
sure in them. In these, three legates of the popes, were
taken, of whom were two cardinals, all cruel enemies
against the emperor, and many other prelates more ; be-
sides a great number of legates and procurators of cities,
with an infinite number of monks and priests, besides six
thousand soldiers, with others.
Pandolph Colonutius, in describing the circumstances
of the great loss and misfortune of these champions of the
pope by sea, declares that besides the great spoil and
booty, they also found many writings and letters against
Frederick, which much helped them in the defence of those
causes, wherein they had laboured against him.
News hereof was brought to the emperor not long after,
who immediately led his army towards Rome ; and in the
way he reconciled the city of Pisa to the cause. But Fanum,
because the townsmen shut their gates and would not sufl'er
the emperor to come in, he took by force and destroyed.
The emperor, seeing that neither by petition to the pope,
nor yet by lawful excuse, could he do any good with him,
thought, by his sudden comiiig there, and the tVar of the
imminent peril, he might be brought to leave off his])er-
tinacity. And although the emperor was too strong for
the pope, yet, because he regarded nothing more than the
public tranquillity of the enijiire, and that he might then
take the Tartar wars in hand, he refused not to treat for
peace, as if he had been both in force and fortune much
his inferior.
While this ruffle was betwixt the emperor and the pope,
the emperor of the Tartars' son, invaded the borders next
adjoining to him, and there won Roxolanum, Bodolium,
Mudanum, with many other cities, towns, and villages,
destroying, wasting and burning the countries all about,
killing and slaying man, woman, and child, sparing none
of any sex or age. At this sudden invasion, the people
being in such fear and perplexity, having no city, no re-
fuge, nor aid to stand in defence for them, were obliged
to leave all that they had, and disperse themselves into
woods, and fly into marshes and mountains, or wherever
any succour offered itself to them.
The emperor though! it very requisite, that this mis-
chief should be remedii d and prevented with all speed ;
but his great enemy the pope, was the only hinderance.
For when he saw and perceived that he himself could do
no good, and only laboured in vain in seeking peace with
184 THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDl KICK II. EMPEROR OF GERMANY. [Book IV.
the pope, he gave commandment to Boiemus and Boius,
to intreat and persuade with him. And (considering the
imminent peril likely to ensue, by reason of such civil
dissension, to the whole state of Christendom) that he
would take up and conclude a peace, and mitigate some-
what his fierce and wrathful mood ; and when he saw
further, that neither by that means of intreaty nor any
other, the pope would desist from his stubborn and mali-
cious purpose, he wrote to the king of Hungary, that he
was right sorry and greatly lamented their miserable state,
and that he much desired to relieve the need and neces-
sity that he and all the rest stood in. But that he could
not redress the same, nor be any assistance to him, be-
cause as the bisho]) of Rome refused all treaty of peace,
he could not without great peril to himself depart out of
Italy, lest by tlie pope's mischievous imaginations, he
should be in peril of losing all at home. This was the
loving zeal and affection of the pope and his adherents in
this time of calamity towards the christian state and com-
monwealth ; that he had rather bend his force and re-
venge his malice upon the good and christian emperor, than
either he himself withstand, or suffer and permit, by any
profitable peace, that this most bloody and cruel Tartar
should be restrained from so great a havock, spoil and slaugh-
ter of christian men ; and yet forsooth these men will
seem to have the greatest regard of all others to the
christian preservation, and think to have the supremacy
given therein ! What else is this, but manifest mockery
and deceiving of the people.
When Frederick saw there was no other remedy, and
that he laboured in vain to have peace with the pope, he
prosecuted this war to the uttermost ; and when he had
got Tudertum, he destroyed the towns of Geminum and
Narvia, and gave the spoil to his soldiers ; he gently re-
ceived the surrender of Siburnium, and wasted all the
country about Rome. The pope, dismayed and troubled,
and seeing that things prospered not so well with him
and against the emperor as he wished, died for very
anger.
In the stead of Gregory, succeeded Celestine IV., who,
the eighteenth day after he was created pope, also
died.
When the cardinals were all assembled, they made
Sinibald pope, whom they called Innocent IV. Of
which election, when Frederick was informed, he was
well pleased ; and as he had in all this troublous time
been his friend, he hoped that the christian common-
wealth would now have been brought to much peace and
concord.
The legates of Frederick also, with the assistance of
Baldwin, the emperor of Constantinople, laboured very
dihgently for the conclusion of the promise of peace.
And to be brief, every man was in good hope, and looked
for no less. But the matter fell out far otherwise, and
contrary to all their expectation. For the pope was
secretly set on and encouraged by the cardinals and
others against Frederick. And while the emperor's le-
gates waited for the answer, Rainerus, the cardinal,
went secretly to Viterbium with a number of soldiers,
and took the town.
The emperor, hearing of this, mustered his bands,
and with a sufficient force entered the pope's territory to
recover Viterbium. From thence he sent ambassadors
to Rome, and with them also the emperor of Constanti-
nople, and the earl of Toulouse, who he thought were
able to do much vrith the pope in the prosecuting of this
peace. But when the legates perceived no conclusion of
peace was purposed, they began to despair of the matter;
and so sent word to the emperor. The emperor yet
doubted not, but if he might himself speak with the
pope, he should, upon reasonable conditions, accord
with him ; so by his legates and letters, he desired him to
appoint a place where the emperor might resort to him.
The pope seemed to be contented, and appointed a day
at Fescennia, where they would talk together ; and the
pope promised that he would be there before him, and
wait the emperor's coming. But the pope had made a
confederacy with the French king against Frederick; and
when he knew the three galleys previously hired to be
ready, he secretly in the night took ship, and came to
Genoa, and from thence to Lyons in France, where,
calling a council, he, with a loud voice summoned Fre-
derick, and appointing him a day, commanded him there
personally to plead his cause.
And although his sudden departing out of Italy made
plain demonstration of no conclusion of a peace ; yet the
most modest emperor, using the innocency and upright,
ness of his cause, and as one most desirous of peace and
christian concord, sent the patriarch of Antioch, tlie
bishop of Panormia andThadeus Suessanus. the president
of his court, a most skilful and prudent civilian, to the
council of Lyons, who signified to them that the emperor
would be there for the defence of his own cause ; and, as
tlie day was very short, required a more convenient time
for him to repair there. The emperor also sent to in-
treat that he would prorogue the day of hearing, till he
might conveniently travel thither. But the pope would
not give so much as three days' space, in which time the
ambassadors assured them of the emperor's presence.
When the day was come, the pope, with his confederates,
against God's law, against christian doctrine, against
both the precept of the law of nature and reason, against
the rule of equity, against the constitutions of emperors,
and also the decrees of the empire, without any observa-
tion of the law, or granting dilatory days, without proof
of any crime, or his cause suffered to be pleaded or
heard what might be answered therein, taking upon him
to be both adversary and judge, condemned the emperor
in his absence. What more wicked sentence was ever
pronounced ? What more cruel act, considering the
person, could be committed ? Or, what thing more
brutish could have been imagined or devised ?
When the emperor heard of this cruel and tyrannical
sentence of the pope, passed and pronounced against him,
he thought good by his letters to let all christian princes
and potentates understand, as well what injurious and
manifold displeasure he had sustained by the four preceding
popes in their times, as also the cruelty and tyranny of this
pope, in pronouncing the sentence of judgment and con-
demnation against him passing the bounds both of justice,
equity, and reason.
This policy the pope used to disturb Germany, and the
whole empire ; and utterly to destroy and subvert the
same. And thus, Germany was divided, some taking
part with Frederick the emperor ; some with those that
should by the pope's appointment be the electors of the
new emperor, and thus was the public peace and quiet
broken, and all together in tumult.
By these civil wars, Germany suffered no little cala-
mity ; in every place was manslaughter and murder, the
country spoiled, the towns and villages set on fire and
burnt, the churches and temples, wherein the husband-
men had put their goods and substance, violated and
robbed ; houses were pulled down, the goods divided, and
every man's cattle driven away. To conclude, in this
turmoil and contention of deposing and choosing another
emperor, in this faction of princes, and this liberty of ^
wearing armour ; in this licence of hurting and sinning, the <
impudent boldness of private soldiers, and especially of
such as were the horsemen, then counted the better sort of j
soldiers, was so great, and their unbridled and unsatiable ,
desire in robbing, spoiling and taking of booties, catching
and snatching all that came to hand, so much, that nothing
could be sure and in safety that any good man enjoyed.
Otho Boius, however, kept his promise and faith
which he had pledged before to the emperor Frede-
rick and Conrad his son. Whereupon Philip Javavensis,
Albert and others calling a council at Mildorsus by the
pope's commandment, sent for Otho, to whom they open-
ed the pope's pleasure and commandment. To all which
when he had heard, Otho answered, " I cannot marvel at
some of you enough, that, when heretofore you persuaded
me to leave and forsake the part I took with the bishop
of Rome, whom you yourselves affirmed to be Antichrist ,
and that I should take part with the emperor, you your- J
selves will not keep your fidelity and promise made to
those good princes." And he said, that "he perceived
in them a great inconstancy and levity, both in their
words and deeds, who now call that wicked, unjust and j
violent wrong, that but lately they thought equal, just j
XD. 1229—1250.] THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDERICK II. EMPEROR OF GERMANY. 185
i and right." He said further, " that they were ove'-come
' with pleasures, corrupted with superfluity, won with
bribes, gaping for honour and estimation ; and that they
, neither regarded honesty, godliness, nor their duty and
' office ; but studied how to make dissension and commo-
tions, and longed after war and bloody battle."
He said further, that for his part he would obey God
and his prince, to whom he had sworn fidelity ; and that
he nought esteemed the feigned holiness and detestable
practices of such prelates. He said he believed in Christ,
and would trust to his mercy ; and that he believed how
those whom they cursed and gave to the devil, were in the
greatest favour with God. However, those prelates took
in good part this expostulation of his, and seemed to bear
Otho no malice or grudge for what he had said, but to be
desirous of peace and unity ; yet not long after Otho was
cursed as black as all the rest, and counted as bad as the
worst.
Albert the pope's champion nowbethought himof amis-
chievous device against Conrad Caesar the emperor's son.
Albert with certain of his confederates, by means of Ulric
a chief officer of the monks, came in the dead time of the
night into the chamber, where the Coesar with a few
others about him was lying down ; and falling upon
them, they took some, and slew others ; and finding no
other body in the chamber or lodging, they thought that
Csesar had been slain among the rest. But he hearing
the noise, forsook his bed, and hid himself under a bench,
and so escaped their hands. The next day he outlawed or
proscribed the bishop and his co.Tipanions, and also the
monk's bailiff for treason, and seized upon all the goods
of the house. But at the suit of the guiltless monks he
released aU to them again, taking by way of fine one hun-
dred pounds. Ulric lost his office, and Albert, to escape
punishment, took the habit of a monk. Conrad Hochen-
folseus, who was the murderer of these men, though he
escaped the punishment of man's hand, yet the vengeance
of God for the fact he escaped not. For as he was riding
in the day time abroad, he was suddenly stricken with a
thunderbolt and died.
During all this busy and contentious time, it may well
oe gathered, that Frederick was not still, but had his
hands full suppressing these rebellious Popish tumults,
and having done strict execution on those that had con-
spired against his person, he came to Cremona and took
with him the wisest, most virtuous, and best learned men
that there were, thinking with them to have gone himself
to Lyons to the pope, and there to have communication
with him as well concerning the sentence, as also about
the conclusion of some peace, if by any means he might.
And when all things were prepared and ready, he took
the journey in hand. When within three days' journey of
Lyons, he was certified that Parma was taken by the out-
laws of sundry factions of the pope ; when he understood
this and that the pope was the chief actor, he saw mani-
festly it would little prevail to attempt any further the
thing he went about, and then at length when he saw no
other remedy, putting from him all hope of peace, he
prepared himself to the wars with all his force and might.
Thus altering his purpose and journey, he took the
straightest way into Lombardy, and with an army of sixty
thousand men he besieged Parma. In the beginning all
things prospered well with Frederick, and had good suc-
cess; for he sharply repelled the charges of them that de-
fended the city of Parma. And further, Robert Casti-
lion, who was the emperor's lieutenant in Picenum
near to Auximum, discomfited the pope's army, and slew of
them more than four thousand, and took many such as
were of the confederate cities prisoners. But this good
success and prosperous fortune lasted not long. For
when Frederick to recreate himself (as he seldom had his
health) rode about the fields with some of his horsemen
to hawk and hunt, many of the soldiers wandered and
ranged unarmed about the fields. The soldiers in Parma,
having this opportunity, entered with all force and speed
possible the emperor's camp, which not being strongly
fenc%d, nor having gates to shut against them, was a thing
easy enough to do. When they had killed and slain a
great number of the emperor's soldiers, and had burnt
snd destroyed the camp, they came again to Parma.
After this also, Richard in another conflict in Picenum,
discomfited the pope's soldiers, and slew their captain
Hugolinus, besides two thousand others slain and taken
prisoners. When Frederick had now again gathered, and
new mustered his bands at Dominum, he marched forth
to Cremona ; and notwithstanding that there he under-
stood of the good success and victory that Encius had
at Rhegium, yet he perceived the defection of the most
part of Lombardy from him, and he determined to take
his journey into Apulia, and when he had there levied a
strong and sufficient army, he purposed to make his speedy
return again into Lombardy.
When news was brought him thither, that Encius his
son (coming to aid the Mutinenses against the Bono-
nians) was taken prisoner two miles from Mutina ; and
that in his absence, the pope's captains, with their
bands and garrisons, went throughout all Lombardy,
Emilia, Flamminia, and Etruria, to stir and procure
the cities to revolt from the obedience of the emperor,
and working the same partly by subtle policies, and
partly by force and sinister means to bring them to his
purpose : he determined, with all the force and power
he might by any means procure, to begin afresh, and
prosecute this war to the utmost. Nor was it to be
doubted but that he would have wrought some marvel-
lous exploit and great attempt, but that he was pre-
vented by unlooked-for death. When he fell into this
ague, which led to his death, he made and ordained his
testament. And when to Conrad and his other children
he had given and appointed the great and innumerable
mass of money which he had collected and levied for the
maintenance of his wars, and godly purpose (as it is
called) and also had given all his kingdoms and domin-
ions (to every one according to their ages and years) he
departed this wretched and miserable world.
Pandolph writes, that Frederick was very willing to
die, and, as they made certain report to him who were
present at his death, that his mind was altogether set
and bent on heavenly joy and felicity. He died in
A. D. 1250, the 13th of December, in the seven-and-
fiftieth year of his age, and seven-and-thirtieth year of
his reign.
This Frederick had not his equal in martial affairs, and
in warlike policies none could be compared to him
among all the princes of that age : he was a wise and
skilful soldier, a great endurer of painful labours,
most bold in greatest perils, prudent in foresight,
industrious in all his doings, prompt and nimble
about what he took in hand, and in adversity most stout
and courageous. But as in this corruption of nature,
there are few that attain perfection, neither yet is
there any prince of such government and godly insti-
tution both in life and doctrine as is required of them :
so neither was this Frederick without his fault and
human frailty, for the writers impute to him some faults
wherewith he was stained and spotted.
As you have heard of the iniquity and raging pride of
the popish church against the lawful emperor ; so now
you shall hear how God begins to resist and withstand
the corruption of that church, by stirring up certain
faithful teachers in sundry countries ; as in Suevia (about
A. D. 1240), where many preachers, mentioned in
Urspergensis, and also in Crantzius (lib. viii. cap. 16
and 18), preached against the pope. These preachers (as
Crantzius saitli) ringing the bells, and calling together the
barons in Hallis of Suevia, preached that the pope was a
heretic, and that his bishops and prelates were simo-
niacs and heretics ; and that the inferior priests and
prelates had no authority to bind and loose, but were all
deceivers. That no pope, bishop, or priest could re-
strain men from their duty of serving and worshipping
God ; and therefore such cities or countries, as were then
under the pope's curse, might lawfully resort to the re-
ceiving of sacraments as well as before. That friars,
Dominican, and Franciscan, subverted the church with
their preaching. And that the indulgence of the pope
was of no value. And thus much I thought here to re-
cite, whereby it may appear how the resisting of the
pope's usurped power and corrupt doctrine is no new
thing in these days in the church of Christ.
THE ACCOUNT OF ROBERT GROSTHEAD, BISHOP OF LINCOLN. [Book IV.
186
And not long after rose up Arnold De Nova Villa, a
Spaniard, and a man famously learned and a great
writer (A. D. 1250), whom the pope condemned among
heretics for holding and writing against the corrupt
errors of the popish church. His teaching was, that
Satan had seduced the world from the truth of Christ
Jesus. That the faith (which then christian men were
commonly taught) was such a faitli as the devils had ;
meaning belike (as we now affirm) that the papists do
teach only the historical faith, that christian people
(meaning the most part) are led by the pope unto hell.
That all monks and nuns are void of charity and
damned ; that masses are not to be celebrated ; and that
they ought not to sacrifice for the dead.
And as this Arnold was condemned, so also at the
same time John Semeca, the gloss-writer of the pope's
decrees, and provost of Halberstat,was excommunicated
and deprived of his provostship, for resisting Pope
Clement IV. in gathering his exactions in Germany ; and
therefore he appealed from the pope to a general council,
and had many great favourers on his side, till at last
both the pope and he died.
Then followed the worthy and valiant champion of
Christ, and adversary of antichrist William de St. Amore,
a master of Paris, and chief ruler of that university.
This William in his time had no small ado writing
against the friars, and their hypocrisy, condemning
their whole order. All the testimonies of scripture that
make against antichrist, he applied against the clergy of
prelates, and the popish spirituality. He compiled
many worthy works, wherein, although he uttered
nothing but truth, yet he was by antichrist condemned
for a heretic, exiled, and his books burnt.
In the days of this William there was a most detest-
able and blasphemous book set forth by the friars, which
they called " The Everlasting Gospel," or " The Gos-
pel of the Holy Ghost." In which book many abomina-
ble errors of the friars were contained, so that the gos-
pel of Jesus Christ was utterly defaced, which, this book
said, was not to be compared with this Everlasting Gos-
pel, no more than the shell is to be compared with the
kernel, than darkness to light, &c. Moreover, that the
gospel of Christ shall be preached no longer than fifty
years, and then that this " Everlasting Gospel " should
rule the church, &c. Also, that whatever was in the
whole bible, was likewise contained in this new gospel.
At length this friars' gospel was accused to the pope,
and six persons were chosen to peruse and judge of the
book, among whom this William was one, who mightily
impeached this pestiferous and devilish book. These
six, after perusing the book, were sent to Rome. The
friars likewise sent their messenger, where they were
refuted, and the book condemned •, but the pope com-
manded the book to be condemned not publicly, but
privately, wishing to preserve the estimation of the
religious orders, as of his own chief champions.
Among the others of that age, who withstood the
bishop of Rome and his antichristian errors, was one
Lawrence an Englishman, and master of Paris ; another
was Peter John, a minorite. Lawrence was about the
year A. D. 1260; in his teaching, preaching, and writ-
ing, he stoutly defended William de St. Amore against the
friars. Other things also he wrote, wherein by various
proofs and testimonies he argued, that antichrist was not
far off to come.
The other, Peter John, was about the year A.D. 1290.
He taught and maintained many things against the
pope, proving that he was antichrist, and that the syna-
gogue of Rome was Babylon.
To these is to be added Robert Gallus, who being
born of a noble parentage, for devotion sake was made a
dominican friar about the year A.D. 12'J0. This man
calls the pope an idol, who having eyes sees not, neither
desires to see the abominations of his people, nor the
excessive enormity of their licentiousness, but only to
see to the heaping up of his own treasure.
It is time that we return to our own country again.
Wherein following the course of time, we will now add
the bishop of Lincoln, named Robert Grostluad, a man
famously learned in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and in
all liberal sciences ; his works and sermons are yet ex-
tant. He was a man of excellent wisdom, of profound
doctrine, and an example of all virtue. He set forth
many books concerning philosophy. Afterward being
doctor in divinity, he drew out several treatises out of
the Hebrew glosses, and translated divers works out of
the Greek. Many other works and volumes besides
were written by Grosthead.
This godly and learned bishop, after many conflicts sus-
tained against the bishop of Rome, at length, after great
labour and trouble of life, finished his course A.D. 1253.
Of his decease Matthew Paris thus writes, (fol. 278) ; —
" Out of the prison and banishment of this world (which
he never loved) was taken the holy bishop of Lincoln,
Robert ; who was an open reprover of the pope and of the
king, a rebuker of the prelates, a corrector of the
monks, a director of the priests, an instructor of the
clerks, a favourer of scholars, a preacher to the people,
a persecutor of the incontinent, a diligent searcher of
the scripture, a mallet against the Romans, and a con-
temner of their doings, &c. What a mallet he was to
the Romans in the sequel shall better appear.
Pope Innocent had a certain cousin or nephew (so
popes were wont to call their sons) named Frederick,
being yet young and under years, whom Innocent would
needs prefer to be a canon or prebendary in the church
of Lincoln, in the time of Robert bishop of that church ;
and he directed letters to certain here in England for
the execution thereof.
It is no great wonder if this godly bishop Robert
Grosthead was offended with these letters ; he desei-ves a
double commendation, in that he was so firm and con-
stant in standing against the pope, according as his an-
swer to the pope appears, wherein he denounces the
pope's attempt to appoint one who would not be a true
pastor, saying, among other things : —
" This would be a great apostasy, corruption, and
abuse of the seat and fulness of power, and an utter se-
paration from the glorious throne of our Lord Jesus
Christ, and a near approach to the two principal princes
of darkness, sitting in the chair of pestilence, prepared
for the pains of hell (i. e. Lucifer and antichrist).
Neither can any man, who is faithful to the see, obey
with sincere and unspotted conscience such precepts and
commandments, or other such attempts, even though
proceeding from the high order of angels themselves,
but rather ought with all their strength to withstand and
rebel against them. Wherefore, my reverend lord, I,
like an obedient child, upon my bounden duty of obe-
dience and fidelity which I owe to the holy and apostolic
see, and partly for love of unity in the body of Christ,
do not obey but withstand and utterly rebel against
these things contained in the letter, and which espe-
cially urge and tend to the aforesaid wickedness, so abo-
minable to the Lord Jesus Christ, so repugnant to the
holiness of the holy apostolic see, and so contrary to the
unity of the catholic faith."
Then it follows, in the history both of Matthew Paris,
and of Florilegus, in these words : —
" That when this epistle came to the knowledge of the
pope, he, fuming and fretting with anger and indigna-
tion, answered with a fierce look and proud mind, say-
ing, What old doting frantic wretch is this, so boldly
and rashly to judge of my doings? By St. Peter and
Paul, were it not but tliat we are restrained by our own
clemency and good nature, we would hurl him down to
such confusion thatwewould make him a fable, a gazing-
stock, an cxamjile and wonderment to all the world. For
is not the king of England our vassal ? and, to say more,
our errand-boy or jiage, who may at our pleasure and
beck both hamper him, imjunson him, and put him to
utter shame ? When the yio]w in his great fury and rage
had uttered tliis among his brethren the cardinals, they
were scarce able to ai)])t;i!-e his furious violence."
Not long after this, this reverend and godly Robert,
bishop of Lincoln, ftU grievously sick, and within a few
days departed. In the time of his sickness he called to
him a certain friar of the preaching order, a man expert
and cunning both in i>liysic and divinity, partly to re-
ceive of him some comfort of his body, and partly to
A.D. 1250—1260.] DEATH OF ROBERT GROSTHEAD.— PROVISIONS MADE AT OXFORD. 1S7
confer with him in spiritual matters. Thus upon a certain
day, the bishop reciting the doings of the pope, rebuked
and reprehended severely the preaching friars, and the
other order also of the minors. The vehemency of his
disease more and more increasing, and because the
nights were somewhat longer, the third night before his
departure, the bishop, feeling his infirmity to grow,
directed certain of his clergy to be called to him, that he
might be refreshed with some conference or communi-
cation with them. To them the bishop mourning and
lamenting in his mind for the loss of souls, reproved such
detestable enormities of the court of Rome, as, all kinds
of avarice, the usury, the simony, the extortion, all kinds
of filthiness, gluttony, and their sumptuous apparel in tiiat
court ; afterwards he went about to prosecute more, how the
court of Rome, like a gulf, never satisfied, ever gaping so
wide, that the flood of Jordan might run into his mouth,
aspired how to possess himself of the goods of them that
die intestate, and of legacies bequeathed without form
of law ; and in order the more licentiously to bring this
to pass, they used to join the king, as partaker with them
in their spoils, extortions, and robbing. "Neither,"
saith he, "shall the church be delivered from the servi-
tude of Egypt, but by violence and force, and with the
bloody sword." " And although," saith he, " these be
yet but light matters, yet shortly more great and grievous
things than these shall be seen."
And in the end of this which he scarcely could utter
without sighing, sobbing, and weeping, his tongue and
breath began to fail, and so his voice being stopped, he
made an end of both his speech and life. ( Matth. Paris.)
Ye have heard it often complained of, how the pope
violently encroached upon the church of England, in
giving benefices and prebends to his Italians and
strangers, to the great damage and ruin of Christ's
flock. This injury could by no lawful and gentle means
be reformed ; so about this time it began to be some-
what bridled by means of another kind. In the reign of
this king, the bishop of London, named Fulco, had given
a certain prebend, in the church of St. Paul, to one
Rustand, the pope's messenger here in England, who,
dying shortly after, the pope immediately conferred the
prebend on one of his specials, a stranger as the other
was. About the same instant, it befel that the bishop
of London also died, by which the vacant bishopric fell
into the king's hands, who, hearing of the death of
Rustand, gave the prebendship to one John Crakehale,
who, with all solemnity, took his installation, not know-
ing as yet that it was already bestowed by the pope on
another. Not long after, this being noised at Rome,
forthwith comes down a proctor, with the pope's letters,
to receive collation to the benefice, wherein Jolm Crake-
hale had been already installed by the king's donation.
This matter coming before Boniface archbishop of Can-
terbury, he, inquiring and searching which donation
was the first, and finding it was the pope's grant, gave
sentence with him against the king ; so that in conclu-
sion, the Roman clerk had the advantage of the benefice,
although the other had long enjoyed the possession.
Thus the pope's man being preferred, and the English-
man excluded, after the party had been invested and
stalled, he, thinking himself in sure possession, at-
tempted to enter the chapter-house, but was not per-
mitted, whereupon the pope's clerk, giving place to
force and number, went to the archbishop to complain.
This being known, certain monks pursued him, and
one in the thickness of the throng, who was never after
known, suddenly rushed upon him, and cut off his head.
This heinous murder being famed abroad, a strict in-
quiry was made, but the murderer could not be known;
and although great suspicion was laid upon Crakehale,
the king's chaplain, yet no proof could be brought
against him. But most men thought, that this bloody
act was done by certain ruffians about the city or the
court, who disdained that Romans should be so enriched
with Englishmen's livings. And therefore because they
saw the church and realm of England in such subjection,
and so mu,;h trodden down by the Romans and the pope's
messengers, they thought by such means to prevent
them from coming so much into this land.
Besides many other matters, I pass over the con-
flict,— not between the frogs and the mice which Ho-
mer writes of, — but the mighty pitched field, fought
A. D. 1259, between the young students and scholars
of the university of Oxford, having no other occasion,
but the difference of the country where they were bom.
For the northerns, joining with the Welch, to try their
manhood against the southerns, fell on them with their
ensigns and warlike array, so that in the end several on
both sides were slain. This heavy and bloody conflict
increased among them, and the end was that the nor-
thern lads with the Welch had the victory. After fury
and fiery fierceness had done what it could, the victors
thinking partly of what they had done, partly how it
would be taken by the higher powers, and fearing punish-
ment, took counsel together, and offered to king Henry
four thousand marks, to Edward his son three hundred,
and to the queen two hundred, to be released of all pu-
nishment. But the king answered that he set a higher
value on the life of one true subject than on all they of-
fered, and would not receive the money. The king,
however, being then occupied in great affairs and wars,
and partly involved in discord at home with his nobles,
had no leisure to attend to the correction of these uni-
versity men. (Matth. Paris.)
This that follows concerning the commotion between
the king and the nobles, is lamentable, and contains
much fruitful example, both for princes and subjects, to
see what mischief grows in the commonwealth, where the
prince regards not offending his subjects, and where the
subjects forget the office of christian patience in suffer-
ing their princes' injuries ; therefore, I thought it not
unprofitable to occupy the reader a little in perusing
this lamentable matter.
King Henry married Elenor, daughter of the earl of
Provence, a foreigner, by which a great door was
opened for foreigners, not only to enter the land, but
also to fill the court ; to them the king seemed more to
incline his favour, advancing them to greater preferment
than his own English lords, which was no little grievance
to them. The king, too, by Isabel his mother, who was
a foreigner, had several brothers, whom he supported
with great livings and possessions, and large pensions,
which was another heart-sore and hinderance to his
nobles. Over and besides which, there were unreason-
able collections of money from time to time, levied by
the king, as well on the spirituaUty, as on the laity.
By reason of all which collections, the commonwealth
of the realm was utterly stripped, to the great impover-
ishment of the English.
In the year 1260, a great number of aliens resorted to
England, and had the management of all principal mat-
ters of the realm under the king, which not a little trou-
bled the nobility of England. So that Simon Montfort
earl of Leicester, offering to stand to death for the liber-
ties of the realm, conferred with other lords and barons
upon the matter, who, then coming to the king with an
humble sort of petition, declared how all his realm, and
his own affairs were altogether disposed by the hands
and after the wills of strangers, neither profitable to him,
nor to the public weal ; for his treasures being wasted and
himself in great debt, he was not able to satisfy the pro-
vision of his own house. And now therefore, said they,
if your highness will please to be informed by our advice,
and to commit your house to the guiding and government
of your own faithful and natural subjects, we will take
upon us to discharge your whole debt within one year, out
of our own proper goods and revenues, so as that we
within five years may repay ourselves again.
To these words so lovingly declared, — so humbly pre-
tended,— so heartily and freely off"ered, the king as wil-
lingly condescended, assigning to them both day and
place where to confer and to dehberate further upon the
matter, which should be at Oxford the fifteenth day after
Easter. At which day and place all the sUtes and lords,
with the bishops of the realm, were summoned to appear.
Where an oath was taken, first by the king hiinself, then
by the lords, that what decrees or laws should m the said
assembly be provided to the profit of the king and of the
realm, the same should universaUy be kept and observed
188 THE KING ABSOLVED BY THE POPE FROM HIS OATH MADE AT OXFORD. [Book IV.
to the honour of God, and utility of his church, and
wealth of the realm. Besides these lords and the king,
there were also nine bishops, who swearing to the same, ex-
communicated all such as should withstand the provisions
there made ; the king holding a burning taper in his hand,
and the lords openly protesting to rise with all their force
against all that shall stand against the same.
In this assembly it was enacted that all strangers and
aliens of what state or condition soever, should forthwith
leave the realm on pain of death. Various other provi-
sions were ordained and established at the same time, that
if any held of the king in whole or in part, and should
die (while his heir was under age,) the wardship of the
heir should belong to the king.
Moreover, it was there decreed, that the wool of Eng-
land should be wrought only within the realm, neither
should it be transported out to foreigners.
That no man should wear any cloth, but which was
wrought and made within the realm.
That garments too sumptuous should not be brought
in nor worn.
That all excessive and prodigal expenses, wasted upon
pleasure and superfluity, should be avoided by all persons.
Many other laws and decrees were ordained in this
assembly, which continued the space of fifteen days.
After the promulgation of the laws many things dis-
pleased the king, and he began to repent of his oath.
But because he could not at that present otherwise choose,
he dissembled for a season. Within a year following,
(A.D. 1261), the king sent to the pope, praying both for
himself and bis son Edward to be released of their oath
made at Oxford. This absolution being easily obtained
(or rather bought at the pope's hands) the king stepping
back from all that was before concluded, calls another
parliament at Oxford, where before the lords and nobles
he declared, how in the late council of Oxford they had
agreed on certain measures for the common utility of the
realm of the king, as they pretended, for the increasing of
his treasure, and diminishing his debt ; and thereupon
bound themselves with an oath, causing also himself and
his son Edward to be bound to the same. But now that
they, contrary to their covenant made, sought not so much
the profit of him and of the realm, as their own, taking him
not as their lord, but going about to bring him under their
subjection ; and that moreover his treasure greatly decreas-
ing, his debts increasing, and his princely liberality cut
short and trodden under foot, they should not marvel, if
he henceforth would be no more ruled by their counsel,
but would provide himself with some other remedy. And
moreover, as to the oath wherewith he and his son stood
bound to them, he had sent already to Rome, and had
obtained absolution and dispensation of the same, both
for him, and his son Edward, and for all others that
would take his part. And therefore he required of them
to be restored again to that state and condition he had
enjoyed in times past.
To this the nobility gave answer on the other side, in
the number of whom was Simon Montfort earl of Lei-
cester, Richard Clare earl of Gloucester, with many more ;
whose answer to the king was, " that the provisions made
at the council at Oxford, to which they were sworn, they
would hold, defend and maintain to their lives' end." All
this while, the pope's absolution for the king, although it
was granted and obtained at Rome, yet was not brought
down in solemn writing.
At length, the writing of the king's absolution being
brought from Rome, the king soon commanded it to be
published throughout the realm, and sends to the French
king and other strangers for help ; moreover he seized
all his castles into his own hand, rejecting the counsel of
the lords, to whose custody they were before com-
mitted; also removing the former officers, as justices, the
chancellor, with others placed before by the lords, he
appointed new ones in their stead.
After this followed the year 126.3, in which the barons
of England, confederating themselves together, for main-
taining the statutes and laws of Oxford, and partly
moved with their old dislike conceived against the fo-
reigners, joined all their forces, and attacked the
foreigners who were about the king. Their goods and
manors they wasted and spoiled, whether they were per-
sons ecclesiastical or temporal. By reason of this it
came to pass, that a great number of foreigners, espe-
cially monks and rich priests, were urged to such ex-
tremity, that they were glad to flee the land.
In the mean time, the king keeping then in the Tower,
and seeing the greatest part of his nobles and commons
with the Londoners set against him, agreed to the peace
of the barons, and was contented to assent again to the
ordinances and provisions of Oxford ; although the
queen, by all means possible, went about to persuade the
king not to assent thereto ; so that as she was endea-
vouring to pass by barge from the Tower to Windsor,
the Londoners standing on the bridge with their exclama-
tions, cursing and throwing of stones and dirt at her, in-
terrupted her course, forcing her to return to the Tower
again.
When this contention was referred to the French king,
and he decided against the barons, it wrought in their
hearts great indignation, and they hastened home to de-
fend themselves with all their strength and power. The
king called his council together at Oxford, whence he ex-
cluded the university of students for a season ; and hearing
that the barons were assembled in a great number at Nor-
thampton, went there with his host, and with his ban-
ners displayed. The king commanded the barons that
were therein, to yield the city to him, or he' would im-
mediately destroy them. But they boldly, and with one
mind answered. That they would not obey the king's
will, but would rather defend themselves and the city,
if need were, even to the death. Which the noblemen
of the king's part hearing, sent word again, that at least
they should come to the wall of the city to speak to the
king, if by any means peace might he made. And they,
suspecting no deceit, came to the wall. But in the mean
time, while matters were reasoned and treated of, the
Lord Philip Basset, with mattocks and other instru-
ments, undermined the wall of the city ; and the wall fell
down, and there was made a great plain, so that there
might have gone together forty horsemen abreast. And of
this subtlety the foreign monks were thought to be the
workers, because they made way and entrance for them
that came in. But when they that passed by saw this,
and the king's banners were erected ready to enter in,
there was a great howling made, and the noise of the
people came to the ears of the barons, and they made
speed to resist them, but it was all in vain, because they
were already prevented by a great company of their
enemies. But the clerks of the university of Oxford,
(which university by the barons' commandment was
translated thither) did the king's men more hurt than
the barons, with their slings, long bows, and cross-
bows, for they had a banner by themselves, that was set
up on high against the king. The king being greatly
moved, sware at his entering in, that they should all be
hanged. Which when they heard, many of them shaved
their crowns, and they that were able ran away as fast as
they could. And when the king entered the city, many
fled in their armour into the castle, others left their horse
and armour, and ran into the churches, and a few were
slain, and those were of the common people ; but there
was not much bloodshed, because all things were done as
upon the sudden. When the city was at length set in
quiet, the king commanded his oath to be executed upon
the clerks. But his counsellors said to him, " This be
far from thee, O king, for the sons of thy nobles, and of
other great men of thy kingdom, were there gathered to-
gether into the university ; whom if thou wouldst cause _
to be hanged or slain, even they that now take thy part ■
would rise up against thee, not suffering, to the utmost ^
of their powers, the blood of their sons and kinsfolk to
be shed." And so the king was pacified, and his wrath
against the clerks was appeased.
The king then went to Rochester, and raising the
siege, proceeded to Tunbridge, and thence he continued
his journey to Winchester, where he received to peace
the seamen of the haven towns. And three days after,
he came to the town of Lewes, and was received into the
abbey, and his son Edward into the castle.
The barons now drew near to the king ; for they were
A.D. 1261
WAR BETWEEN THE KING AND THE BARONS.
18S
not far distant from Lewes : and the king's troops being
without provision for their horses, it was commanded them
to go out and seek for hay : when they were attacked
by their enemies, and most of them killed. Then
the barons, coming to the full plain, descended there,
and girding and trimming their horses, put on their
armour. And there the Earl Simon created the earl of
Gloucester, and Robert de Vere, and many other new
knights. Which being done, he divided and distin-
guished his host into four several divisions, and he ap-
fointed noblemen to guide and govern every division.
n the meantime the king's host came forth, preparing
themselves to the field in three divisions, of which
Edward the king's son led the first. The most part of
the king's army were but young men, for the king
thought not that his barons had come so nigh. Their
armies being on both sides set in array and order, they
exhorted one another on either party to fight valiantly :
and after they buckled together, the battle was great,
and many horsemen were overthrown even in a moment.
But by and by Edward the king's son with his band, as
a fierce young gentleman and valiant knight, fell upon
his enemies with such force, that he compelled them to
recoil back a great way, so that the hindmost (thinking
by reason of their giving back, that the foremost were
slain) ran many of them away. Straightway the Lon-
doners, knowing not how the battle went, took to their
heels: Edward pursued them with his band, killing them
for the space of two or three miles ; for he hated them
because they had rebelled against his father, and dis-
graced his mother when she was in her barge upon
the Thames, as is before mentioned.
Whilst Prince Edward was thus in chase of the
Londoners, the main division of the barons set upon the
king's main division, of which the king of Almain the
brother of King Henry had the leading, who was soon
discomfited, and he with his son Henry and other
captains taken prisoners, the reserve where the king
himself fought was immediately attacked, and he seeing
his knights and soldiers on every side about him beaten
aown and slain, and his soldiers forsaking the field, re-
tired into the abbey, and shutting up the gates, caused
them to be strongly guarded with soldiers. The barons
thus getting the field, after a long fight, and many men
on both sides slain, entered the town of Lewes.
In the mean time, when Prince Edward returning
from the chase of the Londoners, came to the place
where the bloody battle had been fought, and saw the
great discomfiture and overthrow, which in his absence,
had happened with great slaughter, his heart was much
dismayed, and his countenance altered. Yet comforting
and encouraging his knights and soldiers, of whom he
had a valiant company, he marched in battle array
toward the town ; against whom came the barons again
with all their power. And thus was begun between
them a fresh field and new battle, and many men slain
on both sides. But at length the earl de Warenia, with
the king's two brothers, forsook the field and fled : after
whom went more than seven hundred chosen soldiers,
who were of their house and family, who the same day
came to Pevensy, and there took shipping over the sea.
Also Hugh Bigot, with several others, fled, and left the
valiant prince fighting in the field : upon which he re-
treated to the town. And when he found not the king
at the castle, he went from thence to the abbey where
he was. In the meantime the town was divided into
parts, some fighting, some spoiling, some getting booties.
But when within a while the barons had assembled some
company, they gave an assault upon the castle, thinking
to have rescued John Gifford and others, whom the
king's soldiers had taken prisoners and put therein.
But the soldiers within manfully defended it, and in
throwing out balls of wild-fire for the defence of it, they
fired part of the town. Then the barons retired and left
the castle, and purposed to have set upon the abbey
where the king and Prince Edward his son was, which
also was set on fire by the assault given to the castle ;
but yet it was shortly recovered and quenched. Then
Edward the king's son, perceiving the bold enterprize of
the barons, prepaied with the courageous knights and
soldiers, who yet remained within the abbey, to have
issued out, and to have given a new charge upon
them. But the barons, perceiving that, sent to the king
messengers to intreat a truce for that day, and on the
morrow to talk and conclude of a further peace between
them, when Prince Edward was given as hostage for the
king and his party, and Henry, son of the king of
Almoin, for his father.
In this year also, Boniface, archbishop of Canter-
bury, a foreigner, having been some years beyond the
seas in disgrace with the king of England, upon occa-
sion of some misdemeanour, the king being of a relent-
ing nature, and bearing much with clergymen's inso-
leucies, consulted with his nobles about the return of
Boniface into England.
After much ado, we read that Boniface returned, and
becoming more holy towards his death, he went with
other bishops to the king, requesting him, that being
mindful of the decay of his kingdom, by ecclesiastical
livings bestowed upon foreigners, he would hereafter
prefer learned and godly men of his own nation. The
king answered that he would willingly do it. " Where-
fore I think it meet that you, who are yourself a
foreigner and unlearned, and also my brother Ethelmer,
bishop of Winchester, whom I have preferred to such
dignities only for kindred's sake, should first give ex-
amples to others, and forsake your churches, and I will
provide other learned men to serve in tliem." Which
answer of the king so pierced this Boniface, that he al-
ways after lived a wearisome life in England. Where-
fore, perceiving himself to be disliked of the king and
the people, he desired to return into his country. And
thereupon first felling and selling the woods, letting out
the archbishopric, taking great fines of his tenants, and
making a great mass of money of the clergy of his pro-
vince, he went with the curse of all men unto Savoy,
and soon after died.
After the death of Pope Urban, succeeded Pope
Clement IV. (A. D. 1265.) Clement (as affirmeth Nic.
Trivet) was first a married man, and had wife and
children, and was solicitor and counsellor to the French
king ; then after the death of his wife, was bishop ; and
afterwards archbishop of Narbon ; and at last made car-
dinal ; and being sent as legate by Pope Urban, was
in his absence elected pope by the cardinals.
Now, after all the tumults and broils of the king and
his barons, to the vexation of the whole land, it was
thought meet and necessary that all parties at variance
should be reconciled. Whereupon peace was made be-
tween them.
The king now was at leisure to reform the abuses of
the church ; and as he considered that non-residence being
a blame-worthy abuse, required reformation, he wrote
his mind to the bishop of Hereford for the redress of the
same ; his letter, because it is memorable, and the matter
contained in it is applicable to non-residents of our time,
we have here inserted it.
A Letter of King Henry JIT. to the Bishop of Hereford
concerning Non-reaidence.
The king to the bishop of Hereford sendeth greetin;:; v
Pastors or shepherds are set over flocks, that by exercis-
ing themselves in watching over them day and night, tliey
may know their own cattle by their look, bring the hun-
ger-starved sheep into the meadows of fruitfulness.and the
straying ones into one fold by the word of salvation, and
the rod of correction ; and to do their endeavour, tliat
indissoluble unity may be kept. But some there are
who damnably despising this doctrine, and not knowing
how to discern their own cattle from others, take away
the milk and the wool, not caring how the Lord's flock
may be nourished ; they catch up the temporal goods,
and who perishes in their parish with famishment, or
miscarries in manners, they regard not ; which men de-
serve not to be called pastors, but rather hirelings. And
even we in these days, when removing ourselves into the
borders of Wales, to take order for the disposing of the
garrisons of our realm, have found this default in your
church of Hereford; we report it with grief; for we have
m
PRINCE EDWARD ESCAPES FROM CUSTODY.— BATTLE OF EVESHAM. [Book IV
found there a church destitute of a pastor's comfort, as
having neither bishop nor official, vicar nor dean, that
may exercise any spiritual function and duty in the same.
But the church itself, which in time past was wont to flow
in delight, (and had canons that attended upon service day
and night, and that ought to exercise the works of charity,
they forsaking the church, and leading their lives in
countries far hence,) hath put off her stole or robe of
pleasure, and fallen to the ground, bewailing her widow-
hood, and there is none among all her friends and
lovers that will comfort her. Verily while we beheld
this, and considered diligently, pity did move our bowels,
and the sword of compassion did inwardly wound our
heart very sore, that we could no longer dissemble so
great an injury done to our mother the church, nor pass
the same over uncorrected.
" Wherefore we command and straitly charge j'ou, that
all occasions set aside, you endeavour to remove yourselves
with all possible speed unto your church, and there per-
sonally execute the pastoral charge committed unto you
in the same. Otherwise we will you to know for cer-
tainty that if you have not a care to do this, we will
■wholly take into our own hands all the temporal goods, and
whatsoever else does belong unto the oarony of the same
church, which goods, it is certain our progenitors of godly
devotion have bestowed thereupon for spiritual exercise
sake. And such goods and duties as we have commanded
hitherto to be gathered and safely kept and turned to the
profit and commodity of the same church, the cause now
ceasing we will seize vipon ; and suffer no longer that he
shall reap temporal things, who fears not unreverently to
withdraw and keep back spiritual things, whereunto by
office and duty he is bound ; or that he shall receive any
profits who refuses to undergo and bear the burthens of
the same. Witness the king at Hereford, the first of
June, in the forty- eighth year of our reign."
But leaving these affairs of the church, and church-
men, we will now enter into other troubles of the tempo-
ral state. You heard before of a pacification concluded
between the king and his barons, when Prince Edward
was given as hostage (A.D. 1264.) But it came to pass
among the lords and barons, that no such firm recon-
ciliation was made as was likely to last long. For in
the year 126."), the sons of the Earl Simon did that
which much displeased the earl of Gloucester : inso-
much that he challenged Henry, the eldest son of the
Earl Simon Montfort : this affair, however, was settled
without fighting, but afterwards the earl of Gloucester
sent to the Lord Roger Mortimer, who always took the
king's part, desiring that they two might talk together
about the interests of the king. When they met, the earl
of Gloucester shewed him all that he purposed to do,
and lamenting that he had so offended the king, said he
would now make amends, and would deliver Prince Ed-
ward, so they sent secretly to Robert the brother of
the earl of Gloucester, who was near about the Earl
Simon, and made him consent with them. And to work
this more circumspectly, Roger Mortimer sent to Edward,
the king's son, a horse excelling all others in fleetness,
to wliich he might safely trust, when he saw conveni-
ent opportunity. After which things thus contrived.
Prince Edward desired leave of the Earl Simon to prove
his courser against such time as he should ride at the
tilt. As soon as he had got leave, and that with gallop-
ing and ranging the field, he had wearied several of their
horses : at the last, getting up uj)on that fleet horse which
was sent for that purpose, and spying a servant on horse-
back coming toward him with two swords, he turned about
to his keeper, and to others that were with him, saying,
*' My loving lords, tlius long have I kept your company,
and have been in your custody ; and now not purposing
to use your company any longer, I commit you to God."
And quickly turning his horse about, put to the spurs,
and away he went. The others pricked after apace, but
could not overtake him. When the prince's escape
was publicly known, much people came to him out of
every quarter, with great joy. Among whom the first was
the earl of Gloucester, and the other soldiers of the king,
and within a short space he had a great and a mighty host.
Which when the Earl Simon understood, he muc-
doubted and mistrusted himself ; and sending into Wale:
he got from thence a great many men, and augmented
his force as strongly as he could from every part (;
England. He sent also Simon his son to the nobleaie
of the northern parts, that with all possible speed b
might bring them with him ; who with a great com
pany came with him, and staid a while at Kenilwortl
and there pitched their tents. And when this was de
clared to Edward, he pre]iared himself in the night, t
go to the place where Simon and his company ha
pitched. In khe morning they were very early in armin
themselves, and met some of their enemies stragglin
loosely, and thinking to have gone a foraging ; whom thei
took, and with their fresh horses new horsed their sol
diers that had their horses tired with long travel. An'
so marching forward, came very early in the mornin;
upon their enemies, whom for the most part they fount
sleeping ; and laying lustily about them, they slew seve
ral ; some they took, the rest they put to flight, ani
fifteen of their chiefest ensigns they took, with man-
other rich spoils.
But when Edward heard that Earl Simon was comingto
ward Kenilworth, to join with his son's battle, he march
ed forward to meet him the third day after at Evesham
Edward caused his own standards and ensigns to be takei
down, and young Simon's, which he had taken, to bi
displayed ; so that the Earl Simon thinking them to havi
been his son's army, and not knowing of his overthrow
was deceived, till his scout the better to descry them
went up to the abbey steeple, wkere he could plainly dis
cern them and all their standards ; for by this time the;
had mounted the hill, thinking to have that advantage
when they should give their charge, and they had also dis
played again his own standards. Then he cried aloud t(
the Earl Simon, and said, " We are all but dead men ; fo
it is not your son, as you suppose, that comes, but it i
Edward the king's son that comes from one part, and thi
earl of Gloucester from another part, and Roger Morti
mer from the third part." Then said the earl, " The Lon
be merciful to our souls, forsomuch as our bodies and live:
are now in their hands;" commanding that every mai
should make himself ready to God, and to fight out the field
for that it was their wills to die for their laws, and in a jus
quarrel. And such as would depart, he gave leave to go thei
ways, that they should be no discouragement to thi
rest.
Then came to him his eldest son Henry, and comfortec
him, desiring him to have no despair, nor yet mistrust n
the good success of this victory, with other such cheerfu
words. " No, my son," says he, " I despair not ; but yet
it is thy presumption, and the pride of the rest of th)
brethren that has brought me to this end you see ; not-
withstanding, yet I trust I shall die to God, and in (
, righteous quarrel." After words of comfort given to all
his host, and the oration made as is the manner, they all
armed themselves. The king also (whom the earl alwajsi
kept with him) he armed in an armour of his own : and
then dividing their battles, they marched towards theii|
enemies. But before they joined, the Welshmen ranj
away, and thinking to escape over the river Dee, soraei
were drovs'ned, and some slain. Then when the battle
joined and they fought hand to hand, in a short time
many of the earl's party fell and were slain ; the kingi
himself being struck at, cried with a loud voice to them,|
saying, " Kill me not, I am Henry your king :" by which^
words, the Lord Adam Monthaut knew him, and saved
him. Also Prince Edward his son, hearing his cry, came
and delivered him to the guard and care of certain knights.
In the mean time the Earl Simon was hard beset and
beaten, and slain before Edward the prince came at him.
But before he fell, when he fought for his life, and his
son Henry, and other noblemen on his part were about
him, he brake out into these words to his enemies, say-
ing, " What ! is there no mercy and compassion with
you .•"' Who again answered, " What compassion should
there be shewed to traitors ?" Then said he, " The Lord
be merciful to our souls, our bodies are in your hands.^ '
And so soon as these words were spoken, they mangled his
body, and cut oflf his head, which head Roger Mortimer
A.D. 1264— 1271.]
PRINCE EDWARD WOUNDED BY AN ASSASSIN.
191
gent to his wife. And not far off from him also was slain
Henry his eldest son.
After this great slaughter and overthrow there was a
parliament summoned at Winchester by the earl of
Gloucester, and others. Here it is to be remembered,
that although the king was in the camp of the earl of
Leicester, being then in custody, and his son Edward
with the earl of Gloucester, yet the king was on that
side against his will, and therefore in the parliament the
king was restored to his kingly dignity, which was be-
fore that time under the custody of the barons.
Soon after, a general voyage being proclaimed to war
against the Turks, and a subsidy being collected in Eng-
land for the same, Prince Edward, with others,were appoint-
ed to take their voyage, and were now on their journey.
After some stay in Sicily, Prince Edward took ship-
ping again, and soon after Easter arrived at Acre, and
went ashore, taking with him a thousand of the best and
roost expert soldiers, and tarried there a whole month,
refreshing both his men and horses, and that in this
space he might learn the secrets of the land. After this
he took with him six or seven thousand soldiers, and
marched forward twenty miles from Acre, and took
Nazareth ; and slew all those that he found there, and
afterwards returned again to Acre ; b\it their enemies
following after them, thought to have attacked them
unawares. The prince perceiving this, again charged,
and slew many of them, and put the rest to flight.
WTien the fame of Prince Edward thus grew among his
enemies, and they began to fear him, they devised among
themselves how by some policy they might circumvent and
betray him. Whereupon the great prince and admiral of
Joppa sent to him, pretending, with great hypocrisy, to
become a christian, and that he would draw with him a
great number besides, provided they might be honour-
ably entertained and treated by the christians. This
pleased the prince well, and induced him to finish the
thing, he had begim so well, by writing again ; he also
sent by the same messenger, and wrote back to him
several times about the matter, by which no distrust
should arise. When this messenger came the fifth
time, and was searched by the prince's servants, ac-
cording to custom, to see what weapon and armour he
had about him, as also his purse ; and when not so
much as a knife could be found about him, he was
brought up into the prince's chamber, and after doing
homage, he pulled out certain letters, which he delivered
to the prince from his lord, as he had done before ; at
which time the prince was laid bareheaded upon his bed
in his jerkin, for the great heat of the weather.
Wlien the prince had read the letters, it appeared by
them, that upon the Saturday next following the
prince of Joppa would be there ready to accomplish all
that he had written and promised. The report of this
news by the prince to those standing by pleased them
well, and they drew somewhat back to consult about it
among themselves. In the meantime the messenger
kneeling and making his obeisance to the prince (ques-
tioning further with him) put his hand to the belt, as
though he would have pulled out some secret letters,
and suddenly he pulled out an envenomed knife, think-
ing to have stricken him therewith as he lay there on
the bed ; but the prince lifting up his hand to defend his
body from the blow, received a great wound in the
arm : and the assassin being about to fetch another
stroke at him, the prince with his foot gave him such a
kick that he felled him to the ground. With that the
prince got him by the hand, and wrested the knife from
him with such violence, that he hurt himself with it in
the forehead, but immediately thrust the traitorous
messenger through and slew him. The prince's ser-
vants being in the next chamber not far off, hearing the
bustling, came running in with great haste, and finding
the messenger lying dead on the floor, one of them took
up a stool and beat out his brains ; at which the prince
was angry, because he struck a dead man, and one that
was killed before. The rumovir of this attack being so
strange, soon went throughout all the court, and from
thence among the common people, so that they were
very heavy and greatly discouraged. The captain of the
temple also came to the prince, and brought him a
costly and precious drink against poison, lest the venom
of the knife should penetrate the blood ; and in a
blaming way said to him, " Did 1 not shew your grace be-
fore of the deceit and subtilty of this people ? Notwith-
standing," saith he, " let your grace take a good heart,
you shall not die of this wound, my life for yours." But
the surgeons and physicians were immediately sent for,
and the prince's wound was dressed, and within a few
days after it began to putrefy, and the flesh to look dead
and black ; whereupon they that were about the jjrince
began to be very sad and heavy : which he perceiving,
said to them, " Why do you whisper thus among your-
selves ? What see you in me, can I not be healed ?
Tell me the truth, be ye not afraid." Whereupon one
said to him, " Your grace, you may be healed, we mis-
trust it not ; but yet it will be very painful for you to
suffer." — " May suffering," said he again, " restore
health ?" — " Yea," saith the other, " on pain of losing
my head." — " Then," said the prince, " I commit
myself to you, do with me what you think good."
Then said one of the physicians, " Is there any of your
nobles in whom your grace reposes special trust ?" To
whom the prince answered, " Yea," naming certain of
the noblemen that stood about him. Then said the
physician to the two whom the prince first named, the
Lord Edmund, and the Lord John Voisie, " And do
you also faithfully love your lord and prince ?" Who
answered both, " Yea, undoubtedly." Then saith he,
" Take you away this gentlewoman and lady (meaning
his wife) and let her not see her lord and husband until
such a time as I tell you." Whereupon they took
her out of the prince's presence, crying out and wring-
ing her hands. Then said they unto her, " Be ye con-
tented, good lady and madam ; it is better that one
woman should weep a little while, than that all the
realm of England should weep a great season." Then
upon the morrow they cut out all the dead envenomed
flesh out of the prince's arm, and said to him, " How
cheers your grace ? We promise you within these fif-
teen days you shall shew yourself abroad (if God per-
mit) upon your horseback, whole and well as ever you
were." And according to the promise he made the
prince so it came to pass, to the no little comfort and
admiration of all his subjects. When the great Soldan
heard of it, and that the prince was yet alive, he would
scarcely believe the same ; and sending to him three
of his nobles and princes, he excused himself by them,
calling his gods to witness, that the same was done
neither by him, nor with his consent. Which princes
and messengers standing aloof from the king's son,
worshipping him, fell flat upon the ground. " You,"
saith the prince, " do reverence me, but yet you love
me not." Nevertheless he treated them honourably,
and sent them away in peace.
Thus when Prince Edward had been eighteen months
in Acre, he took shipping, returning homeward, and
came to Rome, where he was honourably entertained by
the pope ; from thence he came into France, where his
fame and noble prowess was much celebrated among the
common people, and envied by the nobility, especially
by the Earl de Chalons, who sent him and required him
that he might break a staff with him at a tilt in his
country. As the prince would not diminish his honour
and fame by declining the challenge (although he might
have well alleged sufficient excuse), he willingly con-
sented ; whereupon it was proclaimed, that Prince Ed-
ward by such a day, with those that were with him, had
challenged all comers at the tilt and barriers. Then
great assemblies were made in the country all about,
and several horsemen as well as footmen had sworn
among themselves, and conspired against the English-
men, selling their horses and armour aforehand, and
drinking one to another in good success of the spoil of
them whom they would take as their prisoners. Prince
Edward in the meantime sent into England for certain
earls and barons to come to him. When the day ap-
pointed was arrived, the prince had with him more than
one thousand horsemen, who were knights, besides his
footmen, but yet there were as many more on the other
192
THE POPE ENCOURAGES THE SCOTS TO RISE AGAINST EDWARD I.
[Book IV.
side both in horsemen and footmen. When the parties met
the French footmen, who had before conspired, began
both to spoil, rifle, and kill the Englishmen, who resisted
and defended themselves both with bows and slings;
slew many of the Frenchmen, and drove them to the gates
of their city ; the others they chased over a river, where
many of them were drowned. In the meantime the Earl
de Chalons, with fifty of his knights who followed him,
came forth and joined battle with a like number of the
prince's followers, and a long time together they tried
it with their swords, laying one at another. At the last
the earl perceiving himself not able to match with
Prince Edward at the arm's end, closed with him, and
takir.g him about the neck, held him with his arms very
tight. " What mean you, my lord," said the prince,
" think you to have my horse ?" — " Yea, marry," said
the earl, " I mean to have both thee and thy horse."
Ilereat Prince Edward, being indignant, lifted up him-
self, and gave him such a blow, that therewith he, for-
saking his horse, hung still about the prince's neck, till
he shook him off to the ground, and the prince, being
somewhat in a heat, left the grounds to take the air,
thereby to refresh himself. But when he saw the injury
of the French towards his men, and how they had slain
many of them, he said to them, that they used rather
the exercise of battle, than of tourney. " Spare ye not,
therefore," said he, " from henceforth, any of them all,
but give them again as good as they give you." Then
they began to kill each other freely on their part, and
let their swords work.
And when by this time the English footmen were again
returned, and saw the conflicts of the horsemen, and that
many of the Englishmen were overthrown ; they put
themselves amidst the grounds ; and some stabbing the
horses, some cutting asunder the girths of the French-
men's saddles, they overthrew the riders. Then when
the Earl De Chalons was horsed again by some of his
men and had come among the throng. Prince Edward
also rushed in among the thickest, and coupled again
with him, and cried to him that he should yield himself
as vanquished ; but he would not do so, notwithstanding
when his strength began to fail him, he was obliged to
yield himself to a simple knight, according as Prince Ed-
ward bade him, and all the rest of his horsemen and
knights fled and saved themselves. However, many of
them were slain in that place, and the Englishmen re-
turned having the victory. But when after this they ex-
pected to be quiet and at rest, the citizens attacked them
unawares by two and by three at once, and killed some of
them as they went in the streets. When the prince heard
this, he sent for the mayor and burgesses, commanding
them to see this matter redressed, and that immediataly :
for otherwise, by his knighthood he assured them, that
upon the morrow he would fire the city, and make it
level with the ground. Upon which they went, and set
watchmen in many places to keep peace, by which means
the prince and his men were in safety and quiet. Thus
in this pastime of tourneying, much blood was spilt.
From thence the prince came to Paris, and was honour-
ably entertained by the French king, and after certain
days, he went from thence into Gascony, where he stayed
till he heard of the death of the king his father.
KING EDWARD THE FIRST.
Edward the eldest son of Henry III., as soon as he
heard of his father's death, returned from Gascony home
to his country, and was crowned (A.D. 1274.) He then
laid down his crown, saying lie would no more put it on,
before he had gathered together all the lands appertaining
to the same. Of the gentle nature of this courageous
prince, sufficient proof is given by this one example ; at
one time he being engaged in his sport of hawking, hap-
pened sharply to rebuke the negligence of one of his
gentlemen, for what fault I cannot tell, about his hawk ;
the gentleman being on the other side of the river, hear-
ing his menacing words said, " he was glad that the river
was between them." The courageous blood of this prince
being moved with this answer, he leaped straight into the
flood, which was a swift stream and of a dangerous deep-
ness, and Qo less hard in getting out : notwithstanding,
either forgetting his own life, or neglecting the present
danger, and having a good horse, he ventured his own
death, to have the death of his man. At length, with
much difficulty recovering the bank, with his sword drawn
he pursued his provoker, who having not so good an horse,
and seeing himself in danger of being overtaken, reined
in his horse, and returning back bareheaded to the prince,
submitted his neck under his hand to strike. The prince,
whose courage and passion could not be quenched by the
water of the whole river, so cooled at the little submis-
sion of this man that the quarrel fell, his anger ceased,
and his sword was put up without any stroke given. And
so both returned to the hunting good friends again.
As Edward urged his claim to Scotland as well as Eng-
land, and pursued it by force of arms, and as the Scots,
&c., saw they could not make their party good, they sent
privily to pope Boniface for his aid and counsel, who im-
mediately sent down his precept to the king, that he
should cease to disquiet or molest tlie Scots, for that they
were a people exempt from his jurisdiction and properly
pertaining to the papal chair. The king briefly madef
answer, swearing with an oath, that he would to his ut.
termost keep and defend that which was his right, evi-
dently known as it was to all the world. Thus the Scots
bearing themselves bold upon the pope's message, and
also confederating themselves with the Frenchmen, passed
over that year. The next year (which was the '29th ofthe
king). Pope Boniface directs his letters again to theking,
wherein he claims the kingdom of Scotland to be the pro-
perty of the church of Rome, and not subject to the king of
England. And therefore it wasagainst God, againstjustice,
and also prejudicial to the church of Rome, for him to
have or to hold any dominion over the same ; adding fur-
thermore, that the kingdom of Scotland first was con-
verted by the relics of the blessed apostle St. Peter,
through the divine operation of God, to the unity of the
catholic faith !
The king, after he had received these letters of the
pope, assembled a parliament at Lincoln : by the advice
of which he addressed letters in reply to the pope, where-
in first in all reverend manner he desires him not to give
a light ear to the sinister suggestions of false reports, and
imaginers of mischief. Then he declares out of old re-
cords and histories from the first time of the Britons, that
the realm of Scotland had always from time to time been
one with England, beginning first with Brutus in the
time of Eli and Samuel the prophet, which Brutus,
coming from Troy to this isle, called then Albion, after
called by him Britannia, had three sons ; Locrinus, tot
whom he gave that part of the land, called then of hinu
Loegria, now Anglia ; Albanactus his second son, to whom
he gave Albania, now called Scotia, and his third son'
Camber, to whom he gave Cambria, now called Wales,
&c. — The letter then continued :
" And thus much concerning the first division of tM»
isle, as in ancient histories is found recorded. In which:
matter, passing over the deatli of King Humber, the acta
of Dunwald king of this realm, the division of Belyn andf
Brenne, the victories of King Arthur, we will resort (saitb
the king) to more near times, testified and witnessed by«
sufficient authors, as Marian Scot, William Malme8-(
bury, Roger Abyndon, Henry Huntington, Radulph ds
Bizoto and others ; all of whom make special declaration^,
and give manifest evidence of the execution of this our
right (saith he) and title of superiority ever continued and
preserved hitherto.
" And first to begin with King Edward before the con-
quest, son to Alfred king of England, about A.D.
yOO, it is plain and manifest, that he had the king?
of Scots under his dominion and obedience. And
here is to be noted, that this matter was so notoriou*
and manifest, that Marian the Scot, writing that history
in those days, grants, confesses and testifies the same ; and
this dominion continued in that state twenty-three years.
At which time, Athelstane succeeded to the crown of
England, and having by battle conquered Scotland, he
made one Constantine king of that party, to rule and go-
vern the country of Scotland under him, adding thi*
princely word, that it was more honour to him to makv
a king, than to be a king.
A.D. 1274—1303.] VARIANCE BETWEEN THE FRENCH KING, AND BONIFACE VIII.
193
"T.veiity-four years after that, (which was A.D. 947;
Eldred the king our progenitor, At:iel=tane's brother, re-
ceived homage of Irise, tlieii king of Scots.
" Thirty years after that, (which was A.D. 977), King
Edgar our predecessor received homige of Kyuald king
of Scots. Here was a little trouble in England by the
death of St. Edward king and martyr, destroyed by the
deceit of his mother-in-law, but yet within memory.
" Forty years after the homage done by Kynald to
King Edgar, (that is to say, A.D. 1017,) Malcoliue the
king of Scots did homage to Canute our predecessor. Af-
ter this homage done, the Scots shewed some piece of
their natural disposition, whereupon, by war made by
our progenitor St. Edward the Confessor, tliirty-and-nine
years after that homage done, (that is to say, A.D. 1056')
Malcoline king of Scots was vanquished, and the realm
of Scotland given to Malcoline his son by our said proge-
nitor St. Edward, unto whom the said Malcoliue made
homage and fealty.
" Within fifty years after that, William the Conqueror
entered this realm, whereof he accounted no perfect con-
quest until he had likewise subdued the Scots ; and there-
fore in the same year (A.D. lOtiS), the said Malcoline
king of Scots did homage to the said William the Con-
queror as his superior, by conquest king of England.
" Twenty-five years after that, (wliich was A.D. 109.'>)
the said Malcoline did homage and fealty to William
Rufus,son to the said William the Conqueror, and yet after
that, he was for his offences and demerits deposed, and
his eoa substituted iu his place ; who likewise failed in his
duty. Edgar brother to the last Malcoline, and son to
the first, was ordained king of Scotland by the said Wil-
liam Rufas, who did iiis homage and fealty accordingly.
" Seven years after that, (which was in A.D. 1100), the
said Edgar, king of the Scots, did homage to Henry I.
cur progenitor.
" Thirty-seven years after that, David king of Scots
did homage to Matilda the empress, as daughter and heir
to Henry I. Wherefore being after required by Stephen,
then obtaining possession of the realm, to make his ho-
mage : he refused so to do, because he had before made
it to M itilda, and thereupon forbare. After David's
death, which followed shortly after, tiie soa of the said
David made homage to King Stephen.
" Fourteen years after that (which was in A.D. 1150),
William king of Scots, and David his brother, with all the
nobles of Scotland, made liomage to the sou of Henry II.,
with a reservation of their duty to Henry 11. his father.
"Twenty-five years after that (which was in A.D. 1175),
William king of Scotland, after much rebellion and resist-
ance, according to their natural inclination (king Henry
II. then being in Normandy)acknowledged finally his er-
ror, and made his peace and composition, confirmed Vvfith
his great seal, and tlie seals of the nobility of Scotland,
making therewith his homage and fealty.
" Within fifteen years afcer that (which was in A.D.
1190), the said William king of Scots came to our city
of Canterbury, and there did homage to our noble proge-
nitor King Richard I.
" Fourteen years after that, the said William did ho-
mage to our progenitor King John, upon a hill besides
Lincoln, making his oath upon the cross of Hubert, tiien
archbishop of Canterbury, being there present, and a
marvellous multitude assembled for that purpose.
"Twenty-six years after that (which was iu A.D. 1230),
Ale.\aaJer king of Scots married INIargaret the daughter
of our progenitor Henry III. at our city of York, in the
feast of Christmas. At which time the said Alexander
did his homage to our said progenitor, who reigned in
this realm fifty-six years. And therefore between the
homage made by the said Alexander king of Scotland,
and the homage done by Alexander, son to the said king
of Scots, to us at our coronation at Westminster, there
was about fifty years. At which time, the said Alexander
king of Scots repaired to the said feast of our coronation,
aud there did he his duty as is aforesaid."
In the year 1303, William Wallace in his rebellion,
gathered great multitudes of the Scots to withstand the
king, till at length he was taken, and sent up to London,
and there executed. After which the king held his par-
liament at Westminster. Slioitly after, Robert Bru>;e,
forgetting his oath to the king, within a year or two
after this, by the counsel of the abbot of Stone, and the
bishop of St. Andrews, sent to Pope Clement V. for a
dispensation of his oath ; insinuating to him, tliat King
Edward vexed and grieved the realm of Scotland wrong-
fully. Whereupon the pope wrote to the king to leave
otf such doings. Notwithstanding which inhibition of
the pope, the king prosecuting his own right, gathered
his men, and set otf to Scotland, where joining battle
with Sir Robert and all his army of Scotland in a plain,
near to St. John's Town, he put him to fiiglit, and so chased
the Scots, tiiat there were slain of them to the number of
seven thousand. In which victory, such bishops and
abbots as were taken he sent to the pope ; the temporal
lords and other Scots he sent to London. Sir Robert
Bruce after this discomfiture, when he had thus lost
both the field and his chief friends, fled into Norway,
When this noble Edward had thus subdued the Scots, he
yielded thanks to God for his victory, and returned to
London, which was the thirty-fifth and last year of his
reign.
Now touching the variance and dissension between
Philip the French king, and Pope Boniface VUI. After
the bishoprick of Rome had been vacant through the
dissension of the cardinals, for the space of two years
and three months ; at length Pope Celestine was chosen
successor to Pope Nicholas IV. Celestine in his first
consistory began to reform the clergy, by which he pro-
cured to himself such hatred among his clergy, that this
Boniface, speaking through a reed in his chamber wall
at midnight, warned him, as it had been a voice froaii
heaven, that he should give over his papacy, as being a^
burthen greater than he could wield.
This Pope Celestine after he had sat six months, was
induced by the treachery and falsehood of this Boniface,
to resign his bishoprick, partly on account of the voice
spoken of before, partly from fear 5 being told^ of certain
persons craftily suborned in his chamber, that, if he did
not resign, he should lose his life.
This Pope Boniface succeeding after Celestine, be-
haved himself so imperiously, that he put down princes,
and excommunicated such kings as did not take their
confirmation at his hand : many of his cardinals he drove
away for fear, some of them he deposed as schismatics
and spoiled of all their substance. Philip the French king
he excommunicated, for not suffering his money to go
out of the realm ; and therefore cursed both him and
bis to the fourth generation. Albert the emperor, not
once or twice, but tiirice sought at his hands to be con-
firmed, and yet was rejected. This pope first ordained
tiie jubilee in Rome, in the solemnizing whereof, the
first day he shewed himself in his pontifical robes, and
gave free remission of sins to as many as came to Rome
out of all the parts of the world. The second day (being
arrayed with imperial ensigns) he commanded a naked
sword to be carried before him, and said with a loud
voice, " Lo, here the power and authority of both the
swords!"
These things thus premised of Pope Boniface, now I will
come to the occasion of the strife between him and the
French king. In A. D. l.'iOl, the bishop of Oppanu-
ham, being accused of a conspiracy against the French
king, was brought up to his court, and so committed to
prison. The pope hearing this, sends word to the king
by his legate to set him at liberty. The French king,
not daring to the contrary, released the bishop ; but at
the same time, he dismissed both the bishop and the
legate, commanding them to leave his realm. Upon:
this Pope Boniface revoked all the graces and privileges
granted either by him or his predecessors to the kingdom
of France ; and not long after he thundered out the sen-
tence of his curse against him. Moreover, he cited all
the prelates, all divines, and lawyers both civil and
canon, to appear personally before him at Rome, at a
certain day. Against this citation the king provided
and commanded by proclamation, that no person should
export out of the realm either gold, or silver, or anj-
ware or merchandise, upon pain of forfeiting all their
02
194
APPEAL OF WILLIAM NAGARETA AGAINST BONIFACE VIII.
[Book IV.
goods, and their bodies at the king's pleasure : pro-
viding at the same time, that the roads and harbours or
seaports, should be diligently kept, that none might pass
unsearched. Besides which, the king defeated the pope
in giving and bestowing prebends, and benefices, and
other ecclesiastial livings, contrary to the pope's profit.
For which cause, the pope wrote to the king in form and
effect as follows.
" Boniface, bishop, and servant to God's servants, to his
beloved son Philip, by the grace of God, king of
France, greeting and apostolical blessing.
" Boniface, the servant of God's servants. Fear God,
and observe his commandments. We will thee to under-
stand, that thou art subject to us both in spiritual
things, and temporal ; and that no gift of benefices or
prebends belongs to thee ; and if thou have the keeping
of any being vacant, that thou reserve the profits of them
to the successors. But if thou have given any, we judge
the gift to be void, and revoke how far soever thou
hast gone forward. And whosoever believes otherwise,
•we judge them heretics."
To this letter of the pope. King Philip made answer
as follows :
Philip, by the grace of God king of France, to Boniface
not in deeds behaving himself for pope, little friend-
ship or none.
" To Boniface, bearing himself for chief bishop, little
health or none. Let thy foolishness know, that in tem-
poral things we are subject to no man, and that the gifts
of prebends and benefices, made and to be made by us,
were and shall be good, both in time past and to come.
And that we will defend manfully the possessors of the
said benefices, and we think them that believe or think
otherwise, fools and madmen. Given at Paris the Wed-
nesday after Candlemas, 1301."
After these and other writings passing to and fro,
between the French king and the pope, within a year
and a half after, the king summoned a parliament, send-
ing down his letters to his sheriffs and other officers, to
summon the prelates and barons of the realm to the
court of parliament.
A declaration of master William Nagareta, made against
Pope Boniface the Eighth, with his appellation also
made at Paris, before the king and his council in the
church of Paris.
In the name of God, amen. In the year of our Lord,
1303, the 12th day of March, and the ninth year of the
popedom of the most holy father the Lord Boniface VIII.,
by God's providence pope, and in the presence of us
common notaries, and witnesses under written, the
nobleman master William Nagareta, (or de Nogaret),
knight, a worshipful professor of the laws, standing
before the most excellent prince the lord Philip, by the
grace of God most noble king of France, spake with
lively words, and gave in writings these things that
follow :
" There have been false prophets among the people,
as there have been also false teachers among you. St.
Peter, the glorious prince of the apostles, speaking to us
by the Spirit, told us things to come ; that likewise as
there were false prophets aforetimes, so there should
come among you false teachers, bringing in sects of
destruction ; by the which the way of truth shall be
defaced ; and covetously they shall make merchandise
of you with feigned words ; such masters follow the
way of Balaam, the son of Bosor, who loved the
reward of wickedness, and had his bridled ass to
correct his madness, which speaking in a man's
voice, did stop the foolishness of the prophet. All
which things as they are shewn to us by the greatest
patriarch himself ; your eyes see them fulfilled this day
according to the letter. For there sits In St. Peter'i
chair the master of lies, causing himself to be called
' Boniface,' that is ' a well doer,' when he is notable in
all kind of evil doing, and so he has taken to himself a
false name ; and where he is not a true ruler and master,
he calls himself the lord, judge, and master of all men.
And coming in contrary to the common order appointed
by the holy fathers, and also contrary to the rules of
reason, and so not entering in at the door into the Lord's
sheepfold, he is not a shepherd nor even a hireling, but
rather a thief and robber. For he (the true husband of
the Romish church yet living) deceived him that was
delighted in simplicity, and enticed him with feigned
flatterings and gifts to let him have his spouse to be his
wife, against truth, which cries, ' Those whom God hath
joined together, let no man put asunder ;' and at length
laying violent hands upon him, persuading him falsely
that which the deceiver said was come from the Holy
Spirit, was not ashamed to join to himself with wicked
practice that holy church, which is mistress of all
churches, calling himself her husband, whereas he cannot, I
be so ; for Celestine, the true Romish bishop, agreed \
not to the divorce, being deceived by so great subtilty ;
nothing is so contrary to agreeing as error and deceit,
as man's laws bear witness, therefore I need not speak ii
of his violence. But because the Spirit inspires whom li
he will, and he that is led by the Spirit is not under the J
law ; the holy universal church of God, not knowing the
crafts of that deceiver, stumbling and doubting whether
it came from the Holy Ghost that Celestine should leave
off his government, and the sins of the people deserving
it, for fear of a schism suffered the foresaid deceiver :
although, according to the doctrine of our Lord, ' By hig d
fruits he might be known,' whether he came to the said 1]
government by the Holy Ghost or otherwise ; his fruits i
(as it is plainly here written beneath) are now manifest I '
to all men, by which it is apparent to the world, that he j
came not in by God, but other ways ; and so came not i|
in by the sheepfold. His fruits are most wicked, and '
his end is death ; and therefore it is necessary that so
evil a tree, according to the Lord's saying, ' should be
cut down and cast into the fire. This cannot avail to his
excuse, which is made by some men, that is, that the
cardinals agreed upon him again, after the death of ;
Celestine the pope, seeing he could not be her husband, j
whom it is manifest he defiled by adultery, when her i
first husband was yet living, and she being worthy to
have the promise of marriage kept to her ; therefore,
because that which is done against the Lord turns to the v.
wrong of all men ; and especially in so great a mischief, \
I, like a bridled ass, by the power of the Lord, and not
by the voice of a perfect man, being not able to bear so
great a burthen, take in hand to rebuke the madness of
the said false prophet Balaam, who at the instance of
King Balak, that is, of the Prince of Devils, whom he
serves, is ready to curse the people blessed of the Lord.
I beseech you, most excellent prince, and Lord Philip, by
the grace of God, king of France, that like as the angel
of God in time past met the prophet Balaam in the way,
with a drawn sword, as he was going to curse God's
people ; so you, who are unwilling to execute fierce
justice, and are therefore like the angel of the Lord, and ,
minister of power and office, would meet with a naked
sword this said wicked man, who is far worse than
Balaam, that he perform not that evil which he intends
to the people.
"1. I propound that the foresaid man, who names
himself Boniface, is no pope, but wrongfully keeps the
seat which he has to the great damage of all the souls of
God's holy church. I say also, that his entering was
faulty in many ways, and he entered not in at the door, ■
but otherways, and therefore is to be judged a tliief and
a robber.
"2. I propound also, that the said Boniface is a ma-
nifest heretic, and utterly cut off from the body of the
holy church, because of many kinds of heresies, which \
are to be declared in convenient time and place. \
"3. I propound also, that the said Boniface is an'
horrible simoniac, and such a one as has not been since i
the beginning of the world : and the mischief of this lia i|
A. D. 1303—1304.] THE APPEAL OF KING PHILIP AG.UNST BONIFACE VIIL
195
I in him is notorious to all the world, (which thing is ma-
I nifest to all that will plainly understand) insomuch that
! he, being openly slandered, said openly, that he could
' not commit simony.
I " 4. I propound also, that the said Boniface, being
I wrapt in many manifest and heinous sins, is so hardened
in them, that he is utterly impossible to be corrected ;
' and lies in dungeon of mischief so deep, that he cannot
I be suffered any longer, without the overthrow of the
. church. His mouth is full of cursing, his feet are swift
i to shed blood. He utterly tears in pieces the churches,
which he ought to cherish ; wickedly wasting the goods
' of the poor, and making much of wicked men that give
' him rewards ; persecuting the righteous, and not gather-
ing but scattering among the people, bringing in new
; sects of destruction that have not been heard of; blas-
' pheming the way of truth, and by robbery thinking him-
self equal to the Lord Jesus Christ who is blessed for
; ever. And he being most covetous thirsts for gold,
j covets gold, and by some device gets gold of every
I people ; and utterly disregarding the worshipping of God,
; with feigned words, sometimes by flattering, sometimes
! by threatening, sometimes by false teaching, and all
to get money withal, he makes merchandise of us all ;
envying all things but his own ; loving no man, nourish-
ing war, persecuting and hating the peace of his subjects.
He is rooted in all unspeakable sins ; contrarying and
: striving against all the ways and doctrines of the Lord.
He is truly the abomination of the people, which Daniel
the Lord's prophet described.
" Therefore I answer, that laws, weapons, and all the
elements ought to rise against him, who thus overthrows
jthe state of the church; for whose sins God plagues the
i whole world. And finally nothing remains to him, being
|so unsatiable, to satisfy him withal, but only the unsa-
'tiable mouth of hell, and the fire that cannot be
'quenched, continuing forever. Therefore seeing that in
a. general council it so becomes, and I see this wicked
'man to be damned, who offends both God and all men :
I ask and require as instantly as I can, and I beseech
'you, my lord and king aforesaid, that you would declare
thus much to the prelates, doctors, people and princes,
'your brethren in Christ, and chiefly to the cardinals and
all prelates, and call a council. In the which (when the
'aforesaid wicked man is condemned) by the worshipful
[cardinals, the church may be provided with a shepherd :
[and for that council I offer myself ready lawfully to pur-
'sue the aforesaid things. And whereas the said man,
ibeing in the highest dignity, in the mean time cannot be
suspended of his superior; therefore he ought to be
taken, suspended indeed for the things aforesaid, seeing
his state is called into judgment, by the means aforesaid.
" I beseech and require the said cardinals by you, and
I presently require them and the church of God, that
this wicked man being put in prison, the church of Rome
may be provided with a vicar, who may minister those
things that shall appertain, until the church of God be
provided with a bishop, utterly to take away all occasion
of a schism. And lest the said wicked man should let
and hinder the prosecuting thereof, I require these
things of you, my lord king, affirming you to be bound to
do this for many causes. First, for the faith's sake.
Secondly, for your kingly dignity, to whose office it be-
longs to root out such wicked men. Thirdly, for your
oath's sake, which you made for the defence of the
churches of your realm, which the aforesaid ravener
utterly tears in pieces. Fourthly, because you are the
patron of the churches, and therefore you are not bound
only to the defence of them, but to the calling for again
of their goods, which this aforesaid man has wasted.
Fifthly, following the footsteps of your ancestors, you
ought to deliver your mother, the Romish church, from
so wicked a band wherein by oppression she is tied and
bound. I require that a public instrument may be made
of these requests by the notaries here present, under the
witness of the worshipful men that be here present.
These things were done and spoken as is aforesaid, at
Paris, in the king's house of Lupara."
After tins protestation of Master Nagareta, immedi-
ately ensued the appeal of the king, pronounced and
published against Boniface, recapitulating and ampli.
fying the same charges as are in the appeal of Na-
gareta.
Then King Philip made his appeal to a general coun-
cil, in form as follows :
"We, Philip, by the grace of God, hearing and un-
derstanding the objections propounded by our beloved
faithful knight, William of Nagareta, against Boniface,
now having the government of the Romish church : al-
though we would gladly cover with our own cloak, the
filthy parts of such a father ; yet for the love of the ca-
tholic faith, and great devotion that we bear to the holy
Romish and universal church our mother, and all faith-
ful men, and spouse of Christ, following the steps of our
ancestors, who hesitated not to shed their own blood for
the increase and defence of the church's liberty, and the
faith ; and desiring to provide for the purity of the faith
and state of the church ; as also to avoid the hurt of the
general slander, not being able any longer to pass over
these things with winking and dissembling, and my con-
science driving to the same ; seeing this estimate and
opinion of this Boniface in these matters is not rashly
conceived by us, but vehemently and plainly increased by
the many and continual complaints of credible men, and
fearing, moreover, the destruction of the faith, both of
us and of all other subjects, and especially of kings and
princes of the world, who ought to reprove negligence,
who acknowledge that we have received power given us
from the Lord, to the promoting and increasing of it ;
we agree to your request in this behalf, and to the calling
and assembling a council for the glory of God (saving the
honour and reverence that is due to the holy Romish
church in all things) whereby the truth may appear in
the premises, and all error avoided : that the state of the
universal church, and all Christianity, and the matters of
faith, and the holy land may be provided for, and the
slanders and jeopardies hanging over us may be with-
stood ; we are ready, and offer ourselves gladly, as much
as in us lies, to bestow our labours and diligent pains
thereabout ; earnestly requiring and beseeching in the
merciful bowels of Jesus Christ, you archbishops and
other prelates here present, as children of the church
and pillars of faith, called of the Lord to the promoting,
increase and preserving thereof, to care for the same,
that with all diligence you would gire heed, as becomes
you, and that you would effectually labour by all ways
and fit means, to the calling and assembling of this coun-
cil, in which we intend to be personally present. And
lest the said Boniface, who has boldly and wrongfully
many times threatened to proceed against us, stopping
and hindering our purposes and intent, lest any of his
works of darkness (if there be any) should come to
light, directly or indirectly hindering the calling and
gathering of this council ; or lest any state being in the
same realm that will indeed proceed against us, or our
state, churches, prelates, barons, and other faithful vas-
sals, our subjects, our lands, or our realm, and the state
of the realm, by abusing any spiritual sword, in excom-
municating, suspending, or other ways, by any means :
for us and our well-willers, and them that will follow us,
we provoke and appeal in writing to the aforesaid ge-
neral council (which we instantly desire to be called) and
to one lawful chief bishop that shall be, or to any other
to whom we should appeal ; and yet not going from the
appeal made by William of Nagareta, to whom we ad-
hered then, and also yet adhere : requiring earnestly a
witness of our appeal by you prelates and notaries, ex-
pressly to renew such provocation and appeal, when and
before whom it shall be thought meet to you."
Then the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and priors,
make their appeal in like manner with the king to a ge-
neral council.
These things being done, then followed the year 1304.
In the which year, a garrison of soldiers, sent partly by
the French king, partly by the cardinals of Columna, came
to the gates of Arvagium, where the pope hid himself.
The captains of which army were one Schaira, brother to
IVG
THE POPE MADE PillSONEll AND DIES.
[Boor IV.
those cardinals, and another, William de Longareto,
lii^h steward to the French king, who, invadiaij the
pope's town, and finding tlie gates open, gave assault to
the pope's frontier, where the pojie, witli his nephew,
a marquess, and three other cardinals were immured.
The townsmen, seeing all their intent and strength to be
bent against the pope, caused the common bell to be
rung, and so assembling themselves in a common coun-
cil, ordained Adolphus, one of the chiefest rulers of
the town, for their captain, who, unknown to them, was
a great adversary to the pope. This Adolphus joined
•with the French company against the pope, and beset
his palace on every side. And first, setting upon the
palaces of the three cardinals, who were then chief about
the pope, they rifled and spoiled all their goods. The
cardinals by a back door hardly escaped their hands ;
but the pope's palace, through the strength of tlie mar-
quess, was somewhat better defended. At lengtli the
pope, perceiving himself not able to make his party
good, desired truce with Schaira, wliich was granted
from one till nine. During which time of truce, the
pope privily sends to the townsmen of Arvagiura, desir-
ing them to save his life, which, if they would do, he
promised so to enrich them, that they sliould all have
cause never to forget or repent their kindness be.-towed
on him. To this they made answer, excusing them-
selves, that it lay not in their ability to do him any good,
for that the whole power of the town was with the cap-
tain. Then the pope, all destitute and desolate, sends
to Schaira, beseeching him to draw out in articles
wherein he had wronged him, and he would make him
amends to the uttermost. Schaira to this makes a plain
answer, signifying to him again, "That he should in no
wise escape with his life, except upon these three condi ■
tions. First, to restore again the two cardinals of
Columna his brethren, whom he had before deprived,
with all other of their stock and kindred. Secondly,
that after their restitution, he should renounce his
papacy. Thirdly, tliat his body should remain in his
power and custody." These articles seemed to the
pope so hard, that in no case would he agree to them.
When the truce expired, the captains and soldiers, set-
ting themselves against the bishop, first fired the gates
of the palace, whereby the army, having a full entrance,
fell to rifle and spoil the house. The marquess upon
hoping to save hi- life, and the life of his children,
yielded himself to the hands of Scliaira and the oth.er
captain, jvhich, when the pope heard, he we])t and made
great lamentation. After this breaking through the
windows and doors, they burst in to the pope,Vhom
they treated with words and threats accordingly. Upon
this he was put to his choice, whether he v.'ould pre-
sently leave his life, or give over his papacy. But he
said that he would never while he lived renounce his
popedom. Then Schaira was ready to slay him, but he
was prevented by some that were about hi'm. The sol-
diers, who ranged in the meantime through all the
corners of the jiope's house, loaded themselves with all
the immense treasure of gold, silver, plate, and orna-
ments that were collected there. Thus Boniface, be-
reaved of all his goods, remained in their custody three
days, during which time tliey set him on a wild unbroken
colt, his face turned to the horse's tail, and caused the
horse to gallop, so tliat the pope was almost breathless :
they kept him so without meat, that he was nearly fa-
mished to death. After the third day, the Arvagians
and people of the town, mustering themselves together,
to the number of ten thousand, secretly bui-st into the
house where the pope was kept, and slaying the keepers,
delivered the pope by a strong hand. Being then
brought into the middle of the town, he gave thanks
with weeping tears to the people for saving his life, pro-
mising, moreover, (forsomuch as he was out of all ids
goods, having neither bread nor drink to put in his
mouth), God's blessing and his, to all them that now
would relieve him with any thing, eithi-r to eat or drink.
And here now see what j)overty and affliction can work
in a man ; the pope, before in all his pom]) and most
ruffling wefilth, was never so proud, but now he was as
humble and lowly^ thsit every poor simple man might
have a bold and free access to his person. To make the
story short, the pope, in that great distress of famine,
was not so gret.dy of the peoj)le's victuals, as tliey were
greedy of his blessing. The women and people of the
toivn came so thick, some with bread, some with wine,
some with water, some with meat, some with one thing,
some with anotlier, that the pope's chamber was too lit-
tle to receive the offering ; insomuch, that when tliere
lacked cups to receive the wine, they poured it down on
the chamber floor, not regarding the loss of wine to win
the ))0])e's holy blessing. Thus Pope Boniface, being
refreshed by the town of Arvagium, took his journey
from thence, accompanied with a great multitude of sol.
diers, and came to Rome, where, shortly after, partly
from fear, partly from famine, partly from sorrow for
the loss of so inestimable a treasure, he died.
Now, after this matter between the French king and
Poj)e Boniface, let us proceed in our English history.
About this time, in the days of King Edward, the church
of Rome began daily more and more to rise up, and
swell so high in pride and worldly dominion, that no
king could do scarcely any thing, but as pleased the
pope, who ruled all in all countries, but chiefly here in
England. When tlie king and the church of Canterbury ,
in their election h id chosen one Robert Burnhil, bishop
of Bath, to be archbishop of Canterbury, Pope Boni-
face, of his own presumptuous authority, ruling the
matter after his own pleasure, frustrated their election,
and thrust in another, named John Peckham; for among
others, this had always been one practice of the court of
Rome, ever to have the archbishop of their own appoint-
ing, or sucli an one as they might be sure of on their
side, to weigh against. the king. To this John Peckham,
Pope Boniface directed a solemn bull from Rome, as
also to all quarters of the universal church. In which
bull it was decreed, directly against the rule of scrip-
ture and christian obedience, " That no church nor ec-
clesiastical person should henceforth yield to his king
or temporal magistrate, either any giving or lending, or
promising of tribute or subsidy, or portion whatsoever,
of the goods and possessions belonging to him, but
should be clearly exempted and discharged from all tax-
ation in the behalf of the prince and his affairs." This
decree manifestly rebelled against the ordinance of God,
and the apostolical canon of St. Peter, and all other ex-
amples of holy scripture. For as there is no word in the
scripture that excludes spiritual men more than tempo-
ral from obedience and subjection to princes ; so if the
prince was to be too rigorous in his exacting, or cruel ia
oppression, that is no cause for the clergy to be ex-
empt, but they rather should bear the common burthea
of obedience, and pray to God to turn and move the
prince's mind.
This bull being directed from Rome to the archbi-
shop of Canterbury, and likewise through the whole
church, under the pope's authority ; it happened not .
long after that the king held his parliament at St. Ed-
mundsbury, where was granted to him by all cities and
boroughs an eighth, and by the commons a twelftii of
their goods. Only the clergy, by virtue of this bull,,
stoutly refused to pay any thing to the king. This an-
swer not pleasing the king, he desired them to deliberate
better with themselves upon the matter, and after ma-
ture advice to give him answer against the next parlia-
ment, which should be held the next Hilary term at
London.
In conclusion, when the parliament met, the clergy,
persisted still in the denial of their subsidy, alleging the
pope's bull for their warrant and discharge. Where-
upon the king excluded them from under his j)rotectiou
and the safeguard of his laws. And as concerning the
archbisho]) of Canterbuiy aijove mentioned, because he
was found more stubborn than the rest, and was tlie in-
citer to the others ; he seized upon all his goods, and
caused an inventory of the same to be enrolled in the
exchefpier. Several of the otlier bishops relented sooa
after to tlie king, and contributed the fifth of their good4
unto him, and were received !x.x;iin to favour.
After the death of John Poc-kliam, archbishop of C'an-
I terbury, succeeded iitbirt Vi'iuchelsey ; with whom aif*"
A. D. i;'.C4— 130/-.] THE EPISTLE OF CASSIODORUS TO THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.
197
the kin? had similar variance. And as this king was
tro'.ibk'ii in hi.-; time with both the archbishops, John
Peckham, and also Robert Wiuchelsoy ; so it h-'ppened to
all otht-r kiuijs for the most part, from the time of Lan-
franc (that is, from Pope Hildebrand) that every king in
his time had some trouble or other with that see. As
William Rufus, and Henry L were troubled with
Ansehn ; Henry IL with Thomas Beeket ; King Richard
and all England, with William, bishop of Ely, the
pope's legate ; King John, with Stephen Langton :
King Henry IH. with Edmund, arclibishop, called
St. Edmund; likewise this King Edward L, with John
Peckham and Robert Winchelsey. And so other kings
after him, with some prelate or other.
After Pope Boniface succeeded Benedict XI. and
then Pope Clement V., who translated the pope's court
to Avignon in France, where it remained for seventy-
four years after. At the coronation of this Clement,
was present Philip, king of France; Charles his son; and
Duke John, duke of Brittany, with a great number of
Other men of state and nobility. At which coronation,
ill the middle of the pomp and procession, a great wall
break down and fell upon them : by the fall of which,
Duke John, with twelve others, were slain ; King Philip,
hurt and wounded ; the pope struck from his horse, and
lost out from his mitre upon his head, a carbuncle,
esteemed to the value of (5000 florins. By this
Clement it was ordained, that the emperor, though he
might be called king of the Romans before, yet he might
rot enjoy the title and right of the emperor, until he was
confirmed by him. And that the emperor's seat being
vacant, the pope should reign as emperor, till a new
emperor was chosen. By him the oVder of the Templars
(who at that time were too abominable) was put down
at the council of Vienna. He also ordained and con-
firmed the feast of Corpus Christi. assigning indulgences
to such as heard the service. And as Pope Boniface
before heaped up the book of decretals, called Sextus
Decretaltum, so this Clement compiled the seventh
book of the decretals, called of the same Clement, The
Clementines. In the time of this pope, the Emperor
Henry VI. was poisoned in receiving the sacrament, bv
a false dissembling monk called Bernard, that feigned
himself to be his familiar friend ; which was thought to
be done not without the consent of the pope's legate.
The emperor, perceiving himself poisoned, warned him
to flee and escape away ; for the Germans would surely
have slain him ;■ although he escaped himself, yet man .'
of his order were slain with fire and sword.
This Pope Clement V. had well provided against the
empire of Rome to bring it under his girdle, insomuch
that, without the pope's benediction, no emperor might
take the state upon him, and now he proceeded to
intermeddle with the empire of Constantinople ; where
he first exercised his tyranny and power of excommu-
nication against the emperor Andronicus Paleologus,
(A. D; 130()), declaring him to be a schismatic and
heretic, because he neither would nor durst suffer the
i Greeks to make their appeal from the Greek church
j to the pope, nor would acknowledge him for his su-
I perior. From this it may appear, that the Greek
I church did not admit the pope's superiority as yet, nor
i indeed at any time before, except about the time of
[Pope Innocent III. (A. D. 1202), when Baldwin, earl
'of Flanders, joined with the Venetians, and went against
the Greeks, to place Alexius in the empire of Constanti-
jnople, upon condition (as writes Platina) of subduing
the Greek church under the church of Rome. Alexius
I being restored, and shortly after slain, the empire came
ito the Frenchmen, with whom it remained the space of
jfifty-eight years, till the coming of Michael Paleologus,
|Who restored the empire to its pristine state. After
Ithis, Michael, emperor of Constantinople, being called
jup to a council at Lyons by Pope Gregory X., alDOut the
wontroversy of the procession of the Holy Ghost and
obedience to the church of Rome, submitted himself and
the Greeks to the subjection of Rome, and he thereby
procured to himself such grudge and hatred among the
Greek monks and priests, that after his death they
denied him the due honour and place of burial. The
son of this Michael Paleologus was Andronicus above
mentioned : who was constrained by the Greeks not to
admit any appeal to the bishop of Rome, and was there-
f'.re accursed by the pope's censures for a heretic.
Whereby it apjiears, that the Greeks, recovering their
state Jigain, refused all subjection at this time unto the
church of Rome, which was A. D. 1307. After this
Clement V. followed Pope John XXII., with wliora
Lewis the emptror had much trouble. After whom
next in course s'uveeded Pope Benedict XII. Now to
return to the Engli-h history in the year 1307, which
was the thirty-fourth of the reign of this king, the
king kept a parliament at Carlisle, where great com-
plaints were brought in by the nobles of the realm,
concerning the manifold and intolerable oppressions
of churches and monasteries, and exactions of money
by the pope's legate, William Testa. The pope sent
this legate into England with his bulls, in which he
reserved the first fruits of all churches vacant at any
time, within the realm of England, .Scotland, Wales,
and Ireland, and also the fruits of abbeys and priories,
&c. The king, with his nobles, seeing the inconve-
nience and injury of this to the whole realm, in the
parliament held at Carlisle, withstood the legate, com-
manding him by the assent of the earls and barons, that
henceforth he should abstain from all such exactions.
And as concerning his lord the pope, the king wrote, de-
claring and admonishing the pope, that he should not
exact the first fruits of the churches and abbeys,
founded by his predecessors and the noblemen of the
land, for the honour and maintenance of God's service,
for alms and hospitality.
During this parliament, as men w^ere talking of the
pope's oppressions, there suddenly fell down among
them a certain paper, with this superscription.
An Ejnxtle of Cassiodorus to the Church of England,
concerning the Abuses of the Romish Church.
" To the noble church of England, serving in clay
and brick, as the Jews did in time past under the ty-
ranny of the Egy])tians ; Peter the son of Cassiodorus a
catholic soldier, and devout champion of Christ, sends
greeting, and wishing it to cast off the yoke of bondage,
and to receive the reward of liberty.
" To whom shall I compare thee, or to whom shall I
liken thee, O daughter of Jerusalem .' To whftm shall I
match thee, O daughter of Sion ? Great is thy troubled
state, like to the sea. Thou sittest alone without com-
fort all the day long, thou art confounded and consumed
with heaviness. Tl)0u art given up into the hands of
him from whence thou canst not rise without the help
of one to lift tbee up : for the scribes and pharisees sit-
ting upon the chair of Moses, the enemies of the
Romans are as tliy heads and rulers : enlarging their
guarded phylacteries, and seeking to be enriched with
the marrow of thy bones, laying heavy burdens, and not
able to be borne upon thy shoulders, and on thy minis-
ters, and they set thee under tribute, (who of old time
hast been free) beyond all honesty or measure. But
marvel not thereat, for thy mother, v.hich is the lady of
people, like a widow having married and coupled her-
self to her subjects, has appointed him to be thy father :
that is to say, the bishop of Rome, who shews no point
of any fatherly love towards thee. He magnifies and ex-
tends to the utmost his authority over thee, and by
experience he declares himself to be the husband of
thy mother. He remembers oft with himself the
prophetical saying of the prophet, and well digested
the same in the inward part of his breast : ' Take to
thee a great book, and write therein quickly with the
pen of a man ;' ' take the spoil, rob quickly.' But is
this it which the apostle says that he was appointed
for, where he writes thus ? ' Every bishoj), taken
from among men, is apjiointed for men in those
things that belong to the Lord:' not to spoil, nor
to lay on them yearly taxes, nor to kill men, but ' to
offer gifts and sacrifices for sins," and to sorrow with them
that be ignorant and do err. .\nd so we read of Peter
the fisherman (whose successor ha boasts himself to be;
198
DEATH OF KING EDWARD I.— HIS CHARGE TO HIS SON.
[Book IV.
that after the resurrection of Christ, he returned with
the other apostles, to the office of fishing : who when he
could take nothing on the left-side of the ship, at the
bidding of Christ turned to the right-side, and drew to
land a net full of fishes. M'herefore the profitable minis-
ti7 of the church is to be exercised on the right side, by
which the devil is overcome, and plenty of souls are
gained and won to Christ. But certainly the labour on
the left side of tlie ship is far otherwise : for in it the
faith stumbles, heaviness bears rule, when that which is
desired by seeking, is not found. For who is so foolish
as to think that he can at one time serve both God and
man .' satisfy his own will, or stick to the revelations of
flesh and blood, and offer worthy gifts to Christ .' And
doubtless that shepherd who watches not for the edifying
of the flock, prepares another way for ' the roaring lion
seeking whom he may devour.' And now behold, I say,
O daughter, the deeds of him that is called thy Father,
are such as have not been heard of before : he drives away
the good shepherds from the sheepfold, and places in
their stead bishops, to rule, but not to profit (his ne-
phews, cousins, and parents) some that know no letters,
and others dumb and deaf, who understand not the plain
voice of the sheep, not curing their wounds, who are
hurt by the wolves: but like hirelings, plucking off the
fleeces, and reaping that which other men have sown,
whose hands moreover are always ready in their baskets
and pouches, but their backs are turned from their bur-
thens. By which it is manifest, that the priesthood is
clean changed in these days, — the service of God decayed,
— alms diminished and brought to nought, — the whole
devotion of kings, princes and christians, is banished.
May not this be thouglit wonderful in the eyes of all men ;
that whereas Christ commands tribute to be paid to kings
for him and for Peter, this bishop now goes about by domi-
nion of his style, to subdue to him both realms, and princes
of realms (against his will, whose vicar he saith he is, and
who refused the realms and judgments of the world)
which this bishop contrarywise challenges, claiming all
that which he in his style writes to be his ? Alas ! O
daughter, what doth he yet more against thee? Mark,
he draws from thee whatever pleases him, and yet he is
not content, to have the tenth part only of thy goods from
thee ; except he have also the first fruits of the benefices
of the ministers, whereby he may get a new patrimony,
as well for himself as for his kindred, contrary to the
godly wills of the first founders. Over and besides all
this, he introduces other execrable taxes and stipends
for his legates and messengers, whom he sends into
England ; who not only take away the feeding and cloth-
ing of thee and thine, but also like dogs tear in pieces
your flesh and skins. May not this prince be compared
to King Nebuchadnezar, who destroyed the temple of
the Lord, and carried away the golden and silver vessels
thereof ? The very same does this man also ; he robbed
the ministers of God's house, and left them destitute of
due help. — In like manner does he : truly they are better
who are killed with the sword, than they who are pined
with hunger ; for they are dead immediately, but these
are wasted with the barrenness of the earth. O daughter,
all they that pass by, let them have pity and compassion
on thee, for there is no sorrow like thy sorrow. For
now thy face is blacker than coals, through much sorrow
and weeping, and thou art no more known in the streets :
thy foresaid ruler has placed thee in darkness, and has
given thee wormwood and gall to drink. O Lord, hear
the sorrow and sighing of thy people, behold. Lord,
and descend, for the heart of this man is more hardened
than the heart of Pharaoh. For he will not suffer the
people to depart, except only by the strength of thy hand.
For he not only scourges them miserably upon the earth,
but also after their death, he intends, to ingross the
goods of all christians under the name and title of
dying intestate, or making no will. Therefore, let
the chivalry of England well remember, how the French-
men iri times past, directing their greedy eyes on
the realm of England, laboured with all their power how
to bring the same under their subjection. But it is to
be feared, lest the new devices and practice of this new
enemy supply that r^Hich hitherto has been lacking in
them. For in diminishing the treasure of the realm,
and spoiling the church goods, the realm shall be brought
inio such inability, that it shall not be able to help itself
against the enemy. Therefore, O daughter, and you the
ministers thereof, suffer not yourselves to be led any more
into such miserable bondage. It is better for the wealth
of thee and thine, that the christian king and the powers
of the realm, who have clothed thee with great benefits,
and you also who are clothed with their benefits, do la-
bour with all your power how to resist the devices, conspi-
racies, arrogance, presumption, and pride of the foresaid
person : who not for any zeal of God, but for the inrich-
ing of his parents, and for his own kindred (exalting
himself like an eagle) by these and such other exactions
goes about, after another kind of extortion, to scrape up
and devour all the money and treasure of England. Now,
lest the dissembled simplicity of the realm in this behalf
do bring utter subversion, and afterward be compelled to
seek remedy when it is too late : 1 beseech the Lord God
of Hosts to turn away the veil from the heart of that
man, and to give him a contrite and an humble mind, in
such sort as he may acknowledge the ways of the true
God, whereby he may be brought out of darkness, and
be forced to relinquish his old sinister attempts ; and that
the vineyard, which the Lord's hand has planted, may
be replenished continually with the preachers of the
word. Let the words of the Lord, prophesied by the
mouth of Jeremy, stir up your minds to withstand and
resist the subtle practices of this man, by which words
the Lord speaks : ' O thou pastor which hast scattered my
people, and hast cast them out of their habitations, be-
hold I will come and visit upon thee, and upon the malice
of thy studies : neither shall there be any of thy seed which
shall sit upon the seat of David, neither which shall have
power any more in Judah. So that thy nest shall become
barren, and utterly subverted, like Sodom and Gomorrah.*
" ' And if he being terrified by these words, do not leave
off from this which he beginneth, and does not make resti-
tution of those which he has received, then let all and
singular persons sing for him being hardened, to him that
seeth all things,' the 108 Psal. For as truly as favour,
grace, and benevolence, remits, and neglects many things ;
so again the gentle benignity of man, being too much op-
pressed and grieved, seeking to be delivered and freed
from the same, strives and searches to have the truth
known, and casts off that yoke by all means possible that
grieves him," &c.
In the year 1307, King Edward, marching toward
Scotland, fell sick, which sickness increased so upon
him, that he despaired of life : wherefore calling before
him his earls and barons, he caused them to be sworn
that they should crown his son Edward. That being
done, he called his son Edward, informing and advising
him with wholesome precepts ; and he charged him also,
as he valued his blessing, with several matters. First,
That he should be courteous, gentle, upright in judg-
ment, fair spoken to all men, constant in deed and in
word, familiar with the good ; and especially to be mer-
ciful to the miserable. He gave him also charge not to
be too hasty in taking his crown before he had revenged
his father's injuries against the Scots ; but that he
should remain in those parts to take with him his fa-
ther's bones, after being well boiled from the flesh ; and
so being inclosed in some fit vessel, should carry them
with him till he conquered all the Scots, saying, that so
long as he had his father's bones with him, none should
overcome him. He desired and required him to love
his brothers Thomas and Edmund ; also to cherish and
be tender to his mother Margaret the queen. He, also,
strictly charged him upon his blessing (as he would
avoid his curse) that he should in no case call to him
again, or send for Peter Gaveston, which Peter Gave-
ston the king had before banished from the realm, for
his naughty and wicked intimacy with his son Edward,
and for his leading him astray with evil counsel. For
which he banished both Peter Gaveston utterly out of
the realm, and also put Edward his son into prison ;
and, therefore, he strictly charged his son not to send
for this Gaveston, or to have him about him. And.
finally, because he had conceived in himself a vow to
A.D. 1307—1311.] EDWARD II.— PRIDE AND TYRANNY OF POPE CLEMENT V.
199
have returned in his own person to the Holy Lmd,
(which from his many wars with the Scots he could
not perform), therefore he had prepared thirty-two
thousand pounds of silver, for sending some soldiers
with his heart to the Holy Land ; which he required his
son to see accomplished, so that the money, under his
curse and malediction, should not be employed to
other uses. But these injunctions and precepts the dis-
obedient son did not observe after the decease of his
father, but leaving off the war with the Scots, he hasted
with all speed to his coronation. Also contrary to
the mind of his nobles, and against the precept of his
father, he sent for Peter Gaveston, and prodigally be-
stowed upon him all that treasure which his father had
bequeathed to the Holy Land. He was moreover a
proud despiser of his peers and nobles, and therefore
reigned unfortunately.
KING EDWARD THE SECOND.
Edward II. was born at Carnarvon, in Wales, and
after the death of his father, entered the government,
A.D. 130", but was not crowned before the year follow-
ing (A.D. 1308,) by reason of the absence of Robert
Winchelsey, who was banished by King Edward I.
Whereupon the king wrote to the pope for the restitu-
tion of the archbishop, for by an ancient law of the
realm the coronation of the king could not proceed
without the archbishop of Canterbury. This Edward,
as he was personable in body and outward shape, so in
conditions and evil dispositions he was much deformed ;
being unsteadfast in his word, and lightly disclosing
secrets of great counsel ; also refusing the company of his
lords and men of honour, he associated with villains and
vile personages, given moreover to drinking, and such
vices as usually ensue on drunkenness. And as of his
own nature he was disposed to such vices, so he was
made much worse by the counsel and familiarity of
certain evil disposed persons, as Peter, or Pierce Gave-
ston, and the two Spensers, and others, following whose
wanton counsel he gave himself to riot and debauchery ;
not ordering his government with gravity, discretion, or
justice, which caused great variance between him and
his nobles, so that he shortly became odious to them,
and in the end was deprived of his kingdom. In the
first year of his reign he took to wife Isabel, daughter of
Philip king of France, with whom, the year after, he
was crowned at Westminster by the bishop of Winches-
ter, as Robert Winchelsey, archbishop of Canterbui^,
was not yet returned home. The barons and lords first
made request to the king to put Peter Gaveston from
him, or else they would not consent to his coronation ;
whereupon he was forced to grant them at the next
parliament to have their requests accomplished, and so
he was crowned. In the meantime this Peter or Pierce,
emboldened by the king's favour, continued triumphing
and setting at light all the other states and nobles of the
realm, so that he ruled both the king and the realm,
and all things went as he wished, neither had the king
any delight or kept company with any, but with him ;
with him only he told all his mind, and conferred all his
counsels. This seemed strange to the lords and earls,
and inflamed them so much against this Peter Gaveston,
that through the exciting of the nobles, the bishops of
the land proceeded in excommunication against him
\inless he departed the land.
At length the parliament met (A.D. 1310), and ar-
ticles were drawn by the nobles to be exhibited to the
king, which articles were the same as contained in
Magna Charta, and de Foresta, with such other articles
as his father had charged him with before ; to wit, that
he should remove from him and his court all aliens and
perverse counsellors, and that all the matters of the
commonwealth should be debated by the common coun-
cil of the lords both temporal and spiritual ; and that
he should stir no war out of England in any other
foreign realm, without the common assent of the same,
&c. Tlie king perceiving their intent to be, as it was
indeed, to separate Peter Gaveston from his company,
Wid seeing no other remedy but he must yield and grant
his consent, agreed that Gaveston should be banished
to Ireland ; and so the parliament breaking up, the lordii
returned home well pleased.
In the history of King Edward I. mention was made
of Pope Clement v., who succeeded Benedict; also of
the suppression of the Templars, which happened in
this year by means of the French king. He burned
in the city of Paris this year fifty-four Templars, with
the grand master of the order, and induced Pope Cle-
ment to call a council at Vienna, where the whole order
of Templars was condemned, and shortly after, with the
consent of all christian kings, totally suppressed in one
day. After this the French king thought to make his
son king of Jerusalem, and to transfer to him all the
lands of the Templars. But Clement the pope would
not agree, and transferred aU their lands to the order of
Hospitallers, for the great sum of money given for the
same. The cause of these impious Templars being sup-
pressed, was on account of their abominable and filthy
practices, which are better not told, if those things be
true which some authors write.
Another matter of similar abomination I may here
mention, touching a certain nunnery in France called
Provines, within which, at the cleansing of a fish-pond,
many bones of young children were found, and the
bodies also of some infants not yet decomposed. On
account of this, several of the nuns of this nunnery, to
the number of twenty-seven, were brought to Paris, and
there imprisoned.
In the same council also it was decreed by Clement
v., that all religious orders who were then exempt
should be subject to the common laws as others were.
But the Cistercian monks with money and great gifts
redeemed their privileges and exemptions of the pope.
These Cistercians succeeded better than the Minorites
of the Franciscans in their suit. Of which Franciscans,
when certain of them had offered to the pope forty
thousand florins of gold, besides silver, if he would dis-
pense with their having lands and possessions against
their rule. The pope asked them where was that
money ? They answered, in the merchants' hands.
So the space of three days was given them to produce
the merchants. Then the pope absolved the merchants
of their bond made to the friars, and commanded all
that money to be employed to his own use ; declaring
to the friars that he would not infringe or violate the
rule of St. Francis lately canonized, neither ought he to
do it for any money. And thus these rich friars, although
they called themselves "the begging friars, "and" themen-
dicant order," lost both their money and their indulgence.
This Pope Clement V. excommunicated the Vene-
tians for aiding and preferring Azoda to the state of
Ferrara ; and wrote his letters throughout all Europe,
condemning them as enemies of the church, and giving
their goods as a lawful prey to all men, which caused
them to sustain great harm. But Francis Dandulus, a
nobleman of Venice, being ambassador from the Vene-
tians to Clement, in order to obtain their absolution and
the safety of their city and country, and to pacify the
pope's fury, so humbled himself before this proud pre-
late, that he suffered a chain of iron to be tied about
his i«ck, and lay down flat before his table, to catch
the bones and fragments that fell from it, as if he had
been a dog, till the pope's fury was assuaged ; so that
afterwards in reproach (because he so humbled himself
for the behalf and helping of his country), he was by
some called a dog. But the city of Venice showed
themselves not ungrateful to Dandulus for his gentle
good will thus shown to his country ; for as he had
abased himself in the vile and ignominious condition of a
dog for his country's sake, so they extolled him with as
much glory when he returned home, decking and
adorning him after the best array, with the chief princely
ornaments of the city, to make him amends for his for-
mer reproach. /» r. Tjn\ i„
Let us proceed to the next year (A.D. 1.511). In
which year Peter Gaveston, Nvho had wandered the
countries about, and could find no safe restmg place,
secretly returning into England, j.resented hiniMlt to
the king. The king for joy ran to meet him. and em-
200
PETER GAVESTON BEHEADED-GREAT FAMINE IN ENGLAND.
[Book IV.
I racing him, not onlv retained him, but also for his
sake undid all such acts as had been enacted in the par-
liament. The queen and the whole court seeing this
doting of the king, were exceeding sorrowful. After
this return of Gaveston was noised among the com-
mons, the peers, and nobles of the realm were not a
little stirred, consulting with themselves what was
best to be done. At last they determined that Thomas,
earl of Lancaster should be elected among them the
chieftain, and chief doer in this business ; to whom all
other earls, barons, and jirelates also consented, ex-
cept only AValtcr bishop of Coventry, whom Robert the
archbishop, therefore, afterwards excommunicated. The
earl of Lancaster, by the assent of the i-est, sent to the
king, (who was then at York) humble petitions in the
name as well of the whole nobility as of the commons,
desiring his grace to give Gaveston over to them, or
else, according to the ordinance of the realm, that he
might be banished ; but the tyrannous king, who set
more value on the love of one stranger than on his
whole realm besides, would neither hearken to their
counsel, nor give place to their sujiplications, but in all
hasty fury removed from York to Newcastle, where he
remained till near midsummer.
In the meantime the barons had gathered an host of
sufficient and able soldiers, and came towards New-
castle, not intending any molestation against the king,
but only the execution of the laws upon the wicked
Gaveston. The king not having men to resist their
power, removed to Tynemouth, and thence to the castle of
Scarborough, where leaving Peter Gaveston to the safe
keej)ing of his men, himself journeyed toward War-
wick. The lords hearing where Peter was, bent thither
all their power ; so that at length Gaveston seeing no
remedy but he must needs come into their hands, yield-
ed, and submitted himself, requiring no other con-
dition, but only that he might talk but a few words to
the king in their presence.
It chanced tiiat Guy, the earl of Warwick, came to
the place where Gaveston was in custody, and taking
him out of the hands of his keejiers, he carried him to
the castle of Warwick, where they would have put him to
death ; but doubting and fearing the king's displeasure,
they stayed a little. When one of the company (a
man of sage and wise counsel, as mine author writes)
standing up among them, gravely declared the nature
of the man, the wickedness of his own condition, the
realm so greatly endamaged by him, the nobles de-
spised and rejected, the intolerable pride and ambition
of the man, the ruin of things like to ensue by him, and
the great charges and expeusts they had been at in so
long i)ursuing and catching him ; and now being gotten
and in their hands, he exhorted them to use and take the
occasion now present.
Briefly he so persuaded the hearers, that forthwith
Gaveston was brought out and beheaded. And thus he
that had called the earl of Warwick the black dog of
Ardeine, was thus worried by the dog.
After this, great disturbance began to rise between
1 he king and the lords ; who hnving their forces lying about
Dunstable, sent message to the king at London, to have
their former acts confirmed. Gilbert, earl of Gioc%^ter,
the king's nephew, (who neither held against the king,
nor yet against the nobles), with the bishops and pre-
lates of the realm, went between both j)arties with great
diligence to make unity. At which time also came two
cardinals from Rome, with letters from the ])ope. Tlie
nobles answered to the message of the cardinals, then at
St. Albans ; that as to themselves, they should be at all
times welcome, but as touching their letters (forasmuch
as they were unlettered men, and only brought up in
■war and feats of arms) tlierefore they cared not for
seeing the same. Then message was sent again, re-
quiring that they would at least speak with the pope's
legates, who purposely came for the intent to set quiet
and unity in the realm. Tiiey answered again, that
they had bisho])S both godly and learned, by whose
counsel only they would be led, and not by any strangers,
who knew not the true cause of their commotion. And
therefore they said explicitly, that they would have no
foreigners or aliens to be doers in their business and
affairs pertaining to the realm. Yet notwithstanding,
through the mediation of the archbishop, and of the earl
of Glocester, the matter at length was so taken up, ttiat
the barons agreed to restore to the king or to his attorney
of St. Albans, all the treasure, horses, and jewels of
Gaveston which were taken at Newcastle, so that their
requests should be granted. And so the matter at that
time was settled.
Shortly after this, Isabel the queen way delivered of a
fair child at Windsor. At the birth tl,(-;e was great
rejoicing througii all the land, and especially tlie king so
much joyed, that he began daily more and more to
forget the sorrow and remembrance of Gave ston's death,
and was after that more agreeable to the will of his
nobles.
In the mean time the Scots began to be busy, and to
rebel through the means of Robert Bruce ; who being
chased out of Scotland by King Edward L, as is before
mentioned, went into Norway, but was now returned
again into Scotland, where he so influenced the lords
there, that in a short time he was made king of the
realm, and warred so strongly upon them that took the
king's part, that he won from them many eastlcs and
strongholds, and invaded the borders of England. The
king hearing this, assembled a great army, and enters
the realm of Scotland by sea. Against whom Robert
Bruce with his Scots fought a strong battle at Estrivelin ;
in the end, the Englishmen were discomfited.
The Scots after this, exalted with pride and fierceness,
invaded the realm of England, killing and destroying
man, woman, and child ; they came winning and wasting
the north parts as far as to York. Besides this, there
was such dearth of victuals, and penury of all things so
oppressed the whole land, such murrain of sheep and
oxen ; that men were compelled to eat horse-flesh, dogs,
cats, mice, and whatever else they could get. Moreover,
such a price of corn followed, that the king hardly had
bread for the sustenance of his own household. More-
over, there were some that stole children and eat them,
and many died for the lack of victuals. And yet all this
amended not the king of his evil living.
The cause and origin of this great dearth, was partly
the wars and dissension between the English and the
Scots, whereby a great part of the land was wasted.
But the chiefest cause was the intemperate season of the
year, which contrary to the common course, was so
moist with abundance of rain, that the grain laid in the
earth could have no ripening by the heat of the sun, nor
grow to any nourishment. They that had any thing to
eat could not be satisfied, but soon were as hungry
again. They that had nothing were driven to steal and
rob ; the rich were constrained to abandon and diminish
tiieir households ; the poor died from famine. And not
so much the want of provisions, which could not be
gotten, as tlie unwholesomeness of the same when it was
taken, so consumed the people, that the living were not
sufficient to bury the dead. For the corruption of the
meats, by reason of the unseasonableness of the ground,
was so infectious that many died of hot fevers, many of
the pestilence, and other diseases. And not only the
bodies of men were infected, but also the beasts, by the
putrefaction of the herbs and grass, fell into so great a
murrain, that the eating of flesh was suspected and
thouglit contagious. A quarter of corn and salt, from
the month of June to September grew from thirty shil-
lings unto forty shillings. The flesh of horses was then
precious to the poor. Many were driven to steal fat
dogs, and to eat them. Some were said in secret
corners to eat their own children. Some would steal
other men's children to kill them and eat them privily.
The prisoners and thieves that were in prison, for hunger
fell upon such as were newly brought in to them, and
tearnig them in pieces eat them half alive. Briefly, this
extreme penury had extinguished and consumed (as it
was thought) the greatest part of the people of the land,
had not the king by the advice of the Londoners given
forth command through all his land, that no corn shoiild
at that time be turned to the making of drink. Such a
Lord is God, thus able to do where he is disposed to
A.D. 1311—1323.] THE KING PROHIBITS THE EXACTIONS OF THE POPE'S LEGATES.
201
strike. And yet we miserable creatures in our wealth
and abundance will not cease daily to provoke his terrible
majesty. « t,
Soon after this two legates came from Rome, sent by
Pope John XXII., under pretence of setting agreement
between England and Scotland ; who for their charges
and expenses, required of every spiritual person four
pence in every mark. But all their labour availed
nothing ; for the legates as they were in the north parts
with their whole family and train, were robbed and
despoiled of their horses, treasure, apparel, and what else
they had, and being severely handled, retired back again
to Durham, where they staid waiting for an answer from
the Scots. But when neither the pope's legacy nor his
curse could obtain any place with the Scots, the legates
returned to London, where they first excommunicated
and cursed as black as soot all those arrogant and pre-
sumptuous robbers of Northumberland. Secondly, for
supplying the losses which they had received, they
exacted of the clergy eightpence in every mark to be
paid to them. But the clergy would not agree, seeing it
was their own covetousness (as they said) that made
them venture farther than they needed. Whereof the
king being advertised, and taking part with his clergy,
directed his letters to the legates in form as follows :
*' The king to Master Rigand of Asserio, canon of
Aurelia, greeting : we have taken notice of the clamours
and lamentable petitions of the subjects of our realm,
perceiving by the same that you practise many and sun-
i dry inconveniences very strange, never heretofore accus-
! tomed, nor heard of in this our realm, as well against
I the clergy and ecclesiastical persons, as against the laity,
I even to the utter oppression and impoverishing of many
] of our liege people, which if it should be winked at (as
God forbid) may in process of time be occasion of
] greater perils ; whereat we are (not without cause)
i moved, and not a little grieved : we command you there-
i fore, that from henceforth you practise not, or presume
j in any case to attempt any thing within this our realm,
I either against our clergy or laity, that may any way tend
to the prejudice of our royal person, or of our crown and
regal dignity. Witness the king at Windsor, the sixth
day of February, in the eleventh year of his reign."
In the same year the king wrote to the same effect to
the archbishop of Canterbury, to the archbishop of York,
and to every other bishop through England. By which
letters the greedy legates being restrained of their ravening
purpose, taking what they could get, and settling a peace
Csuch as it was) between the king and the earl of Lan-
caster, were obliged to depart.
Besides the restraint above mentioned for strange im-
positions, there followed the same year the king's prohi-
bition for the gathering of Peter-pence, directed to the
legate, the tenor whereof follows.
A Prohibition of Peter-pence.
"The king to Master Rigand of Asserio, canon of
Aurelia, greeting. We are given to understand that you
demand and purpose to levy the Peter-penny within our
realm, otherwise than the said Peter-penny hath been
heretofore accustomed to be levied in the time of any of
our progenitors, exercising herein grievous censures ec-
clesiastical, to the great annoyance and damnifying of the
subjects of our realm : for present remedy whereof, our
loving subjects have made their humble supplication to
us. And forasmuch as the said Peter-penny hath been
hitherto accustomed to be gathered and levied upon
lands and tenements within our realm, after a due man-
ner and form : we, not willing that any such unaccus-
tomed impositions shaU, in anywise be made upon the
lands and tenements of any our subjects within our do-
minions, prohibit you, upon grievous penalty, straitly
charging that in nowise you presume to exact, gather,
or levy the said Peter-penny in any other form or man-
ner than has been heretofore accustomed to be gathered
and levied in the time of our progenitors, or since the
beginning of our reign until further order be taken in our
high court of parliament, by the advice of the nobles and
peers of our realm, s\ich as may well be taken witi.out
prejudice of our crown, and damage of our subjects.
Witness the king at Westminster, the first day of
March."
To the same effect, letters were directed to the arch-
bishops, deans, archdeacons, and the rest of the
clergy.
Touching the first original of which Peter-pence,
though mention is made already in the life of King Ofla,
and others : yet to make a brief recapitulation of the
matter, according to the rolls it thus follows: " It is
thus found recorded in ancient chronicles touching the
Peter- pence of St. Peter, (A. D. 1S7), Otfa, king of
Mercia, travelled up to Rome in the time of Pojie
Adrian I., to obtain the canonizing of St. Alban.^ And
having performed his vow, visiting the college of English
students which then flourished in Rome, he gave to the
maintenance of the scholars of England, students in
Rome, one jienny out of every tenement within this
realm that had land belonging to the same, amounting to
the yearly value of thirty pence."
In the meantime the lords and nobles of England, de-
testing the outrageous pride of the two Spensers, where-
by they wrought daily both great dishonour to the king,
and hinderance to the commonwealth, conspired against
them. These Spensers being favouied by the king, were
as har.ghty and proud as Peter Gaveston was, and having
much influence over the king, they were greatly hated
both by the nobles and commons, who now gathering
their forces together, made a request to the king, that
he should remove the Spensers from his person. For
which there was a parliament called in London, and the
barons came together with a great company. At this
parliament both the Spensers were banished the land for
the term of their lives: and they took shipping at
Dover, and so left the land. But it was not long after,
before the king sent for them again, and set them in
high authority. Wherefore, the barons again intending
toreform this mischief, assembled their forces ; but the
king, making much haste, gathered his people as soon,
and as he was stronger than they, he pursued them so in
divers places, that the barons not fully joined together,
were in the end chased so closely, that Thomas, earl of
Lancaster, was taken and put to death, with the rest of
the nobility, to the number of two-and-twenty of the
: greatest men, and chiefest captains of this realm.
After the ruin of these noble personages, the king, as
though he had gained a great conquest, began to triumph
not a little with the Spensers, trusting and committing
all to their counsel ; insomuch, that both the queen and
the other nobles were but little regarded.
Polydore Virgil, among other histories of our English
nation' which he intermeddles with, prosecuting also the
acts and hfe of this present king, and coming to write
of the queen's going over into France, infers much variety
and difference of authors concerning the cause thereof.
The precise truth of the matter is as follows :
The king of England had been frequently cited to the
court of France, to do homage for the dukedom of Aqui-
taine, and other lands which the king held of France,
when the king of England refused, the French king
began to enter all such possessions as the king held
in°France ; upon which there were great contention
and conflicts on both sides. At length in this year, a
parliament was called in London ; where it was at last
determined that certain should be sent over to make
agreement between the two kings. For the better for-
warding of which agreement, it was thought good that
Queen Isabel, sister to Charles, the French king, should
be sent over. Where is to be noted first, that the
queen's lands, and possessions and castles, upon the
breach between the French king and the king of Eng-
land, a little before, were seized into the knig's hands,
and the queen put to her pension, &c. Thus the queen
being sent over, with a few to attend upon her, only Sir
John Cromwel, baron, and four knights, took their pas-
sa^e into France : by whose mediation it was there con-
cluded that the king of England (if he would not himself
THE QUEEN AND PRINCE PROCLAIMED TRAITORS.
[Book IV,
come to do his homage) should give to his son Edward,
the dukedom of Aquitaine, and the earldom of Pontigne,
and so he should come to make his homage to the king,
and to possess the same. Upon this, deliberation was
taken in the council of England. But the two Spensers,
fearing either to take the voyage with the king, or else to
remain behind without the king, so appointed, that
Prince Edward was sent, which proved afterwards their
utter desolation. For all things being quieted and
ordered according to the agreement in France, King
Edward, of England, sends for his wife and his son
agadn out of France. But she sending home most part
of her family, refused to return herself ; for what cause
is not fully certain. The king seeing this, gives forth in
proclamation, and limits a certain day to the queen and
his son to return ; or else to be proclaimed traitors to
the king, and to the realm. Notwithstanding, the queen
persisting in her purpose, refused to return, unless the
other nobles who were fled might be permitted also to
return safely with her. The king immediately caused
them both to be proclaimed traitors.
Here then began great hatred between king and king,
and between the king and the queen much preparation
of war. Then the king, (by the counsel of the Spensers)
sent privily to procure the death of the queen and of his
son, through the means of the earl of Richmond, the
queen's familiar friend. But that was prevented and
utterly frustrated. The queen, however, doubting what
corruption might do in the court of France, removed
from thence, and was received, with Edward, joyously
and honourably in the court or country of the earl of
Henawde, or fleinault, where a marriage was concluded
between Edward her son, and the earl's daughter. When
this was noised in England, several men of honour and
name came over to the queen. And soon after the earl
of Heinault prepared a body of five hundred men of
arms to send over with the young prince and his mother
to England. The fame of this spread shortly through
the realm. The king made all provision to have the
havens and ports securely kept, to resist the landing of his
enemies. On the other side the queen, with no less
preparation, provided all things necessary to her ex-
pedition. When she saw her time, she hastened to the
sea-coast with Prince Edward, Lord Edmund, earl of
Kent, the king's brother, Sir Roger Mortimer, the Lord
Wygmore, and other exiles of England, accompanied also
by the band of Heinaulters, of whom Sir John Heinault,
the earl's brother, was a captain, having with her of
Englishmen and strangers, the number of two thousand
seven hundred and fifty-seven soldiers : she took ship-
ping, and had the wind so favourable, that they landed
in England, near Harwich, in Suffolk. After her land-
ing, the Earl Marshal, and the earl of Leicester, joined
her, with other barons, knights, and bishops also ;
namely, the bishops of Lincoln, Hereford, Durham, and
Ely. The archbishop of Canterbury, though he came
not himself, yet sent his aid, and money. Thus the
queen, well furnished with both men and provisions, sets
forward toward London ; so that the further she came,
the more her number daily increased, and the king's
power on the other hand decreased ; so that not one al-
most in all the realm could be hired with any wages to
fight on the king's behalf against the queen, neither did
the queen's army hurt any man or child, either in goods
or any thing else, by the way.
At the arriving of the queen, the king was in London,
who first would not believe it to be true. Afterward he
fortified the tower of London with men and provisions,
committing the charge of it to John Eltham, his younger
son. And leaving Walter Stapleton, bishop of Exeter,
behind him to rule the city of London, he himself hear-
ing daily the great recourse of the people that drew to
the queen, fled with a small company westward toward
Wales. But before his departing from London, he
caused a proclamation to be made, wherein all persons
were charged upon forfeiture of life and goods, every
man with all his power to rise and invade the rebels and
destroy them all, only the life of the queen, his son, and
his brother, reserved. Also that no man should help,
rescue, or relieve the rebels, with goods, victuals, or
otherwise. It was also proclaimed, that whoever would
bring to the king the head and body of Sir Roger Mor-
timer, either dead or alive, should have out of the king's
coffers, a thousand pounds.
On the other hand, the queen sets forth another pro-
clamation, wherein it was forbidden to take or spoil
violently any man's goods against the will of the owner,
under pain of losing his finger, if it were three-
pence : of his hand, if it were sixpence : of his head, if
it were twelve-pence. Moreover, whoever would bring
to the queen the head of Hugh Spenser the younger,
should receive for so doing of the queen, two thousand
pounds. This done, the queen sends her letters to the
city of London for aid and succour to subdue the oppres-
sor of the realm.
These letters being published and perused, the bishop
of Exeter, to whom was committed the rule of the city,
sent to the mayor for the keys of the gates, using so
sharp words in the king's name, that variance began to
kindle between him and the citizens ; so that the com-
mons in their rage took the bishop and belieaded him
and two of his household at the Standard in Cheapside.
Then the king, with Hugh Spenser, and Sir Robert Bal-
dock, chancellor, and the earl of Arundel, went into
Wales. And the queen so pursued them, that they took
Sir Hugh Spenser the father, who being drawn and
torn, they at last hanged up at Bristol in iron chains.
As the king was thus flying, the queen caused to be pro-
claimed through her army, that the king should come
and appear, and so receive his kingdom again, if he
would be comfortable to his liege subjects : and when
he did not appear, Prince Edward his son was pro-
claimed high keeper of the realm.
In the meantime, Henry earl of Lancaster, brother to
the good Earl Thomas who was beheaded, also Lord
William Souch, and Master Uphowel were sent by the
queen into Wales to pursue the king ; and there they
took him and sent him to the castle of Kenilworth : and
took Hugh Spenser the son, and Sir Robert Baldock,
chancellor, and Sir John Earl of Arundel, and brought
them all to the town of Hereford. And, soon after,
Hugh Spenser the son, was drawn and hanged on a
gallows fifty feet high, and then beheaded and quartered,
whose quarters were sent into four quarters of the realm.
Sir John of Arundel was beheaded, Sir Robert Baldock
was put into Newgate at London, where shortly after he
pined away and died among the thieves. This done, a
parliament was assembled at London, from whence mes-
sage was sent to the king, that if he would resign up his
crown, his son should have it after him : if not, another
should take it to whom the lot would give it. Where-
upon the king, being constrained to yield up his crown
to his son, was kept in prison ; where he is said to have
felt great repentance.
It is thought by some writers, that the year following,
by means of Sir Roger Mortimer, the king while in
prison, was miserably slain : he was buried at Gloucester,
after he had reigned nineteen years.
In the time and reign of this king, the college of
Cambridge, called Michael House, was founded and
built by Sir Henry Stanton, knight, for the use and in-
crease of learning.
About the same time also was Nicolas de Lyra, who
wrote the ordinary Gloss of the Bible. Also William
Ocham, a worthy divine, and of a right sincere judg-
ment, as the times then would either give or suffer.
Among those who fell into trouble with this king
during his contention with his barons, was one Adam,
bishop of Hereford : who being impeached of treason
with others, was arrested in the parliament. Many
things there were laid against him, for taking part with
them that rose against the king, with other matters and
heinous rebukes, &c. Whereto the bis.hop % great while
answered nothing.
At length the bishop claiming the liberties and privi-
leges of the church, answered to the king in this form :
" I, an humble minister and member of the holy church
of God, and bishop consecrate (although unworthy) can-
not, and ought not to answer to these high matters
without authority of the archbishop of Canterbury, my
A. D. 1323—1327.] LEWIS TROUBLED, AND AT LAST POISONED BY THE POPE.
203
Jirect judge, next under the high bishop of Rome,
whose suffragan I am, and the consent likewise of the
other my fellow bishops." After which, the archbishop
and other bishops with him were ready to make humble
intercession for him to the king, and did so. But when
the king would not be won nor turned with any suppli-
cation ; the bishop, together with the archbishop and the
clergy, coming with their crosses, took him away, challeng-
ing him for the church, without making any more an-
swer ; charging, moreover, none to presume to lay any
further hands upon him, under the censures of the church
and excommunication. The king, moved with this bold-
ness and stoutness of the clergy, commanded notwith-
standing, to proceed in judgment, and the jury of twelve
men to go upon the inquiry of his cause : who finding
and pronouncing the bishop to be guilty, the king im-
mediately caused all his goods and possessions to be
confiscated unto himself: moreover, he made his plate
and all his household provision to be thrown out of his
house into the street ; but yet he remained still under
the protection and defence of the archbishop.
This archbishop was Walter Winchelsey, after whom
succeeded Simon Mepham in the same see of Canter-
bury, A. D. 1327. (Ex Thorn. Walsingham).
After Pope Clement V., by whose decease the Romish
see stood vacant two years and three months, Pope John
XXII., a Cistercian monk, was next elected, who sat in
that papacy eighteen years. He was stout and inflexible.
given so much to the heaping of riches, that he pro-
claimed them heretics who taught that Christ and his
apostles had no possessions of their own in this world.
At this time was emperor Lewis of Bavaria, a worthy
man ; who had no less contention with this pope, and
others that followed him, than had Frederick, before men-
tioned in the time of King Henry III. This contention
continued the space of four-and-twenty years. The cause
and first origin of this tragical conflict, rose upon the con-
stitution of Clement V. predecessor to this pope ; by whom
it was ordained, that the emperors might be called
kings of the Romans, but might not enjoy the title or
right of the empire, to be nominated emperors, without
their confirmation by the pope. Wherefore, because
this emperor used the imperial dignity in Italy, before
he was authorised by the pope, the pope therefore ex-
communicated the emperor. And, notwithstanding the
emperor several times proffered himself to make treaty
of peace and concord, yet the pope would not bend.
The writings of both parties are yet extant, wherein the
bishop makes his boast, that he had full power to create
and depose kings and emperors at his pleasure. In the
same time were several learned men, who, seeing the
matter, greatly condemned the bishops of Rome's do-
ings ; among whom was William Ocham, whose treatises
were afterwards condemned by the pope, for writing
against the temporal jurisdiction of their see. And
another named Marsilius, who wrote the book intitled
' Defensor Pacis,' which was given into the hands of the
emperor, wherein the controversy of the pope's unlaw-
ful jurisdiction in things temporal is largely disputed,
and the usurped authority of that see set forth to the
utmost. It is found in some writers, that a great cause
of this variance was that one of the emperor's secreta-
ries, unknown to the emperor, in some of his letters had
likened the papal see to the beast rising out of the sea in
the Apocalypse. At length, when the emperor, after
much suit made to the pope at Avignon, could not ob-
tain his coronation ; coming to Rome, he was there re-
ceived with great honour, where he and his wife were
both crowned by the full consent of all the lords and
cardinals there. Not long after which, the pope died
at Avignon in France. After him succeeded Bene-
dict XII., and reigned seven years, who confirmed and
prosecuted the censures and cursings that John his pre-
decessor had published against the Emperor Lewis.
Moreover, he deprived him of his imperial crown, and
also of his dukedom of Bavaria.
After whom followed Pope Clement VI., a man of the
most furious and cruel disposition. Renewing the for-
mer excommunications of his predecessors, he caused
ids letters to be set upon church doors, wherein he
threatened and denounced most terrible thunderbolts
against the Emperor Lewis, unless within three days he
should satisfy God and the church, and renounce the
imperial possession of the crown. The emperor upon
this comes to Frankfort, and there ready to stand in all
things to the ordinance of the pope, sends his orators to
the court of Rome, to intreat the pope's favour and good
will towards him. To which messengers the pope an-
swered that he would never pardon the emperor, before
he gave over and confessed his errors and heresies, and
resigning up his empire to his hands, would submit him-
self, his children, and all his goods to the will and plea-
sure of tlie bishop, declaring that he should not receive
again any part of the same, but upon his good grace, as
his will should be to restore them.
The pope also sent to the emperor certain written
conditions for him to sign. The princes and electors,
seeing the conditions, some of which sounded to the
malicious defacing and destruction of the empire, abhor-
ring the wickedness thereof, desired the emperor to stand
to the defence of the imperial dominion, as he had be-
gun, promising that their assistance and aid to the
utmost should not be wanting. Upon that, other ora-
tors were sent to Pope Clement from the princes, desir-
ing him to abstain from such articles conceived against
the state and majesty of the empire. The pope surmis-
ing all this to spring from the Emperor Lewis, to the
utter subversion of him and all his posterity, onMaunday-
Thursday issued out most black curses against him, re-
newing all the former processes of his predecessor
against him, as against both an heretic and a schismatic;
commanding, moreover, the princes electors to proceed
in choosing a new emperor. Upon which, the arch-
bishop of Cologne, the duke of Saxony, and some other
electors, being bribed by the king of Bohemia, elected
his son Charles emperor. In the meantime, what sor-
row there was among the princes and citizens of Ger-
many, and what complaints were made against Pope
Clement, and those electors, cannot be expressed. For
as they were all together at Spires in a general assembly,
so there was none among them all, that allowed the
election of Charles, or that cared for the pope's process,
promising all to adhere and continue faithful subjects to
Lewis their lawful emperor. But Lewis, remembering
his oath made before to the pope, voluntarily and wil-
lingly gave over his imperial dignity, and went to Bur-
gravia, where, shortly after, through the procurement of
Pope Clement, poison was given him to drink ; and
there the good and gentle emperor, wickedly persecuted
and murdered of the pope, fell down dead, whom I may
well recount among the innocent and blessed martyrs of
Christ. For if the cause being righteous makes a mar-
tyr, what papist can justly disprove his cause or faith ?
If persecution joined thereto causes martyrdom, what
martyr could be more persecuted than he who having
three popes like three bull dogs upon him, at length was
devoured by them.
This Pope Clement first reduced the year of jubilee to
every fiftieth year, which before was kept but on the
hundreth year. And so he being absent to Avignon
(which he then purchased with his money to the see of
Rome) caused it to be celebrated at Rome, (A.D. 1350.)
In which year there were numbered, of pilgrims going
in and coming out every day at Rome, to the calculation
of five thousand. The bull of Pope Clement, given out in
this present year of jubilee, proceeds in these words : —
" What person or persons soever, for devotion sake,
shall take their pilgrimage to the holy city, the same
day when he sets forth out of his bouse, he may choose
to him what confessor or confessors, either in the way,
or where else he chooses ; to which confessors we grant,
by our authority, plenary power to absolve aU cases
papal, as fully as if we were in our proper person there
present. Also, we grant that whoever being truly con-
fessed, shall chance to die by the way, he shall be quit
and absolved of all his sins. Moreover, we command the
angels of Paradise to take his soul out of his body, being
absolved, and to carry it into the glory of Paradise, &c."
And in another bull, he says, "We will that
no pain of hell shall touch him ; granting, moro-
204
EDWARD III.— ENGLAND INVADED BY THE SCOTS
[Book IV.
over to all persons, signed with the holy cross, power,
and autharity to deliver and release three or four souls,
whom they themselves please, out of the pains of purga-
tory," &c,
KING EDWARD III.
After the imprisonment of King Edward II., as is
above expressed, Edward his son was crowned king of
England, being about fifteen years of age, and reigned
the space of fifty years. He was a prince of great tem-
perance, very expert in feats of arms, and no less fortu-
nate in all his wars than his father was unfortu-
nate before him ; he was worthily commended for his
liberality and clemency ; and, briefly, in all princely
virtues he was famous and excellent. Concerning the
memorable acts of this prince, both in war and in
peace, as how he subdued the Scots, had great victories
by the sea, how he conquered France, (A.D. 13ii2), won
Calais, (A.D. 1348), and took the French king prisoner,
and how the French arms were first brought in by him,
and joined with the English arms ; also, how the Order
of the Garter was first invented and ordained by him,
(A. D. 1356.) How he in his parliament at Notting-
ham, decreed that all such in Flanders, or elsewhere,
that had skill in making cloth, might peaceably inhabit
the land, and be welcome. (For three years before that
it was enacted, that no wool should be transported over
the sea, which was to bridle the pride of the Flemings,
who then loved better the sacks of wool, than the nation
of Englishmen.) All these, with other noble acts of this
worthy prince, although they are fully treated of in
other chronicles ; yet according to the order I have be-
gun (saying somewhat of each king's reign, although
not pertinent to our ecclesiastical history), I have here
mentioned them, making haste to other matters, shortly
and compendiously abridging them out of many and
various authors.
The coronation of King Edward III. and all the pomp
thereof was no sooner ended, than Robert Bruce king of
Scotland, understanding the state and government of the
realm to be (as it was indeed) in the queen, the young
king, the earl of Kent and sir Roger Mortimer ; and that
tiie lords and barons, as he was informed, did scarcely
well agree amongst themselves, thought this a fit time
for his purpose, to make invasion. Whereupon, about
the feast of Easter he sent his ambassadors with heralds
and letters of defiance to the young King Edward III.,
the queen and the council ; declaring, that his purpose
was with fire and sword to enter and invade the realm of
England, &c.
The king and queen made speedy preparation for this
expedition : the noblemen provided themselves with all
things necessary ; the English captains and soldiers (their
bands tlioroughly furnished) were ready at their appointed
time and place. After this, the king set forward his
army towards Durham, and encamped himself near about
the same, he also sent the lord Vitlbrd and the lord
Mounbrey to Carlisle with a sufficient company to keep
that entrance ; and also the lord marshal of England to
keep the town of Newcastle with a sufficient company to
defend the same, and tlie country adjoining.
But the Scots privily passed tlie river between the two
towns into England, few being aware of it till the great
firu'S which the Scots had kindled and made in England,
betrayi-d them : who came burning and destroying the
country all about as far as Stanhope-park. This being
declared to the king, he commanded his army with all
speed to march towards them ; but the Scots, understand-
ing the sui)erior fo»L'e of the king always kept the advan-
t-ue of the liills, retiring in the night from one to ano-
tliL-r : t!iat without great advantage on the one side, and
haaard to the other, the king could not set upon them.
Tints the Scots keeping the advantage of the hills, in
the day time, and in the night time retiring till they came
to 'inother hill, came near the bank of that river where
tliey rirst passed over, and there they made a shew to
ofi'er hatllo to the king ujjou the morrow. Whereupon
tiie ki;ig bei.ig busied iu putting liis men and divisions in
readiness to fight tlie next morning, being almost wearied
in pursuing the Scots from place to place : the Scots in
the meantime crossed over the river, and eyc-iju d the
danger of the king. It would have availed the l>;u^ very
little to have made pursuit after them, as the wily Siota
knew full well. For the joy whereof, the Lord XVilUam
Douglas, one of the Scot's generals, with two huaui-cd
horses, gave alarm in the king's camp ; and came so near
that he cut certain of the lines of tlie king's tent in sunder
with his sword, and retired to his company without great
loss of any of his men. A truce of four years was soou
after concluded between them.
After the truce of four years, the king prepared ano-
ther army against Scotland, and wasted the land, liunit
destroyed, and took towns and castles with small resistance
or none ; and during the space of six months together did
what he pleased in that land, without any battle otiered
to him. For the king of Scots was but a (diild, not al)ove
fifteen years of age, and wanted good captains that should
have defended the realm.
Then Sir Robert de Artois, a nobleman of France,
descended of the blood royal, being in Englai.d with the
king, often put him in mind of his good and rightful title
to the crown of France. King Edward was not unwilling
to hear of this, but took delight often in reasoning and
debating the matter with him. But yet, he thought it
not good to make any attempt without advised and cau-
tious counsel ; therefore, calling togetlicr certain of his
council, he sought their deliberate advice touching the
matter. In fine, it was thought good by them, that the
king should send certain ambassadors over to the earl of
Heinault, whose daughter he had married, as well to hear
his advice and counsel herein ; as also to learn wliat
friends and aid, by him and his means, might be procured.
The king appointed for this ambassage the bishop of Lin-
coln with two baronets, and two doctors ; who in a short
space returned to the king with this answer, that not only
the earl's counsel and advice should be at the service of
the king of England, but also the whole country of Hein-
ault. And further, that he would procure for the king
greater aid, as the duke of Brabant his cousin-germain,
and a puissant prince, the duke of Guerles, the archbi-
shopof Cologne,themarquessof Juliers, &c., whowereall
good men of war, and able to make ten thousand fighting
men. This answer well pleased the king, and made him
very joyous. But this counsel of the king, secret as it
was, came to the French king's ears : whereupon he
stayed the voyage of the cross which he had then in hand,
sending forth countermands to stay the same, till he knew
further the purpose of the king of England.
The king hereupon himself takes shipping, and when
he had consulted with all the lords of the empire in this
matter, and understood their fidelity, he repaired to the
emperor, at whose hands he was well entertained, and
honourably received. Philip hearing this, prepared his
army, and rigged his navy, that so soon as the king ,
should enter into the dominion of France, they also
might enter into England, requiring like for like.
The king of England, after the feast of St. John
Baptist, according to his purpose, prepared all things
ready to such an expedition, conducting his army, and ,'
gathering a greater force in the empire, as was promised, '
using the emperor's authority therein, as his lieutenant-
general, although at the charge altogether of the king of
England. The French king, as soon as King Edward
had landed his army at Machelen in Flanders, sent
certain ships lying ready, and waiting for such oppor-
tunity to the coast of England ; which, upon a Sunday,
whilst the townsmen were at the church, little looking
for any such matter, entered the haven of Southampton,
took the town and spoiled the same, shamefully ill-
treated the women, burnt, killed, took captives, and
carried away rich spoils to their ships, and so again de-
parted into France. Further, as the king of England
had allied himself with the noblemen of the empire, and
had tiie friendly favour of the emperor, so the French
king made league and alliance with David the king of
Scots, and forthwith sent garrisons and bands into Scot-
land to keep play with the Englishmen. King Edward,
departing from Ma«helen, set forward his host toward
Heinault till they came to Cambray, and besieged it
with 40,000 men, while another company went to St.
A.D. 1327—1340.]
WAR CET"A'EEN EDWARD AND THE FRENCH KING.
205
; Quintin. But neither there, nor at Cambra}', nor else-
where, was any thing remarkable achievt-d. But the
summer being well spent, and the kiu'^' of Eugluid
I prevailing little in the siege of Cambray, being strong
in situation, and well defended with men and ammu-
nition, he brake up the siege, and marched further
into the heart of France. And afterwards '^without any
battle either given or taken) he returned with his army
to Gaunt.
The winter then drew on, and the king thought best
for a season to return to England with his army, giving
iover the wars till the next spring. When he came to
London, he was told of the great spoil the Frenchmen
had made at Southampton : he answered, " That within
one year he doubted not but they should be well paid
land recompensed." In the spring tlie king again pre-
i pared his army, and rigged his navy, purpos^ing to land
'in Flanders. But the archbishop of Canterbury, then
Herd chancellor, having understood that the French
J forces were upon the sea, watching for the king, gave
I him information of it, desiring him to go more strongly
lor else not to venture. But the king not crediting the
iarchbishop, and being angry with him, said, " That he
would go forward :" whereupon the bishop resigned the
cliancellorship, and removed himself from his council :
,then the king consulting farther with the Lord Morley
jhis admiral, and others, furnished himself with a greater
[force, and embarked ; so that a few days before mid-
'summer, he was upon the sea with a great fleet. The
French king, to stop his passage, had ready a great
'navy, well near to the number of twenty score sail, be-
ifore the town of Sluse ; and had made the Christopher
|of England (which the Frenchmen had captured at
Southampton) their admiral's ship ; betwixt which two
navies there was a long and terrible fight. But in the
end. the victory, by God's grace, fell to the king of
England, (in which fight he himself was personally en-
gaged). So that of the number of thirty thousand
Frenchmen, few or none escaped alive, and two hundred
sail of ships were taken, in one of which were found
four hundred dead bodies.
This victory being achieved, and the fame thereof
spreading abroad in England, it was not believed, till
letters came from the king to Prince Edward his son,
then at Waltham, directed to the bishops and prelates
of the realm : the effect of which letters here follows : —
" The bountiful benignity of God's great clemency
poured upon us of late, for your true certainty and re-
joicing, we thought good to intimate to you. It is not
unknown (we suppose) to you, and to oui other faith-
ful subjects, who also have been partakers with us of the
same, with what storms of boisterous wars of late we
jliave been tossed and shaken, as in the great ocean.
jBut although the rising surges of the sea are marvellous,
jyet more marvellous is the Lord above, who, turning the
itempest into a calm, in so great dangers, so mercifully
jhas respected us. For whereas we of late ordained our
passage upon urgent causes into Flanders ; the Lord
|Philip de Valois, our bitter enemy, understanding there-
jof, laid against us a mighty navy of ships, intending
jthereby either to take us, or at least to stop our voyage.
A\ hich voyage, if it had been staid, had been the cut-
ting off of all the great enterprises by us intended and
(taken in hand ; and, moreover, we ourselves had been
jbrought to a great confusion. But the God of mercies,
peeing us so distressed in such perils and dangers, hath
graciously, and beyond man's expectation, sent to us
great succour and strength of fighting soldiers, and a
prosperous wind after our own desires. By the means
and help of which, we set out of the haven into the seas,
where we soon perceived our enemies well appointed and
prepared with a main multitude to set upon us, upon
midsummer-day last past. Against whom, notwith-
standing, Christ our Lord and Saviour hath rendered to
|US the victory, through a strong and vehement conflict.
In w]ii<'h conflict, a mighty number of our enemies were
|destroyt;d, and well near all thtrir whole navy was taken;
jwith some loss al;,o ot our )art, but nothing in compari-
son to tlieics. By reasoa of wliicu we doubt not but
I our passage by the seas lierenfl'er shall be more quiet
and safe for our subjects, and also many other advan-
tages shall ensue, as we have good cause to hope well of
the same. For which cause we, devoutly considering
the heavenly grace so mercifully wrought upon us, do
render most humble thanks and praise to Christ our
Lord and Saviour, beseeching liim, that as he hath been
and always is, ready to anticijiate our necessities in time
of ojiportunity, so he will continue his helping hand ever
towards us, and so to direct us here temporally, that we
may reign and joy with him in heaven eternally. And
in like sort we recpiire your charity, that you also with
us rising up to the praise of God alone, who hath begun
so favourably to work with us to our goodness, in your
prayers and divine service do instantly recommend us to
the Lord, while we are travelling here in these foreign
countries, studying not only to recover our right here in
France, but also to advance the whole catholic church of
Christ, and to rule our people in justice. And also that
ye call upon the clergy and people, every one through
his diocese, to do the same, invocating the name of our
Saviour, that of his mercy he will give to us his humble
servant a docible heart, so to judge and rule hereupon
rightly, doing that which he hath commanded, that at
length we may attain to that which he hath promised,
&c." Which letter was written to the bishops and
prelates, A. D. 1340.
After this victory the king passing into Flanders,
came to Gaunt in Brabant, where he had left the queen,
who joyfully received him, being a little before delivered
of her fourth son, whose name was John, commonly
called John of Gaunt, who was earl of Richmond and
duke of Lancaster. At Villenorth the king assembled
his council, whereat the noblemen of Flanders, Brabj^nt,
and Heinault, joining together in most firm league, tne
one to help and defend the other, with the king of Eng-
land, against the French king, purposing and determin-
ing from thence to march toward Tournay to besiege it.
The French king, understanding their counsel, fortified
and victualled the same before their coming thither.
Furthermore to stop King Edward, he sent with King David
of Scotland a great army, to make invasion in England,
thereby the sooner to cause the king to remove his
siege.
This David (with the aid of the Scots and Frenchmen)
so much succeeded, that they recovered almost all Scot-
land. Then they invaded England, and came with their
army, wasting and burning the country before them, till
they came as far as Durham, and then returned again
into Scotland, where they recovered all their holds again,
saving the town of Berwick. Edinburgh they took
by a stratagem or subtile device practised by Douglas, and
others: who ap])arelling themselves in poor men's habits,
as victuallers with corn and provender, and other things,
demanded of tlie porter early in the morning whether
they had need thereof? Who nothing mistrusting,
opened the outward gate, where they should tarry till
the captain rose : and perceiving the porter to have the
keys of the inward gate, they threw down their sacks in
the outward gate, that it might not be shut again, and
slew the porter, taking from him the keys of the town.
Then they blew their horns as a warning to their bands,
who laid not far off : and they coming quickly, and find-
ing the gates ready opened, entered upon the sudden, and
killed as many as resisted them, and so obtained the city
of Edinburgh.
At the same time the French king gathered together
an army, purposing to raise the siege of Tournay : and
among others sent for the king of Scots, wlio caii\e
to him with a great force, besides other nobLmen
of France : so that the French king had a gre^t army,
and thought himself able enough to raise the siciie.
But for all this, he durst not yet approach the king
of England so near, as to give him battle, but ktpt
himself with his army aloof, in a sure place ibr his
better defence. And although the king of Englai.d
wasted, burnt, spoiled, and destroyed the c.rintry. t'.veii'y
rniles about Tournay, and took many strons; towns and
holds, and slew above three huiidrcd men of anus, i:ud
206
LETTER OF THE KING AND NOBLES OF ENGLAND TO THE POPE. [Book IV.
killed of noblemen, the Lord of Duskune, of Mauris-
Ifou, of Rely, of Chastillion, of Melly, of Fenis, of Ham-
elar, Mountfaucon, and other barons, to the number of
fourteen ; and also slew and killed above one hundred
and tliirty knights, being all men of great possessions
and prowess, and took other small cities and towns to
the number of three hundred : yet for all this, the French
king durst neither rescue his towns nor relieve his own
men: but of his great army he lost (which is to be mar-
velled at, being in the midst of his own country) by fa-
taine and other inconveniencies, and for want of water,
more than twenty thousand men without fighting any battle.
Whereupon at the entreaty of Philip by his ambassadors
to the king, and by the mediation of the Lady Jane,
sister to Philip, and mother to the earl of Heinault, whose
daughter king Edward had married ; a truce for one year
was concluded.
As soon as this truce was finished. King Edward brake
up his camp, removing his siege from Touruay, and came
again to Gaunt. From whence (very early in the morning)
he with a small company took shipping, and came by sea
to the tower of London, very few or none having been
aware of it. And being greatly displeased with some of
his council and high officers (for through their default he
was constrained against his will, not having money to
maintain his wars, to condescend to the truce) he com-
manded the Lord John Stonehore chief justice of Eng-
land, and Sir John Poultney, with divers others, to be
apprehended and brought to him to the Tower. And the
next morning he sent for the bishop of Chichester, and
the Lord Wake, the lord treasurer, and others that were
in authority and office, and commanded them all to be
kept as prisoners in the Tower, the bishop only ex-
cepted.
The history treating of this matter reports, that the
king had at this time under him evil substitutes, and
covetous officers : who attending more to their own gain
than to the public honour and commodity of the realm,
left the king destitute and naked of money. With which
crime also John Stratford then archbishop of Canter-
bury was suspected.
About the year A. D. 1341, there were sent from the
pope two cardinals to treat with King Edward for three
years truce more, to be concluded with the French king,
besides the former truce taken before for one year, and
all by the pope's means. For here is to be understood,
that it was not for the pope's purpose to have the king of
England to reigu over so many countries.
The next year, which was A. D. 1342, the emperor,
■who before had shewed great courtesy to King Edward
in his first voyage, insomuch that he made him his vicar
or vicegerent-general, and offered him also aid against
the French king; now (either turned by inconstancy,
or seduced by the pope) writes to him contrary letters,
wherein he revokes the vicegerentship granted to him,
and befriends the French king.
In the mean time Pope Benedict XII. died ; after whom
succeeded Pope Clement VI. Of whom it is reported,
that he was very liberal and bountiful to his cardinals,
enriching them with goods and possessions not of his own
however, but with the ecclesiastical dignities and prefer-
ments of the church of England. But the king being
offended therewith, made void and frustrated all those
provisions of the pope ; charging and commanding
that no person whatever should busy himself with any
such provisions, under pain of imprisonment and losing
his life, (A. D. 1344.)
Pope Clement began to make new provisions for two of
his cardinals of the benefices and churches that should
be next vacant, besides bishopricks and abbotships, to
the extent of two thousand marks. And the proctors
of the cardinals were sent down for them. But the king
and nobility of the realm not suffering such proceed-
ings under pain of imprisonment, caused the proctors
forthwith to leave the realm, and the nobles and commons
shortly after wrote a fruitful epistle to the pope, for the
liberties and maintenance of the English church, which
the pope and the cardinals were not able to answer. The
argument of which letter is as follows :
The letter of the king of England, and the nobles of the
same, to the pope, against the reservations and provi-
sioTis which he had in England.
" To the most holy father in God, Lord Clement, by
the grace of God, of the holy church of Rome, and of
the universal church, chief and high bishop ; his humble
and devout children, the princes, dukes, earls, barons,
knights, citizens, burgesses, and all the commonalty of
the realm of England, assembled at the parliament
holden at Westminster the fifteenth day of May last
past ; send devout kissings of his holy feet, with all
humble reverence and humility. Most holy father, the
holy discretion, government and equity, which appears
to be in you, and ought of duty to be so, (being so high
and holy a prelate, and head of the holy church), by
whom the holy universal church and people of God
ought to be as by the sun-beams enlightened, gives us
good hope and likelihood, that the just petitions (to the
honour of Jesus Christ and holy church, and vour holi-
ness also) by us declared, shall be by you graciously
heard and considered ; and that all errors and other
iniquities should be quite taken away and removed ;
instead whereof, fruitful exploits and necessary remedies
(by the grace of the Holy Spirit which you in so high an
estate have received) may be by you likewise graciously
ordained and disposed. Wherefore most holy father we
aU (upon great deliberation and common assent) come
unto your holiness, shewing and declaring that the noble
kings of England, our progenitors, our ancestors, and
we, according to the grace of the Holy Spirit to them and
us given, every one according to his devotion, have
established, founded, and endowed within the realm of
England, churches, cathedrals, colleges, abbeys, priories,
and other houses of religion ; and to the prelates and go-
vernors of the same places have given lands, possessions,
patrimonies , franchises , advowsons, and patronages of dig-
nities, revenues, offices, churches, with many other bene-
fices ; whereby the service of God and the faith of
Christ might have been honoured and had in reverence,
that the hospitals and alms-houses that are made, with
all the churches and edifices, might be honestly kept and
maintained, and that devout prayers might in those
places be made for the founders, and the poor pa-
rishioners aided and comforted. And such only ought to
have the cure thereof, as are able to hear confessions ;
and in their own natural tongue are otherwise meet to
inform and teach their parishioners. And forsomuch as
(most holy father) you cannot well come to the notice of
divers such errors and defaults, neither yet understand
the conditions of the places, being so far off, unless your
holiness be informed and advertised ; we having the per-
fect intelligence and understanding of the said errors
and defaults of the places, within the realm, have thought
meet to signify the same unto your holiness : that divers
reservations, provisions, and collations by your prede-
cessors apostolic of Rome, and by you, most holy
father, in your time, have been granted, and that more
largely than they have been accustomed to be, to divers
persons as well as strangers, and of sundry nations, as
to some such as are our enemies having no understand-
ing at all of the tongue and condition of them, of whom
they have the government and cure. Whereby a great
number of souls are in peril, — a great many of their
parishioners in danger, — the service of God destroyed, —
the alms and devotion of all men diminished, — the hos-
pitals perished, — the churches with their appurtenances
decayed, — charity withdrawn, — the good and honest
persons of our realm unadvanced, — the charge and
government of souls not regarded, — the devotion of the
peo])le restrained, — many poor scholars unpreferred, —
and the treasure of the realm carried out against the
minds and intents of the founders. All which errors,
defaults and slanders, most holy father, we neither can
nor ought to suffer or endure. We therefore most
humbly require your holiness, that the slanders, errors
and defaults, which we have declared to you, may be
through your great discretion considered ; and that it
may please you that such reservations, provisions, and
collations may be utterly annulled, that from henceforth
1
A. D. 1340—1346.] TRUCE BETWEEN THE KINGS OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
207
the same be no more used among us ; and to take such
order and remedy therein, that the benefices, edifices,
rights, with their appurtenances, may be to the honour
of God, occupied, defended, and governed by our own
countrymen. And that it may further please your holi-
ness by your letters to signify to us, without delay, what
your pleasure is touching this our lawful request ; that
we may do our endeavour with diligence herein for the
remedy, correction, and amendment of those enormities
above specified. In witness whereof, unto these letters
patent we have set our seals. Given in the full par-
liament at Westminster, the eighteenth day of May,
A. D. 1343."
The king shortly after sent over his proctors, the
Earl of Lancaster and Derby, Hugh Spenser, Lord
Ralph Stafford, with ihe bishop of Exeter, and others, to
the pope's court, to discuss and plead about the right of
his title before the pope. To whom Pope Clement VI.,
not long after sent down this message ; how that Lewis,
Duke of Bavaria the emperor, whom the pojie had before
deposed, had submitted himself to him in all things ;
and therefore deserved at his hands the benefit of abso-
lution ; and how the pope had conferred and restored to
him justly and graciously the empire, which he before
held unjustly, &c. Which message when the king
heard, being moved to anger, he answered again, saying,
*' That if the pope also agreed and compounded with the
French king, he was ready to fight with them both."
Within this year, pence, half-pence, and farthings,
began to be coined in the Tower. And the next year
following (which was A. D. 1344), the castle of Windsor
(where the king was born) began to be repaired ; and in
which the house called the round table was situate, the
diameter whereof, from the one side to the other, con-
tained two hundred feet : to the expenses of which
house there was allowed weekly an hundred pounds for
the maintaining of the king's chivalry, till at length by
the occasion of the French wars, it came down to nine
pounds a week.
During the same year the clergy of England granted
to the king tenths for three years ; for which the king
in recompence granted to them his charter, containing
these privileges : that no archbishop nor bishop should
be arraigned before his justices, if the said clergyman do
submit and claim his right as a clergyman, professing
himself to be a member of holy church ; who doing so,
shall not be bound to come before the justices. And if
it shall be laid to their charge that they have married
two wives, or have married a widow, the justices shall
have no power to proceed against them. But the cause
shall be reserved to the spiritual court, &c.
About this present time at the setting up of the round
table, the king made Prince Edward, his eldest son, the
first Prince of Wales. All this while the truce continued
between the two kings. Although it is thought that the
French king made many attempts to infringe it. Where-
upon Henry Earl of Lancaster, with six hundred men at
arms, and as many archers, was sent over to Gascony,
the year after, (A. D. 1345), who there so valiantly
behaved himself, that he subdued fifty-five townships to
the king, he took twenty three noblemen prisoners,
encountering with the French at Allebroke. So cour-
teously and liberally he dealt with the soldiers, that it
was a joy to them, and a preferment to fight under him.
His manner was in winning any town, to reserve little or
nothing to himself, but to divide the whole spoil to his
soldiers. One example in the author (whom I follow) is
mentioned ; how the earl at the winning of the town of
Briers, where he had granted to every soldier for his
booty the house with all its contents, which he should
obtain by victory ; among his other soldiers was one who
took a certain house which contained the mint and
coined money for that country ; when the soldier had
found it, in breaking up a house where the gross metal
was not yet perfectly wrought, he came to the earl,
declaring to him the treasure, to know what was his
pleasure therein. To whom the earl answered, " That
the house was his, and whatever he found therein."
Afterward the soldier, finding a whole mint of pure
silver ready coined, again informed the earl, as he
thought such treasure too great for his portion ; the earl
again answering, declared that " He had once given him
the whole house, and what he had once given, he would
not call back again, as children use to play." And
therefore bade him enjoy that which was granted to him ;
and if the money were thrice as much, it should be his
own. Which story, whether it was true or otherwise in
those days, 1 have not to affirm. But, if in these our
covetous, wretched days now present, any author should
report the like act to be practised, I would hardly believe
it to be true.
As the Earl of Lancaster was thus occupied in Gas-
cony, the Scots were as busy in England, wasting and
spoiling without mercy ; who were thought to be set on by
the French king. And therefore he was judged both by
that, and by other ways to have broken the covenants of
truce between him and the king of England.
Wherefore the next year (A. D. 1346) King Edward
first sending his letters to the court of Rome, and therein
complaining to the pope of Philip, how he transgressed
and broke the truce between them ; about the month of
July made his voyage into Normandy, in such a secret way,
that no man well knew whither he designed to go. First
he entered the town of Hogs, and from thence proceeded
to Cardoyne. Where, about the twenty-seventh of July,
by the river of Cardoyne, he fought a great battle with the
Normans and other Frenchmen, who to stop his passage,
defended the bridge. At the battle there were taken of
the lords of France, the Earl of Ewe, the Earl of Tan-
kerville ; and of knights with other men of arms, to the
number of one hundred; of footmen six hundred; and the
town and suburbs beaten down to the hard walls. And all
that could be borne away, was transported to the ships.
A little before, mention was made how the French
king began first to infringe the truce, and how the Earl of
Lancaster on that account, was sent unto Gascony. It
appears that the French king (contrary to the form of
truce taken at Vanes) had seized some of the nobles of
England, and had brought them to Paris to be im-
prisoned and put to death ; besides other slaughters and
spoilings made in Brittany, Gascony, and other places.
King Edward therefore seeing the truce broken on the
French king's part, A. D. 1345, the fourteenth of the
month of June, published and sent abroad his letters
of defiance.
Now concerning the campaign of the king, with his
achievements from the winning of Codane or Car-
doyne, to the town of Poissy, all is sufficiently described
by one of the king's chaplains and his confessor ; who
being a Dominican Friar, and accompanying the king
through all his journey, writes as follows :
" We have great cause to praise and laud the God of
Heaven, and to confess his holy name, wlio has wrought
mercy to us. For after the conflict at Codane, in which
many were slain, and the city taken and sacked even to
the bare walls, the city of Baia immediately yielded, fear-
ing lest their counsels had been betrayed. After this the
lord our king directed his progress toward Rouen. And
while at the town of Lexon, there came certain cardinals
to him, greatly exhorting him to peace. The cardinals
being courteously entertained by the king from reverence
to the pope's see, it was answered them ; that the king
being desirous of peace, had tried by all reasonable ways
and means how to maintain it, and therefore had offered
conditions of peace to the no small prejudice of his own
cause. And he is yet ready to admit any reasonable offer
of peace. With this answer the cardinals going to the
French king, to persuade him in like manner, returned
to King Edward again, offering to him in tlie French
king's name, the dukedom of Aquitaine, besides the hope
also of obtaining more, if treaty of peace might be obtained.
But for so much as that did not content the king, and as
the cardinals did not find the French king so tractable
and desirous of peace as they looked for, they returned,
leaving the matter as they found it. So the king hasten-
ing forward, subdued the country and the great towns,
without any resistance of the inhabitants, who all fled and
ran away. Such fear God struck into them, that it seem-
208
EDWARD'S CONFESSOR DESCRIBES THE KING'S PROGRESS IN FRANCE. [Book IY.
cd as if they had lost their hearts. As the king had got-
ten many towns and villages, so he also subdued many
strong castU-s, and that with little difficulty. His
enemy being at the same time at Rouen had reared a
great army, yet he ever kej)! on tlie other side of the ri-
ver Suine, bniuking down all the bridges that we should
not come over to him. And althoui;h the country round
about was spoiled, sacked, and consumed with tire lor a
circuit of twenty miles ; yet the French king, being dis-
tant scarcely the space of one mile from us, either would
not, or else dared not (when he might easily have passed
over the river) make any defence of his country and peo-
ple. And so our king journeying forward, came to Pu-
siake or Poissy, where the French king had also broken
down the bridge, and kept on the other side of the
river."
After coming to Poissy, this cliajilain and confessor to
the king, named Michael Northburgh, describes the
king's progress, and the acts of the English from the
town of Poissy, to his coming to Calais as follows : —
A Letter of William Northburgh the King's Confessor,
descriOing the King's Progress into France.
" Salutations premised, we give you to understand,
that our sovereign lord the king came to the town of
Poissy, the day before the assumption of our lady, where
was a bridge over the Seine, broken down by the enemy,
but the king waited there, till the bridge was again made.
And while the bridge was repairing, there came a great
number of men-at-arms, and other soldiers, to hinder the
works. But the earl of Northampton issued out against
them and slew more than one tliousand ; the rest fled
away, thanks be to God. At another time our men
passed the water, although with much difficulty, and slew
a great number of the common soldiers about the city of
Paris, and adjoining country ; so that our people now
made other good bridges, God be thanked, without any
great loss or damage to us. On the morrow after the
assumption of our lady, the king passed the river
Seine and marched toward Poissy, a town of great defence
and strongly immured, and a very strong castle within it.
When our vanguard was passed the town, our rear-guard
gave an assault and captured it, there were slain more
than three hundred men-at-arms of our enemies. The
next day, the Earl of Suffolk and Sir Hugh Spenser
mardied forth upon the commons of the country assem.
bled and w^U armed, and discomtited them, and slew
more tiian two hundred, and took six hundred gentlemen
prisoners, beside others. After that, the king marched
toward Grand V^illers, and while he was encamped there,
the vaiiguard was descried by the mea-of-arras of the
king of Bohemia ; whereupon our men issued out in great
haste, and joined battle with them, but were forced to
retire. But thanks be unto God, the earl of Northamp-
ton issued out, and rescued the horsemen with other sol-
diers ; so that few or none of them were either taken or
siain, (except oniy Thomas Talbot,) but had the enemy in
chase within two leagues of Amiens, of whom we took
eight, and slewtwelve of their best men-at-arms ; the rest
being well horsed, reached the town of Amiens. After
this, tiis king of England marched toward Pountife upon
Bartliolome.v d ly, and came to the water of Somme where
theFrenchkinjrli id laid five hundred men-at-arms, and three
thousand footin-.ui, purjiosing to have stopped our passage,
but thanks be to God, the king of EiigUuul and his host
entered the w iti'r of Somme, without the loss of any of
our men. After that he encountered with the enemy, and
slew more than two thousand of thein ; the rest fled to
Abbeville, in which chase there were taken many knights,
squires, and men-at-arms. The same day Sir Hugh
Spenser took tiie town of Croylay, where he and his sol-
diers slew four hundred men-at-arms, and kept the town,
where they found great store of victuals. The same night
the king of England encamped in the forest of Cressy
upon the same water, for the French king's host came on
the other side of the town near to our passage ; and so
marched toward Abbeville. And upon the Friday follow-
ing, the king being still encamped in the forest, our
scouts descried the French king, marching toward us in
four great divisions. And having then information of our
enemies, a little before the evening we drew to the plain
field, and set our forces in array ; and immediately the
light began, it was sore, cruel, and long, for our enemies
behaved themselves right nobly. But thanks be given to
God, the victory fell on our side, and our adversaiy was
discomtited with all his host, and put to Hight : there
was slain the king of Bohemia, the duke of Lorraiii, the
earl of Dabeson.the carl of Flanders, the earl of Blois, the
earl of Arcot, with his two sons, the earl of Damerler,
the earl of Navers, and his cr -..her, the lord of Tronard,
the archbishop of Meymes, the archbishop of Saundes,
the high prior of France, the earl of Savoy, the lord of
Morles, the lord de Guis, seignior de St. Novant, seig-
nior (le Rosinburgh, with six earls of Germany and
other earls, barons, knights and squires, whose names
are unknown. Philip (the French king) himself, with
another marquess, who was called Lord Elector among
the Romans, escaped from the battle. The number of the
men-at-arms found dead in the field, besides the common
soldiers and footmen, were one thousand five hundred and
forty-two. And all that night the king of England with
his host, remained armed in the field where the battle was
fought. On the next morrow before the sun rose, there
marched toward us another great army, mighty and strong.
But the earl of Northampton, and the earl of Norfolk is-
sued out against them in three divisions ; and after a long
and terrible fight, they discomfited them by God's great
help and grace (for otherwise it could never have been)
where they took of knights and squires a great number,
and slew above two thousand, pursuing the chase three
leagues from the place where the battle was fought. The
same night the king encamped again in the forest of Cres-
sy, and on the morrow marched toward Boulogne, and
by the way took the town of Staples ; and from thence
he marched toward Calais, which he intends to besiege.
And therefore our sovereign lord the king commands
you, to send to the siege, convenient supplies of victuals.
For after the time of our departing from Chaam, we have
travelled through the country, with great peril and dan-
ger of our people, but yet always had plenty of victuals,
thanks be to God. But now as the case stands, we need
your help to be refreshed with victuals. Thus fare you
well. Written at the siege before the town of Calais the
14th day of September."
After the siege and winning of Poissy, the third day of
September A.D. \MG, the king through the mid.>t of
France, directed his course to Calais, and besiegid it ;
which siege he continued from the 3rdofSeptember,till the
3rd of August next ensuing, upon which day it was sur-
rendered and subdued to the crown of England.
After thus winning Calais, King Eward, remaining in
the town, was in consultation concerning his proceeding
further into France. But by means of the cardinals, a
truce for a time was accejited, and instruments made
that certain noblemen as well for the French king, as for
the king of England, should come to the pope, there to
debate upon the articles. To which King Edward, for
peace sake, was not much oi:i)osed (A. D. 1.'517).
In A. D. i;5.";0, the town of Calais was, by the trea-
son of the keeper of the castle, almost betrayed and won
from the Englishmen. And within the same year Philip
the French king died. After whom King John his son,
succeeded to the crown.
About A. D. l.''.')l, concord and agreement began to
come well forward, and instruments were drawn upon
the same between the two kings. But the matter being
brought up to Pope Innocent VI., partly by the quar-
relling of the Frenchmen, partly by the winking of the
pope, who ever held with the French side, the condi-
tions were repealed, which were these : that to the king
of England all the d\ikedom of Aquitaine with other
lands there, should be restored without homage to the
French king. And that King Edward again should sur-
render to him all his right and title, which he had in
France ; whereupon rose the occasion of great war and
tumult which followed after between the two realms.
It followed after this, (A. D. 1355,) that King Ed-
A.D. 1346—1350.]
REMONSTRANCES AGAINST THE POPE'S USURPATION.
209
ward hearing of the death of Philip the French king,
and that King John his son had granted the dukedom
of Aquitaine to Charles his eldest son and dauphin of
Vienna, sent over Prince Edward with the earls of
Warwick, of Salisbury, of Oxford, and with them a suf-
ficient number of able soldiers into Aquitaine. Where
he being willingly received by some, he subdued the rest,
partly by force of sword, partly by their submitting
themselves to his protection.
Not long after this, in the same year, word was
brought to King Edward, that John, the French king,
was ready to meet him at St. Omers, there to give him
battle, so he gathered his forces, and set over to Calais
with his two sons, Lionel earl of Wilton, and John of
Gaunt earl of Richmond, with Henry duke of Lan-
caster, &c. When Edward was come to St. Omers,
the French king with a mighty army, heard of his
coming, but the nearer he approached to them, the fur-
ther they retired back ; wasting and destroying behind
them, so that the English army in pursuing them, might
find no provisions. By which, King Edward following
him for the space of nine or ten days to Hadem (when
he could find neither his enemy to tight, nor provisions
for his army) returned to Calais. King Edward, seeing
the shrinking of his enemy, crossed the seas into Eng-
land, where he recovered again the town of Berwick,
which the Scots before by subtlety had gotten.
The same year, when King Edward had recovered
Berwick, and subdued Scotland, Prince Edward being
in Gascony, made toward the French king. The victo-
rious prince made way with his sword, and after much
slaughter of the French, and many prisoners taken, he
at length came up with the French king at Poictiers, and
with scarcely two thousand men, overthrew the French
with seven thousand men of arms and more. In which
conflict, the French king himself, and Philip his son,
with Lord James of Bourbon, the archbishop of Senon,
eleven earls, and twenty-two lords were taken. Of other
warriors and men of arms two thousand. Some affirm,
that in this conflict there were slain two dukes, of lords and
noblemen twenty-four, of men of arms two thousand and
two ; of other soldiers about eight thousand. The com-
mon report is, that more Frenchmen were there taken
prisoners, than the whole English army which took
them. This noble victory gotten by the grace of God,
excited no little admiration among all men.
It were too long, and little pertaining to the purpose
of this history, to comprehend in order all the doings of
this king, with the circumstances of his victories, of the
bringing in of the French king into England, of his
abode there, of the ransom levied on him, and of David
the Scotish king ; of which, the one was rated at one
million of pounds, the other at an hundred thousand
marks, to be paid in ten years.
Thus having treated of all martial affairs and warlike
exploits in the reign of this king between him atid the
realms of France and Scotland : now, to return to our
ecclesiastical matters, it follows to notify the troubles
and contentions growing between the king and the pope,
and other ecclesiastical persons in matters touching the
church, taken out of the records in the Tower. In the
fourth year of his reign, tlie king wrote to the archbishop
of Canterbury to this effect: that whereas King Ed-
ward I. his grandfather, gave to his chaplain, the dignity
of treasurer of York, (the archbishoprick of York being
then vacant and in the king's hands,) in the quiet pos-
session of which the chaplain continued, until the pope
would have displaced him, and promoted a cardinal of
Rome to that dignity, the king therefore straitly charges
the archbishop of York not to suffer any matter to pass,
that may be prejudicial to the donation of his grand-
father, upon pain of his highness's displeasure.
The like precepts were also directed to these bishops
following: to the bishop of Lincoln, bishop of Worcester,
bishop of Sarum, archdeacon of Richmond, archdeacon
of Lincoln, the prior of Lewen, the prior of Lenton, to
Master Rich of Bentworth, to Master Iherico de Con-
core, to the pope's nuncio, to Master Guido of Calma.
And he wrote letters to the pope consisting of three
parts. First, in the declaration and defence of bis right
and title to the donation and gift of all manner of tempo-
rnlties, of offices, prebends, benefices and dignities
ecclesiastical, held of him in capite, as in the right of
his crown of England. Secondly, in expostulatinj; witli
the pope for intruding himself into the ancient right of
the crown of England, intermeddling with such colla-
tions, contrary to right and reason, and the example of
all his predecessors. Thirdly, intreating him that he
would henceforth abstain and desist from molesting the
realm with such novelties and strange usurpations ; and
so much the more, because in the parliament lately held
at Westminster, it was agreed by the universal assent of
all the estates of the realm, that the king should stand
to the defence of all such rights and jurisdictions as to
his regal dignity and crown any way appertained.
The tenth year of his reign he wrote also to the pope
to this effect : that whereas the prior and chapter of
Norwich nominated a clerk to be bishop of Norwich,
and sent him to Rome for his investiture, without the
king's knowledge ; therefore the pope would withdraw
his consent, and not intermeddle in the matter apper-
taining to the king's peculiar jurisdiction and preroga-
tive.
After this, in the sixteenth year of this king, it hap-
pened that the pope sent over legates to hear and deter-
mine matters ajipertaining to the right of patronages of
benefices ; the king perceiving this to tend to the no
small derogation of his right, and the liberties of his
subjects, writes to the said legates, admonishing and re-
quiring them not to proceed therein, nor attempt any
thing unadvisedly, otherwise than might stand with the
lawful ordinances and customs of the laws of his realm,
and the freedom and liberties of his subjects.
The year following, which was the seventeenth of his
reign, he wrote another letter to the pope, against his
provisions and reservations of benefices.
The year following, another letter likewise was sent
by the king to the pope, upon occasion taken of the
church of Norwich, requiring him to cease his reserva-
tions and provisions of the bishoprics within the realm,
and to leave the elections thereof free to the chapters of
such cathedral churches, according to the ancient grants
and ordinances of his noble progenitors.
Proceeding now to the nineteeth year of this king's
reign, there came to the king certain legates from Roma,
complaining of certain statutes passed in his parliament,
tending to the prejudice of the church of Rome, and the
pope's primacy, viz., that if abbots, priors, or any other
ecclesiastical patrons of benefices should nut present
to the benefices within a certain time, the laj)se should
come to the ordinary or chapter thereof, or if they did
not present, then to the archbishop, if the archbishop
likewise did fail to present, then the gift to pertain not
to the lord pope, but to the king and his heirs. Another
complaint also was this, that if archbishops should be
slow ill giving such benefices as properly pertained to
their own patronage in due time, then the collation
thereof likewise should ajipertain to the king and his
heirs. Another complaint was, that if the pope should
make void any elections in the church of England for
any defect found therein, and so had placed some honest
and discreet persons in the same, that then the king and
his heirs was not bound to render the temporalties to the
parties placed by the pope's provision. Whereupon, the
pope being not a little aggrieved, the king wrote to liim,
certifying that he was misinformed, denying that there
was any such statute made in that parliament. And
further, as touching all other things, he would confer
with his prelates and nobles, and would return answer
by his legates.
In the twentieth year of his reign, another letter was
written to the pope by the king, the effect whereof was
this : "That in respect of his great charges sustained in
his wars, he had by the counsel of his nobles, taken into
his own hands the fruits and profits of all his benefices
in England."
To proceed in the order of years, in the twenty-sixth
year of this king, one Nicholas Heath, clerk, a busy-
headed body, and a troubler of the realm, had procured
some bishops, and others of the king's council to bo
r2
210
SUNDRY EMINENT WRITERS AGAINST THE POPE.
[Book IV.
cited up to the court ^f Rome, there to answer such
complaints as he had made against them. Whereupon
commandment was given by the king to all the ports of
the reahn for the restraint of all passengers out, aud for
searching aud arresting all persons bringing in any bulls
or other process from Rome, tending to the derogation
of the dignity of the crown, or molestation of the
subjects.
The same year the king wrote also to the pope's le-
gate resident in England, requiring him to cease from
exacting divt-rs sums of money of the clergy, in the name
of hrst fiuits of benetices.
The tiiirty-eighth year of his reign an ordinance was
made by the king and his councd, and proclaimed in all
poi t towns within the realm, — " Tliat good and diligent
search should be made, that no person whatsoever com-
ing from the court of Rome, ike, do bring into the
reahn with him any bull, instrument, letters patent, or
other jjiocess that may be prejudicial to the king, or any
of his subjects ; or that any person, passing out of this
realm toward the court of Rome, do carry with him any
instrunieut or process that may redound to the prejudice
c f tiiC king or his subjects ; and that all persons passing
to the said court of Rome, with the king's special license,
do, notwithstanding, promise and find surety to the lord
chancellor, that they shall not in any wise attempt or pur-
sue any matter to the prejudice of the king or his subjects,
under pain to be put out of the king's protection, and to
forfeit his body, goods, and chattels, according to the sta-
tute made in the twenty- seventli year of his reign."
And thus much concerning the letters and writings of
the king, with such other domestic matters and troubles
as passed between him and the pope, taken out of the
public records of the realm, wlierebj' I thought to give
the reader to understand the horrible abuses, the into-
lerable pride, and the insatiable avarice of tliat bishop,
more like a proud Lucifer than a pastor of the church of
Christ, in abusing the king, and oppressing his subjects
with immeasurable exactions ; and not only exercising
liis tyranny in this realm, but raging also against other
princes, both far and near, amongst wliom he didnotspare,
even the emperor himself. In the history of the Em-
peror Lewis, whom the pope excommunicated upon
Maundaj Thursday, and the same day placed another
emperor in his room, mention was made of certain
learned men, who took the emperor's part against tlie
pope. In number of whom was Marsilius of Padua,
William Ockam, John of Ganduno, Leopold, Andrew
Landensis, Ulric Hangenor, treasurer of the emperor,
Dante, Aligerius, &c. Of whom Marsilius compiled a
worthy work entitled ' Defensor Pacis,' written in the
emperor's behalf against the pope. Wherein (both
godly and learnedly disputing against the pope) he
proves all bishops and priests to be equal, and tliat the
pope has no superiority above other bishops, much less
above the emperor. That the word of God ought to be
the only chief judge in deciding and determining causes
ecclesiastical ; that not only spiritual persons, but laymen
also being godly and learned, ought to be admitted unto
general councils ; that the clergy and the pope ought to
be subject to magistrates ; that the church is the uni-
versity of the faithful, and that the foundation and head
of the church is Christ, and that he never appointed any
vicar or pope over his universal church; that bishops ought
to be chosen every one by their own church and clergy ;
that the marriage of priests may lawfully be permit-
ted ; that St. Peter was never at Rome ; that
the clergy and synagogue of the pope is a den of
thieves ; that the doctrine of the pope is not to be fol-
lowed, because it leads to destruction ; and that the
corrupt manners of the christians do sj)ring and flow out
of the wickedness of the spiritualty, lie disputes more-
over in another work of free justification by grace, aud
extenuated merits, saying that they are no efficient
causes of our salvation, that this is to say, that works are
I'D cause of our justification, but yet our justification
goes not witnout them. For which doctrine, most sound
and catholic, he was condemned by the pope, A. D.
I'.i'H, (by the pope's decree Extravagant, cop. Licet
inter doctrinam.) Concerning which man and his doc-
trine, I thought good to commit thus much to history,
to the intent men may see that they which charge this
doctrine now taught in the church, with the note of no-
velty or newness, are ignorant of the histories of past times.
In the same number and catalogue comes also Ockam,
(A. D. 1326), and who wrote likewise in defence
of the emperor against the pope ; and also in defence of
Michael, general of the Grayfriars, whom the pope had
excommunicated and cursed for a heretic. Several trea-
tises were set forth by Ockam, of which some are extant
and in print, some are extinct and suppressed. Some
again are not published under the name of the author, as
the dialogue between the soldier and the clerk, wherein it
is to be conjectured, what books and works this Ockam
had collected against the pope. Of this Ockam, John
Sleidan in his history makes mention, to his great
commendation ; his words are these : " William Ock-
am, in tlie time of the Emperor Lewis IV., flourished
about A. D. 1326, who, among other things, wrote
of the authority of the bishop of Rome. In which book
he handles these eight questions very copiously : whether
both the administrations of the bishop's office, and of the
emperor's, may be in one man ? Secondly, whether the
emperor takes his power and authority only from God,
or else from the pope ? Thirdly, whether the pope and
church of Rome have power by Christ to set and j)lace
kings and emperors, and to commit to them their juris-
diction .' Fourthly, whether the emperor being elected, \
has full authority ui)on his election, to administer »
his empire ? Fifthly, whether other kings besideg i
the emperor and the king of the Romans, in that
they are consecrated by priests, receive of them any part
of their power ? Sixthly, whether the kings in any case
be subject to their consecrators ? Seventhly, wliethei
if the kings should admit any new sacrifice, or should
take to themselves the diadem without any further con •
secration, they should thereby lose their kingly right,
and title ? Eightlily, whether the seven princes elec-
tors give as much to the election of the emperor, as suc-
cession rightfully gives to other kings .'' Upon these
questions he disj)utes and argues with many arguments
and various reasons on both sides, at length he decides
the matter on the part of the civil magistrate ; and by oc-
casion thereof enters into the mention of the ])ope's
" Decrees extravagant," declaring how little force or
regard is to be given thereto."
Trithemius makes mention of one Gregory of I
Arimini, a learned and a famous and right godly man, who, ■
not much differing from the age of this Ockam, (about ''
A. D. 1.350), disputed in the same doctrine of grace and
free will as we do now, and dissented therein from the pa-
pists and sophisters, counting them worse than Pelagians.
And what should I speak of the duke of Bungundy,
named Eudo, who, at the same time (A. D. 1350), per-
suaded the French king not to receive in his land the new
found constitutions, decretal and extravagant, nor to
suffer them within his realm, whose sage counsel then
given, yet remains among the'French king's records ?
Dante, an Italian writer, a Florentine, lived in the
time of Lewis the emperor, (about A. D. 1300), and
took part with Marsilius against three sorts of men, who
he said were enemies to the truth, that is, the jiope;
secondly, the order of monks and friars, who count
themselves the children of the church, when they are
the children of the devil their father ; thirdly, the doc-
tors of decrees and decretals. Certain of his writings
are still extant, wherein he proves the pope not to be
above the emperor, nor to have any right or jurisdiction
in the empire. He proves the donation of Constantine
to be a forged and a feigned thing, for which he was
thought by many to be an heretic. He comj)lains very
much, that the preaching of God's word was omitted,
and instead of it, the vain fables cf monks and friars
were j)reached and believed by the people, and so the
flock of Christ was fed not with the food of the gospel,
but with wind. " The pope," saith he, " of a pastor is
mad" a wolf, to waste the church of Christ, and to pro-
cure with his clergy, not the word of God to be preached,
but his own decrees." In his canticle of purgatory, be
declares the pope to be the whore of Babylon.
A. D. 1 ',50— ir.GO.] WRITERS AGAINST THE POPE, — SUCCESSION OF ARCHBISHOPS. 211
Here miy be added the saying out of the book of
Joi-.iauc!, imprinted with Dante ; that, forsomuch as
antichrist comes not before the destruction of the empire,
therefore such as strive to have the empire extinct, are in
so doing forerunners and messengers of anticlirist.
{ " Tlierefore let the Romans," saith he, " and their bi-
shops beware, lest their sins and wickedness so deserv-
ing, by the just judgment of God, the priesthood be
1 taken from them. Furthermore, let all the prelates and
I princes of Germany take heed," &c.
< And because our adversaries who object to us the
i newness of our doctrine shall see and perceive the course
! and form of this religion now received, not to have been
I either such a new thing now, or a thing so strange in
j times past ; I will add to these above recited, Master
I Taulerus, a preacher of Argentine in Germany (A. D.
1 lo50), who, contrary to the pope's proceedings, taught
I openly against all human merits, and against invocations
I of saints, and preached sincerely of our free justification
I by grace, referring all man's trust only to the mercy of
God, and was an enemy to all superstition.
\A'ith whom also may be joined Francis Petrarch, a
I writer of the same age, who, in his works and Italian
.verses, speaking of Rome, calls it " The whore of Ba-
bylon,— the school and mother of error, — the temple of
: heresy, — the nest of treachery, growing and increasing
iby the oppressing of others ;" and saith further, that
ishe extols herself against her founders, that is, the em-
iperors who first set her up, and did so enrich her, and
iseems plainly to affirm, that the pope was antichrist, de-
i daring that no greater evil could happen to any man,
ithan to be made pope. This Francis Petrarch was
iabout A. D. 1350.
About the year (A. D. 1340), iu the city of Her-
bipoli, was one named Master Conrad Hager, who,
(as appears by the old bulls and registers of Otho,
bishop of the city), is there recorded to have maintained
land taught for the space of twenty-four years together,
jthat the mass was no sacrifice ; and that it profits not
lany man, either quick or dead, and that the money given
|by the dying for masses, are very robberies and sacrileges
tof priests. He said too, that if he bad a store full of
jgold and silver, he would not give one farthing for any
mass. For this doctrine, this good preacher was con-
jdemned, and inclosed in prison ; but what afterward be-
jcame of him was never heard.
There is among other old and ancient records of
antiquity, belonging to this time, a certain monu-
ment in verses poetically compiled, but not without a
certain moral, intitled, " Poenitentiarius Asini," i. e.
The Asses' Confessor ; bearing the date and year A. D.
1343. In this treatise are brought forth the wolf, the
|fox, and the ass, coming to confess, and doing penance.
(First, the wolf confesses to the fox, who easily absolves
Jiim from all his faults, and also excuses him in them.
|ln like manner the wolf, hearing the fox's confession,
jshowed to him the like favour in return. After this
comes the ass to confession, whose fault was this :
|that he being hungry took a straw out from the sheaf of
a man that went on a pilgrimage to Rome. The ass,
repenting of this act, and thinking it not so heinous as
the faults of the others, hoped the more for his absolu-
tion. But what followed .' After the silly ass had ut-
tered his crime in auricular confession, immediately the
discipline of the law was executed upon him with se-
verity ; neither was he judged worthy of any absolution,
but was apprehended upon the same, slain, and devour-
ed. Whoever was the author of this fabulous tale, he
hud a moral in it ; for by the wolf was meant the pope ;
but the fox represented the prelates, courtesans,
pricbts, and the rest of the spiritualty. By the spiritu-
alty the pope is soon absolved, as, in return, the pope
soon absolves them in like manner. By the ass is
meant the poor laity, upon whose back the strict cen-
sure of the law is executed ; especially when the German
rmperoi's come under the pope's inquisition, to be ex-
amined by his discipline, there is no absolution or par-
(loii to 1 e found, but in all haste he must be deposed, as
l!i t!i?se histories may partly aiipear before.
Not long alter this, (about A. D. 1^50), Gerhard
Riddler wrote against the monks and friars a book, in ■
titled, " Lacryma Ecclesise," wherein he disputes
against the order of the begging friars ; proving that
kind of life to be far from christian perfection, as being
against charity to live upon others, when a man may livd
by his own labour ; and affirms them to be liypocrites,
filthy livers, and such as for man's favour, and for lucre
sake, do mix with true divinity, fables, apocryphas, and
dreams of vanity. Also that, under pretence of long
prayer, they devour widows' houses, and with their con-
fessions, sermons, and burials, trouble the church of
Christ. And therefore he persuaded the prelates to
bridle and keep short the inordinate license and abuses
of these monastical persons, &c.
As yet I have made no mention of Michael Sesenas,
provincial of the Gray Friars, nor Peter de Corbaria, of
whom Antonine writes and says they were condemned
in the " Extravagant" of Pope John, with one John de
Poliaco. Their opinions, says Antonine, were these, —
That Peter the apostle was no more the head of the church
tlian the other apostles ; and that Christ left no vicar
behind him, or head of his church ; and that the pope
has no authority to correct and punish, to institute
or depose the emperor ; also, that all priests, of what
degree soever, are of equal authority, power, and juris-
diction, by the institution of Christ : but by the institu-
tion of the emperor, the pope may be superior, who, by
the same emperor also, may be revoked again. Also,
that neither the pope, nor yet the church, may punish
any man with bodily restraint or compulsion ; unless
they receive the license of the emperor. This Michael,
master of the Gray Friars, wrote against the tyranny,
pride, and primacy of the pope, accusing him to be an-
tichrist, and the church of Rome to be the whore of
Babylon, drunk with the blood of saints. He said there
were two churches, one of the wicked, which was
flourishing, wherein reigned the pope ; the other of the
godly, which was afflicted. Also, that the truth was
almost utterly extinct ; and for this cause he was de-
prived of his dignity, and condemned by the pope.
Notwithstanding, he stood constant in his assertions.
This Michael was about A. D. 1322. And he left
behind him many favourers and followers of his doc-
trine, of whom a great part were slain by the pope : some
were condemned, as William Ockam ; some were burned,
as John de Castilione, and Francis de Arcatara.
Much about this time the nuns of St. Bridget's order
began first. About this time also was built the Queen's
College, in (Jxford, by Queen Phillippa, of England,
wife to King Edward III. (about A. D. 1360.)
And here to make an end of this Fourth Book ; it now
remains to prosecute the race of the archbishops of Can-
terbury, contained in this Fourth Book, beginning,
whd-e we before left off, (page 108), at Lanfranc.
A Table of the Archbishops of Canterbury/, contained
in the Fourth. Book.
34. Lanfranc.
35. Anselm.
36. Radulph.
37. William Curboil.
38. Theobald.
3!). Thomas Becket.
40. Richard.
41. Baldwin.
42. Hubert.
43. Stephen Langton.
44. Richard Magnus.
45. Edmund, of Abingdon
46. Boniface.
47. Robert Kilwarby.
48. John Peckham.
49. Robert Winchelsey.
50. Walter Reynald.
51. John Stratford.
52. JohnOflord.
53. Thomas Braidwarden.
54. Simon Islip.
ACTS AND MONUMENTS,
BOOK V.
CONTAINING
THE LAST THREE HUNDRED YEARS, FROM THE LOOSING OUT OF SATAN.
Thus having discoursed in these former books the order
and course of years, from the first tying up of Satan to
A. D. i;^(JO, I have a little overpassed the limit of time
in the scripture, appointed for the loosing out of him
again. For so it is written by St. .John, (Rev. xx. li),
that after a thousand years, Satan, the old dragon, shall
be let loose again for a season, &c.
For the better explanation of which mystery, let us
first consider the context of the scripture : afterwards
let us examine by history, and course of times, the mean-
ing of the same. And first, to recite the words of
scripture, the text of the prophesy is this, (Rev.
XX. 1.)
" And I saw an angel come down from heaven, having
the key of the bottomless pit, and a great chain in his
hand. And he laid hold on tlie dragon, that old serpent,
which is the devil and Satan, and bound him a thousand
years, and cast him into the bottomless pit, and shut him
up, and set a seal upon him, that he should deceive the
nations no more till the thousand years should be ful-
filled : and after that he must be loosed a little season.
And I saw thrones, and they sat upon them, and judi^-
ment was given unto them ; and I saw the souls of tlieiu
that were beheaded for the witness of Jesus," &c.
By these words of the Revelation, here recited, three
special times are to be noted.
First, Satan's being abroad to deceive the world.
Secondly, The binding of him.
Thirdly, The loosing of him again, after a thousand
years, for a season.
Concerning tlie interpretation of which times, I see the
common opinion of many to be decfived by ignorance of
histories, and state of things done in the church; they
supposing that the chaining up of Satau for a thousand
years, spoken of in the Revehition, was meant from the
birth of Christ our Lord. Wlierein I grant that spi-
ritually, the strength and dominion of Satan, in accusing
and condemning us for sin, was cast down at tlie ])aiisi()u
and by the passion of Christ our Saviour, and locked up,
not only for a thousand years, hnt for ever. Although,
as to the malicious hatred and fury of that serpent,
against the outward bodies of Ciirist's poor saints, (which
is the heel of Chi-ist) to afflict and torment the church
outwardly ; that I judge to be meant in the Revelation
of St. John, not to be restrained till tiie ceasing of those
terrible persecutions of the primitive church, when it
pleased God to pity the sorrowfal affliction of his poor
flock, being so long under persecution, the space of three
hundred years , and so to assuage their griefs and torments :
which is meant by the binding up of Satan, the worker
of all those mischiefs : understanding thereby that as the
devil, the prince of this world, has now, by the death of
Christ the Son of God, lost all his power and interest
against the soul of man, he should turn his furious rage
and malice, which he had to Christ, against the people of
Christ, (which is meant by the heel of the seed, Gen. iii. lo.)
in tormenting their outward bodies. Which yet shoaid
not be for ever, but for a determinate time, as it
should please the Lord to bridle the malice, and snaffle
the power of the old serpent, and give rest to his church
for the term of a thousand years. Which time being
expired, the serpent shall be suffered loose again for a
certain or a small time.
And I am led by three reasons thus to expound this
prophetical passage of scripture :
The first is, that the binding up of Satan, and closing
him in the bottomless pit by the angel, imports as much
as that he was at liberty, raging and doing mischief
before. And certainly, those terrible and horrible ]ier-
secutions of the primitive time universally through the
whole world, during the space of three hundred years
of the church, do declare no less. Wherein it is to be
thought and sup])osed, that Satan all that time, was not
fastened and closed up.
The second reason, moving me to think that the closing
up of .Satan was after the ten persecutions of the jiriaii-
tive church, is taken out of the twelfth cha))ter of
Revelation; where we read, that after the woman,
(meaning the church) had travailed of her man-child;
tlie old dragon, the devil, the same time being cast down
from heaven, drawing the third part of tlie st trs with
him, stood before the woman with great anger, anil per-
secuted her (that is, the church of God), with a wlio'e
Hood of water, (that is, with abundance of all kinds i>f
torments), and from thence went moreover to iit;l;t
against the residue of her seed, and stood upon tiie
sands of the sea ; whereby it appears that he was not as
yet locked up.
The third reason I collect out of the thirteenth
chapter of Revelation ; wliere it is written of the beast, sig-
nifying the imperial monarchy of Rome, that he had
power to make war forty and two months. By which
months is meant, no doubt, the time that tlie dragon,
and the persecuting em])erors, should have in aflli(;ting
the saints of the primitive church. Tlie computation of
which forty-two months (counting every month for a
A.D. 1360.] THE PLOUGHMAN'S COMPLAINT OF THE ABUSES OF THE WORLD. '213
! sabbath of years ; that is, for sev-en years, after the order
: of scripture) rises to the sum (counting from the passion
of the Lord Christ) of three hundred years, lacking six,
I when Maxentius, the last persecutor in Rome, fighting
against Constantine, was drowned with his soldiers,
like as Pharaoh, persecuting the children of Israel, was
drowned in the Red Sea ; to the which forty-two months,
or sabbaths of years, if we add the other six years where-
in Licinius persecuted in the East, ye shall find just
three hundred years, as is specified before in the First
Book.'
After which forty and two months being expired, it is
manifest that the fury of Satan, that is, his violent
malice and power over the saints of Christ, was dimi-
nished and universally restrained through the whole
world.
Thus then the matter standing evident, that Satan
after three hundred years, counting from the passion of
Christ, began to be chained up, when the persecution of
■ the primitive church began to cease : now let us see how
long this binding up of Satan should continue, which
, was promised in the book of the Revelation to be a
thousand years. Which thousand years, if ye add to
the forty-two months of years, that is, to two hundred
, and ninety-four years ; they make one thousand two
hundred and ninety-four years after the passion of the
Lord. To these, moreover, add the thirty years of the
age of Christ, and it comes to A. D. 11524, which was
the year of the letting out of Satan, according to the
prophecy.
These things thus premising for the loosing out of
Satan, according to the prophecy in the Revelation,
now let us enter (Christ willing) to the declaration of
these later times which followed after the letting out of
i Satan into the world. Describing the wondrous trou-
Ibles and cruel tyranny stirred up by him against Christ's
I church ; also the valiant resistance of the church of
i Christ against him and antichrist, as in these our books
here following may appear.
I The argument of which books consists in two parts :
; First, to treat of the raging fury of Satan now loosed,
;and of antichrist, against the saints of Christ fighting and
labouring for the maintenance of truth, and the refor-
imation of the church. Secondly : To declare the decay
land ruin of antichrist, through the power of the word
lof God, being at length, either in a great part of the
[world overthrown ; or at least universally in the whole
jworld detected.
I Thus then to begin with the year 1360, wherein
|l have a little transgressed the limits of the first loosing
of Satan : we are come now to the time wherein the
Lord, after long darkness, begins some reformation of
|his church, by the diligent industry of his faithful and
ilearned servants, of whom several we have already
touched in the former book, as having withstood the
corrupt errors, and intolerable enormities of the Bishop
of Rome.
Now to these (the Lord willing) we will add such
other holy martyrs and confessors, as followed after in
jthe course of years with like zeal and strength of God's
|word, and also with like danger of their lives, gave the
llike resistance against the enemy of Christ's religion,
land suffered at his hands the like persecutions. First,
Ibeginning with that godly man, whosoever he was, the
author of the book, entitled. The Prayer and Complaint
.of the Ploughman, written about this present time, as
jfollows : —
Ah old ancient Writing, intituled. The Prayer and
Complaint of the Ploughman.*
" Ah Lord, thou forgave sometime Peter his sins, and
also Mary Magdalen, and many other sinful men with-
out shriving to priests, and taking penance of priests for
Itheir sins. And, Lord, thou art as mighty now as thou
(1) See note pajre 69. [Ed.]
(2) Tlie old luiieuage and spelling of this treatise ciillcd " The
flouglunaii'g Liiment," render! it in a great degree unintullig Ue
were that time, but gif any man have bynomen thee thy
mignt. And we lewd men beleven, that there is no
man of so great power, and gif any man maketh himself
of so great power, he heighteth himself above God.
And St. Paul speaketh of one that sitteth in the temple
of God, and heighten him above God ; and gif any such
be, he is a false Christ.
" But hereto seyn priests, that when Christ made clean
leprous men, he bade them go and shew them to priests.
And therefore they seyn that it is a commandment of
Christ, that a man should shewen his sin to priests.
For as they seyn, lepre in the old law betokenneth sin in
this new law. A, Lord God, whether thine apostles
knew not thy meaning as well as men done now ? And
gif they hadden yknow that thou haddest commanded
men to shriven them to priests, and they ne taught not
that commandment to the people, me thinketh they
hadden ben to blame. But I trow they ktewen well
that it was none of thy commandments, ne needful to
heal of man's soul. And as me thinketh, the law of
lepre is nothing to the purpose of shriving : for priests
in the old law hadden certain points and tokens to
know whether a man were leprous or not : and gif they
were leprous, they hadden power to pu'ten them away
from other clean men, for to that they weren clean ; and
then they hadden power to receiven him among hig
brethren, and offeren for him a sacrifice to God.
" This is nothing to the purpose of shriving. For there
is but one priest, that is Christ, that may know in cer-
tain the lepre of the soul. Ne no priest may make the
soul clean of her sin, but Christ that is priest after Mel-
chisedec's order: ne no priest here beneath may ywit for
certain whether a man be clean of his sin. or clean as-
soiled, but gif God tell it him by revelation. Ne God
ordained not that his priests should set men a penance
for their sin, after the quantity of the sin, but this is
man's ordinance, and it may well be that there commeth
good thereof. But I wot well that God is much un-
worshipped thereby. For men trust more in his abso-
lutions, and in his years of grace, than in Christ's abso-
lutions, and thereby is the people much appaired. For
now the sorrow a man should make for his sin, is put
away by this shrift : and a man is more bold to do sin
for trust of this shrift, and of this bodilich penance.
" Another mischief is, that the people is ybrought
into this belief, that one priest hath a great power to as-
soylen a man of his sin and clennere, than another
priest hath.
" Another mischief is this, that some prieSt may as-
soylen them both of sin and pain : and in this they taken
them a power that Christ granted no man in earth, ne
he ne used it dought on earth himself.
" Another mischief is, that these priests sellen for-
giveness of men's sins and absolutions for mony ; and
this is an heresie accursed that is yclejied simony : and
all thilk priests that axeth price for granting of spiritual
grace, beth by holy laws deprived of their priesthood,
and thilke that assenteth to this heresie. And be they
ware ; for Helyse the prophet took no mony of Naaman,
when he was made clean of his lepre ; but Giesi his ser-
vant ; and therefore the lepre of Naaman abode with
him and with his heirs evermore after.
" But, Lord God, he that sitteth in thy stede hath
undo thy law of mercy and love ; Lord, thou biddest
loven enemies as our self; and shewest in the gospel
there as the Samaritan had mercy on the Jew. And
thou biddest us abo prayen for them that cursen us,
and that defamen us, and pursuen us to death. And so
Lord thou diddest, and thine apostles also. But he
that clepeth himself thy vicar on earth, and head of thy
church, he hath undone thy law of love and mercy.
For gif we speaken of loving our enemies, he teacheth
us to fight with our enemies, that Christ hath forboden.
He curseth and desireth vengeance to them that so doth
to him. Gif any man pursueth him, he curseth Liia,
to the general reader. It is of considerable length, and we ^.tTe
retained only a portion of it, tliat the reader may be fl-abled to
judge of its nature. [Kd.]
214
THE PLOUGHMAN'S COMPLAINT OF THE ABUSES OF THE WORLD.
[Book V.
that it is a sorrow a christon m.in to hearen the cursings
that they maken, and hlasphemies in sucli cursing. Of
what thing that I know, I may bear true witness.
" But gif we speak of loving of our brethren, this is
nndone by him tliat saith lie is God's vicar in earth.
For Christ in the gospel biddeth us, that we shoulder
clepen us no father njiou earth : but clepen God our
father, to maken us love iierfitlich together. And he
clepeth himself Father of fathers, and maketh many re-
ligions, and to everich a father. But whetlier is love
and charity encreased by these fathers and by their re-
ligions, or else yniade less .' For a frier ne loveth not a
monk, ne a secular man neither, nor yet one frier
another that is not of the order, and it is againward.
" But, Lord, in the old law the tithings of the lewd
people ne were not due to priests, but to that otiier
childer of Levi that serveden thee in the temple, and
the priest hadden their part of sacrifices, and the first by-
geten beasts and other things as the law telleth. And,
Lord, St. Paul thy servant saith, that the order of the
priesthood of Aaron ceased in Christ's coming and the
law of that priesthood. For Christ was end of sacrifices
yoffered upon the cross to the Father of heaven, to bring
man out of sin, and become himself a priest of ]\Ielchise-
dek's order. For he was both king and priest, without
beginning and end ; and both the priesthood of Aaron,
and also the law of that priesthood ben ychanged in tlie
coming of Christ. And S. Paul saith it is reproved, for
it brought no man to perfection. For blood of goats,
ne of other beasts ne might done away sin, for to that
Christ shad his blood.
" Ah Lord Jesus ; whether thou ordenest an order of
priests to offren in the auter thy flesh and thy blood to
bringen men out of sin, and also out of pein ? And
whether thou geve them alonelich a power to eat thy
flesh and thy blood, and whether none other man may
eat thy flesh and thy blood withouten leve of priests ?
Lord, we beleven, that thy flesh is very meat, and thy
blood very drink ; and who eateth thy flesh, and drink -
eth thy blood, dwelleth in thee, and thou in him, and
■who that eateth this bread shall live without end. But
Lord thine disciples said ; this is a word ; but thou
answerest them and saidest ; when ye seeth man soon
stiven up there he was rather, the Spirit is that maketh
you live, the words that ych have spoken to you ben
spirit and life. Lord, yblessed mote thou be, for in this
word thou teachest us that he that keepeth thy words,
and doth after them, eateth thy flesh, and drinketh thy
blood, and hath an everlasting life in thee. And for we
shoulden have mind of this living, thou gavest us the
sacrament of thy flesh and blood, in form of bread and
wine at thy supper, before that thou shouldest suffer thy
death, and took bread in thine hand, and saidest :
' Take ye this, and eat it, for it is my body :' and thou
tookest wine, and blessedst it, and said ; ' This is the
blood of a new and an everlasting Testament, that shall
be slied for many men in forgiveness of sins : as oft as
ye do this, do ye this in mind of me.'
" Ah Lord, thou ne bede not thine disciples maken this
a sacrifice, to bring men out of peines, gif a priest oflVed
thy body in the altar ; but thou bed them go and fallen
all the folk in the name of the Father, and the Son, and
the Holy Ghost, in forgiveness of their sins ; and teach
ye tliem to keep those that ych have commanded you.
And Lord, thine disciples ne ordained not priests prin-
cipalli(h to make thy body in sacrament, but for to
teach the people, and good husbandmen that well
govern their households, both wives and children, and
their meiny, they ordeiiied to be priests to teachen
other men the livv of Christ, both in word, in dede, and
they lived ein as true Cliristian men, every day they
eaten Christ's body, and drinken his blood, to the sus-
tenance of living of their souls, and other whiles they
token of the sacrament of his body in form of bread
and wi:ie, in mind of our Lord Jesus Christ.
" But all this is turned ujjsedown : for now whoso
will liven as thou taughtest, he shall been holden a fool.
And gif he speak thy teaching, he shall ben holden an
heretick, and accursed. Lord, have no longer wonder
hereof, for so they seiden to thee when thou were here
sometime. And therefore we moten take in patience
their words of blasphemy as thou diddcst thy self, or else
we were to blame. And trulich Lord 1 trow, that if
thou were now in the world, and taughtest as tliou did-
dest sometime, thou shouldest ben done to death. For
thy teaching is damned for heresie of wise men of the
world, and then moten thy needs ben hereticks that
teachen thy lore, and all they also that travalien to live
thereafter.
" Lord in the gospel thou sayest, that true heriers
of God ne herieth him not in that hill beside Samaria,
ne in Hierusalem neither, but true heriers of God
herieth him in spirit and in truth. And Lord God,
what herying is it to bilden thee a church of dead stones,
and robben thy quick churches of their bodilich livei-
lood ? Lord God, what herying is it, to cloth mawp
mets of stocks and of stones in silver and in gold, and
in other good colours ? And Lord I see thine image
gone in cold and in hete, in clothes all to broken, with-
out shone and hosen, an hungred and athrust. Lord
what herying is it to teende tapers and torches before
l)lind mavv-mets that mowen not seyen ? And hide thee
that art our light and our lantern towards heaven, and
put thee under a bushel, that for darkness we ne may
not seen our way toward bliss ? Lord what herying is
it to kneel tofore mawmets that mow not yheren, and
worshepen them with prayers, and maken thine quick
images kneel before them, and asken of them absolu-
tions and blessings, and worshepen them as gods, and
putten thy quick images in thraldom and in travail
evermore as beasts, in cold and in hete, and in feeble
fare to finden them in liken of the world ? Lord what
herying is it to fetch deed mens bones out of the
ground, there as they shoulden kindelich rotten, and
slirinen them in gold and silver ; and sufferen the quick
bones of thine images to rot in prison for default of
clothings ? And sufTren also thy quick images to perish
for default of sustenance, and rooten in the hoorehouse
in abominable lechery ? Some become thieves and rob.
hers, and manquellers, that mighten ben yholpen with
the gold and silver that hongeth about deed mens bones,
aud other blind mawmets of stocks and stones.
" Lord, here been great abominations that thou
shewdist to Ezechiel thy prophet, that priests done
in thy temple, and yet they clepen that thine herying.
But leve Lord, methinketh that they loven thee little that
thus defoulen thy quick images, and worshepen blind
mawmets.
" And Lord, another great mischief there is now in
the world, an hunger that Amos thy prophet speaketh
of, that there shall comen an hunger in the earth, not
of bread, ne thrust of drink, but of hearing of God's
words. And thy sheep woulden be refreshed, but their
shepheards taken of thy sheep their livelode, as tyth-
ings, &c. And liven themselves thereby where them
liketh.
" O Lord deliver the sheep out of the ward of thes?
shepherds, and these hired men, that stonden more to
keep their riches that they robben of thy sheep, than
they stonden in keeping of thy sheep.
" O Lord when thou come to Jerusalem, sometime
thou drove out of the temple sellers of beasts and of
other chafl^are, and saidst. Mine house should ben
cleped an house of prayers, but they maden a den of
thieves of it. O Lord thou art the temple in whom we
should praien thy Father of heaven. And Salomon's
temple, that was ybelded at .Jerusalem, was a figure of
this temjile. But Lord, he that clepeth himself thy vicar
ujion earth, and saith that he occupieth thy place here on
earth, is become a cha])man in thy temple, and hath his
chapmen walking in divers countries to sellen his chaf-
fare, and to maken him rich. And he saith, Thou gave
him so great a power aboven all other men, that wnat-
ever he bindeth other unbindeth in earth, thou bindeth
otlier unbindest the same in heaven. And so of great
power he sellcth other men forgiveness of their sin. And
for much nioney he will assoilen a man so clean of his
sin. that he behcteth men of the bliss of heaven with-
outen any pain r.ftcr that they be dead, that given him
much money.
A.D. 13C0.] A PARABLE PROPHESYING THE DESTRUCTION OF THE POPE.
215
Bishopnrks and chirches, and such other chaffares he
gelletli also for money, and maketh himself rich. And
thus hi' besfuiled the puple.
" O Lord Jesus here is much untruth, and mischief, and
matter of sorrow. Lord thou saidest sometime, tliat thou
wouldest be with thy servants unto the end of the world.
And thou saidest also, there as tweine or three ben ygraded
togedder in thy name, that thou art in the middle of
them. A Lord, then it was no need to thee to maken lief-
teenant, sith thou wolte be evermore amongst thy servants.
'* Lord, thou axedst of thy disciples, who they trowed
that thou were. And Peter answered and said, ' That
thou art Christ God's Son.' And thou saidst to Peter,
' Thou art yblessed Simon Barjona, for flesh and blood
ne sliowed not this to thee, but my Father that is in
heaven.' And I say to thee, ' That thou art Peter, and
upon this stone ych would bilde my church, and the gates
of hell he shullen not availen agens it.
" And to thee ych wole geve the keys of heaven, and
what ever thou bindest upon earth shall be bound in
heaven, and what ever thou unbindest on earth, shall be
nnbounden in heaven.' This power also was gran ten
unto the other disciples, as well as to Peter, as the gospel
openlich telleth. In this place men seggen that thou
granted to Peter's successor, the selve power that thou
gave to Peter. And therefore the bishop of Rome, that
saith he is Peter's successor, taketh this power to him
to biuden and unbinden in earth what him liketh. But
Lord, ych have much wonder how he may for shame
clepen himself Peter's successor : for Peter knowiedged
that thou were Christ and God, and kept the bests of
thy law ; but these han forsaken the hests of thy law,
and hath ymaken a law contrary to thine hests of thy
law. And so he maketh himself a false Christ, and
a false god in earth. And I trow thou gave him no
power to undo thy law. And so in taking this power
upon him, maketh him a false Christ and antic'nrist.
" For who may be more agens Christ, than he that
in his words maketh himself Christ's vicar in earth ;
and in his werkes undoth the ordinance of Christ, and
maketh men believen that it is needful to the heal of
men's souls, to believen that he is Christ's vicar in
eartli .' And what ever he bindeth in earth, is ybounden
in heaven, and under this colour he undoth Christ's law,
and maketh men always to keepen his law and hests.
" And thus man may yseen that he is against Christ,
and therefore he is antichrist that maketh men worship-
pen him as a god on earth, as the proud King Nabugod-
onosor did sometime, that was king of Babylon. And
therefore we lewde men that knowen not God but thee
Jesus Christ, believen in thee that art our God, and our
King, and our Christ, and thy laws ; and forsaken anti-
christ, and Nabugodonosor that is a false god, and a false
Christ, and his laws being contrary to thy preaching.
" And Lord strength thou us against our enemies.
For they ben about to maken us forsaken thee and thy
law, other else to putten us to death.
" O Lord, onlich in thee is our trust to help us in this
mischief, for thy great goodness that is withouten end.
" Lord thou ne taughtest not thy disciples to assoilen
men of their sin, and setteu them a penance for their
sin, in fasting, ne in praying, ne other almous deed ; ne
thyself, ne thy disciples, useden no such power here on
earth. For Lord, thou forgive men her sins, and bede
him sin no more. And thy disciples fulleden men in thy
name, in forgiveness of her sins. Nor they took no
sucli power upon them as our priests dare now. And
Lord, thou ne assoiledst no man both of his sin and of his
pain, that was due for his sin, ne thou grautedst no man
sucii power here on earth.
" And Lord, me thinketh that gif there was a purga-
tory, and any earthlich man had power to deliver sinful
men from the peines of purgatory, he should, and he were
in charity, savea everich man that were in the way of
salvation from thilke peines, sith they make them
greater than any bodilich peineg of this world. Also gif
the bishop of Rome had such a power, he himself shuld
never, comen in purgatory, ne in hell. And sith we see
Well that he ne hath no power to keepen himself, ne other
taen noth^r out of these bodilicb peiues of the world,
and he may go to hell for his sin as another man may :
I ne believe not, that he hath so great power to assoylen
men of their sin as he taketh upon him aboven all other
men. Andl trow that in this he higheth himself above God.
" As touching the selling of bishopricks, and parso-
nages, I trow it be a point of falsehed. For agenst
God's ordinance he robbeth poor men of a portion of their
sustenance, and selleth it, other givetli it, to find prond
men in idleness that don the lewd puple little profit, but
much harme, as we told before. Thus ben thy com-
mandments of truth, of meekness, and of poorness undone
by him, that clepeth himself thy vicar here upon earth."
I doubt not, gentle reader, but in reading this godly
treatise above prefixed, the matter is manifest and plain of
itself without any further explication, what is to be
thought and judged of this vicar of Christ, and successor
of Peter, whom we call the bishop of Rome : whose
life here is seen not only to be disordered in all points,
swerving from the steps and example of Christ the prince
and bishop of our souls, but also whose laws and doc-
trines are so repugnant and contrary to the precepts and
rule of the gospel, that there is scarcely any similarity
between them : as in the perusing of this complain-
ing prayer, may be understood. Wherefore having no
need to stand in any further expressing of this matter,
but leaving it to the consideration and discretion of the
reader, I will (Christ willing) proceed towftrd the
time of John Wickliffe and his fellows, taking, in the
order of years as I go, such things by the way, as both
happened before the time of Wickliffe, and also may the
better prepare the mind of the reader, to the entering of
that history. Where first I think it not inconvenient to
insert a prophetical parable, written about this time, or
not much before, which the author morally applies to the
bishop of Rome. To what author this moral is to be
ascribed, I can not certainly affirm. In the meantime,
as I have found it in Latin expressed, because it ])aints
out the pope so rightly in his feathers and colours ; so
I thought the thing was not to be omitted, and therefore
took this present place, as most fit (although peradven-
ture missing the order of years a little) to insert the same.
The effect of which parable is as follows :
In the time of Pope Innocent VI., when friar John de
Rupescissa was kept at Avignon in prison, Froysard heard
in the pope's court this parable recited by this friar, to
the cardinal Hostiensis, and cardinal Auxercensis.
" When on a certain time a bird was brought into the
world all bare and without feathers, the other birds
hearing thereof, came to visit her : and as they saw her
to be a marvellous fair and beautiful bird, they counselled
together how they might best do her good, as without
feathers she might neither fly, nor live conveniently.
They all wished her to live for her excellent form and
beauty's sake, insomuch that among them all there was
not one, that would not grant some part of her ovra
feathers to deck this bird withal : yea, and the more
trim they saw her to be, the more feathers still they gave
to her, so that by these means she was passing well penned
and feathered, and began to fly. The other birds that
had thus adorned her with goodly feathers, beholding her
flying abroad, were marvellously delighted therewith. In
the end, this bird seeing herself so gorgeously feathered,
and of all the rest to be had in honour, began to wax proud
and haughty. Insomuch that she had no regard at all
to them, by whom she was advanced : yea, she punged
them with her beak, plucked them by the skin and fea-
thers, and in all places hurted them. Whereupon the
birds sitting in council again, called the matter in ques-
tion, demanding one of another what was best to be
done touching this unkind bird, whom they lovingly with
their own feathers had decked and adorned; affirming
that they gave not their feathers, to the intent that she,
thereby puff'ed up with pride, should contemptuously de-
spise them all. The peacock theiefore answers first,
' Truly,' says he, ' as she is bravely set forth with my
painted feathers, 1 will again take them from her.' Then
says the falcon, ' And I also will have mine again.' This
sentence at length took place among them all, so that
216 THE HISTORY AND WRITINGS OF ARMACHANUS, PRIMATE OF IRELAND. [Book V.
every one plucked from her those feathers which before
they had given, each taking their own again. Now this
proud bird, seeing herself thus dealt with, began forth-
with to abate her haughty spirit, and humbly to submit
herself openly, confessing and acknowledging, that of
herself she had nothing ; but that her feathers, her ho-
nour and other ornaments was their gift: she came into
the world all naked and bare, they clad her with comely
feathers, and therefore of right they may receive them
again. Wherefore most humbly she desires pardon,
promising to amend all that is past, neither would
Ehe at any time hereafter commit anything whereby
through pride she might lose her feathers again. The
gentle birds, that before had given their feathers, seeing
her so humble and lowly, being moved with pity, restored
ngain the feathers which lately they had taken away,
lidding withal this admonition, * We will gladly,' say
they, ' behold thee flying among us, so long as thou wilt
use thine office with humbleness of mind, which is the
chiefest comeliness of all the rest: but know thou this
for certainty, that if at any time hereafter thou extol
thyself in pride, we will straiglitways deprive thee of thy
feathers, and reduce thee to thy former state wherein we
found thee.' Even so, oh you cardinals," said this friar,
" shall it happen to you: for the emperors of the Romans
and OermaiiS, and other christian kings, potentates, and
princes of the earth, have bestowed upon you goods,
lands, and riphes, that should serve God, but you have
poured it out, and consumed it upon pride^ and all kind
of wickedness, riot, and wantonness."
THE HISTORY OF ARMACHANUS.
In the catalogue of these learned and zealous defenders
of Christ against antichrist above rehearsed, whom the
Lord about this time began to raise up for the reanima-
tion of his church, I cannot omit to write something of
the reverend prelate, and famous clerk, Richard Armach-
anus, primate and archbishop of Ireland : a man for his
life and learning so memorable that they had none almost
his better. His name was Richard Fizraf. Such was
the capacity and dexterity of this man, that being com-
mended to King Edward III., he was promoted by him,
first, to be archdeacon of Lichfield, then to be the com-
missary of the university of Oxford ; at length to be
archbishop of Armagh in Ireland. He had cause to come
to London at the time when there was contention between
the friars and clergy about preaching and hearing con-
fessions, &c. Whereupon, this Armachanus, being re-
quested to preach, made seven or eight sermons ; wherein
he propounded nine conclusions against the friars, for
which he was cited by the friars to appear before this
Pope Innocent VI., and so he went, and before the face
of the pope valiantly defended, both in preaching and
in writing, the same conclusions, and therein stood
constantly to the death, as John Wickliife well
testifies. William Botonerus testifying of him in hke
manner, says, " That Armachanus first reproved beg-
ging-friars for hearing the confessions of professed nuns,
without licence of their superiors, and also of married
women without knowledge of their husbands. What
dangers and troubles he sustained by his persecutors, and
how miraculously the Lord delivered him from their
hands, and in what peril of thieves and searchers he was,
and yet the Lord delivered him ; yea, and in what
dangers he was of the king's officers, who coming with
the king's letters, laid all the havens fcr him ; and how
the Lord Jesus delivered him, and gave him to triumph
over all his enemies : how the Lord also taught him
and brought him to the study of the scri])tures of God.
All this, with much more, he himself expresses in a cer-
tain prayer or confession made to Christ Jesus our Lord,
in which he describes almost the whole history of his
own life.
Thus the troubles of this good man, and how he was
cited up by the friars to the pope, you have ])artly heard.
Now his reasons and arguments wherewith he defended
his cause in the pope's presence, are to be declared.
In the time of innocent 111., and the Lateran coun-
cil, (A. D. 1215), lived Dominic, the author and
founder of the preaching friars ; who laboured at Pope
Innocent for the confirmation of his order, but did not
obtain it in the life time of that pope.
The year after this council Pope Innocent died, (A. D.
121G), after whom came Honorius III. who confirmed
the order of the friar Dominic, and gave to him and his
friars authority to preach, and to hear confessions, with
other privileges. Dominic lived five years after the
confirmation of his order, and died A. D. 1221. About
which year the order of the Franciscan friars began also
to breed, and to spread in the world.
After this Honorius, next followed Pojtc Gregory IX.,
about A. D. 1228, who also promoted the order of
Dominic.
This Gregory died about A. D. 1241, after whom
came Celestine IV., and sat but eighteen days; then
came Innocent IV., and sat eleven years and six months.
Who, although he began first to favour the friars, yet
afterward he debarred them of their liberties and priri.
leges, and gave out precepts and excommunications
against friars. And not long after was dispatched and
made away with.
Innocent being thus removed out of the way, about
A. D. 1254, succeeded Pope Alexander IV., a great
maintainer of the friars, and sat seven years. He re-
voked and repealed the acts and writings of Pope Inno-
cent his predecessor against the friars ; the divines and
students of Paris being not contented with this, stirred
up tour principal doctors. Tliese four compiled a book
against the begging order of friars, both Dominicann and
Franciscans, entitled T)e PericuUs Ecclmce, containing
fourteen chapters, the fourteenth has thirty-nine articles
against the friars. Besides these thirty-nine articles, are
seven other articles, under the name of the students of
Paris against the friars.
Besides these articles, certain conclusions were also
propounded in the schools of Paris at the same time,
solemnly to be disputed and defended against the friars :
which were these :
First, That the begging friars were not in the state of
salvation.
Secondly, That they were bound to labour vrith their
hands, who could, and not to beg.
Thirdly, That they ought not to exercise the office of
preaching, or to hear the confessions of them that will
come to them.
All these articles and conclusions, with the book set
forth by these Parisians, this Pope Alexander IV. con-
demned to be abolished and burned, writing his precepts
to the French king, and also the university of Paris, in
favour of the friars ; commanding the friars to be re-
stored to all their privileges and liberties.
Not long after Pope Alexander IV. followed Clement
IV., (A. D. 1265), and sat three years: who also gave
privileges to the friars.
Some time after this Clement came Pope Martin IV.,
(A. D. 1281), who renewed again the canon in behalf
of the curates against the friars.
Pope Boniface VIII. began to sit A. D. 1294, and
sat eight years and nine months. Who taking side
with the friars, gave them another privilege. In which
privilege he licensed the friars, that without license of
vicars of churches they shall first present themselves to
the prelates to be admitted ; by whom if they be refused
the second time, then they, upon special authority ot
this pope, shall be privileged, without either bishop or
curate, to preach, to bury, and to hear confessions.
By this Pope Boniface, a certain Dominican friar was
made cardinal, named Nicolas Bocasin, of Tervisa, and after
the death of Boniface he was made pope, (A. D. Ki03),
surnamed Pope Benedict XL, who made another consti-
tution, revoking that of Boniface.
Again, after Benedict XL, followed Pope Clement V.,
(A. D. i;{05), and sat nine years. Who, in his general
council held at Vienna, revoked the constitution of
Benedict his predecessor, and renewed the former de-
cree of Boniface ; which constitution, moreover, was
confirmed afterward by Pope John XXII. , (A. D. 1316).
Upon this variable diversity of the popes (one dissent-
ing and repugning from another) rose among the divine*
and schoolmen in universities great matter of coabea-
A.D. 1360.] HISTORY AND WRITINGS OF ARMACHANUS, PRIMATE OF IRELAND.
tion, as well in the university of Paris, as the university
of Oxford about the begging friars, some holding one
tyay, some another way.
The matter of contention about the friars stood in four
points : first, preaching without licence of curates. Se-
condly, in hearing confession. Thirdly, in burying.
Fourthly, in begging and taking of the jjcoijle.
217
Popex that maintained the Friars.
Honorius I IT.
Gregory IX.
Alexander IV.
Clement IV.
Boniface VIII.
Clement V.
Pojjes thai maintained Curates.
Innocent III.
Innocent IV.
Martin IV.
Benedict XI.
These considerations being ])remised, for the opening
of this present cause of Armachanus against the idle beg-
garly sects of fi'iars ; it now remains, that we collect and
open his reasons and arguments uttered in the consistory,
and in the audience of the pope himself, wherewith he
maintains the true doctrine and cause of the church
against the pestiferous canker creeping in by these friars
after subtle ways of hypocrisy, to corrupt the sincere
{simplicity of Christ's holy faith and perfect testament.
"Which reasons and arguments of his, I thought good and
expedient for the utility of the church more amply and
largely to discourse and prosecute, for I note in the sects,
iofititutions, and doctrine of these friars, subtle poison
to lurk, more pernicious and hurtful to the religion of
Christ and soul* of christians, than all men peradventure
do consider.
Thus Armachanus, joining with the clergy of Eng-
land, disputed and contended with the friars here of Eng-
land, (A.D. 1358) about a double matter. "Whereof the
one was concerning confession and other esciiPats which
the friars encroached in parish churches against the cu-
rates, and public pastors of churches. The other was
concerning wilful beggary and poverty, which the friars
then took upon them, not upon any necessity, being
otherwise strong enough to work for their living, but only
upon a wilful and affected profession. For which cause
the friars appealed him up to the court of Rome. The
occasion of which thus arose.
It happened that Armachanus, upon certain business
coming up to London, found there certain doctors dis-
puting and contending about the begging of Chi'ist our
Saviour. Whereupon he, being greatly urged and re-
quested, made seven or eight sermons, wherein he uttered
nine conclusions : whereof the first and principal conclu-
eion was, touching the matter of the friars' privileges in
hearing confessions. His conclusions were these :
First, That if a doubt or question be moved for hear-
ing confessions, which of two places is rather to be chosen ;
the parish church is to be preferred before the church
of the friars.
Secondly, being demanded ; which is to be taken (to
hear the confession of the parishioners, the parson or cu-
rate, or the friar) it is to be said, rather the parson or
the curate.
Thirdly, that our Lord Jesus Christ in his human con-
versation was always poor, but that he loved not poverty,
nor did covet to be poor.
Fourthly, that our Lord Jesus Christ did never beg,
•wilfully professing to be poor.
Fifthly, that our Lord Jesus Christ did never teach
wilfully to beg, or to profess wilful beggary.
The sixth conclusion was, that Christ our Lord held
the contrary, that men ought not wilfully or purposely,
without necessity to beg.
Seventhly, that it is neither wisdom nor holiness, for
any man to take upon him wilful beggary, perpetually to
be obseiTed.
Tiie eighth, that it is not agreeing to the rule of the ob-
•erssaats, or friars' minorites, to observe wilful poverty.
Xihe last conclusion was, touching the bull of pope
Alexander IV., which condemned the libel of the masters
of Paris : that the same bull touched none of these seven
last conclusions.
Upon these nine conclusions premised, Armachanus
being cited, and brought up to the presence of the pope,
began to prove the same.
I. Beginning with the first conclusion ; that the parish
church was a place more fit and convenient for the con-
fessions or burials of the parishioners to be used, than any
other exempt church or place of the friars. Which he
proved by three causes ; first, for the more sureness or
certainty to the conscience of the parishioners con-
fessed. Secondly, for the more utility and profit of him.
Thirdly, for the less incommodity ensuing by confessions
taken in parish churches, than in friars' churches.
As touching the first, for the more assuredness and
certainty, he argued that as the sacraments of the cliuri;h
are to be frequented and used in no other ])Iace, but only
in that, which by God himself is assigned and commanded,
and seeing that elect place in the law, i. e. the temple
represents the parish churches ; and that the friar»'cluirch
is not the place prescribed of God, but only permitted
by bishops of Rome ; he concluded therefore, that pa-
rish churches were more sure for confessions and burials
than the places of the friars.
By another reason also he confirmed the same, for the
parish church stands free from the pope's interdict, and
the churches of the friars do not, but are under suspicion
and doubt of the pope's interdict And further, he proved
that it had fewer inconveniences, for every man to resort
to his parish church than to the friars.
II. Now to the second conclusion, touching the person
of the friar, and of the ordinary curate. If the question
be, which of these two is to be preferred in the office of
ecclesiastical administration ; the opinion of Armachanus
was, that the ordinary curate was better than the extra-
ordinary friar.
He argued that it is more safe and sure for the parish-
ioners to resort to their ordinary or parish priest ; be-
cause the person of the lawful ordinary or priest, is ex-
pressly commanded by God, where the person of the friar
is not, and therefore is forbid. Also, because the pa-
rishioner may more trust to his ordinary curate ; as one
who is more bound and obliged to be careful for him,
than any other extraordinary person. And because in
the person of the ordinary curate, commonly there is no
doubt of any interdict to bind him ; whereas in the friars
there is good matter to doubt, whether he stand bound
under the pope's censure of excommunication or not, and
that for divers causes. As where it is decreed, that all
such religious men are excommunicated de facto, who
ever absolve any, against whom the sentence of excom-
munication has been denounced by the statute provincial,
or synodal ; as it is commonly said, that the friars are
accustomed to do, in loosing them whom the censure of
prelates or their officials have bound. Armachanus brings
example of this in his own diocese : " For I (said he) in
mine own diocese of Armagh have as good as two thou-
sand under me, who, by the censure of excommunication
every year denounced against wilful murderers, common
thieves, burners of men's houses, and such like malefac-
tors, stand accursed : of all which number notwithstand-
ing, there are scarcely fourteen who come to me, or to
any about me for their absolution. And yet all they re-
ceive the sacraments as others do, and all because they
are absolved, or because they feign themselves absolved by
none other than by friars ; who in so doing are proved
to be under the danger of excommunication, both the
friars, and also the parishioners, if they knowing thereof
do consent to their error."
Moreover, that it is the more sure way for the pa-
rishioners to resort to their appointed curates, than to
the friars, he argues thus : that the parish priest or
curate, being better acquainted with his own parishioner
than is a stranger, he can better judge of the nature and
disposition of his disease, and minister to him dne phy-
sic of penance for the same, and also will be more care-
ful in curing him.
About this matter Armachanus leamedlr and wor»
218
HISTORY AND WRITINGS OF ARMACHANUS, PRIMATE OF IRELAND. [Book V.
tliily discourses, proving how pernicious these orders of
friars are to tlie whole state of the church, and what
mischief comes by the privileges of certain popes, who
have privileged them to intermeddle in the office and
function of ecclesiastical ministers, to jireach and to
take alms and tithes of the people, and impropriations
from the church. To prosecute in order his reasons
and arguments, as he has left them in writing, would
make a large book. Yet because it will not be unfruit-
ful both for the time present, and for posterity, to know
the manifold detriments and inconveniences received
through these friars, and to know what great benefit
God has done for us in unburdening the church of this
monstrous generation, I have briefly, therefore, con-
tracted certain of his reasons, such as seemed most wor-
thy of noting.
And first, alleging the authority of Innocent IV., he
sets forth four inconveniences rising by the friars, which
are these : — Contempt of the people against their ordi-
naries ; decreasing of devotion ; taking away of shame
from the people by confessing to the friars ; detaining
of oblations, such as the people are wont to give at their
confessions and burials, and which by right belong to
the jiarish churches.
Also, by the privileges of the popes, granted to the
friars, many other great enormities do arise. As first,
because thereby the true shepherds do not know the
faces of their flock.
And, by the occasion of these privileges given to the
friars, great contention, and sometimes blows rise be-
tween the friars and secular curates, about titles, impro-
priations, and other avails.
Also, by the occasion of these privileges many young
men, as well in universities as in their fathers' houses, are
allured craftily by the friars their confessors to enter
their orders ; from whence afterward they cannot get
out though they would, to the great grief of their pa-
rents, and no less repentance to the young men them-
selves. Armachanus states a case of a certain English-
man with him in Rome, who having a son at the uni-
versity of Oxford, who was enticed by the friars to enter
into their order, could by no means after release him ;
but when his father and his mother would come to him,
they could not be suffered to speak with him, but under
the friars' custody. Whereas the scripture commands
plainly, that whoso stealeth any man and selleth him
(being thereof convicted) shall be put to death. Exod.
xxi. 16'. The father was compelled to come to Rome to
seek remedy for his son.
And no less inconvenience and danger also by the
friars rises to the clergy; for laymen, seeing their chil-
dren thus stolen from them in the universities by the
friars, refuse to send them to their studies, willing
rather to keep them at home to their occupation, or to
follow the plough, than so to be circumvented and de-
feated of their sons at the university, as by daily expe-
rience manifestly appears. For whereas in my time
(saith Armachanus) there were in the university of Ox-
ford thirty thousand students, now are there not to be
found six thousand. The occasion of which so great
decay is to be ascribed to no other cause but to this cir-
cumvention only of the friars above mentioned.
Over and besides this, another inconvenience as
great, or greater, Armachanus inferred to proceed by
the friars through the decay of doctrine, and knowledge
in all manner of faculties, and liberal sciences, which
thus he declared : — For that these begging friars through !
their privileges obtained of the popes to preach, to hear
confessions, and to bury ; and through their charters of
impropriations, did grow thereby to such great riches
and possessions by their begging, craving, catching, and
intermeddling with church matters, that no book could
stir of any science, either of divinity, law, or physic,
but they were both able and ready to buy it up. So
that every convent having a great library full stuffed
and furnished with all sorts of books, and there being
so many convents within the realm, and in every con-
vent so many friars increasing daily more and more, it
came to pass that very few books or none at all remain
for other students. Which by his own experience he
thus testifies, saying : — That he himself sent forth to the
university four of his own priests or cha;)lains, who
sending him word again, that they could neither find the
bible, nor any other good profitable book of divinity
meet for their study, therefore were minded to return
home to their country, and one of them, he was sure,
was returned by this time.
Furthermore, as he has proved hitherto the friars to
be hurtful both to the laity and to the clergy, so pro-
ceeding farther, he proves them to be hurtful also to
themselves ; and that in three points, as incurring the
vice of disobedience against God and against their own
rule, the vice of avarice, and the vice of j)ride. The
proving of all which points he prosecuted in a long
discourse.
As concerning the vice of avarice, it may be proved
uj)on them (says Armachanus) ; for seeing so manv
charges belong to the office of a secular parish priest, as
to minister the sacrament at Easter, to visit tiie sick
with extreme unction, to baptize children, to wed, with
such other, wherein stands as great devotion ; how then
happens it that these friars, making no labour for these,
only procure privileges to preach in churches, to hear
confessions, and to bury from parish churches, but be-
cause there is lucre and gain in these, and none in the
other.
Which also may appear by this, for if it were for mere
devotion only, that they procure license to bury from
parish churches, and to preach, why then have they
procured license to take offerings, oblations, and lega-
cies for their funerals .' And, for their preaching, why
have they annexed also license to require and take of the
people necessaries for their labour, unless only avarice is
the cause thereof?
Likewise forbearing of confession, when all good men
have enough to know their own faults, and nothing list
to hear the faults of others, it may be sujiposed that
they would never have been so desirous of procuring
that privilege, were it not that these friars did feel some
sweetness and gain to hang upon the same.
Also, where the rule of Friar Francis forbids them to
company with any woman, to enter into monasteries to
be godfathers and gossips to men and women, how
comes it that they, contrary to their rule, enter into the
secret chambers of queens, and other women, and are
made to know the most secret counsels of their doings,
but that avarice and advantage have so blinded their
eyes, and stirred their hearts.
III. His third conclusion was, that the Lord Christ
in his human conversation was always poor, not be-
cause he loved or desired poverty for itself, &c. \\ herein
this is to be noted, that Armachanus differed not from
the friars in this, that Christ was poor, and that he
loved poverty ; but herein stood the difference, in the
manner of loving, that is, whether he loved poverty for
itself, or not.
IV. The fourth conclusion was, that Christ our Lord
and Saviour did never beg wilfully. Which he proves
by sundry reasons.
First, for that (,'hrist in so doing should break the •
law, which saith. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's '
house, his wife, his servant, his maid, his ox, his ass, of '
anything that is his. Exod. xx. The danger of which
commandment he that begs voluntarily must needs
incur.
2. If Christ had begged voluntarily, he should have
committed sin against another commandment, which
says, " There shall be no beggar, nor needy person j
among you," &c. Deut. vi. 1
3. Christ in so doing should have transgressed thfe j
emperor's law, for the emperor's law said there shall no
able-bodied beggar be surt'ered in the city.
4. If Christ had been a wilful beggar, he had broken,
the law of loving his neighbour ; whom he had vexed, 1
having no need. For whoever without need asks oir j
craves of his neighbour, docs but vex him, in suciiaway ,•
as he would not be vexed himself. Which Christ would '
never do.
A.D. 13C0.J HISTORY AND WRITINGS OF ARMACHANUS, PRIMATE OF IRELAND.
219
5. If Christ had begged wilfully, he had moved slan-
der thereby to his own gospel, which he with miracles
confirmed ; for then they that saw his miracle in feeding
five thousand in the wilderness, would have thought
much with themselves how that miracle had been
wrought, if he who fed others, either could not, or would
not feed himself.
6'. If Christ had begged wilfully, then he had done
that which himself condemns by Paul, for so we read,
1 Tim, vi. 5, that Paul condemns them, who esteem
piety to be gain and lucre. Which all they do, who
under the colour of piety, hunt or seek for gain, when
otherwise they need not.
7. If Christ had begged wilfully, he had offended in
declaring an untruth in so doing ; for he that knows in
his mind that he needs not indeed that thing which he
asks of another, declares in himself an untruth, as one
who in word pretends to be otherwise than he is in very
deed ; which Christ without doubt never did, nor would
ever do.
8. If Christ had begged wilfully, that is, having
no true need thereto, then had he appeared either to be
an hypocrite, seeming to be what he was not, and to
lack when he did not ; or else to be a true beggar in
very deed, not able to suffice his necessity. For he is a
true beggar in deed, who being constrained by mere
necessity is forced to ask of others, that which he is not
able to give to himself. But neither of these two
agrees to Christ.
9. If Christ had begged wilfully, then why did Peter
rebuke the mother of Clement his disciple, finding her
to stand among the beggars, whom he thought to be
strong enough to labour with her hands for her living, if
she in so doing had followed the example of Christ ?
10. If Christ had begged wilfully : and if the friars
do rightly define perfection of the gospel by wilful
poverty, then was Clement, St. Peter's successor, to
blame, who laboured so much to remove away beggary
and poverty from among all them that were converted
to the faith of Christ, and is specially for the same com-
mended of the church.
11. Again, why did Clement, writing to James bishop
of Jerusalem, command so much to obey the doctrine
and examples of the apostles ; who as he shews in that
epistle, had no beggar or needy person among them, if
christian perfection (as by the friars' philosophy) stands
in wilful beggary ?
12. If Christ the high priest had begged wilfully,
then did the holy church err wittingly, which ordained
that none without sufficient title of living and clothing,
should be admitted to holy orders. And moreover,
when it is said in the canonical decrees, that the bishop
or clerk that begs, brings shame upon the whole order
of the clergy.
13. If Christ had wilfully begged, then the examples
of wilful poverty had pertained to the perfection of
christian life, which is contrary to the old law, which
commands the priests to have possessions and tithes to
keep them from beggary.
14. If Christ did wilfully beg, then beggary were a
point of christian perfection. And so the church (f
God should err, in admitting such patrimonies and
donations given to the church, and so in taking from
the prelates their perfection.
15. Again, what will these friars who put their per-
fection in begging, say to Melchisedec, who without
begging or wilful poverty, was the high priest of God,
and king of Salem, and prefigured the order and priest-
hood of Christ ?
l<i. And if beggary be such a perfection of the gospel
(as the friars say) how comes it, that the Holy Ghost
given to the apostles, which should lead them into all
truth, told them no word of this beggarly perfection,
neither is there any word mentioned thereof throughout
the whole testament of God ?
17. Moreover, where the projdiet saith, " I never saw
the righteous forsaken, nor his seed begging their
bread;" how stands this with the righteousness of Christ,
which was most perfectly righteous, if he should be for-
saken, or his seed go beg their bread ? And then how
agrees this with the abominable doctrines of Franciscan
friars, who put their perfection in wilful begging ?
18. Finally, do we not read that Christ sent his disci-
ples to preach without scrip or wallet, and bid them
salute no man by the way ? Meaning that they should
beg nothing of any man ; did not tne same Christ also
labour with his hands under Joseph ? St. Paul likewise,
did he not labour with his hands, rather than he would
burden the church of the Corinthians ? And where now
is the doctrine of the friars, which puts the state of per-
fection, in wilful begging .''
V. The fifth conclusion of Armachanus against the
friars, was this, that Christ never taught any man wil-
fully to beg, which he proved thus : it is written, Acts i. 1.
" Christ began to do and to teach." If Christ therefore,
who did never wilfully beg himself, had taught men to
do otherwise ; then his doing and teaching had not
agreed together.
And if Christ, who never begged himself wilfully, had
taught men this doctrine of wilful begging contrary to
his own doing ; he had given suspicion of his doctrine.
Moreover, in so teaching, he had taught contrary to
the emperor's just law, which expressly forbids the
same.
VI. The sixth conclusion of Armachanus against the
friars was, that our Lord Jesus Christ teaches us, that
we should not beg wilfully, which he proves by Luke
xiv. 13 ; 2 Thes. iii. 8 — 10 ; Prov. vi. 9, and xxxi. 13.
&c.
VII. The seventh conclusion of Armachanus is, that
no wise nor true holy man can take upon him wilful
poverty to be observed always, which he proves by
Prov. XXX. 8, by its being a temptation, and so against
the Lord's prayer.
VIII. The eighth conclusion of this matter, that it is
not agreeing to the rule of the friars observant, to
observe wilful beggary. Which may be proved, for that
friar Francis, both in his rule and in his testa-
ment left to his Franciscans, does plainly prefer laboui
before begging.
IX. The ninth and last conclusion is, that the bnll of
Pope Alexander IV., which condemns the book of the
masters of Paris, impugns none of these conclusions
premised.
Notes io be observed in this oration of Armaehanus.
By this oration of Armachanus the learaed prelate,
thus made before Pope Innocent and his cardinals, many
things there are for the utility of the church worthy to
be observed. First, what troubles and vexations came
to the church of Christ by these friars. Also what per-
secution follows by the means of them against so many
learned men and true servants of Christ. Further, what
opposition and contrariety was among the popes, and how
they could not agree among themselves about the friars.
Fourthly, what pestiferous doctrine S4.ibverting well nigh
the testament of Jesus Christ. Fifthly, wha;t decay of
ministers in Christ's church. Sixthly, what robbing
and circumventing of men's children. SeTenthly, what
decay of universities, as appeared by Oxford. Eighthly,
what damage to learning and lack of book* to students
came by these friars. Ninthly, to what pride, under
colour of feigned humility, to what riches, nnder dissem-
bled poverty they grew. Insomuch that at length
through their subtle and most dangerous hypocrisy they
crept up to be lords, archbishops, cardinals, and at last
also chancellors of realms, yea, and of most secret counsel!
with kings and queens.
But enough of this oration of Armachanus. What
success it had with the pope, is not certain. By his
own life it appears that the Lord so wrought that his
enemies did not triumph. Yet he was seven or eight
years in banishment for the same matter.
I credibly hear of certain old Irish Bibles translated
long since into the Irish tongue ; which, if it be true, it
is not unlikely the doing of this Armackaaos. Aiwt
220
THE LAW OF PR^MUNIRE.— ST. BRIDGET.
[Book V.
thus much of this learned prelate and archbishop of
Ireland, a man worthy for his cbristiau zeal of immortal
commendation.
After the death of Innocent VI. next was poped in the
see of R )me Pope Urban V., who, by the father's side,
was an Englishman.
This pope m lintained and kindled great wars in Italy,
sending Eijidius his carditiil and legate, and after him
Arduiiius a Burgundian, his legate and abbot, with great
force and much money agiiust several cities in Italy :
by whose means the towns and cities which had before
broken from the bishop of Rjme were oppressed ; also
Barnabes and Galeaceus, princes of Milan, vanquished.
By whose example others being afraid, submitted them-
selves to the church of Rome. And thus that wicked
church arrived to her great possessions, which her
patrons would needs father upon Constantine the godly
emperor.
In the time of this Pope Urban V., and in the second
year of his reign, about the beginning of the year 1364,
I rind a certain sermon of one Nicholas Orem, made
before the pope and his cardinals on Christmas-even.
In which sermon the learned man worthily rebukes the
prelates and priests of his time, declaring their destruc-
tion not to be far off, by certain signs taken of their
wicked and corrupt life. AH the sayings of the prophets,
spoken against the wicked priests of the Jews, he aptly
applies against the clergy of his time, comparing the
church then present to the spiritual strumpet spoken of
in the sixteenth chapter of the prophet Ezekiel. And
proves in conclusion the clergy of the church then to be
so much worse than the old synagogue of the Jews, by
how much it is worse to sell the church and sacraments,
than to suffer doves to be sold in the church. With no
less judgment also and learning he answers to the old
and false objections of the papists, who, although never
80 wicked, yet think themselves the church which the
Lord cannot forsake.
In the fifth year of this Pope Urban, began the order
of the Jesuits. And to this time, which was about
A. D. 13t>7, the offices here in England, as the lord
chancellor, lord treasurer, and of the privy seal, were
wont to be in the hands of the clergy. But about this
year, through the motion of the lords in the parliament,
and partly for hatred of the clergy, all the offices were
removed from the clergy to the lords temporal.
After the death of Pope Urban, succeeded Pope
Gregory XI. who brought again the papacy out of
France to Rome, after having been absent the space of
seventy years : he was influenced (as Sabellicus records)
by the answer of a bishop, whom the pope asked, why
■he was so long absent from his charge and church, say-
ing that, " it was not the part of a good pastor, to keep
him from his Hock so long." The bishop answer-
ing said, " And you yourself, being the chief bishop,
who may and ought to be an eiample to us all, why are
you so Jong from the place where your church is?"
The pope sought all means after that to remove his
court out of France again to Rome, and he did so.
The king of England, holding a parliament in the
third year of this pope, sent his ambassadors to him, de-
airing that from henceforth he would abstain from his
(reservations of benefices used in the court of England ;
and that spiritual men, promoted within this realm to
bishoprics, might freely conduct their elections within
■the realm, and be confirmed by their metropolitans, ac-
cording to the ancient custom of the realm. Wherefore,
'Upon these, and such other matters, where the king and
the realm thought themselves aggrieved, he desired of
*he pope to provide some remedy, &c. The pope re-
turned answer to the king, requiring to be certified of
the king's mind concerning the same. But what answer
•it was, is not in history expressed, save that the year
following, which was L574, there was a treating at
Burgeg upon certain of the articles between the king
and the pope, which hung two years in suspense ; and so
At length It was agreed, that the pope should no more
aise his ceservatioas of benefices in England, and the
king shotdd no more confer and give benefices upon the
Krit, Quare impedit, Hfc. But as to the freedom of elec*
tions to be confirmed by the metropolitan, nothing was
touched.
The king by the consent of the lords and commons, ia
the twenty-fifth year of his reign, enacted a statute in
accordance with a statute made in the thirtieth year of
his grandfather Edward I., wherein an act was ])assed
against the ravenous pillage of the pope, through pro-
visions, reservations, and collations, &c. but not put in
execution: by which provisions, the state of the realm de-
creased more and more, the king's royalty and pre-
rogative was greatly obscured and diminished, innu
merable treasure of the realm transported, aliens and
strangers placed in the best and fattest bishopricks,
abbeys, and benefices within the realm ; and such, as
either for their offices in Rome, as cardinalships, &c.
could not be resident here, or if resident, yet were better
away, for infinite causes. The king not only revived the
statute made by Edward I., but also enlarged the same.
Adding very strait and sharp penalties against the of-
fenders, as exemption out of the king's protection, loss
of all their lands, goods, and other possessions, and
their bodies to be imprisoned at the king's pleasure ; and
further, whoever was lawfully convicted, or for want of
appearance by process, was within the lapse of this
statute of prfeiDunire, (for so was the name thereof),
should suffer all and every such molestations and inju-
ries, as men exempted from the protection of the king.
So that whoever had killed such men, had been in no
more danger of law, than for killing any outlaw, or one
not worthy to live in a commonweal. Like unprofitable
members they were then, yea, in that time of ignorance,
esteemed in England who would offer themselves to the
wilful slavery and servile obedience of the pope ; al-
though in these days, yea and that amongst no small
fools, it is counted more than evangelical holiness. He
that wishes to peruse the statute, and would see every
branch and article thereof at large discussed and han-
dled, with the penalties, let him read the statute of pro-
vision and pramunire, made in the twenty-fifth year of
this king's days. And let him read in the statutes
made in the parliaments holden the twenty-seventh and
thirty-eighth years of his reign ; and under the same title
of provision and prcemunire, he shall find the pope's
primacy and jurisdiction within this realm more nearly
touched, and much of his papal power restrained ; in-
somuch that whoever, for any cause or controversy in
law, either spiritual or temporal, the same being deter-
minable in any of the king's courts (as all matters
were) whether they were personal or real citations, or
other, should either appeal or consent to any appeal to
be made out of the realm to the pope or see of Rome,
should incur the penalty and danger of prcemunire.
Divers other matters wherein the pope is restrained of
his usurped power, authority, and jurisdiction within
this realm of England, are expressed in the titles and
statutes, and at large set forth, whoever list to peruse
the same, which for brevity's sake I omit, hasting to
other matters.
About this time (being A. D. 1370), lived holy
Bridget, whom the church of Rome has canonized not
only for a saint, but also for a prophetess ; who, not-
withstanding, in her book of revelations, which has been
oftentimes printed, was a great rebuker of the pope, and
of the filth of his clergy, calling him a musderer of souls,
a spiller and a pilferer of the flock of Christ, more abomi-
nable than the Jews, more cruel than Judas, more unjust
than Pilate, worse than Lucifer himself. The see of the
pope she prophesies shall be thrown down into the deep
like a millstone ; and that his assistant shall bui-n with
brimstone; affirming that the prelates, bishops, and
priests are the cause why the doctrine of Christ is ae-
glected, and almost extinguished. And that the clergy
have turned the ten commandments of God into two
words, to wit, " Give money." It were long and tedious to
declare all that she writes against them, let this suffice
for all. Bridget affirms in her revelations, that when
the Holy Virgin said to her Son, " how Rome was a
fruitful and fertile field ;" " yea," said he, '' but of weeds
only, and cockle," &c.
To this Bridget I will join also Catherine of Sienn«,
A.D. 1362— i;5-l.] DIVERS LEARNED MEN AT THIS TIME WRITE AGAINST THE POPE. 221
an holy nun, who lived much about the same time,
(A. D. l.'{79). This Catherine was wont much to com-
plain of the corrupt state of the churcli, namely, of the
prelates of the court of Rome, and of the pope, warning
them of the great schism, which then followed in the
church of Rome, and endured to the council of Con-
stance. (A. D. 1414.)
Besides these, the Lord, who never ceases to work in
his church, stirred up against the malignant church of
Rome, the spirits of divers good and godly teachers, as
Matthew Paris, a Bohemian born, who, about A.D.
1370, wrote a large book of antichrist, and proves him
to be already come, and notes the pope to be the same.
In this book he greatly inveighs against the wickedness
and tilthiness of the clergy, and against the neglecting of
their duty in governing the church. The locusts men-
tioned in the Apocalypse, he says, are the hypocrites
reigning in the church. The works of antichrist, he
says, are these, the fables and inventions of men reigning
in the church, the images and feigned relics that are wor-
shipped every where. That men worship every one his
own saint and saviour beside Christ , so that every man and
city almost has his peculiar Christ. He taught and
affirmed morever, thatgodliness and true worship of God
are not bound to place, persons, or times, to be heard
more in this place than in another, at this time more
than at another, &c. He argues also against the clois-
terers, who leaving the only and true Saviour, set up to
themselves their Francises, their Dominies, and such
other, and have them for their saviours, glorifying and
triumphing in them, and feigning many forged lies about
them. He was greatly and much offended vrith monks
and friars, for neglecting, or father burying the word of
Christ, and, instead of him, celebrating and setting up
their own rules and canons, affirming him to be hurtful
to true godliness ; that priests, monks, and nuns, should
account themselves spiritual, and all others to be lay and
secular, attributing only to themselves the opinion of
holiness, and contemning other men. He further
writes, that antichrist had seduced all universities and
colleges of learned men, so that they teaoh no sincere
doctrine, neither give any light to the christians with
their teaching. Finally, he forewarns that it will come to
pass, that God yet once again will raise up godly teach-
ers, who, being fervent in the spirit and zeal of Elias,
shall disclose and refute the errors of antichrist, and an-
tichrist himself, openly to the whole world.
About the same time, or shortly after, (A. D. 1384),
we read also of John of Mouiitziger, rector of the uni-
i versity of Ulme, who openly in the schools in his ora-
I tion propounded that the body of Christ was not God,
and therefore not to be worshipped as God with that
kind of worship called Latreia, as the sophisters term
it, meaning thereby that the sacrament was not to be
adored, which afterward he also defended in writhig ;
affirming also, that Christ in his resurrection took to
him again all his blood which he had shed in his pas-
sion ; meaning thereby to infer, that the blood of Christ,
which, in many places is worshipped, neither can be
called the blood of Christ, neither ought to be wor-
shi])ped.
Nilus was archbishop of Thessalonica, and lived much
about this time. He wrote a long work against the La-
tins, that is, against such as took part and held with the
church of Rome. His first book, being written in Greek,
was afterward translated into Latin, and lately now into
English, in this our time. In the first chapter of thisbook,
ha lays all the blame and fault of the dissension and
schism between the eastern and the western churches,
upon the pope. He affirmed that the pope only would
command what he pleased, were it never so contrary to all
the ancient canons ; that he would hear and follow no
man's advice ; that he would not permit any free coun-
cils to be assembled, &c. And that therefore it was not
possible that the controversies between the Greek church
and Latin church should be decided.
In the second chapter of this book he makes a very
learned disputation. For first, he declares that the
pope, not at all by God's commandment, but only by
human law, has any dignity, more than other bishops,
which dignity, the councils, the fathers, the emperors,
have granted to him. Neither did they grant it for jiny
consideration, than that the city then had the empire of
all the whole world, and not at all because Peter was ever
there, or not there.
Secondly, he declares that the primacy is not so great
as he and his svcophants usurp to themselves. Also he
refutes the chiefest propositions of the papists one after
another. He declares that the pope has no more do-
minion than other patriarchs, and that the pope may
err as well as other mortal men ; and that he is subject
both to laws and councils, as well as other bishops.
That it belonged not to him, but to the emperor, to call
general councils ; and that in ecclesiastical causes he
could establish and ordain no more than all other bishops
might. And, lastly, that he gets no more by Peter's
succession than that he is a bishop, as all other bishops
after the apostles are, &c.
I cannot leave out the memory of James Misuensis,
who also wrote of the coming of antichrist. He men-
tions a certain learned man, whose name was Militzius,
who was a famous and worthy preacher in Prague. He
lived about A. D. 1366, long before Huss, and before
WicklilTe also. In his writings he declares how the
same good man Militzius was by the Holy Spirit of God
incited, and moved to search out of the holy scriptures
the manner and coming of antichrist ; and found that
now in his time he was already come. And James says
that Militzius was constrained to go up to Rome,
and there publicly to preach ; and that afterwards he
affirmed the same before the inquisitor — that the same
mighty and great antichrist, which the scriptures made
mention of, was already come.
He affirmed also, that the church, by the negligence
of the pastors, should become desolate, and that iniquity
should abound. Also, he said that there were in the
church of Christ idols, which should destroy Jerusalem,
and make the temple desolate, but were cloaked by hy-
pocrisy. Further, that there are many who deny Christ,
for they keep silence against their conscience ; neither
do they hear Christ, whom all the world should know,
and confess his truth before men.
There is also a bull of Pope Gregory XI. to the arch-
bishop of Prague, wherein he is commanded to excommu-
nicate and persecute Militzius and his hearers. The
same bull declares that he was once a canon of Prague,
but that afterwards he renounced his canonship, and
began to preach, because he preached that antichrist was
already come, and he was, by John, archbishop of Prague,
put in prison. He had his company or congregation to
whom he preached, and among them were certain con-
verted women who had forsaken their evil life, and did
live godly and well ; he was accustomed in his sermons
to prefer these before all the blessed nuns that never
offended. He taught also openly, that in the pope, car-
dinals, bishops, prelates, priests, and other religious
men, was no truth, and that they taught not the way of
truth, but that only he, and such as held with him,
taught the true way of salvation.
About the year' 1371, lived Henry de Jota, whom
Gerson much commends, and also his companion
Henry de Hassia, a learned and famous man. In an
epistle of this Henry de Hassia, which he wrote to tlie
Bishop of Normacia, the author greatly accuses the s]ii-
ritual men of every order, yea, and the most holy of all
others, the pope himself, of many and great vices. He
said that the ecclesiastical governors in the primitive
church were compared to the sun shining in the day-
time ; and the political governors to the moon shining
in the night. But the spiritual men, he said, ih.it now
are, do neither shine in the day-time, nor yet in the
night-time, but rather with their darkness do obscure
both the day and the night, that is, with their filthy
living, ignorance, and impiety. He cites also out of the
prophecy of Hildegardis, these words : " Therefore doth
the devil in himself speak of you priests ; damty ban-
quets and feasts, wherein is all voluptuousness, do I find
amongst these men; insomuch that mme eyes, mine
ears, my body, and my veins be even filled with the
froth of them!" " Lastly," saith he, " they every day
222
MARTYRS BEFORE WICKLIFF.— LAW OF PRAEMUNIRE REVIVED. [Book V.
more and more, as Lucifer did, seek to climb higher and
higher, till every day with him more and more, they
fall deeper and deeper."
About the year 1390, there were burned at Bringa
thirtv-six citizens of Mentz, for the doctrine of
the Waldenses, as Brussius affirms, which opinion was
not contrary to what they held before, wherein they af-
firmed the pope to be that great antichrist which should
come ; unless peradventure the pope seemed then to be
more evidently convicted of antichristianity, than at any
other time.
For the like cause many others beside these are to be
found in histories, who sustained similar persecutions
by the pope, if leisure would serve to peruse all that
might be searched. As where Masseus records of some
to the number of a hundred and forty, who, in the pro-
vince of Narbonne, chose rather to suffer every grievous
punishment by fire, than to receive the decretals of
the Romish church, contrary to the truth of the scrip-
ture.
What should I here speak of the twenty-four who
suffered at Paris (A. D. 1210) ? Also in the same au-
thor is testified that (A. D. 1211) there were four hun-
dred, under the name of heretics, burned, eighty be-
headed. Prince Americus hanged, and the lady of the
castle stoned to death.
Moreover, in the chronicles of Hoveden, and of other
writers, are recited a great number, who, in France,
were burned for heretics.
We will now, Christ willing, proceed upon no light
reports of feeble credit, nor upon any fabulous legends
without authority, but upon the true and substantial
copies of the public records of the realm, remaining yet
to be seen under the king's most sure and faithful cus-
tody. Out of which records such matter appears against
the popish church of Rome, and against his usurped au-
thority, such open standing and crying against that see,
and that not privily, but even in open parliament, in the
days of this King Edward III., that neither will the
Romish peojile of this our age easily think it true
when they see it, neither yet shall they be able to deny
it.
King Edward III., in the sixth year of his reign,
hearing that Edward Baliol had proclaimed himself
King of Scotland, required counsel of the whole state.
And for this he summoned a parliament of all estates
to meet at York about the beginning of December,
where the king was already come, waiting for the coming
of such as were summoned. But none of all the clergy
came, except the archbishop of York, the bishop of
Lincoln, and of Carlisle, and abbots of York and Selby.
So that there came not the archbishop of Canterbury,
nor any other of his province, and all because there was
a dispute whether Canterbury or York should carry the
cross.
It follows also in the records that the commons find
great default at provisions coming from Rome, whereby
foreigners were enabled to enjoy ecclesiastical dignities
within this realm, and shew inconveniences ensuing
thereby, namely, the decay of daily alms, — the trans-
portini;: of the treasure to nourish the king's enemies,
• — the discovering of the secrets of the realm, and the
disabling and impoverishing of the clergy within this
realm.
They also shew how the pope had most covertly
granted to two new cardinals within this realm above ten
thousand marks of yearly taxes. They therefore required
the king and nobles to find some remedy, for that they
never could, or would any longer bear tliose strange op-
pressions, or else to help them to expel out of this realm
the pope's jower by force.
Hereupon, the king, lords, and commons, sent for the
act mad^^ at Carlisle, in the thirty-fifth year of King
Edward I., upon the like comjdaint, thtreby forbidding
that any tiling should be attempted or brought into the
realm, which sliould tend to the bh wishing of the King's
prerogative, or to the prejudice of his lords or c<unnioiis.
And so at this time the statute calle<l the act of provision.
was made common by consent, which generally forbids the
bringing in of any bulls, or such trinktts from the court of
Rome, or the using, enjoying, or allowing of any such
bill, process, instrument, or such ware.
Also, It was i)roponnded in the parliament, in the
eighteenth year of Edward III., that if any bishop elect
shall refuse to take any such bishoprics, otherwise than
by the poj)e's bull ; that then such shall not enter nor
enjoy his temporalties without special license.
Also, tliat the king shall dispose of all such benefices
and dignities of such foreigners, his enemies, as remain
in the country of his enemies, and employ the profits to
the defence of the realm.
Moreover it was propounded, that commissioners be
sent to all the king's ports, to apprehend all such
persons as shall bring in any such instrument from Rome,
and to bring them forthwith before the council to answer
thereto.
Propoimded, furthermore, that the deanei-y of York,
which is to be recovered by judgment in the king's court,
may be bestowed upon some aVjle man within the realm,
who will maintain the same against him (meaning the
cardinal, who holds the same by provision from Rome,
being the enemy to the king and to the realm), and that
the profits may be employed to the defence of the
realm.
To all which petitions the king's answer was
made in the form following : — " It is agreed by the
king, earls, barons, justices, and otherwise men of the
realm, that the petitions aforesaid be made in sufficient
form of law, according to the petitions aforesaid."
To pass further, in the twentieth year of the king's
reign in the parliament holden the same year, it was
propounded. That all foreign monks should leave the
realm by the day of St. Michael, and that their livings
should be disposed to young English scholars. The
livings of these the king took to his hands.
Also, that the king may take the profits of all other
foreigners' livings, as cardinals and others, during their
lives. The profits of which were also to be in the king's
hands.
That such foreigners enemies, as are advanced to liv-
ings here in England (being in their own countries, shoe-
makers, tailors, or chamberlains to cardinals), should
depart liefore Michaelmas, and their livings be disjiosed
to poor English scholars. The livings also of these re-
mained in the king's hands.
The commons refused to pay any payment to any car-
dinals, lying in France, to treat of war or peace, which
was granted on the king's part as reasonable.
Also propounded and fully agreed, that the yearly ad-
vance of two thousand marks (granted by the pope to
two cardinals, out of the provinces of Canterbury and
York) should be restrained.
Likewise enacted, that no Englishman should take any-
thing in farm of any foreign monk, or buy any of their
goods, or be of their counsel, on pain of perpetual im-
prisonment.
Enacted further, that no person should bring into the
realm, to any bishop or other, any bull, or any other let-
ters from Rome, or from any alien, unless he shew the
same to the chancellor or warden of the cinque ports,
upon loss of all his goods.
Finally, in the end of the parliament the bishops were
commanded, before the next convocation, to certify to
the chancery the names of all such foreigners, of their
benefices, and the values of the same.
The parliament of the twenty-fifth year was begun the
fith day of February, in which, beside other matters, it
was propounded that remedy might be had against the
pope's reservation, by which the j)ope received the first
fruits of all ecclesiastical dignities : a greater consump-
tion to the realm than all the king's wars.
Also that the same remedy might be had against such
as in the court of Rome presume to iindo any judgment
given in the king's court, as if they had power to undo
the laws of the realm.
\\ liereto it was answered, that there was sufficient
remedy provided by law.
In the jiarli'iment holden at Westminster, the thirty-
f'-htli year of Edward III., it was required by the
Iving's own mouth, and declared to the whole estates,
A. D. 1370.]
NOTES OUT OF ACTS OF PARLIAMENT AGAINST THE POPE.
223
how daily citation and false suggestions were made to
the pope, for matters determinable in his courts within
the realm, and for procuring provisions to ecclesiastical
dignities, to the great defacing of the ancient laws — to
the spoiling of his crown — to the daily conveying away
of the treasure — to the wasting of ecclesiastical livings
• — to the withdrawing of divine service, alms, hospitality,
and other acceptable works, and to the daily increase of
all mischiefs : wherefore, in person by his own mouth
the king required the whole estate to jirovide due
remedy.
In the fortieth year of the reign of King Edward III.,
another parliament was called at Westminster (A. D.
136"6), the bishop of Ely being lord chancellor and
speaker, who, in the second day of the assembly in the
presence of the king, lords, and commons, declared,
how the day before they generally understood the cause
of this their assembly, and now should more particu-
larly understand the same ; specially how that the king
understood that the pope (for the homage which King
John made to the see of Rome for the realms of England
and Ireland, and for the tribute by him granted), meant
by process to cite the king to Rome to answer thereto.
Wherein the king required their advice, what were best
for him to do if any such thing were attempted. The
bishops by themselves required a respite till the next
day to answer. So did the lords and commons every
one of them by themselves.
The next day the whole estates re-assembled toge-
ther, and by common consent enacted in effect following,
viz. forasmuch as neither King John, nor any other king,
could bring his realm and people under such thraldom
and subjection, but by the common assent of parliament,
which was not done, therefore John acted against his
oath at his coronation. If, therefore, the pope should
attempt anything against the king, by process, or other
matter, that the king, with all his subjects should with
all their force and power resist the same.
Here, moreover, is not to be omitted, how in the pre-
sent parliament the universities of Oxford and Cam-
bridge on the one side, and the friars of the four mendi-
cant orders in the universities on the other side, made
long complaints, the one against the other to the king in
parliament, and in. the end submitted themselves to the
king's order.
After which, the king upon full digesting of the whole
matter (by assent of parliament) ordered, that the chan-
cellor and scholars, as well as the friars of those
lorders in the universities, should in all graces and
[other school exercises use each other in friendly wise,
^without any rumour as before. That none of those or-
|ders should receive any scholars into their orders under
Ithe age of eighteen years. That the friars should take no
'advantage, or procure bulls, or other process from Rome,
against the universities, or proceed therein. And that the
king should have power to redress all controversies be-
itween them from thenceforth, and the offenders to be
Ipunished at the pleasure of the king, and of the Council.
' In process of these acts and rolls of parliament, it
jfoUows, that in the fiftieth year of the reign of King
jEdward III. (A.D. 137(i), another great parliament was
iassembkd at Westminster, where a long bill was put up
lagain^t the usurpations of the pope, as being the cause
|of all the plagues, murrains, famine, and poverty of the
irealm, so as there was not left one-third of the number
|of persons, or other commodity within the realm that
ithere lately was .
I 2. That the taxes paid to the pope of Rome for eccle-
Isiastical dignities, amount to five -fold as much as the
tax of all profits which belong to the king, by the year,
out of his whole realm ; and that for some one bishopric
or other dignity, the pope, by means of translations and
deaths, has three, four, or five several taxes.
3. That the brokers of that sinful city promote for
money many caitifls (being altogether unlearned and un-
worthy), to a thousand marks living a year, where the
learned and worthy can hardly obtain twenty marks,
whereby learning decays.
4. That foreigners (euemies to this land) who never
saw nor care not to see their parishioners, have those
livings, whereby they despise God's service, and convey
away the treasure, and are worse than Jews or Saracens.
5. Also it was put in the bill to be considered, that
the laws of the church would have such livings to be be
stowed for charity oidy, without praying or paying.
6". That reason would that livings given of devotion
should be bestowed in hospitality.
7. That God had committed his sheep to the pope, to
be pastured, and not to be shorn or shaven.
8. That lay j)atrons, perceiving the covetousness and
simony of the pope, do thereby learn to sell their bene-
fices to beasts, none otherwise than Christ was sold to
the Jews.
9. That there is no prince in Christendom so rich, that
has the fourth part of the treasure which the pope most
sinfully lias out of this realm for churches.
10. Over and besides in the bill, repeating again the
tender zeal for the honour of the church, were declared
and particularly named all the plagues which have
justly fallen upon this realm, for suffering the church to
be so defaced, with a declaration that it will daily in-
crease without redress.
11. Whereupon with much persuasion this was de-
sired, to help to re-edity the same ; and the rather be-
cause this was the year of jubilee, the fiftieth year of the
king's reign, the year of joy and gladness, than which
there could be no greater.
12. Tlie means how to begin this was to write two
Ittrers to the pope, the one in Latin under the king's
seal, the other in French under the seals of the nobles,
importing their particularities, and requiring redress ;
of which ktter of the lords the effect may be seen in
a like letter mentioned before.
13. And for a further accomplishment liereof, to
enact, that no money be carried out of the realm by let-
ter of Lombardy or otherwise, on pain of forfeiture and
imprisonment, and to enact the articles hereafter ensuinf .
14. The king had heretofore by statute provided suf-
ficient remedy, and otherwise pursued the same with the
holy father the pope, and so minded to do from time to
time, until he had obtained as well for the matters be-
fore, as for the articles ensuing, being in a manner £iU
one.
15. That the pope's collector and other strangers the
king's enemies, and only lieger spies for English dig-
nities and disclosing of the secrets of the realm, may be
touched.
16. That the same collector being also receiver of the
pope's pence, keeps a house in London, with clerks and
officers, as if it were one of the king's solemn courts,
transporting yearly to the pope twenty thousand marks,
and most connnonly more.
17. That cardinals and other foreigners remaining at
Rome, whereof one cardinal is dean of York, another of
Salisbury, another of Lincoln, another archdeacon of
Canterbury, another archdeacon of Durham, another
archdeacon of Suffolk, another archdeacon of York,
another prebendary of Thame and Nassington, another
prebendary of Bucks in the church of York, have some
of the best dignities of England, and have sent over to
them yearly twenty thousand marks, over and above that
which English brokers lying here have.
18. That the pope (to ransom the Frenchmen the
king's enemies, who defend Lombardy from him), does
always at his jdeasure levy a subsidy of the whole clergy
of England.
19. That the pope for the greater gain makes several
translations of all the bishoprics and other dignities
within the realm.
20. That the pope's collector has this year taken to
his use the first fruits of all benefices, by collation or
provision.
21. To renew all the statutes against provisors from
Rome, since the pope reserves all the benefices of the
world for his own proper gifts, and has this year created
twelve new cardinals, so as now there are thirty, where
was wont to be but twelve, and all those cardinals, ex-
cept two or three, are the king's enemies.
22. That the pope in time will give the temporal
224
THE HISTORY OF JOHN WICKLIFP.
[Book V.
manors of those dignities to the king s enemies, since he
so daily usurps upon the realm, and the king's regalities.
23. That all houses and corporations of religion, who
to the time of the king's reign had free election of their
heads, the pope has encroached the same to himself.
24. That in all legacies from the pope, the English
clergy bear the charge of the legates, and all for the
goodness of our money.
2."). And so it appears, that if the money of the realm
were as plentiful as ever it was, the collectors, with the
proctors of cardinals, would soon convey the same
away.
26. For remedy hereof it may be provided, that no
su^h collector or proctor do remain in England, on pain
of life and member. And that no Englishman, on the
like pain, become any such collector or proctor, or re-
main at Rome.
27. For better information hereof, and namely touch-
ing the pope's collector, because the whole clergy being
obedient to him, dare not displease him, it were good
tliat Sir John Strensale, parson of St. Botolph's in Hol-
born, may be sent to come before the lords and com-
mons of this parliament, who being straightly charged
can declare much more, because he served the collector
five years.
And thus much of this bill touching the pope's mat-
ters, whereby it may appear that it was not for nothing
that the Italians and other foreigners used to call
Englishmen good asses, for they bare £ill burdens that
were laid upon them.
In these rolls and records of parliament in this
King's time several other things are to be noted worthy of
being marked, and not to be suppressed in silence.
Wlicrein the reader may learn and understand that the
state of the king's jurisdiction here within this realm, was
not straightened in those days (although the pope then
seemed to be in his chief ruff) as was seen afterwards
in othtr kings' days, as may appear in the parliament
of the fifteenth year of this King Edward III., and in
the twenty -fourth article of the parliament, where it is
to be read, that the king's officers and temporal justices
did then both punish usurers, and impeached the officers
of the church for bribery, and for taking money for tem-
poral pain, probate of wills, solemnity of marriage, &c.
notwithstanding all the pretended liberties of the popish
churcli to the contrary.
This is moreover to be added to the commendation of
this king, how in the volumes of the acts and rolls of the
king it appears, that King Edward III. sent John Wick-
liff, then reader of divinity lectures in Oxford, with other
lords and ambassadors, over to Italy, to treat with the
pope's legates concerning affairs betwixt the king and
the pope with full commission ; the tenor whereof here
follows : —
" The king to all and singular to whom these presents
shall come, greeting. Know ye, that we reposing assured
confidence in the lidelity and wisdom of the reverend
father John t}ishop of Bangor, and other our loving and
faithful .subjects. Master John Wickliff, reader of the
divinity lecture. Master John Gunter, dean of Segobyen,
tind Master Simon Moulton, doctor of law, Sir William
Burton Knight, Master John Belknap, and Master John
Honnington, have directed them as our ambassadors and
special commissioners to the parts beyond the seas.
Giving to our ambassadors and commissioners, to six or
five of them, of whom I desire that the bishop shall be
one, full power and authority, with commandment spe-
cial, to treat and consult mildly and charitably with the
legates and ambassadors of the lord pojjc touching cer-
tain affairs. Whereupon of late we sent heretofore tlic
bishop, and William Ughtred, monk of Durham, and
Master John Shepy to the see a])ostolical; and hereof to
make full relation of all things done and jiassed in the
said assembly, that all such things which may tend to the
honour of holy church, and the advancem; nt of our crown
and this our realm, may, by tlie assistance of God, and wis-
dom of the see apostolical, be brought to good effect, and
accomplished accordingly. Witness ourselves, &c. at
London, dated the twenty-sixth day of July, in the
forty-eighth year of our reign."
It may be seen by this letter what good will the king
then bare to Wickliff, and what little regard he had for
the sinful see of Rome. W^e will now proceed to the
history of this valiant soldier of Christ.
JOHN WICKLIFF.
After all those before recited, by whom it pleased the
Lord to work against the bishop of Rome, and to weaken
the pernicious superstition of the friars ; it now remains to
enter into the history of John Wickliff, our countryman,
and others of his time and country, whom the Lord
by the power of his Spirit raised up here in England, to
detect more fully and amply the poison of the pope's
doctrine, and the false religion set up by the friars. In
his opinions some blemishes perhaps may be obsei-ved,
yet they are such blemishes as rather shew him to be
a man that might err, than one who could directly fight
against Christ our Saviour, as the popes and friars did.
And from the primitive ages of the church what learned
man has been so perfect, so absolutely sure, that no
opinion of his has ever been erroneous ; and yet these
articles of his would be seen to be neither so many in
number, nor yet so gross in themselves as his enemies
give them out to be, if his books which they destroyed
were remaining to be compared with those articles which
they have wrested to the worst.
"This much is certain, and cannot be denied, but that
he, being the public reader of divinity to the university
of Oxford, was» for the rude time wherein he lived,
famously reputed for a great clergyman, a deep scholar,
and no less expert in all kind of philosophy, which not
only appears by his famous and learned writings, but
also by the confession of Walden his most cruel and
bitter enemy, who, in a letter written to Pope Martin V.,
says, " That he was wonderfully astonished at his most
strong arguments with the places of authority which he
had gathered, with the vehemency and force of his rea-
sons,'' &c. It appears that Wickliff flourished about
A. D. 1371, in the reign of Edward III. ; for thus we
find in the chronicles of Caxton : " In the year of our
Lord 1371, Edward III., king of England, in his parlia-
ment was against the pope's clergy : he willingly
hearkened, and gave ear to the voices and tales of here-
tics, with some of his council ; conceiving and following
sinister opinions against the clergy ; for which he
tasted and suffered afterward much adversity and
trouble. And not long after, in the year of our Lord
1372, he wrote to the bishop of Rome, that he should
not by any means intermeddle any more within his king-
dom, as to the reservation or distribution of benefices,
and that all such bishops as were under his dominion,
should enjoy their former and ancient liberty, and be
confirmed by their metropolitans, as has been accus-
tomed in times past," &c. This is without all doubt,
that when the world was in a most desperate and vile
state, and lamentable darkness and ignorance of God's
truth overshadowed the whole earth, this man stepped
out like a valiant champion.
Thus does Almighty God continually succour and help
us, when all things else are in despair, being always, ac-
cording to the Psalm, " a help in time of need." This
was never more apparent than in these later days and
extreme age of the church, when the whole state, not
only of worldly things, but also of religion, was depraved
and corrupted. The state of religion amongst the
divines was in a deep lethargy, and past all the help and
remedy of man. Only the name of Christ remained
among the christians ; his true and lively doctrine was
as far unknown to most men, as his name was common
to all men. As to faith, — consolation, — the end and
use of the law, — the office of Christ, — our impotency
and weakness, — the Holy Ghost, — the greatness and
strength of sin, — true works — grace, and free justifica-
tion by faith, — the liberty of a christian man ; of all these
things wherein consists the sum of our profession, there
was no mention, and scarcely a word spoken. Scripture,
A. D. 1370—13/6.] WICKLIFF SENT FOR BY JOHN OF GAUNT, DUKE OF LANCASTER. 225
learning, and divinity, was knuwn but to a few, and that
in the schools only, and there also it was almost all
turned into sophistry. Instead of the epistles of Peter
and Paul, men occupied their time in studying Aquinas
and Scotus, and Lombards, the Master of Sentences.
The world leaving and forsaking God's spiritual word
and doctrine, was altogether led and blinded with
outward ceremonies and human traditions. In these
was all the hope of obtaining salvation fully fixed,
so that scarcely any thing else was taught in the
churches.
The people were taught to worship nothing but what
they saw, and saw almost nothing which they did not
worship.
The whole world was filled and overwhelmed with error
and darkness. And no great wonder, for the simple and
unlearned people, being far from all knowledge of the
holy scripture, thought it sufficient for them to know
only these things which were delivered to them by their
pastors and shepherds, and they on the other hand
taught nothing else, but such things as came forth from
the court of Rome, of which the greater part tended to the
profit of their order, more than to the glory of Christ.
The christian faith was nothing then, but that every
man should know that Christ once suffered, that is to say,
that all men should know and understand that which the
devils themselves also knew. Hypocrisy was counted for
wonderful holiness. Men were so given to outward
forms, that even they who professed the knowledge of
tte scriptures, scarcely understood, or knew any thing
but these forms. And this appeared, not only in the
common sort of doctors and teachers, but also in the
very heads and captains of the church, whose whole re-
ligion and holiness consisted in the observing of days,
meats, and garments, and such circumstances, as of
»)lace, time, person, &c. From this there sprang so
miny fashions of vestures and garments, so many dif-
ferences of colours and meats, so many pilgrimages to
ieveral places, as if St. James at Compostella could do
fhat, which Christ could not do at Canterbury ; or else,
that God was not of the same power and strength in every
place, or could not be found, unless by running hither
and thither in the pilgrimages. &c. Thus the holiness
of the whole year was transported and put off to the
lent season. No country or land was counted holy, but
only Palestine. Such was the blindness of that time,
that men did strive and fight for the cross at Jerusalem,
as if it had been for the chief and only strength of our
faith. It is a wonder to read the monuments of the
former times, to see and understand what great troubles
and calamities this cross had caused in almost every
christian commonwealth. For the Romish champions
never ceased, by writing, admonishing, and counselling,
yea, and by quarrelling, to move and stir up princes to
mind war and battle, even as though the faith and be-
lief of the gospel were of no power, or little effect with-
out that wooden croes.
In these troublous times, and horrible darkness of
ignorance, when there seemed to be no spark of pure
doctrine remaining, this Wickliff sprang up by God's
providence, through whom the Lord purposed to awaken
the world, which was overwhelmed in the deep streams
of human traditions.
Wickliff, after he had a long time professed divinity
in the university of Oxford, and perceiving the true doc-
trine of Christ's gospel to be defiled with the inventions
of bishops, orders of monks, and dark errors, and after
long deliberating with himself, vrith many secret sighs,
and bewailing the general ignorance of the world, could
no longer bear it, he at last determined to remedy such
things as be saw to be out of the way. But as he saw
that this couid not be attempted without great trouble,
and that these things, which had been so long time
rooted and grafted in men's minds, could not be sud-
denly plucked up, he thought that it should be done by
little and little. Wherefore he first assailed his adver-
saries in logical and metaphysical questions, disputing
with them of the first form and fashion of things, of the
increase of time, and of the intelligible substance of a
creature, with other such things of no great importance.
but yet it helped him not a little in preparing to dispute
about greater matters.
From these beginnings the way was opened to greater
matters, so that at the length he came to touch the mat-
ters of the sacraments, and other al)uses of the church.
Touching which things this holy man took great pains,
protesting openly in the schools^ that it itsls his chief
and principal purpose to call back the church from
her idolatry to some better amendment, especially in
the matter of the sacrament of the body and blood of
Christ ; but this sore point could not be touched with-
out the great grief and pain of the whole world. For
first of all, the whole body of monks and begging friars
were set into a rage and madness, and even as hornets
with their sharp stings assailed this good man on every
side. After them the priests, and then after them the
archbishop took the matter in hand, depriving him of
his benefice which he had in Oxford ; but being some-
what befriended and supported by the king, he con-
tinued and bare up against the malice of the friars, and of
the archbishop, till about A.D. 1.S77. I must now digress
a little to make some mention of John of Gaunt duke of
Lancaster, who was his special supporter and friend.
When King Edward III. had reigned now about
fifty-one years, and was of great age, and in such fee-
bleness, that he was unable to govern the affairs of the
realm, a parliament being called the year before his
death, it was resolved by the knights and burgesses, that
twelve sage and discreet lords and peers should be placed
as guardians about the king, to have the doing and dis-
posing under him of matters pertaining to the government.
These twelve governors by parliament being ap-
pointed to have the tuition of the king, and to attend
the public affairs of the realm, remained for a certiin
time about him, till afterwards, being again removed,,
all the government of the realm, next under the king,,
was committed to the duke of Lancaster the king's soDi.
For as yet Richard, the son of Prince Edward, lately de«-
ceased, was very young and under age.
This duke of Lancaster had in his heart for a long-
time conceived a displeasure against the popish clergy,
whether for corrupt and impure doctrine joined with
abominable excess of life, or for what other cause, is not
precisely known.
The duke sent for John Wickliff, who was then the-
divinity reader in Oxford, and had commenced several
disputations contrary to the form and teaching of the
pope's church in many things, and had been deprived of
his benefice. The opinions which he began to put forth in;
Oxford, in his lectures and sermons, were these : — That
the pope had no more power than others to excommuni-
cate any man^that even if it be given by any person to^
the pope to excommunicate, yet to absolve the same is as
much in the power of another priest as in the pope.
He affirmed, that neither the king nor any temporal lord
could give any perpetuity to the church, or to anj
ecclesiastical person ; for that when such ecclesiastical per-
sons sinned, and continued in the same, the temporal
powers ought to take away from them what before had
been bestowed upon them, which he proved to have
been practised here in England by William Rufus,
Wliich (said he) if he did lawfully, why may not the
same also be practised now ? If he did it unlawfully,,
then does the church err unlawfully in praying for him.
Besides these his opinions and assertions, with others
which are hereafter to be mentioned in order, he began
also to touch the matter of the sacrament, proving that
in the sacrament the accidents of bread remained not
without the substance, both by the holy scriptures, and
also by the authority of the doctors, but specially by
such as were most ancient. As for the later writers he-
utterly rejected them, saying, that the simple and plain
truth appears in the scriptures, to which all hu/nan tra-
ditions whatever must be referred, and specially such
as are set forth and published now of late years. Thia
was the cause why he refused the later writers of decre-
tals, leaning only to the scriptures and ancient doctors^
affirming out of them, that in the sacrament of the body
which is celebrated with bread, the accidents are not
present without the substance ; that is to say, that tito
o2
226 WICKLIFF CITED TO APPEAR BEFORE THE BISHOPS.— DEATH OF EDWARD III. [Book T.
body of Christ is not present without the bread, as the
common sort of priests in those days did dream.
Although through the favour and support of the duke
of Lancaster, and Lord Henry Percy, he persisted
hitherto, and was protected against the violence and
cruelty of his enemies, at last, about A. D. 1376,
the bishops still urging and inciting their archbishop
Simon Sudbury, who had already deprived him, and
afterwards prohibited him, had obtained by process and
order of citation to have him brought before them,
both space and time for him to appear was assigned to
him after their usual form.
The duke having intelligence that Wickliff was to
appear before the bishops, and fearing that he was too
weak against such a multitude, called to him out of the
orders of friars, four bachelors of divinity, one out of
every order, to join them with Wickliff, for the greater
security. When the day was come assigned to Wickliff to
appear, which day was Thursday the 19th of February,
John Wickliff went accompanied with the four friars,
and the duke of Lancaster, and Lord Henry Percy, lord
marshal of England — the Lord Percy going before them
to make room and way where Wickliff should come.
As Wickliff, thus sufficiently guarded, was coming to
the place where the bishops sat, they animated and
exhorted him not to fear or shrink before the bishops,
who were all unlearned as compared with him. With
these words, and with the assistance of the nobles,
W'ickliif approached to the church of St. Paul in Lon-
don, where a great concourse of people was gathered to
hear what should be said and done. Such was the
throng of the multitude, that the lords (notwithstanding
all the authority of the high marshal) with great diffi-
culty could get through. The bishop of London seeing
the stir that the lord marshal kept in the church among
tlie people, speaking to the Lord Percy, said, " That if
lie had known before what authority he would have
assumed in the church, he would have stopped him from
coming there." At which words the duke, not a little
angered, answered, " That he would keep such autho-
rity there, whether the bishop liked it or not."
At last they pierced through and came to our Lady's
chapel, where the dukes and barons were sitting with
tiie archbishops and other bishops. John Wickliff, ac-
cording to the custom, stood before them, to learn what
should be laid to his charge. The Lord Percy kindly
bid liini to sit down ; but the bishop of London in anger
said, " he should not sit there. Neither was it fitting,"
said he, " that he, who was cited before his ordinary,
should sit during the time of his answer." On these
words a fire began to kindle between them, so that they
began to rate and revile one another.
Then the duke, taking Lord Percy's part, answered
the bishop with hasty words. The bishop far excelled
him in this railing art of scolding ; so the duke fell to
■threatening the bishop, that he would bring down the
;pride not only of him, but also of all the prelacy of
England ; and softly whispering in the ear of the person
next him, said, that he would rather pluck the bishop
by the hair of his head out of the church, than he would
take this at his hand. This was not spoken so secretly,
but that the Londoners overheard him. Upon which
they cried out in rage, that they would not suffer their
bishop to be abused so contemptuously, htut would lose
their lives rather than allow him to be drawn out by tlie
hair. Thus that council, being broken up with scolding
and brawling for that day, was dissolved before nine
o'clock.
Upon the 21st of June (A.D. L37",) the worthy and
victorious prince King Edward III. died after he had
■ reigned fifty one years. A prince not more aged in
years than renowned for many heroic virtues, but chiefly
remarkable and ap))lauded for his singular meekness and
clemency towards his subjects and inferiors, ruling them
by gentleness and mercy, without rigour or severity.
Among other noble and royal ornaments of his nature,
he is described as a " father to the orphan, compas-
sionate to the afflicted, — mourning with the miserable, —
relieving the oppressed, — and a friend to all tliat wanted
M helper in time of need," &c. But above all other
things in this prince in my mind deserving to be comme-
morated, is, that above all other kings of this realm, to
the time of King Henry VIII., he was the greatest bridler
of the pope's usurped jjower and outrageous oppressions;
during all the time of this king, the pope could never en.
tirely succeed in this realm, and John Wickliff was main-
taiued with favour and sufficient support.
KING RICHARD THE SECOND.
After King Edward succeeded his grandson, Richard
II. at the age of eleven years : who was crowned at West-
minster A. D. 1377, and who, following his father's
steps, was no great opponent to the doctrine of Wickliff:
although at the beginning, partly through the iniquity of
the times, and partly through the pope's letters, he could
not do all he wished in his behalf. The bishops now see-
ing the aged king taken away, during whose old age all
the government depended upon the Duke of Lancaster •
and now again seeing the duke, with the Lord Percy, re-
main in their private houses witliout intermeddling, they
thought now was the time to gain some advantage ao-ainst
V»^ickliff ; who had some degree of rest and quietness
under the protection of the duke and lord Marshal. It
is already stated how when he was brought before the
bishops, by the means of the duke and lord Henry Percy,
the council was interrupted, and brake up, bv which Wick-
liff at that time escaped without any further trouble.
These articles were at that time collected out of his ser-
mons.
That the Holy Eucharist, after the consecration, is not
the very body of Christ, but figuratively.
That the church of Rome is not the head of all
churches : and that Peter had not any more power given
by Christ, than any otlier Apostle had.
That the pope of Rome has no more in the keys of
the church, than has any other person in the order of
priesthood.
That the lords temporal may lawfully and deservedly
take away their temporalties from the church-men who
persevere in offending.
That if any temporal lord know the church to be so
offending, he is bound, under pain of damnation, to take
the temporalties from the same.
That all the Gospel is a rule sufficient of itself to rule the
life of every christian man here, without any other rule.
That all other rules, under whose observances various
monastic persons are governed, add no more perfection
to the Gospel, than does the white colour to tlie wall.
That neither the pope, nor any other prelate of the
church, ought to have prisons wherein to punish trans-
gressors.
Besides these articles, various other conclusions were
afterward gathered out of his writings and preachings,
which the bishops sent to pope Gregory at Rome : where
being perused, they were condemned for heretical and
erroneous by three-and-twenty cardinals.
The next year following, (A.D. 1378), being the first
year of King Richard II. Pope Gregory sent the following
bull by means of one master Edmund Stafford, directed to
the university of Oxford, rebuking them sharply, impe-
riously, and like a pope, for suft'ering so long the doc-
trine of John Wicklift' to take root, and not plucking it
uj) with the crooked sickle of their catholic doctrine.
Gregory the Bishnp, the servant of God's setfants, to
his veil-beloved Sons, the Chancellor and University
of Odford, in the Diocese of Lincoln, Greeting and
Apostolical Benediction.
We are compelled not only to marvel, but also to
lament, that you, considering the apostolical see has
given to your University of Oxford so great favour and
privilege, and also that you flow as in a large sea in the
knowledge of the holy scriptures, and ought to be cham-
pions and defenders of the ancient and cathohc faith
(without which there is no salvation) by your great ne-
gligence and sloth will suffer wild cockle, not only to
grow uj) among the pure wheat of the flourishing field of
your university, but also to wax strong and choke the
A. D U7G-UB2.'\ RICHARD 11.— BULL OF GREGORY XL AGAINST WICKLIFF.
227
i corn. Neither have ye any care (as we are informed)
to extirpate and phick the same up by the roots, to the
' great blemishing of your renowned name, — the peril of
' your souls, — the contempt of the church of Rome, — and
' to the great decay of the ancient faith. And further
(which grieves us) the increase of that filthy weed was
more sharply rebuked and judged of in Rome, than in
England where it sprang. Wherefore let there be means
sought by the help of the faithful, to root out the same.
Grievously it is come to our ears, that one John Wicklitf,
j parson of Lutterworth in Lincoln diocese, a professor of
Divinity (would God he were not rather a master of er-
rors) is run into a kind of detestable wickedness, not only
i and openly publishing, but also vomiting out of the filthy
dungeons of his breast, diverse professions, false and er-
roneous conclusions, and most wicked and damnable
[ heresies. Whereby he might defile the faithful sort,
I and bring them from the right path headlong into the
I way of perdition, overthrow the state of the church, and
i utterly subvert the secular policy. Of which his mis-
chievous heresies some seem to agree (only certain names
, and terms changed) with the perverse opinions, and un-
I learned doctrine of Marsilius of Padua, and of John Gan-
dune, of unworthy memory, whose books were utterly
abolished in the realm of England, by our predecessor
of happy memory John XXII., which kingdom does not
, only flourish in power, and abundance of faculties, but is
1 much more glorious and shining in pureness of faith ; ac-
customed always to bring forth men excellently learned
in the true knowledge of the holy scriptures, ripe in gra-
vity of manners, men notable in devotion, and defenders
of the catholic faith. Wherefore we will and command
you by your writing apostolical in the name of your obe-
dience, and upon pain of privation of our favour, indul-
gences and privileges granted unto you and your uni •
versity from the said see apostolical ; that hereafter ye
suffer not those pestilent heresies, and those subtle and
false conclusions and propositions, misconstruing the
right sense of faith and good works (howsoever they term
it, or what curious implication of words soever they use)
any longer to be disputed of, or brought in question ; lest
if it be not withstood at the first, and plucked up by the
roots, it might perhaps be too late hereafter to prepare
medicines when a greater number is infected with the
contagion. And further, that ye apprehend immediately,
or cause to be apprehended the said John WicklifF, and
deliver him to be detained in the safe custody of our well-
beloved brethren, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the
bishop of London, or either of them. And if you shall
find any gainsayers, corrupted with the said doctrine
(which God forbid) in your university within your juris-
diction, that shall obstinately stand in the said errors ;
that then in like manner ye apprehend them, and com-
mit them to safe custody, and otherwise to do in this
case as it shall appertain unto you : so as by your care-
ful proceedings herein, your negligence past concerning
the premises may now fully be supplied and recompensed
with present diligence. Whereby you shall not only pur-
chase unto you the favour and benevolence of the see
apostolical, but also great reward and merit of Almighty
God.
Given at Rome at St. Mary's the Greater, xu Kalend
of June, and in the 7th year of our consecration.
The pope also sent letters of similar purport to the
University of Oxford and to the bishops, and even to the
King Richard.
The bishops being again assembled, and WicklifF being
brought before them, they proceeded to examine him,
when a certain personage of the prince's court, and yet
of no very noble birth, named Lewes Clifford, entering
in among the bishops, commanded that they should not
proceed with any final sentence against John WicklifF.
At these words they all were so amazed, that they be-
came speechless. And thus by the unforeseen providence
of God, John WicklifF escaped the second time out of
the bishops' hands.
At the time of his examination, John WicklifF exhi-
bited to the bishops in writing the following protestation,
with a declaration of his mind, upon the following articles.
Tfie Protestation of John Wickliff.
" First I protest (as I have often before done) that I do
mind and intend with my whole heart (by Ihegrace ofGod)
to be a true christian, and as long as breath shall remain
in me, to profess and defend the law of Christ. And if
it shall happen that tlirough ignorance or otherwise I
sliall fail therein : I desire of my Lord God pardon and
forgiveness. And now again as before also, I do revoke
and retract ; most humbly submitting myself under the
correction of our holy mother the church. And forso-
much as the sentence of my faith, which I have holden
in the schools and elsewhere, is reported even by child-
ren, and moreover is carried by children to Rome : there-
fore lest my dear beloved brethren should take any
offence by me, I will set forth in writing the sentence
and articles, for wliich I am now accused and impeached:
which also even to the death I will defend, as I believe
all christians ought to do, and specially the bishop of
Rome and all other priests and ministers of the church.
For I do understand the conclusions after the sense and
manner of speaking of the scriptures and holy doctors,
which I am ready to expound : and if they shall be found
contrary to the faith, I am ready to revoke, and speedily
to call them back again."
This protest was accompanied by an exposition of the
articles exhibited against him.
The next year, vhich was 1.382, by the command of
William archbishop of Canterbury, there was a convo-
cation held at London, at which John WicklifF was also
commanded to be present. But whether he appeared
personally or not, I find it not certainly affirmed.
Of the articles attributed to John WicklifF, there were
ten which were condemned by the friars as heretical, the
rest as erroneous, and are as follow. It may be supposed,
that some of them were made worse by their sinister
collecting, than he meant them in his own works and
writings.
The Articles of John Wickliff, condemned as Htyetical.
1. The substance of material oread and wine remains,
in the sacrament of the altar after the consecration.
2. The accidents do not remain without the subject in
the same sacrame-nt, after the consecration.
3. That Christ is not in the sacrament of the altar
truly and really, in his proper and corporal person.
4. That if a bishop or a priest be in deadly sin, he
cannot ordain, consecrate, or baptize.
5. That if a man be duly and truly contrite and peni-
tent, all exterior and outward confession is but super-
fluous and unprofitable.
6. That it is not found or established by the gospel,
that Christ did make or ordain mass.
7. If the pope be a reprobate and evil man, and conse-
quently a member of the devil ; he has no power given
to him over faithful christians, except it be given him by
the emperor.
8. That since the time of Urban VI.. there is none to
be received for the pope, but every man is to live after
manner of the Greeks, under his own law.
9. That it is against the scripture, that ecclesiastical
ministers should have any temporal possessions.
The other Articles of John Wickliff, condemned as
erroneous.
10. That no prelate ought to excommunicate any man
except he knew him first to be excommunicate of God.
11. That he, who so excommunicates any man, is
thereby himself either an heretic, or excommunicated.
12. That a prelate or bishop excommunicating any of
the clergy, who has appealed to the king or the council,
is thereby himself a traitor to the king and realm.
13. That all such who leave oft" preaching or hearing
the word of God or preaching of the gospel for fear of
excommunication, are already excommunicated, and in
the day of judgment shall be counted as traitors to
God.
22ft
THE ARCHBrSHOP OF CANTERBURY'S LETTER AGAINST W.CKLIFF.
14. Tliat it is lawful for any man, either deacon or
priest, to preach the word of God without the authority
or licence of the apostolic see or any other of his catholics.
15. That so lonj? as a man is in deadly sin, he is
neither bishop nor prelate in the church of God.
Hi. Also that the temporal lords may, according to
their own will and discretion, take away the temporal
goods of the churchmen whenever they offend.
17. That tithes are pure alms, and that the parish-
ioners may, for offence of their curates, detain and keep
them back, and bestow them upon others, at their own
will and pleasures.
18. Also, that all special prayers applied to any pri-
vate or particular person, by any prelate or religious
man, do no more profit the same person, than general or
universal prayers do profit others, under similar circum-
stances.
19. Moreover, if any man enters into any private re-
ligion, whatever it be, he is thereby made the more
unapt and unable to observe and keep the commandments
of God.
20. That holy men, who have instituted private reli-
gions, whatever they be (as well such as have posses-
sions, as also the order of begginij friars having no
possessions) in so doing, have grievously offended.
21. That religious men, (i. e. monks,) being in their
private religions, are not of the christian religion.
22. That friars are bound to get their living by the
labour of their hands, and not by begging.
2',i. That whoever gives any alms to friars, or to any
of the mendicant orders, is accursed, or in danger thereof.
While the archbishop and suffragans, with the other
doctors of divinity and lawyers, with a great company of
babbling friars and monastics were gathered together to
consult as to John WicklifT's books, at the Gray
Friars in London, upon St. Dunstan's day after din-
ner, about two o'clock, the very hour that they should
go forward with their business, a wonderful and ter-
rible earthquake fell throughout all England. Several
of the suffragan bishops being frightened, thought it
good to leave off from their purpose. But the arch-
bishop confirmed and strengthened their hearts and
minds, which were daunted with fear, to proceed in their
attempted enterprise. Then discoursing upon Wick-
liff's articles, not according to the sacred cations of the
holy scripture, but according to tlieir own traditions, tliey
pronounced and gave sentence, that some of them were
simply and plainly heretical, others half erroneous, others
irreligious, and some seditious, and not consonant to the
church of Rome.
Whereupon the lord archbishop of Canterbury, wish-
ing to check such heresies and errors, delivered to the
chancellor, his letters patent to be executed as follow :
" William by the grace of God archbishop of Canter-
bury, primate of all England, and legate of the aposto-
lical see, To our well beloved son in Christ the chancellor
of the university of Oxford, within the diocess of Lincoln,
greeting, grace, and benediction. Tlie prelates of the
church, about the Lord's flock committed to their charge,
ought to be so much more vigilant as that they see the
wolf, clothed in sheep's attire, fraudulently go about to
worry and scatter the sh^p. Doubtless, the common
fame and report is come unto our ears, tkc. We will there-
fore and command, straitly enjoining you, that in the
church of our blessed lady in Oxford, upon those days
in the which customarily the sermon is made, as also in
the schools of the university upon those days when the
lectures are read, ye publish and cause by others to be
published to the clergy and people, as well in their vul-
gar tongue, as in the Latin tongue, manifestly and plainly
without any curious implication, that the same heretical
and erroneous conclusions, so repugnant to the determi-
nation of holy church, as is aforesaid, have been and
are condemned ; which conclusions we also declare by
these our letters to be utterly condemned. And that
furthermore you forbid, and caiionically admonish and
cause to be admonished, as we by the tcnour of these
presents do forbid <tnd admonish you, once, twice, thrice,
and that peremptorily, that none hereafter hold, teach,
and preach, or defend the heresies and errors above said,
or any of them, either in school or out of school by any
sophistical cavilling or otherwise : or that any admit to
jireach, hear or hearken unto John Wicklitt", Nicliolas
Uerford, Philip Reppington, canon regular, or John
Ashton, or Lawrence Redman, who are vehemently
and notoriously suspected of heresy, or any otlier what-
ever, so suspected or defamed ; or that either privately
or publicly they either aid or favour them or any of
them, but that immediately they shun and avoid the same
as a serpent which puts forth most pestiferous poison.
And furthermore we suspend the said suspected persons
from all scholastical act, till such time as thev shall
purge themselves before us in that behalf : and that you
denounce the same publicly by us to have been and be
suspended ; and that ye diligently and faithfully inquire
after all their favourers, and cause to be inquired through-
out all the halls of the university. And that when you
shall have intelligence of their names and persons, that ye
compel all and every one of them to abjure their outrages
by ecclesiastical censures and other pains canonical,
under pain of the greater curse, which against all and
singular the rebellious in this behalf, and disobeying ou.
admonitions, we j)ronounce : so that their fault, deceit,
and offence in this behalf deserve the same (the said
admonition of ours being first sent) which in this behalf we
esteem and allow canonical, that then and again accord,
ing to the effect of these our letters, &c. The absolution
of all and singular such, which shall incur the sentence
of this instrument by us sent forth (which God forbid)
we specially reserve unto ourselves : exhorting you the
chancellor by the sprinkling of the blood of Jesus Christ,
that to the utmost of your power hereafter you do your
endeavour, that the clergy and people being subject to
you, if there be any who have strayed from the catholic
faith by such errors, may be brought home again to the
praise and honour of his name that was crucified, and to
the preservation of the true faith. And further our will
is, that whatever you shall do in the premises, in manner
and form of our process in this behalf it be had and done :
and that you for your part, when you shall be required
thereto, plainly and distinctly do certify us by your let-
ters patents, having the tenour hereof."
The conclusions and articles mentioned in this letter
are above prefixed. Of which some were condemned
for heretical, some for erroneous.
After this, the archbishop directed his letters of admo-
nition to Robert Rigge commissary of Oxford, for re-
pressing this doctrine : which notwithstanding, both
then, and yet to this day (God be praised) remains.
The Examination of Nicholas Herford, Philip Repping^
ton, and John Ashton.
Some days afterwards, on June 18th 1382, in the
chamber of the preaching-friars afore mentioned, before
the archbishop in the presence of divers doctors and
bachelors of divinity, and many lawyers both canon and
civil, whose names are under written, appeared Ni-
cholas Ilerford, Philip Reppington, and John Ashton,
bachelors of divinity. Who after oath taken to give judg-
ment ui)on the conclusions aforesaid, were examined
severally, each by himself, before the archbishop. ^^ ho
there required day and place to deliberate upon the con-
clusions, and to give their answer to the same in writing.
Two days afterwards, when the answers were returned,
the lord archbishop of Canterbury demanded of all the
doctors what their judgment was touching the answers
that were made ujion sucli conclusions. All which doc-
tors severally said, "That all the answers given to the
first, second, third, and sixth conclusions, were insuffi-
cient, heretical and subtle ; and that all the atiswers
made, especially to the ninth, tenth, and last conclusions,
were insufficient, erroneous, and perverse." Where-
upon the lord archbishop of Canterbury, considering the
answers to be heretical, subtle, erroneous, and perverse,
accordingly as the doctors had weighed and considered,
admonished Nicholas and Philip ; assigning to them
A. D. 1382.] NICHOLAS HERFORD AND PHILIP REPPINGTON EXCOMMUNICATED.
eight days' space, that is to say, until the twenty-seventh
day of the month, and that then they should appear be-
fore the said lord archbishop of Canterbury, to hear his
decree tliat should be made in that behalf. This done,
the archbishop of Canterbury admonished and cited
John Ashtoa, under the tenor of these words fol-
lowing :
" In the name of God, we, William, by God's per-
mission, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all
England, legate of the see apostolical, and through all
our province of Canterbury, chief inquisitor of all
heretical pravity, do monish and cite thee, John Ashton,
master of arts, and student in divinity, appearing before
us, judicially to say and speak the plain verity touching
these conclusions, to wliich we refer thee, and to which
we have caused thee to swear, laying thy hand upon a
book," &c.
After this citation, John Ashton was examined before
the bishops, and his answers not proving satisfactory
to them, they determined against him, and then the
archbishop proceeded thus :
" And thou John Ashton, admonished and commanded
by us, as is aforesaid, after thine oath taken, without
any reasonable cause, or any other license, neither
WDuldst thou, nor yet wilt, but refusedst, and yet dost
contemptuously, to answer to such conclusions before
us; judicially according to our admonition and command-
ment aforesaid ; we do hold all such conclusions to be
by thee confessed, and thee the aforesaid John, with all
thy aforesaid conclusions, convicted. And, therefore, we
do pronounce, and declare by giving sentence that thou
John Ashton, concerning those conclusions, which by us,
with good deliberation of divers prelates, our suffragans,
and also divers and sundry professors of divinity, and
other wise men and learned in the law, according to the
canonical sanctions, being condemned and declared for
a heretic, and heretical hast been, and still art a heretic,
and thy conclusions heretical. And as touching thy
other conclusions, by us heretofore counted erroneous,
and for erroneous condemned, we do pronounce and
declare sententially by these our writings, that both thou
hast erred, and dost err."
Oa the appointed day, the archbishop, with the doc-
tors, being assembled in the chief house of his church
at Canterbury, before the hour of nine, expected Nicho-
las, Philip, and also Thomas Hilman, calling them and
looking after them ; nevertheless they apjieared not before
two o'clock the same day. At which hour the archbishop
of Canterbury examined Thomas Hilman, who then and
there judicially appeared, what his opinion was touching
the aforesaid conclusions, who, somewhat stammering at
them and their meaning, at last to all the conclusions
then read and exjiounded to him, thus answered, " I
suppose and judge all and singular those conclusions
lately condemned by my lord of Canterbury to be
heretical and erroneous, even as the same my lord of
Canterbury, and other doctors of divinity, of the canon
and civil law, by common consent and counsel have sup-
posed and thought. And the same (being for heresies
and errors, as before is said condemned) I do, as much
as in me is, condemn, protesting that 1 will hold and af-
firm the contrary of those conclusions, and in the same
faith live and die." Then the archbishop of Canterbury,
sitting as tribunal or judge, pronouncing Nicholas and
Philip, guilty of contumacy and disobedience, for not
appearing in court, excommunicated them for their con-
tumacy, as follows : —
The denouncing of the excommvnication against Nicholas
Herford and Philip Seppington.
■ . ♦' William, by God's permission, archbishop of Can-
terbury, &c. To our beloved Son in Christ, whoever he
be, that this instant Sunday shall preach at St. Paul's
cross in London, salutation, grace, and blessing. For-
asmuch as we appointed a certain day and place to
Master Nicholas Herford, and Master Philip Rejiping-
ton, canon regular of the monastery of our lady of
Leicester, being doctors of divinity, and suspected of
beieticp' gravity (after certain answers not fully made,
22V
but impertinent and nothing to the purpose, as also
heretical and erroneous} in divers places of our p'-ovince
commonly, generally, and publicly taught and preached,
and that therefore they should judicially apjjcar before
us, to do and receive peremptorily in that behalf whatever
the quality of that business should move us to: and that wj
have for their contumacy in not appearing before us at that
day and place, adjudged as right therein required. We, by
these presents, command and commit to you, firmly en-
joining you, when all the multitude of people shall be
gathered together to hear your sermon, that in the day
and i)lace appointed you puulicly and solemnly denounce
the aforesaid Nicholas and Philip, holding up a cross,
and lighting up a candle, and then throwing down the
same upon the ground, to have been so and in such man-
ner e-xcommunicated, and still continuing so.
" Fare ye well. In our manor house at Lambeth, the
thirteenth day of July, the year of our Lord 1382, and
first year of our translation."
The archbishop sent also another letter to Master
Rigge, commissary of Oxford, straightly enjoining and
charging him, not only to denounce the sentence of ex-
communication, and to give out public citation against
them, but also to make diligent search and inquisition
through all Oxford for them, to have them apprehended
ind sent up to him, personally before him to appear at
a certain day prescribed for the same. Whereby it may
appear how busy this bishop was in disquieting and per-
secuting these poor men, whom he should have nour-
ished and cherished as his brethren.
The archbishop not contented with this, solicits the
king to join the power of his temporal sword, for he well
perceived that as yet the popish clergy had not sufficient
authority, by any public law or statute of this land, to
proceed unto death against any person in question of re-
ligion, but only by the usurped tyranny and example of
the court of Rome. Where note, gentle reader, for thy
better understanding, the practice of the Romish prelates
in seeking the king's help to further their bloody pur-
pose against the good saints of God. The king being
but young, and not arrived at years of ripe judgment,
was seduced by the archbishop to give his private assent
to an ordinance, which was indeed the very first law to
be found against religion and the professors thereof,
bearing the name of an act made in the parliament held
at Westminster, in the fifth year of Richard II. Where
among other statutes then published, and yet remaining
in the printed books of statutes, this supposed statute is
to be found, (cap. 5. & ultimo).
" Forasmuch as it is openly known that there be
divers evil persons within the realm, going from county
to county, and from town to town, in certain habits
under dissimulation of great holiness, and without the
licence of the ordinaries of the places, or other sufficient
authority, preaching daily not only in churches and
churchyards, but also in markets, fairs, and other open
places where a great congregation of people is, divers
sermons containing heresies and notorious errors, to the
great blemishing of the christian faith, and destruction of
the laws, and of the estate of holy church, to the great
peril of the souls of the people, and of all the realm of
England, as more plainly is found, and sufficiently
proved before the reverend father in God the archbishop
of Canterbury, and the bishops and other prelates,
masters of divinity, and doctors of canon and of civil law,
and a great part of the clergy of the said realm, si)ecially
assembled for this great cause ; which persons do also
preach divers matters of slander, to ingender discord and
dissension betwixt divers estates of the said realm, as
well spiritual as temporal, in exciting the people to the
great peril of all the realm : which preachers being cited
or summoned before the ordinaries of the places, there
to answer to that whereof they are impeached, they will
not obey the summons and commands, and care not for
the admonitions nor censures of the holy church, but ex-
pressly despise them ; and moreover, by their subtle and
ingenious words, draw the people to hear their sermons,
and maintain them in their errors by strong hand, and
by great routs : it is ordained and assented in this pre-
THE VALIDITY OF THE KING'S STATUTE AGAINST WICKLIFF EXAMINED. [Book T.
230
sent pai-liament, that the king's commissions be made
and directed to the sheriffs, and other ministers of our
sovereign lord the king, or other persons sufficiently
learned, and according to the certificates of the prelates
to be made in chancery from time to time, to arrest all
such preachers, and also their favourers, maintainers and
abetters, and to hold them in arrest and strong prison,
till they justifv themselves according to the law and
reason of holy church. And the king wills and com-
mands, that the chancellor make such commissions at all
times, that he by the prelates, or any of them shall be
certified and thereof required as is aforesaid."
An Examination of the aforesaid supposed Statute, and
of the invalidity thereof.
As this supposed statute was the principal ground
whereupon proceeded all the persecution of that time;
it is therefore not impertinent to examine the same
more particularly, whereby it shall appear, that as it
was fraudulently and unduly devised by the prelates
only, so was it in like manner most injuriously and
disorderly executed by them. For immediately u])on
the publishing of this law, without further warrant
either from the king or his council, commissions under
the great seal of England were made in this form,
"Richard by the Grace of God," &c. "Witness m^
self at Westminster the 2(ith day of June, in the sixth
year of our reign." Without more words of warrant un-
der-written, such as in like cases are both usual and re-
quisite,viz: "peripsumregem :"" perregem et concilium :"
"per breve de privato sigillo." All or any which words
being utterly wanting in this place, as may be seen in the
king's records of that time ; it must therefore be done
either by warrant of this statute, or else without any war
rant at all. M^nereupon it is to be noted, that whereas
the statute appointed the commissions to be directed to
the sheriff, or other ministers of the king, or to other
persons sufficiently learned, for the arresting of such per-
sons ; the commissions are directed to the archbishop
and his suffragans, being as it appears parties in the case,
authorizing them further without eit^ier the words, or
reasonable meaning of the statute, to imprison them in
their own houses, or where else they pleased.
Besides also, what manner of law this was, by whom
devised, and by what authority the same was first made
and established, judge by that which follows, viz.
In the utas of St. Michael next following, at a parlia-
ment summoned and holden at Westminster, the sixth
year of the king, among sundry petitions made to the
king by his commons, to which he assented, there is one
in this form. Article 52.
" That whereas a statute was made the last parliament
in these words, — 'It is ordained in this present parliament
that commissions from the king be directed to the she-
riffs, and other ministers of the king, or to other persons
sufficiently skilful, and according to the certificates of the
prelates thereof, to be made to the chancery from time to
time, to arrest all such preachers, and their favorers, main-
tainers and abetters : and to detain them in strong pri-
son, until they justify themselves according to rea-
son, and law of holy church : and the king wills and com-
mands, that the chancellor make such commissions at
all times as he shall be by the prelates or any of them
certified and thereof required, as is aforesaid,' — the which
was never agreed nor granted by the commons ; but
whatever was moved therein, was without their assent.
That the said statute be therefore disannulled. For it is
not in any wise their meaning, that either themselves or
such as shall succeed them, shall be further justified or
bound by the prelates, than were their ancestors in for-
mer times," whereunto is answered, " II plaist al, Roy.
I." the king is pleased.
Hereby notwithstanding the former unjust law was
repealed, and the fraud of the framers thereof suffi-
ciently discovered : yet such means wesre taken by
the prelates, that this act of repeal was never published,
nor ever since printed with the rest of the statutes of
that parliament : so that the rejjeal being concealed,
similar commissions and other process were made from
time to time, by virtue of the statute, as well during all
the reign of this king, as ever since against the professors
of religion.
The young king was further induced by '.he importu-
nity of the archbishop, to send special letters to the vice
chancellor and proctors of the university of Oxford, in
which he straightly and sharply enjoins them to make a ge-
neral inquisition through the wliole university, for John
\\'ickliff, Nicholas Herford, Pliilip Reppington, John
Ashton, and such others ; and also for all whom they
know or judge to be suspected of that doctrine, or to be
maintainers, receivers, and defenders of the parties, or
their opinions ; to the intent that they being so appre-
hended, may be within seven days of tlieir admonition
expelled the university, and cited before the archbishop
of Canterbury, moreover commanding the vice-chancel-
lor and proctors with their assistants, that if any person
or persons in any house, hall, or college, or in any
other place shall be found to have any of the books
or treatises compiled by John Wickliff, Nicholas Herford,
&c. they will cause the said person or persons, to be
arrested and attached, and their books to be seized and
presented within one month, without correction, corrup-
tion, or alteration, to the archbishop upon their faith
and allegiance, as they would avoid the forfeiture of all
privileges of the university, &c.
The vice-chancellor at this time in Oxfopd was Master
Robert Rigge. The two proctors ^Vere John Huntman
and Walter Dish ; who, as far as they durst, favoured
the cause of John Wickliff, so that when some public ser-
mons at the feast of the Ascension, and of Corjni?, Christj
were to be preached in the cloister of Saint Frideswide
(now called Christ's church) before the people, by the
vice-chancellor and the proctors : they committed it to
Philip Reppington and Nicholas Herford, so that Heiford
should preach on the Ascension-day, and Reppington
upon Corpus Christi day. Herford was observed to de-
fend John Wickliff openly as a faithful, good, and inno.
cent man ; at which there were great outcries among the
friars. This Herford, after he had long favoured and
maintained Wickliff's part, grew in suspicion among the
enemies of truth. For as soon as he began somewhat
liberally and freely to utter anything, which tended to the
defence of Wickliff, by and bye the Carmelites, and all
the orders of religion were on his watch, and laid not a
few heresies to his charge ; which they had strained here
and tliere out of his sermons. After this the feast of
Corpus Christi drew near : upon which day it was ex-
pected that Reppington would preach. This man was a
canon of Leicester, who protested openly, that in all
moral matters he would defend Wickliff. But as to the
sacrament he would as yet hold his peace, until such time
as the Lord should otherwise illuminate the hearts and
minds of the clergy.
Now the day of Corpus Christi approaching near, when
the friars understood that this man would preach, they
arranged with the archbishop of Canterbury, that the
same day, a little before Philip should preach, Wickliff's
conclusions, which were privately condemned, should
be openly defamed in the presence of the whole univer-
sity.
These things being thus done, Philip Reppington at
the hour appointed, proceeded to his sermon. In which
among many other things, he was reported to have ut-
tered these sayings, or to this effect :
" That the popes or bishops ought not to be exalted
above temporal lords.
"That in moral matters he would defend Master
Wickliff as a true catholic doctor.
" That the duke of Lancaster was very earnestly affected
and minded in this matter, and wished that all such
should be received under his protection," besides many
things more which touched the praise and defence ot
Wickliff.
And finally, in concluding his sermon, he dismissed
the people with this sentence, — " I will in the specula-
tive doctrine, as pertaining to the sacrament of the
altar, keep silence and hold my peace, until such time ai«
God otherwise shall instruct and illuminate the hearta
of the clergy."
A. D. 1382.] PHILIP REPPIXGTON AND JOHN ASHTON ABJURE WICKLIFF'S DOCTRINES. 231
When the sermon was done, Reppington etitered into
St. Frideswiie's church, accompanied with many of his
friends, who, as their enemies surmised, were privately
I armed under their garments against danger. Friar
Stokes, the Carmelite, who was the chief champion
against Wicklitf, suspecting all this to he against him,
kept witliiii the sanctuary of the church. Tlie vice-
chancellor and Reppington, friendly saluting one another
in the church porch, sent away the people, and so every
man departed home to his own house. There was
! not a little joy through the whole university for that
sermon ; but in the meantime, the unquiet and busy
Canndlite slipt not his matter. For by his letters he
declared the whole matter to the archbishop, exaggerat-
I iug the dangers he was in, and desiring his help and aid,
I Oiuitting notliing to move and stir up the archbishop's
j uiiud, who of his own nature was ready enough to pro-
i secute the matter. The vice-chancellor being afterward
I accused for contempt of the archbishop's letters, when
i he perceived and saw that no excuse would prevail to
avoid that danger, humbling himself upon his knees, he
desired pardon, which, when he had obtained, by the help
of the bishop of Winchester, he was sent away again
with certain commands, and suspensions of heretics.
Then began the hatred on both sides to appear and de-
velope itself, and all men were offended at these friars
and monks, to whom they imputed whatever trouble or
mischief was raised up, as to the authors and causers of
the same.
Nicholas Herford, and Philip Reppington, being
privily warned by the vice-chancellor, conveyed them-
selves out of sight, and fled to the duke of Lancaster ;
but the duke, whether for fear, or for what cause I
cannot say, in the end forsook his poor and miserable
clients.
Being repulsed by the duke, and destitute of his sup-
port, whether they were sent, or, of their own accord
went to the archbishop, is uncertain ; but Reppington
was reconciled again to the archbishop, and admitted to
the university. And so was also John Ashton. Of
Nicholas Herford all this while I find no special re-
lation.
In the meantime, about the twenty-third day of
September (A.. D. 1382), the king sent his mandate
to the archbishop for collecting a subsidy, and to have a
convocation of the clergy summoned against the next
parliament, which should begin the eighteenth day of
November. All which being done, the parliament was
asseinblei at Oxford the eighteenth day of November,
where the convocation was kept in the monastery of
FriJeswide. The archbishop, with other bishops, sitting
there in their pontifical robes, declared two causes of their
present assembly, one to repress heresies, which began
afresh in the realm ; the other to aid and support the king
with some necessary subsidy of money.
The convocation being continued the next day, the
archbishop, with the other prelates, assembling themselves
as before, the archbishop, after the usual solemnity, de-
sired the proctors of the clergy, appointed for every diocess,
to consult among themselves, in some convenient place,
what they thought touching the redress of matters, and to
be notified and declared to him and to his brethren, &c.
Further, forsomuch (saith he) as it is so noised
through all the realm, that there were certain in the
university of Oxford who held and maintained conclu-
sions heretical and erroneous, condemned by him, and
by other lawyers and doctors of divinity ; he therefore
assigned the bishops of Sarum, Hereford, and Rochester,
with Wdliim Rugge, then vice-chancellor of the
university of Oxford, (for probably Robert Rigge was
then displaced,) as also William Berton, and John Mid-
dleton, doctors, giving them his full authority with
cursing and banning to compel them to search, and to
inquire with all diligence and possible ways over all
and singular whatsoever, either doctors, bachelors, or
scholars of the university, who did hold, teach, main-
tain, and defend, in schools, or out of schools, the con-
clusions mentioned before.
On which day, in the presence of the prelates and
the clergy in the chapter-house of St. Frideswide, came
in Philip Reppington, who there adjured those conclu-
sions and assertions, in this form of words :
" In the name of God, Amen. I, Philip Reppington,
canon of the house of Leicester, acknowledging one
catholic and apostolic faith, do curse and also abjure all
heresy, namely, these heresies and errors under written,
condemned and reproved by the canonical decrees, and
by you, most reverend father, touching which hitherto I
have been defamed ; condemning, moreover, and re-
proving both them and the authors of them, and do con-
fess the same to be cathohcally condemned. And I
swear also by these holy evangelists, which here I hold
in my hand, and do promise, never by any persuasions
of men, nor by any way hereafter, to defend or hold as
true, any of the said conclusions underwritten ; but do
and will stand and adhere in all things, to the determi-
nation of the holy catholic church, and to yours, in this
behalf. Over and besides, all such as stand contrary
to this faith, I do pronounce them with their doctrine
and followers worthy of everlasting curse. And if I my-
self shall presume at any time to hold or preach any
thing contrary to the premises, I shall be content to
abide the severity of the canons. Subscribed with
mine own hand, and of mine own accord, Philip Rep-
pington."
And thus he was discharged, and afterward was made
bishop of Lincoln, and became at length the most bitter
and extreme persecutor of this side, of all the other
bishops within the realm.
After the abjuration of this Reppington, immediately
was brought in John Ashton, who, appearing before the
archbishop and the prelates, did in like form of words
abjure as Reppington had before done.
Of this John Ashton we read, that afterward, by
Thomas Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury, he was
cited and condemned ; but whether he died in prison,
or was burned, we have no certainty.
As to Nicholas Herford, he did not appear during the
time of this convocation, and therefore was exconimu-
nicated ; against which he appealed from the arch-
bishop to the king and council. The archbishop would
not admit it, but caused him to be apprehended and
put in prison. He escaped out of prison, returning
again to his former exercise and preaching as he did
before, though in as covert and secret a manner as he
could. Upon which the archbishop, thundering out his
bolts of excommunication against him, sends to all
pastors and ministers, commanding them in all churches,
and on all festival days, to proclaim the excommunica-
tion against him to all men.
Not contented with this, he addressed his letter to the
king, requiring the aid of his temporal sword. See and
note, reader, the seraphical charity of these priestly pre-
lates towards the poor redeemed flock of Christ.
The letter of the Archbishop to the King.
" To the most excellent prince in Christ, &c. William,
&c., greeting, in him by whom kings do reign, and
princes bear rule. Unto your kingly highness by the
tenor of these presents we intimate, that one Master
Nicholas Herford, doctor of divinity, for his manifest
contumacy and offence in not appearing before us being
called at the day and place assigned, is therefore included
in the sentence of the greater curse, publicly by our or-
dinary authority ; and in the same sentence has con-
tinued now forty days, and yet still continues with
obdurate heart, wickedly contemning the keys of the
church, both to the great peril of his soul, and to the
pernicious example of others. Forsomuch, therefore,
as the holy mother, the church, cannot proceed any fur-
ther in this matter, we humbly desire your kingly ma-
jesty to direct out your letters for the apprehending of
the said excommunicate, according to the custom of this
realm of England, wholesomely observed and kept hi-
therto ; to the intent that such, whom the fear of God
doth not restrain from evil, the discipline of the secular
arm may bridle and pluck back from offending. Your
232
THE EPISTLE OF WICKLIFF TO POPE URBAN VI.
[Book V,
princely highness, the Lord continue. From Lambeth,
the fifteenth of January."
And thus far concerning Nicholas Herford, and the
others. But all this while what became of John Wick-
liff is not certainly known ; — it appears that he was
banished and driven to exile. In the meantime it is
not to be doubted, but he was alive during all this while,
as may appear by his letter which he about this time
wrote to Pope Urban VI.
The Epistle of John Wick I iff sent to Pope Urban VI.,
A. D. 1382.
"Verily I do rejoice to open and declare to every
man the faith which I hold, and specially to the bishop
of Rome, which faith as I suppose it to be sound and
true, he will most willingly confirm, or, if it be errone-
ous, amend.
" First, I suppose that the gospel of Christ is the
whole body of God's law ; and that Christ, who gave
that same law himself, I believe to be a very man, and
in that point, to exceed the law of the gospel, and all
other parts of the scripture. Again, I do give and
hold the bishop of Rome, forsomuch as he is the vicar
of Christ here in earth, to be bound most of all other
men to that law of the gospel. For the greatness
amongst Christ's disciples did not consist in worldly dig-
nity or honours, but in the near and exact following of
Christ in his life and manners ; whereupon I do gather
out of the heart of the law of the Lord, that Christ for
the time of his pilgrimage here was a most poor man,
abjecting and casting off all worldly rule and honour, as
appears by the gospel of St. Matthew, the eighth
chapter, and second of the Corinthians, in the eighth
chapter.
" Hereby I do fully gather, that no faithful man
ought to follow, either the pope himself, or any of the
holy men, but in such points as he has followed the
Lord Jesus Christ. For Peter and the sons of Zebedee,
by desiring worldly honour, contrary to the following of
Christ's steps, did offend, and therefore in those errors
they are not to be followed.
" Hereof I do gather, as a counsel, that the pope
ought to leave unto the secular power all temporal do-
minion and rule, and thereunto effectually to move and
exhort his whole clergy ; for so did Christ, and especi-
ally by his apostles. Wherefore, if I have erred in any
of these points, I will most humbly submit myself unto
correction, even by death, if necessity so require ; and
if I could labour according to my will or desire in mine
own person, I would surely present myself before the
bishop of Rome ; but the Lord has otherwise visited me
to the contrary, and has taught me rather to obey God
than men. Forsomuch then as God has given to our
pope just and true evangelical instinctions, we ought to
pray that those motions be not extinguished by any
subtle or crafty device. And that the pope and car-
dinals be not moved to do any thing contrary to the
law of the Lord. Wherefore let us pray to our God,
that he will so stir up our Pope Urban the sixth, as he
began, that he, with his clergy, may follow the Lord
Jesus Christ in life and manners ; and that they may
teach the people effectually, and that they likewise
may faithfully follow them in the same. And let us
especially pray, that our pope may be preserved
from all malign and evil counsel, which we do know
that evil and envious men of his household would
give him. And seeing the Lord will not suffer us to be
tempted above our power, much less then will he require
of any creature to do that thing which they are not able ;
forsomuch as that is the plain condition and manner of
antichrist.''
Thus much wrote John Wickliff to Pope Urban. But
this pope was so hot in his wars against Clement, the
French pope, his rival, that he had no leisure, and less
■wUl to attend to Wickliff. By which schism God pro-
vided for poor Wickliff some rest and quietness.
Concerning which schisniatical wars of these popes,
it will not be irrelevant to digress a little, so as to say
something of the tragical doings of these two holy popes,
striving for the triple crown, that the christian reader
may see what difference there is between the popes, and
Christ with his apostles. For though in the gospel it
is written, that certain of the disciples did strive which
should be tlie greater ; yet we do not read that one of
them ever took weapons against the other; and it appears
too that for so striving as they did they were sharply re-
buked by our Saviour Christ.
About the beginning of the year 138;i, Pope Urban,
studying how to conquer his rival pope, took to him-
self the sword of Romulus, instead of the keys of Peter,
and set upon him with open war. And devising with
himself whom he might best choose for his chief
champion ; he thought none more fitted for such affairs
than Henry Spencer, then bishop of Norwich, a young
and stout prelate, more fitting for the charge of a camp,
than for the peaceable church of Christ. To this bishop
of Norwich the pope had sent his bulls about this time,
to confer the cross on whoever would go with him into
France, to destroy the antipope. In which bulls these
privileges were granted.
1. That the bishop of Norwich may use his sword
against the antipope, and all his adherents, favourers,
and counsellors, and with violence put them to death.
2. That he has full power to inquire after all schis*
matics, and to put them in prison, and to confiscate allj
their goods, moveable and immoveable.
3. That he has power and authority to deprive all
laymen that are schismatics of all manner of secular of-
fices whatever, and to give their offices to other fit and
convenient persons.
4. That he may deprive all such clergy, and declare
them to be schismatics, and to give and bestow their
benefices either with cure or without cure, their digni-
ties, parsonages or offices, to other persons more meet
for the same.
5. He has power and authority over lay persons that
are exempt, and clergy both secular and regular, yea,
although they be friars mendicants, or masters and pro.
fessors of other houses or hospitals of St. John's of
Jerusalem, or St. Mary's of Flanders, or professors of
what order soever.
6. He has power to dispense, with any secular
clergy soever, being beneficed either with cure or without
cure, and also with such as have dignities, parsonages,
or offices, being regulars either exempt or not exempt,
that every one of them may be absent with him from
their dignities and benefices, &c., under the standard of
the cross, without license of any of their prelates being
required, and yet to receive and take the entire income
of their benefices, as though they had been personally
resident upon the same.
7. There is granted to all that pass the seas in this
quarrel, either at their own expenses, or at the expenses
of any other, full remission of their sins ; and as large
privileges are granted to all those that go over the sea
with him, as to any that pay their money, or go to fight
for the Holy Land.
8. Also all such as with their proper goods and sub-
stance shall give sufficient stipend to able soldiers, mus-
tered at the discretion of the foresaid lord bishop, or by
his deputy, although themselves be not personally at this
business, yet shall they have like remission and indul-
gence, as they who have been personally with him in
this expedition.
9. All they are partakers of this remission, who give
any part of their goods to the said bishop to fight against
the said schismatics.
10. If any shall chance to die in the journey who are
soldiers under the standard of the jcross, or else before
the quarrel are killed by some means, they shall fully
and wholly receive the said grace, and shall be partakers
of the remission and indulgence.
11. He has power to excommunicate, suspend, and
interdict what persons soever be rebellious or disturbers
of him in the execution of his power and authority com-
mitted to him, of what dignity, state, degree, pre-emi-
nence, order, place, or condition soever they shall be ;
whether they shall be either of regal, queenly, or impenal
A.D. 1382—1384.] UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD'S TESTIMONY CONCERNING WICKLIFF.
233
dignity, or of what dignity soever, either ecclesiastical
or civil.
I 12. He has power and authority to compel and enforce
' any religious person soever, and to appoint them, and
send them over sea, if it seem good to him, yea, al-
though they be professors of the friars mendicants, for
the execution of the premises.
The Papers Absolution pronounced by the Bishop.
" By the authority apostolical to me in this behalf
committed, we absolve thee A. B. from all thy sins con-
fessed with thy mouth, and being contrite with thy
heart, and whereof thou wouldst be confessed if they
came into thy memory ; and we grant to thee plenary
remission of all manner of sins, and we promise to thee
thy part of the reward of all just men, and of everlasting
salvation. And as many privileges as are granted to
them that go to fight for the Holy Land, we grant to
thee ; and of all the prayers and benefits of the church,
; the universal synod, as also of the holy catholic chuich,
I we make thee partaker."
This courageous, or, rather outrageous bishop, armed
1 thus with the pope's authority, and prompt with his
privileges, came to the parliament, where there was
great consultation and contention, and almost no less
schism, about the voyage of this popish bishop in the
parliament, than was between the popes themselves. In
which parliament, there were many who thought it not
safe to commit the king's people and subjects to an un-
skilful priest. So great was the diversity of judgments
in that behalf, that the voyage of the bishop was pro-
I tracted to the Saturday before Passion Sunday. After
i which Sunday the parties agreed that the bishop should
! set forward in his voyage, having given to him the fifteenth
■ which was granted to the king in the parliament before.
' Which things thus concluded in the parliament, this
' warlike bishop preparing all things in readiness, set
' forward in this journey. And forthwith entered the
<eas. and went to Calais, where, waiting a few days for
' the rest of his army, he then took his journey to the
town of Gravelines, which he besieged so desperately,
' without any preparation of engines of wur, or counsel,
I that he seemed rather to fly upon them, than to invade
i them. At length, through the superstition of our men,
' trusting to the pope's absolution, they entered the town
I with their bishop, where, at his command, they destroyed
i both man, woman, and child, and left not one alive !
From Gravelines this warlike bishop set forward to
Dunkirk, where not long after, the French meeting with
him, he joined with them in battle ; in which battle (if
the story be true) twelve thousand of the French were slain
in the chase, and of our men seven only were missing.
It would require a long treatise here to relate all things
done in these popish wars. Also it would be no less
ridiculous to view and behold the glorious temerity
of this new upstart captain. As when the bishop com-
ing from Dunkirk to the siege of Ypres, a great number of
Englishmen were lost there, and much money consumed,
and yet nothing done, to the great shame and ignominy
of the bishop. Again, after the siege of Ypres, the
bishop proceeding with a small force to fight with the
French king's camp, contrary to the counsel of his cap-
tains, was feign to break company with them, whereby
part of the army went to Burburgh, and the bishop with
his part returned to Gravelines, both which towns
shortly after were besieged by the French army. In fine,
when the bishop could keep Gravelines no longer, he
crossed the seas, and came home again as wise as he
went. And thus making an end of this pontifical war,
we will return from whence we digressed, to the history of
John Wickliff.
Mhich John Wickliff returning again within a short
space, either fiom his banishment, or from some other
place where he was secretly kept, repaired to his parish
of Lutterworth, where he was parson ; and there,
quietly departing this mortal life, slept in peace in the
Lord, in the beginning of the year 1384, upon Silvester's
day
Here may be seen the great providence of the Lord
in this man, as in several others whom the Lord so long
preserved amidst the fury of so many enemies from all
their hands, even to his old age. For it appears by
Thomas Walden, that he was a very aged man before he
departed. Such a Lord is our God, that whom he will
have kept, nothing can hurt.
This Wickliff had written several works, which in the
year A. D. 1410 were burnt at Oxford. And not only
in England, but in Bohemia likewise, the books of
Wickliff were consumed by the archbishop of Prague,
who made diligent inquisition for them, and burned
them ; the number of volumes which he is said to have
burned, most excellently written, and richly adorned
with bosses of gold, and rich coverings (as Eneas Silvius
writes) were about two hundred.
We will now add the testimonial of the University of
Oxford concerning WickliflF.
The public testimony given out hy the University of Ox-
ford, touching the commendation of the great learning
and good life of John Wickliff.
" Unto all and singular the children of our holy mother
the church, to whom this present letter shall come, the
vice-chancellor of the university of Oxford, with the
whole congregation of the masters, with perpetual health
in the Lord. Forsomuch as it is not commonly seen, that
the acts and monuments of valiant men, nor the praise
and merits of good men should be passed over and hidden
in perpetual silence, but that true report and fame
should continually spread abroad the same in strange and
far distant places, both for the witness of the same, and
example of others ; forsomuch also as the provident dis-
cretion of man's nature, being recompensed with cruelty,
hath devised and ordained this buckler and defence against
such as do blaspheme and slander other men's doings,
that whensoever witness by word of mouth cannot be
present, the pen by writing may supply the same.
" Hereupon it followeth, that the special goodwill and
care which we bear unto John Wickliff, sometime child
of this our university, and professor of divinity, moving
and stirring our minds (as his manners and conditions
required no less) with one mind, voice and testimony, we
do witness, all his conditions and doings throughout his
whole life to have been most sincere and commendable ;
whose honest manners and conditions, profoundness of
learning, and most redolent renown and fame, we desire
the more earnestly to be notified and known unto all the
faithful, for that we understand the maturity and ripeness
of his conversation, his diligent labours and troubles to
tend to the praise of God, the help and safeguard of others,
and the profit of the church.
" Wherefore we signify unto j'ou by these presents, that
his conversation (even from his youth upward, unto the
time of his death) was so praise-worthy and honest, that
never at any time was there any note or spot of suspicion
noised of him. But in his answering, reading, preaching
and dettrmining, he behaved himself laudably, and as a
stout and valiant champion of the faith ; vanquishing by
the force of the scriptures, all such, who by their wUful
beggary blasphemedand slandered Christ's religion ; nei-
ther was this doctor convicted of any heresy, neither burn-
ed of our prelates after his burial. God forbid, that our
prelates should have condemned a man of such honesty
for an heretic ; who, amongst all the rest of the university,
had written in logic, philosophy, divinity, morality, and
the speculative arts, without an equal. The knowledge
of which all and singular things we do desire to testify
and deliver forth, to the intent that the fame and renown
of this said doctor may be the more evident and had ip
reputation amongst them unto whose hands these present
letters testimonial shall come.
" In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters
testimonial to be sealed with our common seal. Dated
at Oxford in our congregation-house, the 1st day of
October, in the year of our Lord 1406."
Now as we have declared the testimony of the univer-
sity of Oxford, concerning the praise of John Wickliff;
234 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE CONDEMN THE DOCTRINES OF WICKLIFF. [Book V.
it follows likewise that we set forth the censures and
judgments of his enemies, blinded with malicious hatred
and corrupt affections against him, especially of the pope's
council gathered at Constance, proceeding first in con-
demning his books, then his articles, and afterward burn-
ing his bones. The copy of which sentence given
against him by that council here follows.
The sentence tjiren by the Council of Constance, in con-
demniiui tlie Ductrine, and Jive and forty Articles of
John Wickliff.
" The most holy and sacred council of Constance,
making and representing the catholic church, for the ex-
tirpation of this present schism,' and of all other errors
and heresies, springing and growing under the shadow
and pretence of the same, and for the reformation and
amendment of the church, being lawfully congregate and
gathered together in the Holy Ghost, for the perpetual
memory of the time to come.
" We are taught by the acts and histories of the holy
fathers, that the catholic faith, without which, as the holy
apostle St. Paul saith, it is impossible to please God, hath
been always defended by the faithful and spiritual sol-
diers of the church, by the shield of faith, against the
false worshippers of the same faith, or rather perverse
impugners; who through their proud curiosity will seem
to know more, and to be wiser than they ought to be,
and for the desire of the glory of the world have gone
about oftentimes to overthrow the same. These kinds of
wars and battles have been prefigured to us before in
those carnal wars of the Israelites against the idolatrous
people. For in those spiritual wars the holy catholic
church through the virtue and power of faith, being
illustrated with the beams of the heavenly light, by the
Providence of God, and being helped by the help and
defence of the saints and holy men, hath always con-
tinued immaculate, (and the darkness and errors, as her
most cruel enemies being put to flight) , she hath most
gloriously triumphed over all. But in these our days
the old and unclean enemy hath raised up new conten-
tions and strifes, that the elect of this world might be
known, whose prince and captain in time past was one
John Wickliff, a false christian, who, during his lifetime,
taught and sowed very obstinately many articles con-
trary and against the christian religion and the catholic
faith. And the same John Wickliff wrote certain books
which he called a Dialogue, and a Trialogue, besides
many other treatises and works which he both wrote and
taught, in which he wrote the aforesaid, and many other
damnable and execrable articles, which books for
the publication and advancement of his perverse doc-
trine, he set forth openly for every man to read ;
whereby, besides many offences, great hurt and damage of
soul has ensued in divers regions and countries, but especi-
ally in the kingdom of England and Bohemia. Against
whom the masters and doctors of the universities of Ox-
ford and Prague, rising up in the truth and verity of
God, according to the order of schools, within a while
after did reprove and condemn the said articles.
Moreover, the most reverend fathprs the archbishops
and bishops, for that time present, of Canterbury,
York, and Prague, legates of the apostolic see, in the
kingdoms of England and Bohemia, did condemn the
books of the said Wickliff to be burnt. And the said
archbishop of Prague, commissary of the apostolic see,
did likewise in this behalf determine and judge. And
moreover he forbid that any of those books which re-
mained unburned should be hereafter any more read.
And, again, those things being brought to the knowledge
and understanding of the apostolic see, and in the general
council, the bishop of Rome, in his last council, condemned
the said books, treatises, and volumes, commanding them
to be openly burned. Most straightly forbidding that
any men who should bear the name of Christ should
be so hardy either to keep, read, or expound any of the
(1) The gohinra here alluded to was that of the popedom. There
being at that time no less than titri e rival popes, — Benedict XIII.,
Gregory XII., John XXIII. The Council of Constance was con-
said books or treatises, volumes or works, or by any
means to use or occupy them, or else to allege them
openly or privily, but to their reproof and infamy. And
to the intent that this most dangerous and filthy doctrine
should be utterly wiped away out of the church, he gave
commandment throughout all places, that the ordinaries
should diligently inquire and seek out by the apostolic
authority and ecclesiastical censure, for all such books,
treatises, volumes, and works. And the same so being
found, to burn and consume them with fire ; providing
withal, that if there be any found who will not obey
the same, should process be made against them, as
against the favourers and maintainers of heresies. And
this most holy synod hath caused the said forty-five
articles to be examined, and oftentimes perused by
many most reverend fathers of the church of Rome,
cardinals, bishops, abbots, masters of divinity, and doc-
tors of both laws, besides a great number of other
learned men ; which articles being so examined, it was
found (as in truth it was no less) that many, yea, and a
great number of them be notoriously reproved and
condemned by the holy fathers for heretical ; others not
to be catholic, but erroneous ; some full of offence and
blasphemy ; certain of them offensive to godly ears, and
many of them to be rashful and seditious. It is found
also that his books do contain many articles of like ef-
fect and quality, and that they do induce and bring into
the church unsound and unwholesome doctrine contrary
to the faith and ordinance of the church. Wiierefore in
the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, this sacred synod,
ratifying and approving the sentences and judgments of
the archbishops and council of Rome, do by their decree
and ordinance perpetually for evermore condemn and
reprove the said articles, and every one of them, his
books which he intituled his Dialogue and Trialogue,
and all other books of the same author, volumes, trea-
tises and works, by what name soever they be intitled
or called, the which we will here to be sufficiently ex.
pressed and named. Also we forbid the reading, learn-
ing, exposition, or alleging of any of the said books unto
all faithful christians, except so far as shall tend to the
reproof of the same ; forbidding all and singular catho-
lic persons, under the pain of curse, that from hence-
forth they be not so hardy openly to preach, teach, or
hold, or by any means to allege the said articles, or any
of them, except, as aforesaid, that it do tend to the re-
proof of them ; commanding all those books, treatises,
works, and volumes aforesaid, to be openly burned, as
it was decreed in the synod at Rome, as it is afore ex-
pressed. For the execution whereof duly to be observed
and done, the said sacred synod doth straightly charge
and command the ordinaries of the place diligently to
attend and look unto the matter, according as it apper-
taineth unto every man's duty by the canonical laws and
ordinances."
The Decree of the Council of Constance, tovching the
taking up of the Body and Bones of John Wickliff, to
be burned forty -one years after he was buried in his own
Parish at Lutterworth.
" Forsomuch as by the authority of the sentence and
decree of the council of Rome, and by the commandment
of the church, and the apostolical see, after due delays
being given, they proceeded to the condemnation of the
said John Wickliff, and his memory, having first made
proclamation, and given commandment to call forth
whosoever would defend the said Wickliff, or his memory,
if there were any such (but there did none appear, which
would either defend him or his memory.) And moreover
witnesses being examined, by commissioners appointed by
Pope John and his council, upon the impenitency and
final obstinacy and stubbornness of the said John Wick-
liff (reserving that which is to be reserved, as in such
business the order of the law requireth) and his impe-
nitency and obstinacy even unto his end, being suffici-
vencd A. D. 1414, to suppress this schism. The first was deposeil.
tlie two latter rcsipned ; and the cardinals elected Otto dn
Cotonna, under the title of Martin V. [Ed.]
A. D. 1388—1389.] DECREE FOR BURNING WICKLIFF'S BONES.— WILLIAM SWINDERBY. 235
I ently proved by evident signs and tokens, and also by
! lawful witnesses, and credit lawfully given thereto.
' Wherefore at the instance of the steward of the trea-
I sury, proclamation being made to hear and understand
the sentence against this day, the sacred synod declares,
determines, and gives sentence, that the said John Wick-
liff was a notorious obstinate heretic, and that he died in
his heresy, and they curse and condemn both him and
' his memory.
' " This synod also decrees and ordains, that the body
! and bones of the said John WicklifF, if it might be discer-
, ned and known from the bodies of other faithful people,
should be taken out of the ground, and thrown away far
from the burial of any church, according to the canon
laws and decrees. Which determination and sentence
; definitive being read and pronounced, the lord president,
and the aforesaid presidents of the four nations, being
demanded and asked whether it did please them or no ?
They all answered (first Hostiensis the president, and after
' him the other presidents of the nations) that it pleased
I them very well, and so they allowed and confirmed all
the premises, &c."
' What Heraclitus would not laugh, or what Democritus
I would not weep, to see these sage and reverend Catoes
occupy their heads about taking up a poor man's body,
who had been dead and buried for the space of forty one
' years ? and yet perhaps they were not able to find his
right bones, but took up some other body, and so of a
catholic made an heretic ! Yet herein Wickliff had some
■ cause to give them thanks, that they at least spared him
so long till he was dead, and gave him so long respite
' after his death, forty-one years to rest in his sepulchre
before they ungraved him, and turned him from earth to
I ashes ; which ashes they also took and threw into the river.
I And so he was resolved into three elements, earth, fire, and
I water, thinking thereby utterly to extinguish and abolish
; both the name and doctrine of Wickliff for ever. Not
much unlike the example of the old Pharisees, who when
I they had brought the Lord to the grave, thought to make
I him sure never to rise again. But these and all other
;must know, that as there is no counsel against the Lord ;
i so there is no keeping down of the truth, but it will spring
jand come out of dust and ashes, as appeared right well
in this man. For though they digged up his body, burnt
Lis bones, and drowned his ashes ; yet the word of God,
!and the truth of his doctrine, with the fruit and success
, thereof, they could not burn ; which yet to this day, for
,the most part of his articles, do remain; notwithstand-
jing the transitory body and bones of the man were thus
I consumed and dispersed.
] These things thus finished and accomplished, which
I pertain to the history and time of WicklifF ; let us now by
ithe support of the Lord proceed to write of the rest,
who either in his time or after his time, springing out of
the same university, and raised up (as one might say)
out of his ashes, were partakers of the same persecution.
Of whom speaks Thomas Walden, where he says, that
after WicklifF many suffered most cruel death, and many
more did forsake the realm.
In the number of whom was William Swinderby, Wal-
|ter Brute, John Purvey, Richard White, William Thorpe,
!Raynold Peacock bishop of St. Asaph, and afterward of
IChichester.
] To this catalogue also pertains Laurence Redman
master of arts, David Sautre, divine, John Aschwarby
vicar, as they call him, of St. Mary's church at Oxford',
iWilliam James an excellent young man, well learned,
iThomas Brightwell, and William llawlam a civilian,
jRafe Grenhurst, John Scut, and Philip Norice ; who
|being excommunicated by Pope Eugenius IV., in the
lyear 1446, appealed to a general council.
I Peter Paine also, who flying from Oxford unto Bohe-
]mia, stoutly contended against the sophisters, as admi-
Inistering both kinds in the sacrament of the last supper.
Also the Lord Cobham, &c., with others, whose names
are named in the king's writ, sent to the sherifl" of North-
ampton, which writ of the king follows in this tenor :
I" Forsomuch as John Attyate of Chepingwarden, John
Warryner, Robert Brewood, &c., being receivers and
favourers of heretics, and especially of John Woodward
priest, publicly defamed and condemned of heresy, will
not be justified by the censures of the church, as the re-
verend father John bishop of Lincoln hath certified us :
we therefore desiring to withstand all defenders and
favorers of such heresies, do will and command as well
the forenamed, as namely the aforesaid John Woodward
to be apprehended, straightly charging the same to be im-
prisoned by their bodies, or otherwise punished as shall
seem good to the justices, until they and every of them
shall submit themselves to the obedience of the aforesaid
bishop in that behalf accordingly. Whereof fail you not
under pain of an hundred pounds. Witness ourselves :
given at our manor of Langley the 8th day of March, the
twelfth year of our reign."
To these above rehearsed, and other favorers of Wick-
lifF, witliin this our country of England, we may add also
the Bohemians ; for the propagation of the doctrine of
Wickliff' in that country took root, coming from England
to Bohemia by the following occasion.
There happened that at that time a certain student of
the country of Bohemia was at Oxford, one of a wealthy
house, and also of a noble stock ; who returning home
from the university of Oxford to the university of Prague,
carried with him certain books of WicklifF. It happened
at the same time that a certain nobleman in the city of
Prague had founded and built a great church of Matthias
and Mattheus, (which church was called Bethelem), giving
to it great lands, and finding in it two preachers every
day, to preach both holy-day and working-day to the
people. Of which two preachers, John Huss was one, a
man of great knowledge, of a pregnant wit, and most
highly esteemed among them for his worthv life. Thus
John Huss having familiarity with this young man, in
reading and perusing these books of Wickliff, derived
such pleasure and profit in reading them, that he not only
began to defend the author openly in the schools, but
also in his sermons, commending him for a good man, an
holy man, and heavenly man, wishing himself, when he
should die, to be there placed, where the soul of WicklifF
should be.
And thus much briefly concerning the favorers and
adherents of John WicklifF in general. Now particularly
and in order let us (by Christ's grace) narrate the
histories and persecutions of the parties aforenamed, be-
ginning with the valiant champions William Swinderby
and Walter Brute.
Tke History of William Swinderby,
In the year 1389, William Swinderby priest, within
the diocess of Lincoln, being accused and seized for cer-
tain opinions, was presented before John bishop of Lin-
coln, after the form and order of the pope's law, according
to their usual rite ; his accusers were friar Frisby an
Observant, friar Hincely an Augustinian, and Thomaj
Blaxton a Dominican.
The articles or conclusions were exhibited against him
by the friars in the bishop of Lincoln's court. Which
articles although he never preached, taught, or at any time
defended, as appears in the process ; yet the friars with
their witnesses standing against him, declared him to
be convicted ; bringing dry wood with them to the town
to burn him, and would not leave him, before they made
him promise and swear for fear of death, never to hold
them, teach them, nor preach them privily, or openly ;
and that he should go to certain churches to revoke the
conclusions, which he never affirmed. Which he obedi-
ently accomplished, with this form of revocation, which
they bound him to.
The Revocation of William Swinderby.
" I, William Swinderby, priest, although unworthy of
the diocese of Lincoln, acknowledging one true catholic
and apostolic faith of the holy church of Rome, do ab-
jure all heresy and error opposed to the determination
of the holy mother church, whereof I have been hitherto
defamed, namely, the conclusions and articles above
prefixed, and every one of them judicially objected to
me, by the commissary of the reverend father in Christ
236
THE INFORMATIONS LAID AGAINST WILLIAM SWINDERBY.
[Book V.
Lord John, by the grace of God bishop of Lin-
coln ; and do revoke the same, and every one of
them, some as heretical, some as erroneous and false,
and do affirm and believe them to be so, and hereafter
will never teach, preach, or affirm publicly or privily the
same. Neither will I make any sermon within the
diocese of Lincoln, without first asking and obtaining the
license of the aforesaid reverend father and lord, the
bishop of Lincoln. Contrary to the which if I shall |
presume hereafter to say or do, to hold or preach, I shall
be content to abide the severity of the canon, as I have
judicially by the necessity of the law, sworn, and do
swear," &c.
Thus you see the conclusions and articles of tbis
good man, falsely objected to him by the malicious and
lying friars ; and also the retraction to which they com-
pelled him ; by which it may be conjectured, what credit
is to be given to the articles and conclusions which these
cavilling friars, wresting all things to the worst, have
objected and imputed to Wickliff and all others like him,
whom they so falsely defame, so slanderously belie, and
so maliciously persecute. After these things in the
diocese of Lincoln, Swinderby removed to the diocese of
Hereford ; where he was as much or more molested by
the friars again, and by John Tresnant bishop of Here-
ford, as by the process set out at large in their own
registers may appear.
Here follow the informations laid before John Tresnant,
bishop of Hereford, against William Swinderby in the
cause of heretical pravity, as the popish heretics call
it.
" Reverend father and high lord. Lord John, by God's
sufferance bishop of Hereford : it is lamentably declared
unto your reverend fatherhood on the behalf of Christ's
faithful people, your devout children of your diocese of
Hereford, that notwithstanding the unbelief of very
many Lollards, who have too long sprung up in your
diocese, there is newly come a certain child of wicked-
ness, named William Swinderby ; who by his horrible
persuasions, and mischievous endeavours, and also by
his public preaching and private teaching, perverts the
whole ecclesiastical state, and stirs up, with all his
power, schism between the clergy and the people. And
that your reverend fatherhood may be the more fully
informed, who and what manner of man the same
William Swinderby is ; there are proposed and exhibited
here to your fatherhood, on behalf of the faithful people
of Christ, against the same William Swinderby, cases
and articles. Which if he shall deny, then shall these
cases and articles be most evidently proved against him
by witnesses worthy of belief, and by other lawful proof
and evidences, to the end that your fatherhood may
do and ordain therein, as to your pastoral office be-
Jongeth.
1. William Swinderby, pretending himself a priest,
was openly and publicly convicted of certain articles and
conclusions being erroneous, schismatical, and heretical,
preached by him at several places and times, before a
multitude of faithful christian people. And the same
articles and conclusions he by force of law revoked and
abjured, some as heretical, and some as erroneous and
false, avouching and believing them for such as that from
thenceforth he would never preach, teach, or affirm
openly or privily any of the same conclusions : and if by
preaching or avouching he should presume to do the
contrary ; that then he should be subject to the severity
of the canons, according as he took corporal oath, judi-
cially upon the holy gospels.
2. Also the conclusions, which by him were first
openly taught and preached, and afterward abjured and
revoked, are contained in the process of the bishop of
Lincoln, written word by word. And for the cases and
articles, they were exhibited by the faithful christian
people against the said William Swinderby, together
with the conclusions, and are hereafter written : of
which cases and articles the tenor here follows :
'i. The liaid William, contrary to the revocation and
abjuration, not converted to repentance, but perverted
from ill to worse, and given up to a reprobate mind,
came into your diocese, where he running about in sun-
dry places, has presumed to preach, or rather to pervert
and to teach of his own rasliness, many heretical, erro-
neous, blasphemous, and other slanderous things contrary
and repugnant to the sacred canons, and the determina-
tion of the holy catholic church. What those things
were, at what place and what time, shall hereafter more
particularly be declared.
4. The same William, notwithstanding your com-
mandments and admonitions sealed with your seal, and
directed to all the curates of your diocese, ordaining
among other things that no person of what state, degree,
or condition soever, should presume to preach or to
teach, or expound the holy scripture to the people,
either in hallowed or profane places within your diocese,
without sufficient authority, under any manner of pre-
tence, as in the same your letters of admonition and of
inhibition, is more largely contained ; which letters the
same William received into his hands, and read word by
word in the town of Monmouth of your diocese, in the
year 1390, so that these your letters came to the true
and undoubted knowledge of the same William ; yet
notwithstanding, he has presumed in various places and
times to preach within your diocese, after and against
your commandment aforesaid.
5. The same William in his preaching to the people,
on Monday the first of August, 1--590, in the parish of
Whitney in your diocese, held and affirmed, that no pre-
late of the world, of what estate, pre-eminence or degree
soever he were, having cure and charge of souls,
being in deadly sin, and hearing the confession of any
could do anything in giving him absolution : as
being one who neither looses him from his sin, nor,
in correcting or excommunicating him from his demerits,
binds him by his sentence, unless the prelate shall him-
self be free from deadly sin, as St. Peter was, to whom
our Lord gave power to bind and loose.
6. The same William in many places said and af-
firmed, in the presence of many faithful christian people,
that after the sacramental words uttered by the priest
when he intends to consecrate, the very body of Christ
is not made in the sacrament of the altar.
7. Thi't accidents cannot be in the sacrament of the
altar without a subject ; and that there remains material
bread there to such as are communicants of the body of
Christ, in the same sacrament.
8. That a priest, being in deadly sin, cannot by the
strength of the sacramental words make the body of
Christ, or bring to perfection any other sacrament of
the church, nor minister it to the members of the
church.
9. That all priests are of equal power in all things,
although some of them in this world are of higher and
greater honour, degree, or pre-eminence.
10. That only contrition puts away sin, if so be that
a man shall be duly contrite ; and that all auricular and
outward confession is superfluous, and not requisite of
necessity to salvation.
11. Inferior curates have their power of binding and
loosing not immediately from the pope or bishop, but
immediately from Christ : and therefore neither pope
nor bishop can revoke to themselves such kind of power,
at their will and pleasure.
12. That the pope cannot grant annual and yearly
pardons ; because there may not be so many years to
the day of judgment, as are in the pope's bulls or par-
dons contained. By which it follows that these pardons
are not of such value as they pretend.
1.}. It is not in the pope's power to grant to any
penitent person remission of the punishment of the
fault.
14. That person that gives alms to any, who in his
judgment is not in want, commits sin in so giving it.
l."). That it is not in the power of any prelate, of what
order soever he be, privately to give letters for the
benefit of his order, neither does such benefit profit to
the salvation of the soul, them to whom they be granted.
16. That the same William, unmindful of his own
A.D. 1389—1391.] THE CITATION AND ANSWERS OF WILLIAM SWINDERBY.
237
salvation, hath many and oftentimes come into a certain
desert wood, called Dervallwood, of your diocess, and
there in a certain chapel not consecrated, or rather in a
profane cottage, has in contempt of the keys, presumed
of his own rashness to celebrate, nay rather to profane.
17. The sama William has also presumed to do such
thin"-s in a certain profane chapel, situated in the park
,of Newton nigh to the town of Leint^'arden, of your
, diocess."
The Citation.
" John, by God's permission, bishop of Hereford, to
bis dear sons our dean of Leamster, to the ])Hr5ons
of Croft, Almady, and Whitney, and also to the vicars of
Kingston, Ladersley, Wiggemore, and Monmouth Clif-
ford, and of St. John's altar in our cathedral church of
Hereford, and to the rest of the deans, parsons, vicars,
chaplains, parish priests, and to others whosoever in
any place are appointed through our city and diocess
jof Hereford, sendeth greeting, grace and benediction.
" We bid and command, charging you straightly, in
the virtue of holy obedience, that you cite or cause to be
Icited peremptorily (and under the pain of excommuni-
cation) William Swinderby, pretending himself to be a
priest, that he appear before us, or our commissaries
on the twentieth day of this present month of July, at
North Lodebury, within our diocess, with the continu-
ance of the days following in other places also to be as-
signed unto him if it be expedient, till such things as
have been, and shall be laid against him, be fully dis-
cussed, to answer more at large to certain positions and
articles, touching the catholic faith, and the holy mother
church's determination that have been exhibited and
ministered unto the said William. And to see and hear
, also many things that have openly in judgment before
,us, and a great number of faithful christians, by him
I been even in writing confessed, to be condemned as
I heretical, false, schismatical, and erroneous. And to
I Fee and hear positions and articles denied by the said
iWilliam, to be proved by faithful witnesses, and other
llawful trials against the said William. And to receive
jfor his false, heretical, erroneous, and schismatical doc-
itrine, that which justice shall appoint, or else to shew
(Causes why the premises should not be done.
j "And if the said William conceals himself, or can-
not be cited in his proper person ; we will that in your
[churches, when most people shall then come together to
divine service, you openly with a loud voice, and that
Imay be understood, cause the said William peremptorily
|to be cited unto the premises, certifying the said William,
Ithat whether he shall appear the day and place appointed
lor no, we notwithstanding will proceed unto the premises
lagainst the said William, according to the canonical de-
:crees, by form of law, in the absence or contumacy of
the said William notwithstanding. We will, moreover,
if the said William shall appear at the said day and
iplace, as is aforesaid, before us, friendly hear him, and
;honestly, and favourably, as far as we may with God's
leave, deal with him ; granting free license to come and
go for his natural liberty without any hurt either in body
or goods. And see that you fully certify us of the
jthings that you or any of you shall do about the execu-
ition of this our commandment, and that by your letters
Ipatent signed with your seal authentic, giving also
ifaithfuUy to the said William, or to his lawful proctor,
iif he require it, a copy of this our present command-
Iment.
I " Given at our house of Whitburne, under our
seal, the fifth day of the month of July, in
the year of our Lord 1391."
William Swinderby either explained or defended the
lyarious conclusions objected against him, and concluded
in the following words, which we insert in the ancient
style in which they were written :
" The fifth article telleth of forgiveness of sins, and is
this ; that very contrition withouten charity and grace,
do away all sins before done of that man that is verily
contrite ; and all true confession made by mouth out-
wardly to a wise priest and a good, profiteth much to a
man, and it is needful and helping, that men shew their
life to such, trusting fully to God's mercy, that he for-
giveth the sin.
" And hereto I say, that there been two remissions of
sin, one that belongeth only to God, and that remission
is the cleansing of the soul from sin, and the other re-
mission, a certifying that one man certifieth anotlier,
that sins been forgiven of God, if he be sorry with all
his heart for them, and is in full will to leave them for
ever ; and this manner of forgiveness longeth to priests.
Of the first manner of forgiveness David saith, ' And I
said, 1 will confess my unrighteousness unto the Lord,
and thou forgavest me my misdeed.' And Zechnry,
saith, ' And thou, O child, shalt be called the jii-opiiet
of the highest, &c. To give knowledge of salvation
unto his people for the remission of their sins, by tiie
bowels of God's mercy.' And John Baptist, ' Beliold
the Lamb of God that taketh away the sins of the world.'
And St. John the Evangelist saith in his epistle, ' If we
confess our sins, he is faithful and just to forgive us our
sins, and cleanse us from all our iniquity.' And it
followeth, ' If any man sin, we have an advocate
with the Father, even Jesus Christ, and he it is
that is tlie propitiation for our sins.' And of the
other remission of sins, Christ speaketh in the gospel,
and saith, ' Whose sins ye forgive they shall be for;^iven.'
And man's forgiveness availeth little, but if God forgive
our sins through his grace.
" The sixth conclusion toucheth indulgences and par-
dons that the pope granteth in his bulls, and men callen
it an absolution a puma e( culpa.
" Of this manner of speech I cannot find in the gos-
pel, ne in no place of holy writ, ne I have not read tliat
Christ used this manner of remission, ne none of his
apostles. But as me seeraeth, if the pope had such a
power, sithen the pains after a man's death had been
much greater than any bodily pains of the world ; me
thinketh he should of charity keep men out of such pains,
and then men needed not to find so many vicious priests,
after their life, to bring their souls out of purgatory.
Another thing me thinketh, that sith the pope's power
ne may not keep us in this world from bodily pains, as
from cold, from hunger, from dread, from sorrow and
other such pains, how should his power help us from
spiritual pains, when we been dead ? But for that no
man cometh after his death to tell us the sooth of what
pain they been, men mow tell thereof what him lust.
St. John saith in his Apocalyps, that he saw under the
altar the souls of them which were slain for the word of
God, and for the testimony which they had. And they
did cry with a loud voice, saying, ' How long. Lord holy
and true, dost not thou revenge our blood of them which
dwell on the earth ?' And white stoles were given to
every of them to rest awhile, till the number of their
fellow servants and brethren should be fulfilled, which
also remained to be slain as they were, &c. Here
seemeth it, that these souls were not assoiled a pwna,
that is, from pain ; for their desire is not fulfilled. And
they were bidden abide awhile, and that is a pain. And
if martyrs were not assoiled from pain, it is hard for any
man to say, that he assoileth other men a pwna. Also
good men's souls have not but spiritual bliss, and they
want bodily bliss until their resurrection in the day of doom.
And after they desired to have that bliss, and abiden
it, and that is pain to them. And I cannot see that the
pope hath power to bring him from this pain. But if
any man can shew me that he hath such a power
granted in the troth of holy writ, I will gladly
leefen it.
" The seventh point speaketh of the pope, and is
this ; sith it is only due to God, as I have said before,
to geve and to grant plenar remission from pain and
from blame ; that whatsoever he be, pope or other, that
presumptuously mistaketh upon him the power that is
only due to God, in that, inasmuch as in him is, he
maketh himself even with Christ, and blasphemeth God
as Lucifer did, when he said, Ascendam, et ero similia
altissimo, that is, I will ascend, and belike the highest, &c.
" For that I say, if the pope hold men of arms io
maintaining of his temporal lordship, to avenge ^lim o^
238 SENTENCE AGAINST W. SWINDERBY.— THE HISTORY OF WALTER BRUTE. [Bock V.
them that giltenand offenden him, and geveth remission
to fight and to sley them, that contrarien him, as men
sayden he did by the bishop of Norwich, not putting his
sword in his sheath, as God commanded to Peter, he is
an.tichrist. For he doth the contrary of the command-
ment of Jesus Christ, that bad Peter forgiven to his
brothel seventy sithe seven sithe. Well, I find in the
gospel, that when Christ sent his disciples to Samaria,
the Samaritans would not receive them. And some of
them bidden Christ, that he should make fire come
down from heaven to destroy the city. And he blamed
them and said, ' Ye know not of what spirit ye are ; the
Son of Man is not come down to destroy, but to save the
lives and souls of men,' &c. If Christ then come to save
men, and not to slay them ; who tliat doth the reverse
hereof is against Christ, and then he is antichrist. Christ
bade Peter put his sword into his sheath, and said, ' All
which take the sword, shall perish with the sword.' And
I cannot find that Peter drew out his sword after that
time, but suffered as Christ said, ' When thou shalt wax
old, another shall gird thee, and lead thee whether thou
wilt not.' And, therefore, said Peter, ' Chiist suffered
for us, leaving us example that we should follow his
steps.' And Paul saith, ' Not defending youi-selves, but
give place to anger, leave revenging to me and I shall
reward them,' &c. And therefore it seemeth to me,
that it is much against Christ's lore, that his vicar
should be a fighter ; sithen that he mote be a shepherd,
that should go before his sheep, and let them come after
him. and not with swords to drive them away from him.
For as Christ saith, ' A good shepherd shall put his life for
his slieep.' And zif all that Christ had two swords, when
that heVas taken of tlie Jews, he said himself it was for
that the scriptures moten zif be fulfilled, ' He was re-
puted among the wicked ;' and not figure two swords that
men sayen the pope hath to govern with the church.
And when I see such doings of the pope, and many other
that accorden not with Christ's lore, ne his living ; and
when I read divers scriptures of holy writ, I am foul
astonied whether they shoidden be understood of
him, or of any other. And I ])ray you for God's love
tell me the sooth. Christ saith, ' Many shall come in
my name, saying, I am Christ, and shall seduce
many,' &c, Christ (I wet well) is as much to say, as
he that is anointed, and two anointings there were in the
law, one of kings, another of priests. And Christ was
both king and priest, and so the ])ope saith that he is.
And if all that have been emperors of Rome, and other
heathen kings have been antichrists, they come not in
Christ's name. But whoso cometh in Christ's name,
and feigneth himself Christ's friend, and he be privily
his enemy, he may lightly beguile many. St. Paul saith,
before there cometh a defection first and the son of per-
dition shall be revealed, which is the adversary, and is
extolled above all that is named God, or wliich is wor-
shipped, so tliat he shall sit in the temj)le of God, shew-
ing himself as God. And it foHoweth in the same place;
and now ye know what holdeth till he be revealed in his
time, for he worketh already the mystery of iniquity.
Only he that holdeth, let him hold till he come abroad,
and then that wicked one shall be revealed, whom the
Lord Jesus shall slay with the spirit of his mouth, &c.
And St. John saith in the Apocalyps, ' I saw another
beast ascending out of the earth, and two horns like to
the Lamb. He spake like the dragon, and had the power
of the first beast.' Many such authorities astonied me
oft sithes ; and therefore I pray you, for the love of
God, to tell me what they mean."
After two sittings in July, and two in August, the last
of which was on the sixteenth of August, ISiJl, they
proceed to sentence, October the third. —
" The name of Christ being invoked, we, John, by the
permission of God, bishop of Hereford, sitting in tribunal
seat, having God before our eyes, weighing and consider-
ing the articles by the aforesaid faitliful christians put
up against the said Swinderby, pretending himself to be
priest, with his answers upon the same, Actis et Actitatis
before us in the cause of heretical perversity, with ma-
ture deliberation had before in his behalf, with masters
and doctors of divinity, and also of other faculties, with
their counsel and consent, do pronounce, decree, and de-
clare tiie said William to have been and to be a heretic
schismatic, and a false informer of the people, and such as
is to be avoided of faithful christians. Wherefore we
admonish, under the pain of the law, all and singular
christians, of what sex, state, condition, or pre-eminence
soever, that neither they nor any of them within our
di.ocese, or any other, do believe, receive, defend, or fa.
vour the said William, till he shall deserve fully to be
reconc led to the bosom again of holy church."
Of the process, answers, and condemnation of this
worthy priest, and true servant of Christ, William
Swinderby, you have heard. What afterwards became
upon him I have not been al)le to ascertain ; whether
he died in prison, or whether he escaped their hands, or
whether he was burned, there is no certain relation
made. This remains out of doubt, that during the life
of King Richard II. no great harm was done to him,
which was until the year 1401, when King Richard being
wrongfully deposed, Henry IV. seized the kingdom of
England. About the beginning of his reign we read of a
certain parliament held at London, in which it was
decreed, that whoever shewed themselves favourers of
Wickliff, who at that time were called Lollards, they
should be apprehended, and if they obstinately perse-
vered in that doctrine they should be delivered over to
the bishop of the diocess, and from him committed to
the secular magistrate. This law (says the history)
brought a certain priest to punishment the same year,
who was burned in Sraithfield in the presence of a great
number. But it does not appear what was the priest's
name. Notwithstanding, by divers conjectures it ap-
pears to me that his name was Swinderby, who was
forced to recant before the bishop of Lincoln. This is
plain for all men to judge that if he were burned, then
the bishops, friars, and priests, who were the causes
thereof, have a great thing to answer to the Lord, when
he shall come to judge the quick and the dead.
The history of Waller Bride.
After the history of William Swinderby, I thought good
and convenient to add the acts and doings of Walter
Brute, his joint fellow and companion, being a lay-man,
and learned ; brought up as it seems in the university of
Oxford, being there also a graduate. The treating of
whose history, as it is something long, so therein
will appear many things worthy to be read and con-
sidered.
First, tlie mighty operation of God's Spirit in him, his
ripe knowledge, modest simplicity, his valiant constancy,
his learned treatises, and many conflicts sustained against
God's enemies. On the contrary part in his adversaries
may appear might against right, man's authority against
plain verity ; against whom they, having nothing directly
to allege, proceed in condemnation against one whom
they are not able to confute. The chief occasion,
that seemed to stir up the heart and zeal of this Walter
against the i)ope, v/as the impudent pardons and indul-
gences of Pope Urban, granted to Henry Spencer bishop
of Norwich, to fight against Pope Clement, mentioned
before. Secondly, the wrongful condemnation of the
articles and conclusions of WiUiam Swinderby ; the
whole order whereof, in the process here following, more
plainly may appear.
The process of John, bishop of Hereford, against
Walter Brute a learned lay-man, of the diocess qf
Hereford, touching the cause of Heresy.
" In the name of God, amen. To all manner of faithful
christian people, tliat shall see and hear this our present
process, John by the sufferance of God bishop of Here-
ford sends greeting and continual charity, in the Lord.
A.D. 1391.]
ARTICLES EXHIBITED AGAINST WALTER BUUTE.
239
We would that vou all should know, that of late by
! many faithful christian people, and specially zealous fol-
I lowers of the catholic faith, we were lamentably informed
by way of complaint ; that a certain son of ours, named
i Walter Brute, a learned lay person, of our diocess, has
under a cloaked shew of holiness damnably seduced the
people ; and, setting behind him the fear of God, seduces
them as much as he can from day to day, informing and
teaching openly and privily as well the nobles as the
commons, in certain conclusions, heretical, schismatical,
and erroneous, and heretofore condemned. And they
have also exhibited against the same Walter, the articles
. underwritten, in manner and form as followeth.
Articles exhibited and denounced to the bishop, against
Walter Brute.
*' ' Reverend father and lord, we the faithful people of
I Christ, and zealous lovers of the catholic faith, and also
■ your humble and devout children, do minister and exhibit
! to your reverend fatherhood the articles underwritten,
i touching the catholic faith, contrary and against ma-
' licious persons, and detractors of the same faith, and the
determinations of holy mother church, and namely,
against the child of Belial, one Walter Brute, a false
teacher and seducer amongst the people : humbly be-
seeching, that you would vouchsafe to have regard to the
correction of the enormities underwritten, according to
the canonical constitutions, t-ven as to your pastoral
! office doth belong.
i 1. We do give and exhibit and intend to prove that
t the same Walter Brute, being unmindful of his salvation,
I has been by many and divers faithful christian people
frequently accused of the cursedness of heresy ; as by
j the swift report, slander, and rumour of the people, pro-
ceeding before the most reverend father and lord, lord
William, archbishop of Canterbury, and also before the
j reverend father and lord, lord John, late bishop of
Hereford, your predecessor, and now bishop of St.
; Asaph, hath been testified, and also hath been many and
I divers times cited to answer to articles avouched, and
■ openly and publicly taught by him against the catholic
i faith. But he in this matter of heretical cursedness (so
I grievously and shamefully spoken of) has never purged
his innocency ; but lurkingly, and running into corners,
has many years laboured to advance things erroneous,
and schismatical, and also heretical, and to imprint them
in the hearts of faithful people.
2. The aforesaid Walter Brute has openly, publicly,
and notoriously avouched ; and commonly said and
taught, and stubbornly affirmed ; that every christian
man (yea and woman) being without sin, may make the
body of Christ as well as the priest.
1 .3. The same Walter has notoriously, openly and pub-
licly avouched and taught, that in the sacrament of the
I altar there is not the very body, but a sign and a memo-
irial only.
1 4. The aforesaid Walter has said commonly, and
avouched, and also has laboured to inform men and
icompanies, that no man is bound to give tithes, nor
ioblations ; and if any man will needs give, he may give
jhis tithes and oblations to whom he will, excluding
jthereby their curates.
5. That such as preach and prefer crosses, and par-
dons (granted by the high bishop to them that helped
the purpose of the reverend father lord Henry, by the
grace of God bishop of Norwich, when he took his jour-
ney to tight for the holy father the pope) are schismatics
and heretics, and that the pope cannot grant such man-
ner of pardons.
6". The said Walter has often said, and commonly
avouched, that the pope is antichrist, and a seducer
of the people, and utterly against the law and life of
Christ.
7. Whereas of late your reverence proceeded in form
of law against William Svvinderby ; and that the said
William Swinderby had given his answers in writing,
containing errors, schisms and heresies, even as you with
the mature counsel of masters and doctors in divinity,
and other faculties have determined and given sentence,
and have pronounced the same WiUiam Swinderby to be
an heretic and a schismatic, and an erroneous teacher of
the people : nevertheless, the aforenamed Walter has
openly, publicly, and notoriously said, avouched and
Siubbornly affirmed, that the said William's answers are
good, righteous, and not able to be convinced, in that
they contain no error, and that your sentence, given
against the said William, is evil, false, and unjust ; and
that your assistants have wickedly, naughtily, perversely,
and unjustly condemned the answers aforesaid.'
"Now thereupon immediately those same faithful chris-
tian people have instantly required, that we would vouch-
safe that other articles given by the same faithful chris-
tians against William Swinderby, together with the
writings and answers of the same William, should be ad-
mitted against Walter Brute. Wliich things being done,
the sam" faithful christian people, and especially Sir
Walter Pride, the j^enitentiary of our cathedral church
of Hereford, personally appearing before us, sitting in
our judgment seat in the parish church of Whiteborne
of our diocess brought forth and exhibited two public
instruments against the same Walter Brute, in the case
of cursed heresy aforesaid.
" At last, Walter Brute did present to us divers scrolls
of paper, written with his own proper hand, for his
answers to the same articles and conclusions above
written ; which scrolls were as follows : —
" ' In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and the
Holy Ghost, Amen. I, Walter Brute, sinner, layman,
husbandman, and a christian (having my oti'spring of
the Britons, both by my father's and mother's side) of
the Britons, have been accused to the bishop of Here-
ford, that I did err in many matters concerning the
catholic christian fai':h ; by whom I am required that I
should write an answer in Latin to all those matters.
Whose desire I will satisfy to my power, protesting first
of all, before God and beibre all the world ; that like as
it is not my mind, through God's grace, to refuse the
known truth, for any reward, greater or smaller, yea, he
it never so big, nor yet for the fear of any temporal
punishment ; even so it is not my mind to maintain any
erroneous doctrine for any personal advantage. And if
any man, of what state, sect, or condition soever he be,
will shew me that I err in my writings or sayings, by
the authority of the sacred scripture, or by probable
reason grounded on the sacred scripture, I will humbly
and gladly receive his information. But as for the bare
words of any teacher (Christ only excepted) I will not
simply believe, except he shall be able to stablish them
by the truth of experience, or of the scripture : because
that, in the holy apostles elected by Christ, there has
been found error by the testimony of the holy scripture,
because that Paul himself confesses that he rebuked
Peter, for that he was worthy to be rebuked. Gal. ii. 14.
There have been errors found in the holy doctors, that
have been before us, as they themselves confess of
themselves. And oftentimes it happens, that there is
error found in the teachers in our age : who are of con-
trary opinions among themselves, and some of them do
sometimes determine one thing for truth, and others do
condemn the self same thing to be heresy and error.
Which protestation premised, I will here jilace two sup-
positions or cases for a ground and a foundation of all
things that I shall say, out of which I would gather two
probable conclusions established upon the same, and
upon the sacred scripture. By which conclusions, when
they shall be declared after my manner and fashion, it
shall plainly appear what my opinion and judgment is
concerning all matters that I am accused of. But be-
cause I am ignorant and unlearned, I will get me under
the mighty defences of the Lord : O Lord, I will re-
member thine only righteousness.
" ' God the Father Almighty uncreate, the maker of
heaven and earth, hath sent his Son (that was everlast-
ingly begotten) into this world, that he should be incar-
nate for the salvation and redemption of mankind, who
was conceived by the Holy Ghost, everlastingly pro-
240
THE ANSWER OF WALTER BRUTE.
[Book V.
ceeding from the Father and the Son, and was born of
Mary the virgin, to the end that we might be born
anew. He sutfered passion under Pontius Pilate for our
sins, laying down his life for us, that we should lay
down our life for our brethren. He was crucified, that
we should be crucified to the world, and the world to
us. He was dead, that he might redeem us from death,
by purchasing for us forgiveness of sins. He was
buried, that we being buried together with him into
death by baptism, and being dead to sins, should
live to righteousness. He descended into hell, thereby
delivering man from thraldom, and from the bondage of
the devil, and restoring him to his inheritance which he
lost by sin. The third day he rose from the dead,
through the glory of the Father, that we also should
walk in newness of life. He ascended up to the heavens,
to which nobody has ascended, saving he that descended
from heaven, even the Son of Man which is in heaven.
He sitteth at the right hand of God the Father Al-
mighty, until his enemies be made his footstool. He
being in very deed so much better than the angels, as
he hath obtained by inheritance a more excellent name
than they. From whence he shall come to judge the
quick and the dead, according to their works, because
the Father hath given all judgment to the Son. In
whose terrible judgment we shall rise again, and shall
all of us stand before this judgment seat, and receive
joy as well bodily as spiritually, for ever to endure, if we
he of the sheep placed at the right hand; or else punish-
iiient both of body and soul, if we shall be found
cmongst goats, placed on the left hand, &c.
" 'Jesus Christ the Son of God, very God and very man,
a king for ever, by establishing an everlasting kingdom
(breaking to powder all the kingdoms of the world,)
Daniel ii. 44. A priest for ever after the order of Mel-
chisedec, whereby also he is able evermore to save such
as come unto God by him, and always liveth to make in-
tercession for us, Heb. vii. 25. He offering one sacri-
fice for our sins, hath made perfect for ever by one obla-
tion those that be sanctified, Heb. x. 14. Being the
wisdom that cannot be deceived, and the truth that can-
not be uttered, he has in this world taught the will of
God his Father, which will he has in work fulfilled, to
the intent that he might faithfully instruct us, and has
given the law of charity to be observed by his faithful
people, which he has written in the hearts and minds of
the faithful with the finger of God, where is the Spirit
of God, searching the inward secrets of the Godhead.
Wherefore, his doctrine must be observed above all
other doctrines, whether they be of angels or of men,
becaiise that he could not, and would not err in his
teaching. But in men's doctrine there chances often-
times to be error ; and therefore we must forsake their
doctrines, if covertly or expressly they are repugnant to
the doctrine of Christ. Men's doctrines being made for
the people's profit, must be allowed and observed, so
that they be grounded upon Christ's doctrine, or at least
be not rejiugnant to his words.
" ' If the high bishop of Home calling himself the servant
of the servants of God, and the chief vicar of Christ in
this world, makes and maintains any laws contrary to
the gospel of Jesus Christ ; then is he of those that have
come in (Christ's name, saying, I am Christ, and have
deceived many, by the testimony of our Saviour in
Matt. xxiv. 2'.i. And the idol of desolation sitting in
the temple of God and taking away from him the con-
tinual sacrifice for a time, times, and half a time, which
idol must be revealed to the christian people by the tes-
timony of Daniel. Whereof Christ speaketh in the
gospel ; when ye shall see the abomination of desolation
that was told of by Daniel the prophet, standing in the
holy place ; let him that readeth imderstand, he is the
pestiferous mountain infecting the whole universal earth,
Jer. li. 25. And not the head of Christ's body. For
the person ancient in years, and honourable in reverence,
he is the head, and the prophet teaching lies, he is the
tail, Is. ix. 15. And he is that wicked and sinful cap-
tain of Israel, whose foreappointed day of iniquity is
come in time of iniquity, who shall take away the
'iadem and take away the crown, £z. xxi. 26. To
whom it was said ; Forasmuch as thy heart was exalted,
and didst say, I am a God, and sittest in the seat of
God, in the heart of the sea, seeing thou art a man and
not God, and hast given thine heart, as if it were the
heart of God ; therefore behold I will bring upon thee
the most strong and mighty strangers of the nations,
and they shall draw their swords upon the beauty of thy
wisdom, and shall defile the commandments, and kill
thee, and pull thee out, and thou shalt die in the de-
struction of the slain. And it foUoweth, In the multi-
tude of thine iniquities, and of the iniquities of thy
merchandize, thou hast defiled thy sanctification. I
will therefore bring forth a tire from the midst of the
whole earth, and will make thee as ashes upon earth.
Thou art become nothing, and never shalt thou be any
more, Ez. xxviii. Furthermore, he is the idol shepherd
forsaking his flock, having a sword on his arm, and
another sword on his right eye, Zech. xi. 1". And sit-
ting in the temj)le of God, he doth advance himself above
all things that is called God, or whatsoever is worship,
ped, 2 Thess. ii. 4. And in the defection or falling
away shall the man of sin be revealed, whom the Lord
Jesus shall slay with the breath of his mouth. For
every kingdom divided in itself shall be brought to de-
solation. He is also besides. The beast ascending
up out of the earth, having two horns like unto a lamb,
but he speaketh like a dragon, and as the cruel beast
ascending up out of the sea, whose power shall continue
forty-two months. He worketh the things that he
hath given to the image of the beast. And he com-
pelled small and great, rich and poor, free men and
bond slaves, to worship the beast, and to take his mark
in their forehead or their hands. Rev. xiii. If). And
thus, by the testimony of all these places, is he the chief
antichrist upon the earth, and must be slain with the
sword of God's word, and cast with the dragon, the
cruel beast and the false prophet that hath seduced the
earth, into the lake of tire and brimstone to be tor-
mented world without end.
" ' If the city of Rome do allow his traditions, and do
disallow Christ's holy commandments, and Christ's
doctrine, that it may confirm his traditions ; then is she
' Babylon the great,' or the ' daughter of Babylon,' _■
and the ' great whore sitting upon many waters,' with ■
whom the kings of the earth have committed fornication, n
and the inhabitants of the earth are become drunken
with the wine of her fornication. With whose spiritual
whoredom, enchantments, witchcrafts, and Simon Magus
merchandises, the whole world is infected and se-
duced ; saying in her heart, ' I sit as queen, and am
not a widow, neither shall I see sorrow and mourning.'
Yet is she ignorant that within a little while shall come
the day of her destruction and ruin by the testimony of
God, Rev. chap. xvii. Because that from the time
of the continual sacrifice being taken away, and the
abomination of desolation placed, there be passed one
thousand two hundred and ninety days by the testimony
of Daniel, and the chronicles added do agree to the
same. And the holy city also hath been trodden under
foot of the heathen, for forty-two months, and the
woman was nourished up in the wilderness (unto which
she fled for fear of the face of the serpent) during one
thousand two hundred and sixty days, or else for a time,
times, and half a time, which is all one. All these
things be manifest by the testimony of the book of Re-
velations, and the chronicles thereto agreeing. And as
concerning the fall of Babylon aforesaid, it is manifest in
the Revelations, where it is said, ' In one day shall her
plagues come, death, lamentation, and famine, and she
shall be burned with tire. For, strong is the Lord,
which shall judge her.' And again, ' Babylon that
great city is fallen, which hath made all nations to
drink of the wine of her fornication.' And, thirdly,
' One mighty angel took up a mill-stone, that was a
very great one, and did cast it into the sea, saying. With
violence shall that great city Babylon be overthrown,
and shall no more be found. For her merchants were
the princes of the earth, and with her witchcraft all
nations have gone astray, and in her is there found th«
blood of the saints and prophets.' And of her destruc
A.D. 1391.] THE SECOND AND MORE AMPLE TREATISE OF WALTER BRUTE.
241
tion Isaiah speaketh in the thirteenth chapter, ' And
Babylon, that glorious city, being so noble amongst
kingdoms in the pride of the Chaldeans, it shall be tliat
like as the Lord did overturn Sodom and Gomorrah up-
side down, it shall never more be inhabited, nor have
the foundation laid in no age, from generation to gene-
ration.' Jeremiah saitli, ' Your mother that hatb
bonie you is brought to very great confusion, and made
even with the ground.' And again, ' The Lord hath
devised and done as he hath spoken against the in-
habiters of Babylon ; which dwell richly in their trea-
sures ujjon many waters, thine end is come.' And,
thirdly, ' Drought shall fall upon her waters, and they
shall begin to dry: for it is a land of graven images, and
boasteth in her prodiijious wonders : it shall never more
be inhabited, neither be builded up in no age nor gene-
ration. Verily even as God hath subverted Sodom and
Gomorrah with her calves.
" ' Pardon me (I beseech you) though I be not plenti.
ful in pleasant words. For if I should run after the
course of this wicked world, and should please men, I
should 7\ot be Christ's servant. And because I am a
poor man, and neither have nor can have notaries hired
to testify of these my writings ; I call upon Christ to be
my witness, who knows the inward secrets of my heart,
that 1 am ready to declare the things that I have written
to the profit of all christian peojde, and to the hurt of
no man living, and am ready to be reformed if any man
will shew me where I have erred ; being ready also
(miserable sinner though I be) to suffer for the confes-
sion of the name of Christ, and of his doctrine, as much
as shall please him by his grace and love to assist me a
miserable sinner. In witness of all these things I have
to this writing set the seal of our Lord and Saviour
Jesus Christ : which I beseech him to imprint upon my
forehead, and to take from me all manner of mark of
tntichrist. Amen.' "
These two suppositions (as they are termed in the
ichools) written by Walter Brute, and exhibited to the
bishop, although they contained matter sufficient either
to satisfy the bishop if he had been disposed to learn, or
else to have provoked him to reply again, if his know-
ledge therein had been better than his : yet could neither
of them work any effect in him. But he receiving
and perusing them when he could neither confute that
which was said, nor would reply or answer by learning,
I to that which was truth, said, " That this his writing
, was too short and obscure, and therefore required him
I to write upon the same again more plainly and more at
I large." Whereupon the said Master Walter satisfying
1 the bishop's request (and ready to give to every one an
account of his faith) in a more ample treatise renews his
I natter before declared. Of this treatise we give the
following extracts : —
" Reverend father, forsomuch as it seems to you that
my motion in my two suppositions or cases, and in my
two conclusions, is too short and somewhat dark : I will
gladly now satisfy your desire, according to my small
learning, by declaring the same conclusions. In open-
ing where:)f, it shall plainly appear, what I do judge in
all m'^tters that I am accused of to your reverence ; de-
siring you lirst of all that your discretion would not be-
lieve tliit 1 do enterprise of any presumption to handle
the secrets of the scriptun-s, which the holy and just,
and wise doctors have left unexpounded. It is not un-
known to many, that I am in ail points far inferior to
them, whose holiness of life and profoundness in know-
ledge is always allowed. But as for mine ignorance,
and multitude of sins, they are to myself and others
sufficiently known : wherefore I judge not myself worthy
to unloose or to carry their shoes after them. Do you
therefore no otherwise deem of me, tlian 1 do of mine
own self. But if you shall find any goodness in my
writings, ascribe it to God only : who, according to the
multitude of his mercy, doth sometimes reveal those
things to idiots and sinners, which are hidden from the
joly and wise, according to this saying, ' J tiiank thee,
O Father, for that thou hast hidden these things from
the wise and prudent, and hast revealed them unto
babes : even so, O Father, for so it seemeth good in thy
sight.' And in another place, ' For judgment am I
come into this world, that they which see not, might
perceive ; and that they which see, might be made blind.'
And Paul says, ' That (iod hath chosen the weak things
of the world, to confound the mighty ;' that no man
shall glory in himself, but that all men should give the
glory to God.
" He that hath the key of David, who openeth and no
man shutteth, shutteth and no man openeth, does (when
and how long it pleases him) hide the mysteries, and
the secrets of the scriptures from the wise, prudent, and
righteous ; and at his jdeasure reveals them to sinners,
and lay persons, and simple souls, that he may have the
honour and glory in all things. Wherefore, as I have
before said, if you shall find any good thitigs in my
writings, ascribe the same to God alone. If yon shall
find otherwise, think ye the same to be written in ignor-
ance, and not in malice. And if any doubt of error be
shewn me in all my writings, I will humbly allow your
information and fatherly correction.
" In the first conclusion of mine answer, I have con-
ditionally put it, who is that antichrist lying concealed in
the hid scrijitures of the ])rophets: I will pass on the decla-
ration of thnt conclusion, bringing to light those things
which lay hid in darkness, because nothing is hid which
shall not be disclosed, and nothing covered which shall
not be known. And therefore the thing which was said
in the darkness, let us say in the light ; and the thing
which we have heard in the ear, let us preach upon the
house-tops. I, therefore say, that if the high bishop of
Rome, calling himself the sei-vant of God, and the chief
vicar of Christ in this world, makes and justifies many
laws contrary to the gos])el of Jesus Christ : then is he
the chief of many, who coming in the name of Christ,
have said, I am Christ, who have deceived many; which is
the first part of the first conclusion, and is manifest.
For Christ is called of the Hebrews the very same that
we call anointed. And among them there was a double
sort of anointing by the law, the one of kings, and the
other of priests. And as well were the kings, as the
priests, called in the law, Christs. The kings, as in the
psalm, The kings of the earth stood up, and the princes
took counsel together, against the Lord, and against
his Christ, or anointed. And in tiie books of the
Kings very often are the kings called Christs. And our
Saviour was Christ, or anointed king, because he was
a king for evermore upon the throne of David, as
the scripture very often witnesses. The priests also
were called anointed, as where it is written. Touch
not my Christs ; that is, mine anointed ones, and
do my prophets no harm. And so was our Saviour
Christ, ' a priest for ever, according to the order of Msl-
chisedec'
" Seeing then that the bishops of Rome do say that
they are the high priests ; they say slso therein that they
are kings, because they say thai they have the spiritual
sword i)ertaining to their priesthood, and the temporal
sword which agrees to a king's state. So it is plain,
that really, and in very deed, they say, that they are
Christs, although they are not expressly called Christs.
Now that they come in the name of Christ is manifest,
because they say that they are his vicars in this world,
ordained of Christ for the government of the christian
church. Therefore, seeing they say, that really and in
very deed they are Ciirists, and the chief friends of
Christ ; if they make and justify many laws contrary to
the gospel of Jesus Christ, then is it plain that they
themselves in earth are antichrists, because there is no
worse plague and pestilence than a familiar enemy. And
if in secret they be against Christ, and yet in open ap-
pearance they say that they are his friends, they are so
much the more meet to seduce and deceive the chris-
tion people, because that a manifest enemy will have
much trouble to deceive a man, because men trust him
not : but a hidden enemy, pretending outward friend-
ship, may easily seduce."
" Paul to the Romans declareth in a godly discourse,
b2
242
PETER NOT OVER THE OTHER APOSTLES.
[Book V.
and to the Galatians likewise, ' That none shall be jus-
tified by the works of the law, but by grace in the faith
of Jesus Christ.' As for the morals and ceremonies of
the law, as circumcision, sacrifices for offences, and for
sins, first-fruits, tenths, vows, divers sorts of washings,
the sprinkUng of blood, the sprinkling of ashes, ab-
staining from unclean meats, which are ordained for the
sanctifying and cleansing of the people from sin, no nor
yet the prayers of the priests, neither the preachings of
the prophets could cleanse a man from his sin. For
death reigned even from Adam to Moses, and sin from
Moses to Christ, as Paul declareth to the Romans in
the fifth chapter. But Christ, willing to have mercy
and not sacrifice, being a priest for ever after the order
of Melchisedec, and an high priest of good things to
come, did neither by the blood of goats or calves, but by
his own blood, enter in once into the holy place,
when an everlasting redemption is found : neither did
Jesus enter into the holy places that were made with
hands, which are the examples of true things, but unto
the very heaven, that now he may appear before the
face of God for us. Nor yet he did so, that he should
offer up himself oftentimes, as the high bisliop enter-
ed into the holy place every year with strange blood,
(for otherwise he must needs have suffered often-
times since the beginning of the world), but now, in
the latter end of the world, hath he on. e appeared by
his own sacrifice, for the destruction of sin. And like
as it is decreed for men once to die, and after that
Cometh judgment ; even so was Christ once offered uj)
to consume away the sins of many. The second time
shall he appear without sin to the salvation of such as
look for him. For the law having a sliadow of good
things to come, and not the very image or substance
itself of the things, can never by those sacrifices which
they offer (of one selfsame sort continually year by year)
make them perfect that come unto her. Otherwise, men
would leave off offering, because that those worshippers
being once cleansed, should have no more prick of con-
science for sin afterwards. But in them is there re-
membrance made of sins every year. For it is impos-
sible, that by the blood of goats and bulls sins should be
taken away. Wherefore he entering into the world doth
say. As for sacrifice and offering thou wouldst not have,
but a body hast thou framed unto me. And sacrifices
for sin have not pleased thee : then said 1, behold I
come; in the head, or principal part of the book it is
written of me, that I should do thy will O God. Where-
fore he said before, that sacrifices, oblations, and burnt-
offerings, and that for sin thou wouldst not have: neither
were those things pleasant to thee which are offered
according to the law : then said 1, behold I come,
that I may do thy will, O God : he taketh away the
first that he may establish that that followed. In
which will we are sanctified and made holy by the offer-
ing up of the body of Jesus Christ once. And verily
every priest is ready every day ministering, and often-
times offering the self-same sacrifices, which never can
take away sins. Butthis^man, offering one sacrifice for
sins, doth for ever and ever sit at God's right hand,
looking for the reet to come, till that his enemies be
placed to be his footstool. For with one offering hath
he for ever made perfect those that be sanctified. By
which things it plainly appeareth, that Christ by once
offering hath cleansed from their sins, they who could
not be cleansed from the same by all the ceremonies of
the law, and so did fulfil that which the priesthood of
the law could not. Wherefore the moral and judi-
cial law, he fulfilled by the law of charity, and by grace ;
and the ceremonial, by one offering up of his body on
the altar of the cross. And so it is plain that Christ
fulfilled the whole law.
" Tliey say that the bishop of Rome (who is the chief
priest and judge among them) hath full power and
authority to remit sins. Whereupon they say, that he
is al)le fully and wholly, to absolve a man a pena et
culpn, so tliat if a man at the time of his death, had this
remission, he should straightway fiy to heaven without
any pain of purgatory. The other bishops (as they say)
iiave not so great authority. Tlie priests constituted
under every bishop, have power, say they, to absolve the
sins of them that are confessed, but not all kind of sins-
because there are some grievous sins reserved to the
absolution of the bishops ; and some again, to the abso-
lution only of the chief and high bishop. They say
also, that it behoves the offenders, for the necessity of
their soul's health, to call to their remembrance their
offences, and to declare them with all the circumstances
to the priest in auricular confession, supplying the ])lace
of God, after the manner of a judge ; and afterward
humbly to fulfil the penance enjoined by the priest,
except the penance so enjoined, or any part thereof, be
released by the superior power. All these things (say
they) are manifestly determined. And although these
things have not expressly their foundation in the plain
and manifest doctrine of Christ, nor any of the apostles ;
yet the authors of the decrees and decretals concerning
this matter, have grounded the same upon divers places
of the scriptures, as in the words of Christ in the gospel
of St. Matthew the sixteenth chapter, whereupon they
ground the pope's power judicial to surmount the powers
of other priests, as where Christ said unto his disciples,
' Whom do men say that I am .' And tliey answered,
Some say that thou art John Baptist, some Elias, and
some Jeremias, or one of the prophets. He said. But
whom say ye that I am ? Simon Peter, answered, and
said. Thou art the Christ, the Son of the living God.
And Jesus answered and said unto him. Blessed art thou
Simon Bar-Jona ; for flesh and blood hath not revealed
this unto thee ; but ray Father which is in heaven. And
I say unto thee, that thou art Peter, and upon this rock
will I build my church, and the gates of hell shall not pre-
vail against it. And to thee will I give the keys of the king-
dom of heaven. And whatsoever thou shalt bind upon
earth, shall also be bound in heaven ; and whatso-
ever thou shalt loose upon earth, shall be loosed also in
heaven.'
" Out of this text of Christ, divers expositors have
drawn divers errors. As first when Christ said, ' And
I say unto thee, that thou art Peter, and upon this rock
will I build my church ;' some affirm, that Christ meant
he would build his church upon Peter. This exposition
is ascribed to Pope Leo ; the error whereof is manifestly
known. For the church of Christ is not builded upon
Peter, but upon the rock of Peter's confession, for he
said, ' Thou art the Christ the Son of the living God.'
And again when Christ said singularly to Peter, ' I will
give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and
whatsoever thou shalt bind,' &c. By this saying they
affirm, that Christ gave to Peter specially, as chief of
the rest of the apostles, a larger power to bind and to
loose, than he did to the rest of the apostles and disci-
pies. And because Peter answered for himself and all
the apostles, not only confessing the faith which he had
chiefly above the rest, but also the faith which the rest
of the apostles had even as himself, by the revelation of
the heavenly Father ; it appears that as the faith of all
the apostles was declared by the answer of one, so by
this that Christ said, ' Whatsoever thou shalt bind,'
&c., is given unto the rest of the apostles, the same
power and equality to bind and to loose, as unto Peter.
Wliich Christ himself declares in the gospel of St. Mat-
thew, the eigliteenth chapter, in these words, ' Verily I
say unto you, what things soever you shall bind upon
earth, shall be bound in heaven ; and whatsoever you
shall loose upon earth, shall be also loosed in heaven.'
And further he adds, ' And again I say unto you, that
if two of you shall agree upon earth, touching any-
tiiing ye shall ask, it shall be given unto you of my Fa-
ther which is in heaven. For where two or three be
gathered together in my name, I am there in the midst
of them.' And in John, the twentieth chapter, he
saith generally to them, ' Receive ye the Holy Ghost.
Whose-soever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them ;
and whose-soever sins you retain, they are retained.'
By this it appears, that the power to bind and to loose
is not specially granted to Peter, as chief and head of
the rest, and that by him the rest had their power to
bind and to loose ; for the head of the body of the
church is one, which is Christ, and the head of Christ id
A.D. 1391.1
POPISH ABSOLUTION NOT WARRANTED BY SCRIPTURE.
243
God. Feter and the rest of the apostles are tlie good
members of the body of Christ ; receiving power and
virtue from Christ, whereby they confirm and glue
together the other members (as well the strong and
noble, as the weak and unable) to a perfect composition
and seemliuess of the body of Christ : that all honour
from all parts and members may be given to Christ as
head and chief, by whom as head all the members are
governed. And therefore Paul says, I Cor. iii. 4., 'For
while one saith, I am of Paul ; and another 1 am of Apol-
los ; are ye not carnal ? Who then is Paul, and who is
Apollos, but ministers by whom ye believed, even as the
Lord gave to every man ? I have planted, Apollos
watered ; but God gave the increase. So then neither
is he that planteth any thing, neither he that watereth ;
but God that giveth the increase.' And to the Gala-
tians he says (ii. 6 — 10.) ' But of those who seemed to be
somewhat, whatsoever they were, it maketh no matter to
me : God accepteth no man's person : for they who
seemed to be somewhat in conference added nothing to
me : but contrariwise, when they saw that the Gospel of
the uncircumcision was comniiited unto me, as the Gospel
of the circumcision was unto Peter ; (for he that wrought
effettually in Peter to the apostleship of the circumci-
sion, the same was mighty in me toward the Gentiles :)
and when James, Cephas, and John, who seemed to be pil-
lars, perceived the grace that was given unto me, they gave
to me and Barnabas the right hands of fellowship ; that
we should go unto the heathen, and they unto the cir-
cumcision. Only they would that we should rcmemi)er
the poor ; the same which I also was forward to do.'
Hereby it appears that Paul had not his authority of
Peter to convert the Gentiles, to baptize them, and to
remit their sins, but of him who said unto him, ' 8aul
Saul, why persecutes! thou me ? It is hard for thee to
kick against the pricks." Here is Paul of the head of
the church, and not of Peter : by which head they say,
that all the members are sustained and made lively.
" The third error which the authors of the canons con-
ceive in the text, ' Unto thee will I give the keys,' &c.
is this, they say that in this sentence which was said to
Peter of the authority to bind and to loose, was meant
that as Christ gave to Peter above all the rest of the
apostles a special, and as it were an excellent power
above all the apostles ; even so, say they, he gave power
to the bishops of Rome (whom they call Peter's chief
successors) the same special power and authority, ex-
ceeiling the power of all other bishops of the world.
" The first part of this parallel and comparison, doth
appear manifestly by the premises to be erroneous ;
wherein is plainly shewed that the other apostles had
equal power with Peter to bind and loose. Wherefore
consequently it follows that the second part of the pa-
rallel, grounded upon the same text is also erroneous.
But if the first part of the parallel were truth, as it
is not, yet the second part must needs be an error,
wherein is said, that the bishops of Rome are Peter's
chief successors. For although there is but one catholic
christian church, of all the faithful sort converted ; yet
the first part of the church, and the first converted, was
of the Jews, the second of the Greeks, and the third
part w'as of the Romans or Latins. W hereof the first
part was most perfectly converted to the faith, for they
faithfully observed the perfection of charity, as appearetli
in the acts of the apostles, by the multitude of the
believers. They were of one heart, and one soul, neither
called they any thing that they possessed their own, but
all was common among them.
" Paul, in his epistle to the Romans, says, the gospel is
' salvation to every one that believeth, to the Jew first, and
also fothe Greek.' The Greeks were after the Jews the
next converted, and after them the Romans, taking their
information of the Greeks, as appears by the chronicles,
although indeed some Romans were converted to the
faith, by Peter and Paul. And as Christ said thrice to
Peter, feed my sheep, so Peter ruled these three
churches, as the chronicles witness. But first he
reformed the church of the Jews in Jerusalem and
Judea, as appears by the testimony of the acts of the
apostles. For it is manifest how Peter standing up
amongst his brethren, spake unto them concerning the
election of an apostle in the place of Judas the traitor,
alleging places to them out of the scripture, that another
should take upon him his apostleship. And so by lot
rt'as Matthias constituted in the place of Judas. After
that the Holy Ghost was come upon the apostles,
and that they spake with the tongues of all men, the
hearers were a.<tonished at the miracle. And some
mocked them, saying, these men are full of new wine ;
but Peter stood up and spake to them, saying, that it
was fulfilled in them that was prophesied by Joel the
prophet. And he preached unto the people Christ,
whom they in their ignorance had put to death. To
whom was a Saviour promised by the testimony of the
propliets. And when they heard the words of Peter,
they were pricked at the heart, saying unto him and the
rest of the apostles, what shall we then do ? And Peter
said unto them. Repent, and let every one of you be
baptized in the name of Jesus Christ for the remission
of your sins, and ye shall receive the Holy Ghost. And
there were joined unto them the same day about three
thousand souls. And by Acts iii. 4, 5, it appears that
Peter above the rest did those things which belonged to
the ministry of the apostleship, as well in preaching as in
answering. Whereupon some chronicles say, that Peter
governed the church of the Jews at Jerusalem, four
years before he governed Antioch. And by the testi-
mony of Paul to the Galatians, the gospel of the uncir-
cumcision is committed to Paul, even as the circumcision
to Peter. And he that wrought with Peter in the apos-
tleship of circumcision, wrought with Paul amongst the
Gentiles. Whereby it appears that the church of the
Jews was committed to the government of Peter. And
in the {)rocess of the acts of the apostles it appears, that
Peter believed that the faith of Christ was not to be
preached to those Gentiles, who always lived in unclean-
ness of idolatry. But when Peter was at Joppa, Corne-
lius a Gentile sent to him that he would come and shew
him the way of life ; but Peter (a little before the coming
of the messengers of Cornelius) being in his chamber,
after he had prayed, fell in a trance, and saw heaven
opened, and a certain vessel descending even as a great
sheet, let down by four corners from heaven to earth.
In which were all manner of four-footed beasts, serpents
of the earth, and fowls of the air. And a voice spake
unto him, saying, Arise Peter, kill and eat ; and Peter
said. Not so. Lord, because I have never eaten any
common or unclean thing. This was done thrice. And
Peter descended (not knowing what the vision did sig-
nify) and found the messengers of Cornelius.
" As concerning the judicial authority of the clergy,
many things are written in the canons of decrees, greatly
to be marvelled at, and far from the truth of the scrip-
ture. The authors of the canons say, that Christ gave
unto the priests judicial power over sinners that con-
fessed their sins unto them. And this they ground
upon the text of Christ : ' I will give unto thee the
keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatsoever thou
loosest,' &c. And these keys of the kingdom of heaven,
they call the knowledge to discern, and the power to
judge, which they say only belongeth to the priests,
except in case of necessity ; then they say a lay-man
may absolve a man from sin. And as touching absolu-
tion, they say there are three things to be required on
the sinner's part : first, hearty contrition, whereby the
sinners ought to bewail their offending of God through
sins ; the second is, auricular confession, whereby the
sinner ought to shew unto the priest his sins, and the
circumstances of them ; the third is satisfaction through
penance enjoined to him by the priest for his sins com-
mitted. And of his part that gives absolution there are
two things (say they) to be required : that is to say,
knowledge to discern one sin from another, whereby he
ought to make a difference of sins, and appoint a conve-
nient penance, according to the quantity of the sins.
The second is, authority to judge, whereby he ought to
enjoin penance to the offender. And further, they say,
that he that is confessed ought with all humility to sub-
mit himself to this authority, and wholly and volun-
tarily to do those penances which are commanded him
OF AURICULAR CONFESSION AND ABSOLUTION.
244
by tlie priest, except the penance be released by a
superior power ; for all priests (as they say) have not
equal authority to absolve sins. The chief ])riest whom
they call Peter's successor, has power fully and wholly
to absolve. But the inferior priests have power, some
more, some less: the more as they are near hnn in
dignity, the less as they are farther from the degree of
his dignity. All this is declared by process in the de-
crees, but not by the express doctrine of Christ, or any
of his apostles. For although Christ absolved men from
their sins, I do not find that he did it after the manner
of a judge, but of a Saviour. For Christ saith, ' God
sent not his Son into the world to condemn the world,
but that the world through him might be saved,' John
iii. 17. Whereupon he spake unto him whom he healed
pf the i)alsy, ' Son, be of good cheer; thy sins be for-
given thee.' And to the woman taken in adultery,
Christ said, ' Woman, where are thine accusers } hath
no man condemned thee?' Who said, 'No man.
Lord.' To whom then Jesus thus said, ' Neither will
I condemn thee, go and sin no more.'
"By which words and deeds of Christ, and many other
places of the scripture, it a|ipears he was not as a judge
at his first coming, to punish sinners according to their
offences ; but that day shall come here ifter, wherein he
shall judge all men according to their works, as in
Matt. XXV., where he saith, 'When the Son of Man shall
come in his glory, and all his angels with him ; then
shall he sit upon the throne of his glory, and all nations
shall be gathered before him, and he shall separate them
one from anotlier, as a shepherd divideth the sheep
from the goats,' &c. Neither shall be judge alone, but
his saints also with him. For he saith, ' You that have
followed rae in the regeneration, when the Son of man
shall sit in the throne of his glory, shall sit upon twelve
thrones, judging tlie twelve tribes of Israel.' If then
Christ came not as a judge, why do the priests say that
they supply the room of Christ on earth, to judge sin-
ners according to the quantity of their offences ? And
yet not only this, but it is more to be wondered at, how
the bishop of Rome dares to take upon him to be a
judge before the day of judgment, and to prevent the
time, judging some to be saints in heaven, and to be ho-
noured of men, and some again to be tormented in hell
eternally with the devils ! Would to God these men would
weigh the saying of St. Paul, 1 Cor. iv. 5. ' Judge no-
thing before the time the Lord come, who both will
bring to light the hidden things of darkness, and make
manifest the counsels of the hearts, and then every one
sh.iU have praise of God.' Let the bishoj) of Rome
take heed, lest that in Ezekiel be spoken him, ' Be-
cause thy heart is lifted up, and thou hast said I am
a God, I sit in the seat of God, and in the midst of the
seas, yet thou art a man, and not God.' It is manifest
that tlie remission of sins principally belongs to God,
who tlirough grace washes away our sins. For it is said,
'The Lamt) of God taketh away the sins of the world.'
And to christians it belongs as the ministers of God.
For ill the twentieth chapter of John, Christ saith,
* Receive unto you the Jloly Ghost : whose sins you re-
mit, they are remitted unto them ; and whose sins you
shall retain, they ure retained.' Seeing therefore that
all c'.iristians that are baptized in the name of the Father,
and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, receive the
Holy Ghost ; it appears that they have power given to
them of Christ, to remit sins ministerially. Has not
every christian autliority to baptize ? and in the baptism
all the sins of the baptized are remitted. Ergo, they
that do baptize do remit sins.
" Who is he therefore who so rashly takes upon him
to judge the infants begotten of faithful parents, dying
■without baptism, to be tormented with eternal tire?
Now let us consider the three things which the canons
of decrees affirm to be requisite for the remission of the
sins of those that sin after bajjtism, that is to say, con-
trition of heart, auricular confession, and satisfaction of
the deed through pen mce enjoined by the jjriest for the
sins committed. I cannot find in any place in the gos-
pel where Christ commanded that this kind of confession
should be done unto the priest ; nor caa I find that
[Book "V.
I
Christ assigned any penance to sinners for their sins,
but that he desired them to sin no more. If a sinner
confess that he has offended God through sin, and sor-
rows heartily for his offences, minding hereafter to sia
no more, then is he truly repentant for his sin, and then
he is converted unto the Lord. If he shall then humbly,
and with good hope, crave mercy from God, and remission
of his sins : who is he that can prevent God from ab-
solving that sinner from his sin ? And as God absolves
a sinner from his sins, so has Christ absolved many,
although they confessed not their sins to the jiriests, and
although they received not due penance for their sins.
And if Christ could after that manner once absolve sin-
ners ; how is he become now not able to absolve ? Ex-
cept some man will say that he is above Christ, and that
his power is diminished by the ordinances of his own
laws. How were sinners absolved by God in the time
of the apostles, and always heretofore, to the time that
these canons were made ? I s])eak not these things as
though confession to jiricsts were wicked, but that it is
not of necessity requisite to salvation. I believe vcrilv
that the confession of sins to good priests, and likewise
to other faithful christians, is good, as witnesseth
St. James the apostle : ' Confess your sins one to
another, and pray one for another, that ye may be
healed ; for the effectual fervent prayer of a righteous
man availeth much.' This kind of confession is good,
jirofitable, and expedient ; for if God peradventure hears
not a man's own prayer, he is helped with the interces-
sion of others. Yet nevertheless the prayers of the
priests seem too much to be extolled in the decrees,
where they treat of penitence, saying as is ascribed to
Pope Leo (mvltiplea; mtsericordla Dei, if\C.), that it is
ordained by the Providence of God's divine will, that
the mercy of God cannot be obtained but by the prayer
of the priests, &c. The prayer of a good priest much
avails a sinner, confessing his faults to him. Tiie coun-
sel of a discreet priest is very profitable for a sinner, to
give the sinner counsel to beware of sin hereafter, and to
instruct him.
"After this manner I esteem confession to priests very
expedient and profitable to a .sinner. But to confess sins
to the priest as to a judge, and to receive of him corpo-
ral penance for a satisfaction to God for his sins com-
mitted ; I see not how this can be founded upon the
truth of scripture. For before the coming of Christ, no
man was sufficient or able to make satisfaction to God
for his sins, although he suffered never so much penance
for his sins. And therefore it was needful that he that
was without sin, should be punished for sins, as witnesses
Isaiah liii. 4. where he saith, ' He hath borne our griefs
and carried our sorrows.' And again, ' He was wounded
for our transgressions, and bruised for our iniquities.'
And again, ' The Lord laid on him the iniquity of us all.'
And again, ' For the transgression of my people vs-as he
stricken.' If therefore Christ through his passion has
made satisfaction for our sins, whereas we ourselves were
unable to do it : then through him have we grace and
remission of sins. How can we say now that we are
sufficient to make satisfaction to God by any penance
enjoined to us by man's authority, seeing that our sins
are more grievous after baptism, than they were before
the coming of Christ ? Therefore as in baptism the
pain of C'hrist in his passion was a full satisfaction for
our sins ; even so is it also after baptism, if we confess that
we have offended, and be heartily sorry for our sins, and
mind not to sin again afterwards.
" Hereupon John writeth in his first epistle, ch. i. ' If we
say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth
is not in us. If we confess our sins, God is faithful and
just to forgive us our sins, and cleanse us from all un-
righteousness. If we say we have not sinned we make
him a liar, and his word is not in us. My little children,
these things I write unto you that ye sin not ; but if any
man sin, we have an advocate with the Father. Jesus
Christ the righteous, and he is the propitiation for our
sins, and not for ours only, but also for the sins of the
whole world.' Therefore we ought to confess ourselves
chiefly to God even from the heart, for that he chiefly
remits sins, without whose absolution lit*le avails the
A. D. 1391.]
■OF AURICULAR CONFESSION AND ABSOLUTION.
245
absolution of man. This kind of confession is profit-
able and good. The authors of the canons say, that
although auricular confession made to the priest be not
expressly taught by Christ, yet say they it is taught in
that saying which Christ said to the diseased of the le-
prosy, whom he commandfd, ' Go your ways aud shew
yoursKlves unto the priests:' because they say the law of
cleansing lepers, which was given by Moses, signified the
confessions of sins to the priest. And whereas Christ
commanded the lepers to shew themselves to the priests,
they say, that Christ meant tliat those that were unclean
with the leprosy of sin, should shew their sins to the
priests by auricular confession. I marvel much at the
authors of the canons ; for even from the beginning of
their decrees to the end, they ground their sayings upon
the old law, which was the law of sin and death, and not
(as witnesses Paul) upon the words of Christ, which are
spirit and life. Christ saith, ' The words which I speak
unto you, they are the spirit, and they are life.' They
ground their sayings in the shadow of the law, and not
in the light of Christ, for every evil doer hateth the light,
and cometh not unto it, lest his deeds should be reproved ;
but he that doth the truth cometh into the light, that his
works may be made manifest, that they are wrought in
God, John iii. 20.
" Now let us pass to the words that Christ spake to
the leper ; the leper said, ' Lord, if thou wilt, thou canst
make me clean. And Jesus stretcliing forth his hand
touched him, saying, I will, be thou clean; and straight-
ways ha w;is cleansed of his leprosy.. And Jesus said unto
him, S'ee thou tell no man, but go and sliew thyself to the
prie.sts, au.l offer the gifts that Moses commanded for a
testimony unto them.' Tliis gospel witnesses plainly, that
tl'.e leiier was cleansed only by Clnist, and not by the
priests, neither did Christ command the leper to shew
\iiinself to the priests, for any help of cleansing that ae
should receive of the priests ; but to fulfil the law of
Moses, ill offering a sacrifice for his cleansing, and for a
testimony to the priests, who always of envy accused
Christ as a transgressor of the law. For if Christ after
he had cleansed the leprosy, had licensed him to com-
municate with others that were clean, before he had
shewed himself cleansed to the priests, then might the
priests have accused Clirist as a transgressor of the law ;
because it was a precept of the law, that the leper after
he was cleansed, should shew himself to the priests.
And they had signs in the book of the law, w'nereby they
might judge whether he were truly cleansed or not. And
if he were cleansed, then would the priests offer a gift for
his cleansing : and if he were not cleansed, then would
they separate him from the comjiany of others that were
clean. Seeing every figure ought to be assimilated unto
the thing that is figured, I pray you then what agree-
ment is there between the cleansing of lepers by the law,
and the confession of sins .' By the law the priest knew
whether tlie man were leprous better than he that had
the leprosy. In confession the priest knew not the sins
of hiiu that confessed, but by his own confession.
In the law the priest did not cleanse the leprous.
How now therefore ought the priests to cleanse sinners
from their sin, and that without them they cannot be
cleansed ? In the law the priest had certain signs, by
the which he could certainly know whether a man were
cleansed from his leprosy or not. In confession the
priest is not certain of the cleansing of sins, because
Le is ignorant of his contrition. He knows not also
u liether he will not siu any more ; without which contri-
titin and resolving to sin no more, God has not absolved
any sinner. And if God has not absolved a man, without
doubt then is he not made clean. And how then is confes-
sion figured under the law ? Doubtless so it seems to me
(under the correction of them that can judge better in
the matterj that this law bears rather a figure of excom-
munication, and reconciliation of him that hath been ob-
stinate in hiri sin, and is reconciled again. For so it ap-
pears by the process of the gospel, that when as the
sinner doth not amend for the private correction of his
brotlier, not for the correction of two or three, neither
yet for the public correction of the whole church ; then
M he to be counted as an heathen man and publican, and
as a certain leper to be voided out of the company of all
men. Which sinner, notwithstanding, if he shall yet re-
pent, is then to be reconciled, because he is then cleansed
from his obstiniicy.
" But he who pretends himself to be the chief vicar of
Christ, and the high priest, saith that he has power to
absolve a pa-na et culpa. I do not find how it is founded
in the scripture, but of his own authority he enjoins to
sinners penance for their sins. And grant that he
may absolve them from their sins, yet from the pain
(which they call a pwnaj he does not simply absolve, as
in his indulgences he promises. But if he were charit-
able, aud had such power as he pretends, he would suf-
for none to lie in purgatory for sin, forsomuch as that
pain far exceeds all other pain which we sutler here. What
man is there, but if he sees his brother tormented in
this world, will not help him and deliver him.' Much
more ought the pope then to deliver out of pains of
purgatory, as well rich as poor alike. And if he sell to
the rich his indulgences, doublewise, yea triplewise he
seduces them. First, in promising them to deliver them
out of the pain from whence he does not, and cannot
deliver them, and so makes them falsely to believe that
wliich they ought not to believe. Secondly, he deceives
them of their money, which he takes for his indulgences.
Thirdly, he seduces them in this, that he promising to
deliver them from pain, induces them into grievous
punishment indeed, for the heresy of simony, which
both of them commit, and therefore are worthy both of
great pain to fall upon them ; for so we read that Jesus
cast out buyers and sellers out of his temple. Also
Peter said unto Simon the first author of this heresy,
' Thy money,' said he, ' perish with thee, because thou
thoughtest the gift of God could be purchased for
money.' Moreover, whereas Christ saith, ' Freely you
have received, freely give.' And whereas on the contrary
the pope sells that thing which he has taken, what doubt is
there, but that he grievously deserves to be punished,
both he that sells and he that buys, for the crime of
simony which they commit ? Over and besides, by
many reasons and authorities of the scripture it may be
proved, that he does not absolve a man contrite for his
sins, although he absolves him from the guilt.
" But this surprises me, that in his indulgences he pro-
mises to absolve men from all manner of deadly sins,
and yet cannot absolve a man from debt ; for as the
debt which we owe to God is of much greater import-
ance than the debt of our brother, if he be able to re-
mit the debt due to God, much more it should seem that
he is able to forgive the debt of our brother.
" Another thing there is that I wonder at: the pope
shows himself more strict in absolving a priest for not
saying, or negligently saying his matins, than for trans-
gressing the commandment of God ; considering that
the transgression of the commandment of God is much
more grievous than the breach of man's commandment.
" For these and many other errors concurring in this
matter of the pojie's absolutions, blessed be God, and
honour be to him for the remission of our sins. And
let us firmly believe and know, that he does and wiU
absolve us from our sins, if we be sorry from the bot-
tom of our hearts that we have offended him, having a
good purpose and will to offend him no more. And let
us be bold to resort to good and discreet priests, who
with wholesome discretion and sound counsel can in-
struct us how to avoid the corruption of sin hereafter ;
and which, because they are better than we, may pray
to God for us ; whereby we may both obtain sooner the
remission of our sins past, and also may learn better
how to avoid the danger of sin to come." (Ex Registro
Latino Episc. Hereford.)
And thus much concerning the judgment and doi;trine
of this Walter for Christian patience, charity, and mercy,
which as they are true and infallible notes and marks of
tnle Christianity, so Walter Brute, making comparison
herein between Christ and the pope, goes about pur-
posely to declare and manifest, whereby all men may
see what contrariety there is between the rule of
Christ's teaching, and the proceedings of the pope,
246
WALTER BRUTE'S BELIEF CONCERNING THE LORD'S SUPPER.
[Book V.
between the example and life of the one, and the ex-
ample of the other. Of which two, as one is alto-
gether given to peace, so is the other on the contrary
side as much disposed to war, murder, and bloodshed,
as is easy to be seen. Whoso looks not upon the out-
ward shows and pretended words of these Roniish
popes, but advises and considers their inward practices
and secret works, shall easily perceive under the mask of
peace what discord and debate they work, who bearing
outwardly the meek horns of the lamb mentioned in the
Revelations, do bear within the bowels of a wolf, full of
cruelty, murder, and bloodshed ; which if any do think
to be spoken of me contumeliously, would God that man
could prove as well the same to be spoken of me not
truly. But truth it is, I speak it sincerely, without
affection of blind partiality, according to the truth of
histories both old and new. Thus under the phrase
' In the name of God, Amen,' how unmercifully does
the pope condemn his brother ! and while he ])rctended
it was not lawful for him to kill any man ; what thou-
sands of men has he killed ? And likewise in this sen-
tence, ' in the bowels of Jesus Christ,' pretending as
though he would be a mediator to the magistrate for the
party, yet indeed will he be sure to excommunicate the
magistrate if he execute not the sentence given, who
are the true heretics the Lord when he comes shall
judge. But grant them to be heretics whom he con-
demns as heretics, yet what bowels of mercy are here,
' where there is nothing but burning, fagotting, drown-
ing, prisoning, chaining, famishing, racking, hanging,
tormenting, threatening, reviling, cursing, and oppressing,
and no instructing, nor yet impartial heiring of them,
what they can say ? The like cruelty also m;iy appear in
■ their wars, if we consider how Pope Urban V. , besides the
racking and murdering of seven or eight cardinals, set
up Henry Spencer, bishop of Noiwich, to fight against
the French pope. Innocent IV. was in war himself
against the Apulians. Likewise Alexander IV., his
successor, stirred up the son of King Henry III. to
fight against the son of the emperor, Frederick II., for
Apulia. Boniface VIII. moved Albert (who stood to
be emperor) to drive Philip the French king out of his
realm. Gregory IX. excited Lewis the French king
three sundry times to mortal war against the Earl Rey-
mond and the city of Toulouse, and Avignon where Lewis
the French king died. Honorius III. by strength of
war many ways resisted Frederick II. and set out thirty-
five gallies against the coasts of the emperor's do-
minions. The same pope also besieged Ferrara, to pass
over the war at Ticinum, with many other battles and
conflicts of popes against the Romans, Venetians, and
divers other nations. Innocent III. set up Philip the
French king to war against King John. Wiiat stir
Pope Gregory VII., otherwise named Hildebrand, kept
against the Emperor Henry IV. is not unknown. And
who is able to recite all the wars, battles, and fields,
fought by the stirring-up of the pope ? These, with
many other like examples, considered, caused this Wal-
ter Brute to write in this matter, making yet no uni-
versal proposition, but that christian magistrates in
case of necessity might make resistance in defence of
public right. Now he proceeds further to the matter
of the sacrament,
" Touching the matter (saith he) of the sacrament
•of the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, divers
men have divers opinions, as the learned do know. As
concerning my judgment upon the same, I firmly believe
whatever the Lord Jesus taught implicitly or ex-
pressly to his disciples, and faithful people to be be-
lieved. For he is, as I believe and know, the true
bread of God which descended from heaven, and giveth
life to the world, of which bread whosoever eateth shall
live for ever ; as it is in the sixth of John declared.
Before the coming of Christ in the flesh, although men
did live in body, yet in spirit they did not live, because
all men were then under sin, whose souls thereby were
dead, from the which death no man by the law, nor
with the law, was justified : ' For by the works of the
law shall no fiesh be justified.' Gal. ii. 16. And again in
the same epistle, chap. iii. 11. ' But that no man is jus-
tified by the law in the sight of God it is evident : for the
just shall live by faith ; the law is not of faith ; but the
man that doeth them shall live in them.' And again
in the same chapter, ver. 21 , ' If the law had been given,
which might have justified, then our righteousness had
come by the law. But the scripture hath concluded all
under sin, that the promise might be sure by the faith of ft
Jesus Christ to all believers. Moreover, before that ll
faith came, they were kept and concluded all under the '
law, until the coming of that faith which was to be re-
vealed. For the law was our schoolmaster to bring us
to Christ, that we should be justified by faith.' Also
the said Paul, Rom. v. 20. saith, ' The law entered that
the oflTence might abound. But where sin abounded,
grace did much more abound ; that as sin hath reigned i
unto death, so might grace reign through righteous-
ness unto eternal life, by Jesus Christ our Lord.'
Whereby it is manifest that by the faith which we have
in Christ, believing him to be the true Son of God
which came down from heaven to redeem us from sin,
we are justified from sin, and so live by him which is the
true bread and meat of the soul. And the bread which
Christ gave is his flesh, given for the life of the world.
For he being God, came down from heaven, and being
truly carnal man, did suffer in the flesh for our sins,
which in his divinity he could not suffer. Wherefore
like as we believe by our faith that he is true God, so
must we also believe that he is a true man, and then do
we eat the bread of heaven, and the flesh of Christ.
And if we believe that he did voluntarily slied his
blood for our redemption, then do we drink his
blood.
" And thus except we eat the flesh of the Son of man,
and shall drink his blood, we have not eternal life in us,
because the flesh of Christ is meat indeed, and his blood
is drink indeed ; and whosoever eateth the flesh of Christ,
and drinketh his blood, abideth in Christ, and Christ in
him. John vi. And as in this world the souls of tlie
faithful live, and are refreshed s])iritually with this
heavenly bread, and with the flesh and blood of Christ ;
so in the world to come, tlie same shall live eternally in
heaven, refreshed with the deity of Jesus Christ. And
in the memory of this refreshment, present in this world,
and in the world to come, Christ hath given to us (for
eternal blessedness) the sacrament of his body and blood
in the substance of bread and wine, as it appears in
Matt. xxvi. ' As they were eating, Jesus took bread
and blessed it, brake it, and gave it unto his dis-
ciples, and said. Take, eat, this is my body : And he
took the cup, and gave thanks, and gave it them, saying.
Drink ye all of this, this is my blood of the New Tes-
tament which is shed for many for the remission of sins.'
And Luke in his gospel, chap. xxii. of this matter thus
writeth, ' And he took bread, and gave thanks, and
brake it, and gave it unto them, saying. This is my body
which is given for you, do this in remembrance of me.
Likewise also the cu]) after supper, saying. This cup is
the New Testament in my blood, which is shed for
you.' That Christ said, this is my body, in show-
ing to them the bread, I firmly believe, and know that
it is true : for Christ (forasmuch as he is God) is the
very truth itself, and by consequence all that he saith is
true. And I believe that the very same was his body,
in such wise as he willed it to be his body ; for in that
he is Almighty, he hath done whatsoever pleased liiin.
And as in Cana of Galilee he changed the water into
wine really, so that after the transubstantiation it was
wine and not water, so when he said, this is my body, if
he would have had the bread really to be transub-
stantiated into his very body, so that after this changing
it should have been his natural body, and not bread as
it was before, I know that it must needs have
been so ; but I find not in the scripture that his will
was to have any such real transubstantiation or
mutation.
" And as the Lord God Omnipotent, in his perfection
essential being the Son of God, exceeds the most pure
creature, and yet when it pleased him he took upon him
our nature, remaining really God as he was before, and
A.D. 1391.] WALTER BRUTE'S DECLARATION CONCERNING THE PRIESTHOOD, &c.
247
was really made man ; so that after this assuming of our
substance, he was really very God, and very man ; even
so, if lie would, when he said, this is my body, he could
make this to be his body really, the bread still really
remaining as it was before. Wherefore he that could
make one man to be very God, and very man, could, if
he would, make one thing to be really very bread, and
his very body. But I do not find it expressed in the
scripture, that he wished any such identity or conjunc-
tion to be made. And as Christ said, ' I am the true
bread,' not changing his essence or being in the es-
sence or substance of bread, but was the same Christ
which he was before really, and yet bread by a simili-
tude or figurative speech ; so if he would, it mi;^ht be,
when he said, this is my body, that this should really
have been the bread as it was before, and sacramentally
or memorially to be his body. And this seems to me
most nearly to agree to the meaning of Christ, foras-
much as he said, ' Do this in remembrance of me.' Then
forasmuch as in the supper it is manifest that Christ
gave to his disciples the bread of his body which he
brake, to eat with their mouths ; in which bread he gave
himself also to them, as one in whom they should be-
lieve (as to be the food of the soul) and that by faith
they should believe him to be their Saviour who took
his body, wherein also he wished it to be manifest that
he would redeem them from death ; so was the bread
eaten with the disciples' mouths, that he, being the true
bread of the soul, might be in spirit received and eaten
spiritiially by their faith which believed in him.
" Tbe bread which in the disciples' mouths was
chewed, from the mouth passed to the stomach. For,
as Christ saith, ' Whatsoever cometh to the mouth,
goeth into the belly, and is cast out into the draught.'
But that true and very bread of the soul was eaten of the
spirit of the disciples, and by faith entered their minds,
and abode in their hearts through love. And so the
bread broken seemeth unto me to be really the meat of
the body, and the bread which it was before, but sacra-
mentally to be the body of Christ ; as Paul, 1 Cor. x.
* The bread which we break, is it not the communion of
the body of Christ .'' So the bread which we break is
the communion of the Lord's body. And it is manifest
that the heavenly bread is not broken, neither yet is
subject to such breaking ; therefore Paul calls the mate-
rial bread which is broken, the body of Christ which the
faithful are partakers of. The bread, therefore, changes
not its essence, but is bread really, and is the body of
Christ sacramentally. Even as Christ is the very vine,
abiding really and figuratively the vine : so the temple of
Jerusalem was really the material temple, and figura-
tively it was the body of Christ ; because he said, ' De-
stroy this temple, and in three days I will build it
again.' And this spake he of the temple of his body ;
•whereas others understood it to be the material temple,
as appeared by their answer. For, said they, ' Forty
and seven years was this temple in building, and wilt
thou raise it up in three days .''
" The writers of this time and age affirm, that if by the
negligence of the priest, the sacrament be so negligently
left, that a mouse, or any other beast or vermin eat the
same ; then they say, that the sacrament returneth
again into the nature and substance of bread.' Where-
by they must needs confess, that a miracle is as well
wrought by the negligence of the priest, as there was
made by the consecration of the priest in making the
sacrament. For either by the eating of the mouse the
body of Christ is transubstantiated into the nature of
bread, which is a transubstantiation supernatural ; or
else this bread is produced by creation out of nothing ;
and therefore either of these operations is miraculous.
Now, considering the varying opinions of the doctors.
<l) The following is still part and pareel of the Rubric or Canon
of tlie Missal :— " If the host when conseorated shall disappear,
either by some accident, as by the uitid , or by a mimclr, or
taken a vay by a motixe or any animal, and caaiiot he J'nitirl,
then 1ft anotr.er oe consecrated !" Such is the rule of theMissal,
or Mass Book : and thus, after teaching that tlie host is Jesus
Christ, il bupposes the gross absurdity of his disappearing by an
and the absurdities which follow, I believe with Paul,
that the bread which we break, is the communion of the
body of Christ : and as Christ saith, that the bread is
the body of Christ for a memorial and remembrance of
him. And in such sort as Christ willed the same to be his
body, in the same manner and sort do I believe it to be
his body.
" But whether we can make the body of Christ, and
minister it to the people : or whether priests are di-
vided from the lay people by their knowledge, pre-emi-
nence, and sanctity of life, or else by external signs only.
Also, whether the signs of tonsure and other external
signs of holiness in ])riests, are signs of antichrist, or
else taught by our Lord Jesus Christ ; it remains for me
next to spe^.k. And first of the three kinds of the
priests. I remember that I have read, the first of them
to be Aaronical, legal, and temporal ; the second to be
eternal and regal according to the order of Melchisedec ;
the third to be christian. The first of these ceased at
the coming of Christ ; for St. Paul to the Hebrews
saith. The priesthood of Aaron was translated to the
priesthood of the order of Melchisedec. The legal sort
of priests of Aaron, were separated from the rest of the
people by kindred, office, and inheritance. By kindred,
for the children of Aaron only were priests. By office,
for it only pertained to them to oft"er sacrifice for the
sins of the people, and to instruct the i)eople in the pre-
cepts and ceremonies of the law. By inheritance, be-
cause the Lord was their portion of inheritance ; neither
had they any other inheritance amongst their brethren,
but those things which were offered to the Lord, as the
first-fruits, parts of the sacrifices, and vows ; except
places for their houses for them and theirs, as ap-
pears by Moses' law. The priesthood of Christ much
diff'ered from this priesthood, as Paul witnesses to the
Hebrews.
" First in kindred, because that our Lord and Saviour
Jesus Christ, came of the stock and tribe of Judah ; of
which tribe none had to do with the altar, and in which
tribe nothing at all was spoken of the priests of Moses.
" Secondly, Others were made priests without their
oath taken : but he, by an oath, by him which said, ' The
Lord sware and will not repent, thon art a priest for
ever, after the order of Melchisedec'
" Thirdly, by duration, for many of them were made
priests but during the term of their lives : but he, be-
cause he remaineth for ever, hath an eternal priesthood.
Wherefore he is able to save us for ever, having by him-
self access unto God, who ever liveth to make interces-
sion for us.
"The law made also such men priests as had infirmi-
ties ; but ' Sermo,' (that is the word, which accord-
ing to the law is the eternal Son and perfect) by an
oath.
" The priesthood of Christ also differed from the
priesthood of Aaron and the law, in the matter of the
sacrifice, and in the place of sacrificing. In the matter
of their sacrifices, because they used in their sa-
crifices strange bodies for their sacrifices, and shed
strange blood for the expiation of sins : but he offer-
ing himself to God his Father for us, shed his o\vn
blood for the remission of our sins. In the place of
sacrificing, because that they did offer their sacrifice in
the tabernacle, or temple : but Christ suffering death
without the gates of the city, offered himself upon the
altar of the cross to God his Father, and thence shed his
jtrecious blood. In his supjiing chamber also he blessed
the bread, and consecrated the same forhis body, and the
wine which was in the cup he also consecrated for his
■ blood ; delivering the same to his apostles to be done
for a commemoration and remembrance of his incarnation
and passion. Neither did Jesus enter into the sanctu-
arcident — by «!»rf — eaten up by a mnii.ie or other anijiial .'
There is nothins in Eg-yptian idolatry nuire ubfurd than this, for
it supposes God not able to ta.ke care of liiuiself.
They have latfiy fer-ouie so ashamed of this, that in the later
fditions of the Missal they liave surreptitiously omit>"d all men-
tion of the mouse, though they retain the rest of the rule. [Ed.]
£48
WALTER BRUTE'S DECLARATION CONCERNING THE PRIESTHOOD, &c. [Book V,
ary made with man's hands, which be examples and
fiiTures of true things, but he entered into heaven itself,
that he might apjiear before the majesty of God for us.
.Neither doth he offer himself oftentimes, as the cliief
priest in the sanctuary did with strange blood, (for then
should he oftentimes have sutfered from the beginning;
but now once for all, in the latter end of the world, to
destroy sin by his peace-offering hath he appeared. And
even as it is decreed, that man once shall die, and then
cometh the judgment ; so Christ hath been once offered,
to take a.vay the sins of many. The second time he
sliall appear without sin, to those that look for him, to
their s.lvation. For the law having a shadow of good
things to come, can never by the image itself of things,
(vvliich every year without ceasing they ofler by such sa-
crifices) make tliose perfect that come thereunto : for
olheruise that offering should have ceased : because that
such worshippers, being once cleansed from their sins,
should have no more conscience of sin. But in these,
commfnior.ition is made every year of sin ; for it is im-
possible that by the blood of goats and calves, sins should
be purged and taken away. Therefore Christ coming into
the v\oild said; sacrifice and oblation thou wouldst not
hive, but a body hast thou given me ; peace-oiTerings for
sins have not pleased thee : then said I, behold I come :
in the volume of the book it is written of me, that I
should do tliy will, O God : saying as above ; because
tliou would.<t have no sacrifices nor burnt offerings for
sin, neither dost thou take pleasure in those things that
are oiFered according to the law. Then said I, Behold I
come, that I may do thy will, O God. He taketh away
the first to establish that which followeth. In which
will we are sanctified by the oblation of the body of
Jesus Christ once for all. And every priest is ready
daily ministering, and oftentimes offering like sacrifices,
which can never take away sins. But this Jesus, oiier-
ing one sacrifice for sin, sitteth for evermore on the
right hand of God, expecting the time till his enemies
be made his footstool. For by his own only oblation,
hath he perfected for evermore those that are sanc-
tified. All these places have I recited which Paul
writeth, for the better understanding and declaration of
those things I mean to speak. By all which it appears
manifestly, how the priesthood of Christ differs from the
legal priesthood of Aaron : and by the same it also ap-
pears, how the same dift'crs from all other christian
priesthood, that imitates Christ. For the properties of
the priesthood of Christ, above recited, are found in no
other priest, but in Christ alone. Of the third priest-
hood, that is, the christian priesthood, Christ by his ex-
press words, speaks but little, to make any difference
between the priest and the rest of the people, nor does
he use the name of ' s-icerdos' or ' presbyter,' in the gos-
pel. But some he calls disciples, some apostles, whom
he sent to baptize and to preach, and in his name to do
miracles. He calls them the salt of the earth, in which
name wisdom is meant ; and he calls them the light of
the world, by which good living is signified. For he
saith, ' Let your light so shine before men, that they
may see your good works, and glorify your Father which
is in heaven.' And Paul, speaking of the priests to
Timothy and Titus, seems not to me to make any differ-
ence between the priests and the other people, but that
he would have them to surpass others in knowledge and
perfection of life.
" But the fourth priesthood is the Roman priesthood,
brought in by the church of Rome ; which church makes
a distinction between tlie clergy and the lay-people : and
after that the clergy is divided into sundry degrees, as ap-
pears in the decretals. This distinction of the clergy from
the laity, with the tonsure of clerks, began in the time of
Anacletus, as it appears in the chronicles. The decrees of
the clergy were afterward invented and distinguished by
their officers, and there was no ascension to the degree of
tlie priesthood but by inferior orders and degrees. But
in the primitive church it was not so : for immediately
after the conversion of some of them to faith and bap-
tism received ; they were made priests and bishops ; as
ajipears by Anianus, who was a tailor or shoemaker, whom
Marcas made to be a bishop. And of many others it was
in like case done, according to the traditions of the
church of Rome. Priests are ordained to offer s^icrifices,
to make supplication and prayers, and to bless and sanc-
tify. The oblation of the priesthood only to priests (as
they say) is congruent : whose duties are upon the altar
to offer for the sins of the peojile the Lord's body,
which is consecrated of bread. Of which saying I have
great marvel, considering St. Paul's words to tli.e He-
brews before recited. If Christ, offering f(;r our tinj
one oblation for evermore, sits at the rignc iiand of God,
and with that one oblation has perfected for ever-
more those that are sanctified. If Christ evermore
sitteth at the right hand of God, to make intercession
for us, what need he to leave here any sa<:rifice for our
sins to be daily offered by the priests.'' 1 do not find ia
the scriptures of God, nor of the apostles, that the body
of Christ ought to be made a sacrifice for sin ; but only
as a sacrament and commemoration of the sacrifice
passed, which Christ offered upon the altar of the cross
for our sins. For it is an absurdity to say t'nat Christ
is now every day really offered as a sacrifice upon the
altar by the priests ; for then the priests sliould really
crucify him upon the altar, which is a thing to be be-
lieved by no christian. But even as in his sui)per, he de-
livered his body and his blood to his disciples, in memo-
rial of his body that should be crucified on tlie morrow
for our sins: so after his ascension, his apostles used the
same (when they brake bread in every house) for a sa-
crament, and not for a sacrifice, of the body and blood of
our Lord Jesus Christ. And by this means were they
put in remembrance of the great love of Christ, who so
entirely loved us, that he willingly suffered the death for
us, and for the remission of our sins. And thus did
they offer themselves to God by love, being ready to
suffer death for the confession of his name, and
for the saving health of his brethren, fulfilling the new
commandment of Christ, which said to them, ' A new
commandment do I give unto you, that you love one
another, as I have loved you.' But when love began to
wax cold, or rather to be frozen for cold, through the
anguish and anxiety of persecution for the name of
Christ, then priests did use the flesh and blood of Christ,
instead of a sacrifice. And because many of them
feared death, some of them fled into solitary places, no'
daring to give themselves a sacrifice by death unto God
through the confession of his name, and saving health of
their brethren : some others worshipped idols, fearing
death, as did also the chief bishop of Rome, and many
others in different parts of the world. And thus it
came to pass, that that which was ordained and con-
stituted for a memorial of the one and only sacrifice, was
altered (for want of love) into the reality of the sacrifice
itself."
After these things thus discussed, he enters upon
another brief treatise concerning women and lay-
men ; whether in defect of the clergy, they may ex-
ercise the action of prayer, and administration of sa-
craments belonging to priests, where he declares the
custom received in the pope's church for women to bap-
tize, which, saith he, cannot he without remission of
sins ; wherefore seeing that women have power by the
pope to remit sin, and to baptize, why may not they
as well be admitted to minister the Lord's supper, in
like cases of necessity .' Wherein also he makes relation
of Pope Joan the Eighth, a woman pope, proposing certain
questions concerning her. All which, for brevity, 1 omit,
proceeding to the ministration of prayer, and blessing of
sanctification, appropriate to the office of priests, as
follows.
" Furthermore, as touching the function and office of
praying and blessing, whereto priests seem to be ordained
(to omit here the question whether women may pray in
churches, in lack of other meet persons) it remaineth
now also to prosecute. Christ, being desired of his dis-
ciples to teach them to pray, gave them the common
prayer both to men and women, to which prayer in my
estimation, no other is to be compared. For in that,
first, the whole honour due unto the Deity is compre-
I.D. 1391.]
WALTER BRUTE'S DECLARATION CONCERNING EXORCISMS. &c.
24J
bended Secondly, whatsoever is necessary for us, both
for the time present, or past, or for time to come, is
there desired and prayed for. He informs us besides
to pray secretly, and also briefly : secretly to enter into
our close chamber, and there in secret he wills us to
pray unto his Father. And saith moreover, ' When ye
pray, use not vain repetitions, as the heathen do, for
they think they will be heard for their much speaking.
Be ye not therefore like to them.' By which doctrine
he calls us away from the errors of the heathen gentiles ;
from whom proceed these superstitious manner of arts,
(or rather of ignorances) as necromancy, the art of di-
vination, and other species of conjuration, not unknown
to them that are learned : for these necromancers believe
one place to be of greater virtue than another ; there to
be heard sooner than in another. Like as Balaam, being
hired to curse the people of God by his art of soothsay-
ing or charming, when he could not accomplish his pur-
pose in one place, he removed to another ; but he in the
, end was deceived of his desire. For he, intending first
to curse them, was not able to curse them whom tlie
Lord blessed, so that his curse could not hurt any of all
that people. After like sort, the necromancers turn
their face to the East, as to a place more apt for their
prayers. Also the necromancers believe that the virtue
of the words of the prayer, and the curiosity thereof,
causes them to bring to eflFect that which they seek after ;
: which is also another point of infidelity, used much of
charmers, sorcerers, enchanters, soothsayers, and such
like. Out of the same art (I fear) proceedeth the
practice of exorcising, whereby devils and spirits be con-
jured to do that whereunto they are inforced by the ex-
, orcist. Also whereby other creatures likewise are exor-
cised or conjured, so that by the virtue of their exorcism
' they may have their power and strength exceeding all
j natural operation.
I "In the church of Rome many such exorcisms and con-
' juratious are practised, andare called of them benedictions,
or hallowings. But here I ask of these exercisers, whe-
ther they believe the things and creatures so exorcised
[ and hallowed, have that operation and efficacy given them
i which tiiey pretend ? If they so believe, every child may
' see that they are deceived. For holy water being of
] them exorcised or conjured, hath no such power in it,
I neither can have, which they in their exorcism do com-
mand. For there they enjoin and command, that wliere-
I ever that water is sprinkled, all vexation or infestation
; of the unclean spirit should avoid, and not that no pes-
' tileut spiiit there should abide, &c. But it is most
: plain that no water, be it never so holy, can have any
! 8uch power so ro do, as it is commanded, to wit, to be an
universal remedy to expel all diseases.
"I would ask this of these exorcists ; whether in their
I cominandiug, they do conjure or adjure the things con-
jured to be of aa higher virtue and operation, than their
own nature gives ; or else whether they in their prayers
' desire of God, that he will infuse into them that virtue,
which they retjuire ? If they in their commanding do so
believe, then do they believe that they have that power
I in them to vvliich the inferior power of the thing
I exorcised must obey, in receiving that which is com-
j manded. And so doing they are much more deceiv-
'. ed, forasmuch as they see themselves, that they who
; are so authorised to the office of exorcising, say to
the devil being conjured, 'Go, and he goeth not;
and to another. Come, and he cometh not ;' and
I many things else they command tlie inferior spirit
their subject to do, and he does it not. So in like case,
when they pray to God to make the water to be of such
' virtue, that it may be to them health of mind and body,
. and that it may be able to expel every unclean spirit,
, and to chase away all manner of distemper and pestilence
i of the air (being an unreasonable petition asked, and dis-
pleasing to God) it is to be feared lest their benediction,
their hallowing and blessing is changed into cursing, ac-
cording to that saying that follows : ' and now, O ye
priests, this commandment is for you ; If ye will not
hear, and if ye will not lay it to heart, to give glory to
my name, saith the Lord of Hosts, I will send a curse
upon you, and I wiL cuise your blessings.' Mai. ii. 1,2.
How many things are blessed, or hallowed in the
church, that in hallowing thereof displease God, and
are accursed ? And therefore according to the saying of
St. James, ' they ask and receive not, because they ask
amiss, that they may consume it on their lusts.' Let a
man behold the blessing or hallowing of their fire, water,
incense, wax, bread, wine, the church, the altar, the
churchyard, ashes, bells, copes, palms, oil, candles, salt,
the hallowing of the ring, tlie bed, the staff, and of many
such like things ; and I believe that a man shall find out
many errors of the heathen magicians, witches, sooth-
sayers and charmers. And notwithstanding the ancient
magicians in their books command those that are conju-
rors, that they in any wise live devoutly (for otherwise,
as they say, the spirits will not obey their commandments,
and conjurations) yet the Roman conjurors impute it to
the virtue of the holy words, because it is they that work,
and not the holiness of the conjurors : how comes it to
pass that they say, the things consecrated by a cursed and
vicious priest, should have as great virtue in pronouncing
(as they say) the holy and mystical words, as if they were
pronounced by a priest never so lioly ? But I marvel tliat
they say so, reading this saying in the acts of the ai>o.>.tles :
because the charmers pronouncing the iiuine of Jes>is
(that is above all names) would have healed tliose that
were possessed with devils, and said ; ' AVe adjure you by
Jesus, whom Paul preacheth.' And the possessed with
devils answered, ' Jesus I know, and Paul I know, but
who are ye ?' And he beat the exorcists.
"And now considering this andmany such like things,
I marvel wherefore the vicious priests do sell their pray-
ers and blessings dearer (as also their masses and trentals
of masses) than those that be devout laymen, and holy
women : who with all their heart desire to flee from
vice, and take hold of virtue. Forasmuch as God in di-
vers places of the scripture doth promise that he will not
hear sinners and wicked persons. Neither should he
seem to be just, if he should sooner hear the j)rayers of
his enemies, than of his faithful friends. Ho.v, 1 pray
you, shall a sinful priest deliver another man from sin by
his j)rayers, or else from the punishment of sin, when he
is not able to deliver himself by his prayer from sin ?
What then doth God so much accept in the mass of a
vicious priest, that for his mass, his prayer or oblation,
he might deliver any man either from sin, or from the
pain due for sin ? No, but because Christ once offered
himself for our sins, and now sitteth on the right hand
of God the Father, always shewing unto him what and
how great things he hath suffered for us. And every
priest always makes mention in his mass of this oblation.
Neither do we this that we might bring the same oblation
into the remembrance of God, because that he always in
his presence sees the same ; but that we should have in
remembrance this so great love of God, that he would
give his own Son to die for our sins, that he might
cleanse and purify us from all our sins. What, doth it
please God, that the remembrance of so great love is
made by a priest, who loves sin more than God ? Or
how can any prayer of such a priest please God, in what
holy place soever he be, or what holy vestments soever
he put on, or what holy prayers soever he makes? And
whereas Chi ist and his apostles do command the preach-
ing of the word of God; the priests be now more bound
to celebrate the mass, and more straightly bound to say the
canonical hours ; whereat I cannot but greatly marvel.
For why ? To obey tlie precepts of men more than the
commandments of God, is in effect to honour man as
God, and to bestow the sacrifice upon man which is
due unto God, and this is also spiritual fornication. How
therefore are priests bound at the commandment of man
to leave the preaching of the word of God, at whose com-
mandment they are not bound to leave the celebration of
the mass, or singing of matins? Therefore, priests ought
not at the commandment of any man to leave the preach-
ing of the word of God, which they are bound both by di-
vine and apostolical precepts.
"Do priests therefore sin or not, who bargain for money
to pray for the soul of any dead man ? It is well known
that Jesus did whip those that were buyers and sellers
out of thf temple, saying ; ' My house shall be called th0
250 WALTER BRUTE'S DECLARATION ON SELLING PRAYERS AND DIRGES.
[lioOK f.
house of prayer, but you have made it a den of thieves.'
Truly he cast out such merchants from out of the
churcli, because of their sins. Whereupon Jerome
upon this text saith ; Let the priest be diligent and take
good heed in this church, that they turn not the house of
God into a den of thieves. He doubtless is a thief who
seeks j^ain by religion, and by a shew of holiness studies
to find occasion of merchandise. Peter the apostle said
to Simon Magus, ' Thy money perish with thee, be-
cause thou hast thought that the gifts of God may be
bought for money.' Therefore the spiritual gifts of God
ought not to be sold.
"Verily, prayer isthespiritualgift ofGod,as is also the
preaching of the word of God, or the laying on of hands,
or the administration of other the sacraments. Christ,
sending forth his disciples to preach, said unto them ;
* Heal ye the sick, cast out devils, raise the dead, freely
ye have received, freely give.' If the priest have power
to deliver souls in purgatory from grievous pains, without
doubt he has received that power freely from God. How
therefore can he sell his act, unless he resist the com-
mandments of God, of whom he has received that autho-
rity ? This truly cannot be done without sin, as it is
against the commandment of God. How plainly spake
Christ to the pharisees and priests, saying ; 'Woe unto
you scribes and pharisees, hypocrites, because ye devour
widows' houses, and for a pretence make long prayers,
therefore shall ye receive greater damnation.' Wherein
I pray you do our pharisees and priests differ from them ?
Do not our priests devour widows' houses and posses-
sions, that by their long prayers they might deliver the
souls of their husbands from the grievous pains of purga-
tory ? How many lordships I pray you have been bestow-
ed upon the monastic men and women to pray for the
dead, that they might deliver those dead men from the
pain (as they said) that they suffer in purgatory, griev-
ously tormented and vexed ? If their prayers and speak-
ing of holy words shall not be able to deliver themselves
from pain, unless they have good works ; how shall other
men be delivered from pain by their prayers, who while
they lived, gave themselves over to sin ? Yea, peradven-
ture those lordships or lands, which they gave to the
priests to pray for them, they themselves have gotten by
might from other faithful men, unjustly, and violently :
and the canons do say, that sin is not forgiven, till the
thing taken away wrongfully be restored : how then shall
they be able (who unjustlypossess such lordships or lands)
to deliver them by their prayers from pain, who have
given to them these lordships or lands, seeing God from
the beginning has hated all extortion in his burnt sacri-
fices ? ' Not every one that saith unto me, Lord, Lord,
shall enter into the kingdom of Heaven : buthethat doeth
the will of my Father which is in Heaven.' And again,
' not the hearers of the law, but the doers of the law shall
be justified.'
" If therefore the wordsof him that prays donotdeliver
himself from sin, nor from the pain of sin, how do they
deliver other men from sin or from the pain of sin, when
no man prays more earnestly for another man, than for
himself? Therefore many are deceived in buying or
selling of prayers, as in the buying of pardons,
that they might be delivered from pain ; when com-
monly they pay dearer fur the prayers of the proud and
vicious prelates, than for the prayers of devout women
and devout men of the hiy people. But out of doubt,
God does not regard the person of him that prays, nor
the place in which he prays, nor his apparel, nor the cu-
riousness of his prayer, but the humility and godly affec-
tion of him that prays. Did not the pharisee and the
publican go up into the temple to pray ? The publican's
prayer for his humility and godly affection is heard. But
the Pharisee's prayer for his pride and arrogancy is con-
temned. Consider that neither the person, nor the place,
nor the state, nor the curiousness of his prayer helps the
pharisee : because the publican not thinking himself wor-
thy to lift up his eyes to Heaven, for the multitude of his
Bins (saying, O God, be merciful unto me a sinner) is
justified in his humility, and his prayer is heard. But
the pharisee boasting in his righteousness is despised,
because God thrusta down the proud, and exalteth the
humble and those that be meek. The rich glutton also
that was clothed with purple and fine linen, and fared
sumptuously every day, praved unto Abraham, and is not
heard, hut it is buried in ))ains and torments of Hell fire.
But Lazarus, who lay begging at his gate, (being full of
sores) is placed in the bosom of Abraham. Behold that
neither the richness of his apparel, nor the dcliciousness of
his banquets, nor the gorgeousness of his estate, neither
the abundance of his riches, heljis any thing to prefer the
jirayers or petitions of the rich glutton, nor yet diminish
his torments, because that miglity men in their migliti-
ness shall suffer torments mightily. How dare any man
by composition demand or receive any thing of another
man for his prayers ? If he believe that he can by his
prayer deliver his brother from grievous pain, he is bound
by charity to relieve his brother with his prayers although
he be not hired : but if he will not pray unless he be
hired, then has he no love at all. What therefore helps
the prayer of him who abides not in charity ? Therefore
let him first take compassion on himself by prayer, that
he may come into charity, and then he shall be the bet-
ter able to help others. If he believe not, or if he stands
in doubt whether he shall be able to deliver his brother
by his prayer, wherefore does he make with him an as-
sured bargain, and take his money, and yet knows not
whether he shall relieve him ever a whit the more, or not,
from his pain ? I fear lest the words of the prophet are
fulfilled, saying. From the least to the most, all men ap-
ply themselves to covetousness ; and from the pro])het to
the priest, all work deceitfully. For the poor priests
excuse themselves concerning this selling of their
prayers, saying, the young cock learns to crow from the
old cock. For, he saith, that the pope himself, in stalling
of bishops and abbots, takes the first-fruits : in the placing
or bestowing of benefices he always taketh somewhat,
especially if the benefices be great. And he selleth part
dons or bulls, and to speak more plain, he takes money
for them. Bishops in giving orders, in hallowing churches
and churchyards, do take money : in ecclesiastical correc-
tion they take money for the mitigation of penance : in the
grievous offences of convicted persons, money is requir-
ed, and caused to be paid. Abbots, monks, and other
religious men that have possession, will receive no man
into their fraternity, or make them partakers of their spi-
ritual suffrages, unless he bestow somewhat upon tliem,
or promise them somewhat. Curates and vicars having
sufficient livings by the tithes of their parishioners, yet in
dirges and years' minds, in hearing confessions, in wedt.
dings and buryings, require and have money. The friars
also of the four orders of beggars, who think themselves
to be the most perfect men of the church, take money
for their prayers, confessions, and buryings of the dead;
and when they preach, they believe that they shall have
either money or some other thing worth money. Where-
fore then are the poor priests blamed .' ought not they tO
be held excused, although they take money for their pray.
ers by composition ? Truly (me thinketh) that this ex-
cuse by other men's sins does not excuse them, forasmuch
as to heap one mischief upon another's head, is no suffi-
cient discharge. I would to God all the buyers and sel-
lers of spiritual suffrages would with the eyes of their
heart behold the ruin of the great city, and the fall of
Babylon, and that which they shall say after that fall.
Does not the prophet say, ' And the merchants of the
earth shall weep andmournforher,fornonianbuyeth their
merchandise any more, the merchandise of gold aiid sil-
ver, and p'-ecious stone, and of pearl, and fine linen, and
purple and silk.' Rev. xviii. 1. And again, he saith ; 'The
merchants of these things which were made rich by her,
shall stand afar off for the fear of her torment, weeping
and wailing, and saying, alas ! alas! that great city, that
was clothed in fine linen and purple and scarlet, and
decked with gold and precious stones and pearls, for in
one hour so great riches are come to nought,' Rev. xviii.
If). And again ; 'And they cast dust upon their heads,
and cried out, weeping and wailing, and saying ; alas 1
alas ! that great city, wherein were made rich all that had
ships in the sea, by reason of her costliness ! for in one
hour is she made desolate.' Rev. xviii. 19.
" This Babylon, this great city, is the city of Rome.
A. D. 1391.]
WALTER BRUTE'S DECLARATION— ROME IS BABYLON, &c.
251
Because the angel which shewed to St. John the destruction
of the mishty harlot sitting upon many waters, with whom
the kings of the earth have committed fornication, and
all they which dwell upon the earth, are made drunk with
the wine of her fornication, said unto him, ' And the
■woman which thou sawest, is the great city that reigneth
over the kings,' &c. And indeed in the days of St.
John the whole world was subject to the temporal empire
of the city of Rome, and afterwards it was subject to the
spiritual empire or dominion of the same. But touching
the temporal government of the city of Rome, it is fallen
already : and so the other also, for the multitude of her
spiritual fornication, shall fall. The emperors of the city
gave themselves to idolatry, and would have men honour
them as gods, and put all those to death that refused
such idolatry, and by the cruelty of their torments aU in-
fidels got the upper hand.
" Hereupon by the image of Nabuchadnezzar, the em-
pire of the Romans is likened to iron, which beats to-
gether, and has the mastery of all metals. And in the
vision of Daniel, wherein he saw the four winds of heaven
to fight in the main sea ; and four very great beasts com-
ing out of the sea ; the kingdom of the Romans is likened
to the fourth terrible and marvellous beast, which had
great iron teeth ; eating and destroying, and treading the
rest under his feet : and this beast had ten horns, and as
Daniel saith, he shall speak words against the most
high, and shall tear with his teeth the saints of the most
liigh : and he shall think that he may be able to change
times and laws, and they shall be delivered into his
power, until a time, times, and half a time. In the Reve-
lation, St. John saw a beast coming out of the sea, having
seven heads and ten horns, and power was given to him
to continue forty-two months. So long time endured the
empire of the Romans; that is to say, from the begin-
ning of Julius Cesar, which was the first emperor of the
Romans, unto the end of Fredericus, which was the last
emperor of the Romans. Under this empire Christ
suffered, and other martyrs also suffered for his name's
sake. And here is fallen Rome as Babylon (which is
all one) according to the manner of speaking in the
Revelation, as touching the temporal power of govern-
ing. And thus shall she fall also touching the spiri-
tual power of governing, for the multitude of iniquities
and spiritual fornication, and merchandise that are com-
mitted by her in the church.
" The feet of the image which Nebuchadnezzar saw,
betoken the empire of Rome, and part of them were of
iron, and part of clay and earth. The part that was of
iron fell, and the power thereof vanished away, because the
power thereof was at an end after certain months. That
part of clay and earth yet endures, but it shall vanish
away by the testimony of the prophets : whereupon St.
John says in the Revelation ; after that, he saw the part
made of iron rising out of the sea, to which each people,
tribe, and tongue submitted themselves. And he saw
another beast coming out of the earth, which had two
horns, like to the horns of a lamb, and he spake like a
dragon, and he vanquished the first beast in his sight.
This beast as seems to me, betokens the clay and earthen
part of the feet and image, because he came out of the
earth. For that by earthly help he is made the high and
chief priest of the Romans in the church of Christ, and
so from below he ascended on high. But Christ de-
scended from heaven, because he who was God, and author
of every creature, became man ; and he that was Lord of
Lords, was made in the shape of a servant. And although
in the heavens the company of angels minister unto him,
he himself ministered or served in earth, that he might
teach us humility, by which a man ascends into heaven,
even as by pride a man goes down into the bottomless
pit. This beast has two horns most like a lamb, because
he challenges to himself both the priestly and kingly
power above all other here in earth. The Lamb, that is,
Christ, is king for ever upon the kingly seat of David,
and h° is a priest for ever after the order of Melchisedec ;
but his kingdom is not of this world : but the kingdom
of this beast is of this world, because those that be
under him fight for him. And as Jesus is Christ two
laaaner of ways, because that ' Christ ' is as much as to say
' anointed' ; he verily was anointed king and anointed
priest : so this beast saith, that he is chief king and
priest. Wherefore does he call himself Christ ? Because
that Christ, knowing that afore, said, ' Many shall come
in my name, saying, I am Christ, and shall deceive
many.' And thus because he is both king and priest,
he challenges to himself the double sword, that is, the
temporal sword and spiritual sword. The temporal
sword is in his right hand, and his spiritual sword is in
his right eye, by the testimony of Zechariah. But he
speaks subtilely like a dragon, because that by the testi-
mony of Christ he shall deceive many, as the book of Re-
velation witnesses. He did great wonders that he might
make more fire to come from heaven to the earth in the
sight of men, that he might deceive those that dwell upon
the earth, because of the wonders that are permitted him
to do in the sight of the beast, and he overcame the first
beast which ascended out of the sea. For that beast
challenged to himself authority of government of the whole
world. He has put to death and tormented those thai
resist his commandments, and would be honoured as a
god upon the earth. The bishop of Rome says that the
whole world ought to be in subjection to him ; those that
are disobedient to his commandments he puts in prison,
and to death if he can : if he cannot, he excommunicatea
them, and commands them to be cast into the devil's
dungeon. But he has no power over the body, much
less has he pow-er over the soul. And truly his excom-
munication, or the excommunication of any priest under
him, shall at that time little hurt him that is excommuni-
cated, so that the person of him that is excommunicated
be not first excommunicated of God through sin.
" This one thing is certain, that none in the church
ought to sell spiritual merchandize (of which things we
have spoken before) unless he have the mark of the beast.
Mycounsel is,let thebuyerbewareof thosemarks; because
that after the fall of Babylon, ' If any man worship the
beast and his image, and receive his mark in his fore-
head or in his hand, the same shall drink of the wine of
the wrathof God, which is poured out without mixture into
the cup of his indignation, and he shall be tormented in
fire and brimstone in the sight of the holy angels, and in
the sight of the Lamb : and the smoke of their torments
ascendeth up for ever and ever : and they have no rest
day nor night, who worship the beast and his image, and
whosoever receiveth the mark of his name.' The beast
doubtless recompenses his friends with his small reward ;
that is, with great temporal gifts and benefices ; with a
mean reward, that is, with great spiritual gifts, in authority
of blessing, loosing, binding, praying, and exercising other
spiritual works ; and with his greatest reward, which after
that they be dead, makes them to be honoured in earth
among the saints. The number of his name, according to
the opinion of some men, is. Dux Cleri, the ' captain of the
clergy,' because by that name he is named, and makes
his name known, and that name is 666. Rev. xiii. 18.
'* This is my opinion of the beast ascending out of the
earth, and shall be until such time as I shall be of the
same beast better instructed. And although this beast
signifies the Roman bishops ; yet the other cruel beast
ascending out of the sea, signifies the Roman emperors.
And although the dragon being a cruel beast, and the
false prophet giving the mark, must be thrown into the
lake of fire and brimstone to be tormented for ever ;
I would have no man to judge, but I leave such
things altogether to the final judgment of Christ to be
determined. But Martin the Pope's confessor, who
makes the chronicle of the emperors and the popes,
recites many errors of the popes, more horrible and abo-
minable than of the emperors. For he speaks of the
idolatrous, heretical, simoniacal popes, and popes that
were murderers, that used necromancy and witchcraft,
that were evil livers, and defiled with all kind of vice.
But I have partly declared how the pope's law is con-
trary to Christ's law, and how he saith, ' That he is the
chief vicar of Christ in earth ;' and in his deeds is con-
trary to Christ, and forsakes both his doctrine and life.
I cannot see who else may be so well antichrist, and a
seducer of the people. For there is not a greater pesti-
lence than a familiar enemy.
THE BULL OF POPE BONIFACE IX. AGAINST THE LOLLARDS.
[Book ?, I
"As concerning idols, and the worshipping of them,
1 think of them, as Moses, Solomon, Isaiah, Jeremiah,
and the rest of the prophets did, who speak against
the making of images, as also the worshipping of images.
And faithful David, full of the Spirit of God, saith, ' Let
all them be confounded that worship images, and that re-
joice in idols.' And again he saith, ' Let them be made
like unto them that make them, and all such as put their
trust in them.' Wherefore I pray God that this evil
come not upon me, which is the curse of God pronounced
by David the prophet. Nor will I be, by God's grace,
either a maker, or a worshipper of images."
After all the aforesaid things were exhibited and given
by M^alter Brute, to the bishop of Hereford ; he further
appointed to Walter, the Ad day of October, at Hereford,
to hear his opinion. Which third day now at hand,
being Friday (A. D. 1393), Walter Brute appeared
before him, sitting in commission in the cathedral church
of Hereford, about sLx o'clock ; having for his assistants
in the same place, divers prelates and abbots, and twenty
bachelors of divinity, whereof twelve were monks, and
two doctors of the law. Amongst these was Nicholas
Hereford accompanied with many other j)relates and
worshipful men, and wise graduates in sundry faculties,
charged Walter about his writings, and the contents
therein : they were earnest in picking out of those
writings his heresies, and in shewing his schisms, sundry
errors, and other things. Now, after that they continued
all that day, and the two days following in their informa-
tions and examinations ; W'alter Brute submitted himself
to the church, as appears in a scroll written in the English
tongue, as follows :
" I, W^alter Brute, submit myself principally to the
gospel of Jesus Christ, and to the determination of holy
Kirk, and to the general councils of holy Kirk. And to
the sentence and determination of the four doctors of
holy writ ; that is, Augustine, Ambrose, Jerome, and
Gregory. And I meekly submit me to your correction,
as a subject ought to his bishop."
W^hich scroll Walter Brute read with a loud and in-
telligible voice, at the cross in the church-yard on
Monday, the sixth day of October, before the sermon, in
presence of the bishop of Hereford and others, as also
barons, knights, and noblemen, and clergy, and also a
great multitude of people. After which Thomas Crawlay
made a sermon, and took for his text the words of the
apostle to the Romans, xi. 20.
Out of these declarations and writings of Walter
Brute, the bishops, with the monks and doctors above
rehearsed, gathered certain articles, to the number of
thirty-seven, which they sent to the university of Cam-
bridge to be confuted, to two learned men, Master Col-
will and Master Newton, bachelors of divinity. Masters
Colwill and Newton both laboured in the matter, to
the utmost of their cunning, in replying to the said
thirty-seven articles.
Besides them also, William Woodford a friar (who
wrote likewise against the articles of Wickliff) labouring
in the same cause, made a solemn and a long treatise,
compiling the articles of Brute, to the number of nine-
and-twenty.
I do not find what afterwards became of this Walter
Brute : but it is probable that he for this time escaped.
I here add certain writings and documents connected
with his history.
The bull of Pope Boniface IX. , against the Lollards.
" Boniface, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to
the reverend brother, John, bishop of Hereford, sendeth
greeting, and apostolical benediction. We mean to
write unto our well-beloved son in Christ (Richard, the
renowned king of England) in form inclosed within these
presents. Therefore we will and command your brother-
hood, that as much as ye may ye study and endeavour
yourself to exhort and induce the same king to do those
things which we have written unto him as it is said
before. And notwithstanding that now many a day yoji
ought to have done it of yourself, and not to look that
we should persuade you to that effect by us written;
you may proceed as well by our authority, as by voor
own, forasmuch as it was given you before ; that here-
after we may know effectually by your diligence, what
zeal your devotion heareth unto the catholic faitli, and
to the conserving of the ecclesiastical honour, and also
to the execution of your pastoral office.
" Given at Rome at St. Peter's, the l.'ith kalends of
October, the sixth year of our bishop-like dignity."
The hull to the renovned prince, Richard, by the grace
of God, king of England and of France, which van
inclosed in the above, and there mentioned.
"To our well beloved son in Christ, Richard, the noble
king of England, we send greeting, &c. It grieveth us
from the bottom of our hearts, and our holy mother the
church in all places through Christendom lamenteth.
We understand that there be certain heresies sprung,
and do without any condign restraint range at their own
liberty, to the seducing of the faithful people, and do
every day with overmuch liberty enlarge their undisoreet
bounds. But how much the more carefully we labour
for tlie preservation both of you and your famous king,
dom, and also the purity of the faith, and do with much
more ardent desire long that the prosperous state of the
same should be preserved and enlarged ; the sting of
greater sorrow so much the more penetrates and molests
us, as we see (alas the while !) in our time, and under the
regal presidence of your most christian government, a
certain crafty and hare-brain sect of false christians grow
and increase in your kingdom, who call themselves the
poor men of the treasury of Christ and his disciples, and
whom the common peojtle by a more sound name call
Lollards, (as a man would say, 'withered darnel'), accord-
ing as their sins require ; and perceive that they may
wax strong, and as it were prevail against the diocesans
of some places, and other governors, as they meet toge-
ther, not courageously addressing themselves against
them as they ought to do (whereof chiefly and not un.
deservedly I give them admonition) for that they take
thereby the more bolder presumption and courage among
the unlearned people. And forasmuch as those whom
we cannot call men, but the damnable shadows or ghosts
of men, do rise up against the sound faith, and holy uni-
versal church of Rome ; and that very many of them being
indifterently learned, which little learning (to the confusion
and eternal damnation of some of them) they got sitting
upon their mother's lap the said church of Rome, do
rise up or inveigh against the determination of the holy
fathers, with too much presumptuous boldness, to the
subversion of the whole ecclesiastical order and estate ;
and have not been afraid, nor are yet afraid, publicly to
preach very many erroneous, detestable, and heretical
articles, because they are not put to silence, reproved,
driven out, rooted out, or otherwise punished by any
that has authority and the fear and love of God. And
also they are not afraid openly to write the same articles,
and so being written to deliver them to your kingly par*
liament, and obstinately to affirm the same. The
venomous and disdainful recital of which articles, upon
good advise, at this present we pass over, lest the
sufferance of such sensuality might chance to renew the
wound that reason may heal. Yet notwithstanding, lest
so great and contagious an evil should escape unpu-
nished, and that without deserved vexation ; and also
that it might not get more heart, and wax more strong,
we therefore (according to our office and duty, where
there is such negligence and sluggishness of our prelates
who are present where this thing is) do commit and give
in commandment to our reverend brethren the arch-
bisho])8 of Canterbury and York by our letters ; that they
stand up in the power of God against this pestilent and
contagious sect, and that they promptly persecute the
same in form of law ; root out and destroy those, that
advisedly and obstinately refuse to withdraw their foot
from the same stumbling-block, any restraint to the
contrary notwithstanding. But because the assistance.
JA..D. 1392.] THE KING'S COMMISSION AO.\TNST THE TRUE PROFESSORS.
253
j counsel, favour, and aid of your kingly estate and high-
I ness are requisite to the execution ot the premises ; we
' require, exliort, and beseech the same your princely
higlmess by the bowels of the mercy of Jesus Christ,
by his lioly faith, by your own salvation, by the benefit
i that to all men is common, and by the prosperity assured
to every man and woman, that not only your kingly
severity may readily shew, and cause to be shewed to our
'archbishops and their commissaries, convenient aid and
favour, as otherwise also to cause them to he assisted ; but
that also you will enjoin your magistrates and justices of
assize and peace, more straightly, that of their own good
wills they execute the authority committed to them, with
all severity against such damned men, according as they
are bound by the office which they are put in trust with ;
against those, I mean, which have determined obsti-
nately to defile themselves in their malice and sins, to
expel, banish, and imprison, and there to keep them, till
condign sentence shall pronounce them worthy to sufl'er
ipunishnient. For your kingly wisdom sees that such as
jthey not only deceive poor simple souls (or at the least
ido what they can to deceive them) but also bring their
ibodies to destruction, and further prepare confusion and
ruinous fall to their temporal lords. Go too, therefore,
my sweet son, and endeavour yourself to work so in this
matter, as undoubtedly we trust you will : that as this
■firebrand (burning and flaming overmuch) began under
lyour presidence or government : so under your severe
judgment and virtuous diligence, might, favour, and aid,
there may not remain one spark hid under the ashes,
(but that it be utterly extinguished, and speedily put out.
[ " Given at our palace of St. Peter's at Rome, the loth
iof the kalends of October, in the sixth year of our ponti-
Ificality."
The king's commission.
" Richard, by the grace of God, king of England, and
,of France, and lord of Ireland, to all those unto whom
these present letters shall come, greeting. Know ye,
[that whereas lately at the instance of the reverend father,
iWilliam, archbishop of Canterbury, metropolitan of all
(England, and legate of the apostolical see, we for the
redress and amendment of all those who would obsti-
pately preach or maintain, publicly or privily, any con-
flusions of the holy scripture, repugnant to the determi
ation of our holy mother the church, and notoriously
redounding to the subversion of the catholic faith, or
fjontaining any heresy or error, within the province or
bishoprick of Canterbury, have by our special letters
patent, in the zeal of the faith, given authority and
iicence unto the foresaid archbishop, and to all and
|«iugular his suffragans, to arrest all and every of them
that will preach or maintain any such conclusions,
wherever they may be found, and to commit them either
.CO their own prisons, or any other at their own pleasure,
and to keep them in the same, until they repent them
pf the errors and depravities of those heresies, or till by
lis or by our council it should be otherwise determined,
;;hat is to say, to every one of them and their ministers
fhroughout their cities and diocese. And now the re-
ferend f ither in God, John, bishop of Hereford, hath
for a certainty informed us, that although the same bi-
fhop hatli according to justice convinced a certain fellow,
Iiamed William Swinderby, pretending himself to be
haplain, and one Stephen Bell, a learned man, and hath
ironounced them heretics, and excommunicate, and false
nformcrs among the common people, and hath declared
the sa:na by the definitive sentence of the aforesaid
j)ishop, tliey have presumed to affirm and preach openly,
(.n divers places within the diocese of Hereford, many
bonclusions or naughty ojiinions notoriously redounding
to the subversion of the catholic sound faith, and tran-
f^[uillity of our kingdom : the same bishop, notwithstand-
ing, neither by tlie ecclesiastical censures, neither by the
Force and strength of our commission, was able to revoke
the foresaid Wdliam and Stephen, nor yet to bridle the
raalice and indurate contumacy of them ; for that they,
ufter that they were convicted of such heretical pravity
by the same bishop (to the intent they might delude
liis judgireat and justice) conveyed themselves into
the borders of Wales, with such as were their fa-
vourers and accomplices, keeping themselves hid, to
whom the force of our letters does in nowise extend.
Wliereai)on the said bishop has made supplication to us,
that we will vouchsafe to provide a sufficient remedy in
tliat behalf. We, therefore, who always, by the help of
Almiglity God, are defenders of the faith, willing to
withsland such presumptuous and perverse enter])r!ses
by tlie most safe way and means, give and commit full
])ower and authority to the aforesaid bishop, and to his
ministers, by the tenor of these presents, to arrest or take,
or cause to be arrested or taken, the aforesaid William
and Stephen, in any place within the city and diocese of
Hereford, and our dominion of Wales, with all the !-peed
that may be, and to commit them either to our prison,
or else to the prison of the same bishop, or any other
prison at their pleasure, if such need be, and there to
keep them safe. And afterwards, unless they will obey
the commandments of the church, with diligence to bring
them before us and our council, or else cause them to be
brought, that we may determine for their further punish-
ment, as we shall think it requisite and convenient to be
done by the advice of our council, for the defence and
preservation of the catholic faith. And that the afore-
said William and Stephen, being succoured by the aid
of their favourers, should not be able to tly or escape to
their accustomed starting holes, and that the sharp-
ness of their pains so aggravated, may give them suffici-
ent cause to return to the lap again of their holy mo-
ther, the church ; we straightly charge and command all
and singular our sheriffs, bailiffs, barons, and all other
our officers in the city and diocese of Hereford, and in
any other places being within our dominion of Wales,
by the tenor of these presents, that from time to time
(where they think it most meet) they cause it openly to
be proclaimed in our name, that none of what state, de-
gree, pre-eminence, kind, or other condition he shall be,
do cherish openly or secretly the aforesaid William and
Stephen, until the time that they repent them of their
heresies and errors, and shall be reconciled unto the
holy church of God ; neither that any person or persons,
be believers, favourers, or receivers, defenders, or in
any case wittingly instructors of the said William or
Stephen, or any other of the residue of the heretics that are
to be convinced, upon the forfeiture of all that ever they
have. And that also they giving their attendance be
obedient and answerable to the aforesaid bishop and his
deputies in this behalf, for the execution of the pre-
mises ; and that they certify us and our council dis-
tinctly and plainly, from time to time, of the names of all
and singular persons, who shall be found culpable in
this behalf, under their seals. In witness whereof we have
caused these our letters patent to be made.
" Witness ourself at Westminster, the ninth day
of March, in the fifteenth year of our reign.
Farrington."
Another letter of the King against Walter Brute.
" Richard, by the grace of God king of England, and
of France, and Lord of Ireland, to his beloved and faith-
ful John Chaundos, knight ; John Eynfore, knight ;
Renold de la Bere, knight; Walter Deveros, knight;
Thomas de la Bare, knight ; William Lucy, knight ;
Leonard Hakeluke, knight ; and to the mayor of the city
of Hereford, to Thomas Oldcastle, Richard Nash, Roger
Wygniore, Thomas Waylwayne, John Skydmore, John
Up-Harry, Henry Morton, and to the sheriff of Hereford,
sendeth salutations.
" Forasmuch as it is advertised us, that one Walter
Brute, and other such children of iniquity, have damna-
bly holden, affirmed, and preached, certain articles and
conclusions, being notoriously repugnant agiinst the holy
scripture (of the which some of them as heresies, and
the rest as errors are finally by the church condemned),
and that in divers places within the diocese of Hereford,
and parts near adjoining, both privately, ojienly, and ob-
stinately, which thing we perceive not only to redound
to tht subversion, in a manner, of the catliolic faitli,
which as well we as other catholic princes ought of duty
254 CERTAIN GODLY PERSONS IN LEICESTER PERSECUTED FOR THE TRUTH. [Book V.
to maintain, but also to forewarn us of the subversion of
our faithful diocesans ; and that the said bishop, upon
the good deliberation and advice of a great number of
doctors in divinity, and other learned and skilful men in
the scriptures, of special devotion, according to his
bounden duty, purposed to begin and make divers and
sundry processes by law to be sent unto the aforesaid
Walter and his accomplices to appear personally before
him and other the doctors aforesaid in the cathedral
church of Hereford, the morrow after the translation of
Sf. Thomas of Hereford next ensuing, and to proceed in
the same place against the same Walter, in the aforesaid
articles and conclusions, for the amendment of his soul ;
and that they now afresh (because that the said Walter
and others of their retinue, cleaving and confederating with
him, might not suffer condign pains according to their
den.erits) endeavour themselves to make void and
frustrate the said godly purpose of the same bishop, in
such correction and execution as should have been done,
and with force do resist, and prevent the same with all the
power they may, to the great contempt of us and of our
crown, and to tlie breaking and hurting of our peace, and
pernicious example of others : we doappoint you, and every
one of you, immediately as soon as this our commission shall
be delivered unto you, in our behalf and name, to make open
proclamation in the diocese and parts aforesaid, where ye
shall think it most meet and convenient: that no man
be so hardy henceforth, of what state or condition so-
ever he shall be, within the diocese and parts aforesaid,
upon pain of forfeiture of all that ever he hath, to make
or levy any conventicles, assemblies, or confederacies, by
any colour, or that they presume to attempt or pro-
cure any other thing, whereby our peace may be hurt or
broken, or that the same bishops and doctors aforesaid
may be by any means molested or hindered in the execu-
tion of such correction as is to be done, according to the
canonical sanctions, and to arrest all those whom ye shall
find, or take offending in this behalf, or that keep them-
selves in any such conventicles ; and that they, being
committed to prison, be there kept, till you shall have
other commandment from us and from our council for
their deliverance ; and that ye distinctly and plainly
certify us, and our said council, of all your doing in
this behalf under your seals, or else the seals of
some of you. And therefore we straightly charge and
command you, and every one of you, that ye diligently
attend upon tlie premises, and that in your deeds ye ex-
ecute the same with all diligence and careful endeavour
in the form and manner aforesaid. And further we give
straight charge and commandment to all and singular
sheriffs, mayors, bailiffs, constables, and other our faithful
subjects, by the tenor of these presents, that they attend
upon you, counsel and aid you and every one of you, as
is meet and convenient in the doing and execution of the
premises. In witness whereof, we have caused these
our letters patents to be made. Witness myself at
W^estminster, the twenty-second day of September, in
the seventeenth year of our reign.
" By the same king and council."
Thus King Richard, by the setting on of William
Courtney, archbishop of Canterbury, and his fellows,
taking part with the pope and Romish prelates, became
strict and hard against the poor christians of the other
side who followed Wickliff. Yet during the life of this
king I find none expressly by name that suffered burn-
ing. Some, however, there were, who, by the arch-
bishop and other bishops, had been condemned, and
some also abjured, and did penance as well in other
places, as chiefly about the town of Leicester, as is de-
clared in the archbishop's register and records as follows :
" At the time the said archbishop William Courtney
■was in his visitation at the town of Leicester, certain
there were accused and detected to him, by the monks
and other priests in the said town. The names of which
persons there detected were Roger Dexter, Nicholas
Taylor, Richard Wagstaff, Michael Scrivener, William
Smith, John Henry, William Parchmentar, and Roger
Goldsmith, inhabitants of the town of Leicester. These,
with others, were denounced to the archbishop for
holding the opinion of the sacrament of the altar, of auri-
cular confession, and other sacraments, contrary to that
which the church of Rome preaches and observes. All
which parties above named, and many others whose
names are not known, held these heresies and errors
here underwritten, and are of the church of Rome con-
demned.
"1. That in the sacrament of the altar, after the words
of consecration, there remains the body of Christ with
the material bread.
" 2. That images ought not to be worshipped in any
case, and that no man ought to set any candle before them.
" 3. That no cross ought to be worshipped.
"4. The masses and mattens ought not with an high
and loud voice to be said in the church.
" 5. That no curate or priest, taken in any crime, can
consecrate, hear confessions, or minister any of the
sacraments of the church.
" G. That the pope and all prelates of the church can-
not bind any man with the sentence of excommunication,
unless they know him to be first excommunicated of God.
"7. That no prelate of the church can grant any
pardons.
"8. That every layman may in every place preach and
teach the gospel.
" y. That it is sin to give any alms or charity to the
friars, preachers, Minorites, Augustinians, or CarmeUtes.
"10. That no oblation ought to be used at thf funerals
of the dead.
"11. That it is not necessary to make confession of
our sins to the priest.
" 12. That every good man, although he be unlearned,
is a priest."
These articles they taught, preached, and affirmed
manifestly in the town of Leicester, and other places ad-
joining. Whereupon the said archbishop admonished the
said Roger and Nicholas, with the rest, on the next day
to make answer unto him in the said monastery to the
aforesaid articles. But the aforesaid Roger and Ni-
cholas, with the rest, hid themselves out of the way, and
appeared not. Whereupon the archbishop upon All-
hallow day, being the first day of November, celebrating
the high nmss at the high altar, in the said monastery,
being attired in his pontifical robes, denounced the said
parties with all their adherents, favourers, and coun-
sellors, excommunicate and accursed, who either held,
taught, or maintained the aforesaid heretical and errone-
ous conclusions, and that in solemn wise, by ringing the
bells, lighting the candles, and putting out the same
again, and throwing them down to the ground, with
other circumstances thereunto belonging. Upon the
morrow after, being All-Souls day, he sent for all the
curates and some laymen of the town of Leicester, to in-
quire more diligently of the verity of such matter as they
knew, and were able to say against any persons whatever
concerning the aforesaid articles, as also against the parties
before named and specified upon their oaths, denouncing
every one of them severally by their names to be excom-
municated and accursed ; and caused them also to be ex-
communicated in divers parish churches in Leicester.
Andfurtherthe said archbishop interdicted the whole town
of Leicester, and all the churches in the same, so long
as any of the aforesaid excommunicate persons should
remain, or be within the same, and till all the Lollards of
the town should return and amend from such heresies
atid errors, obtaining at the said archbishop's hands the
benefit of absolution.
At length it was declared and shewed to the said arch-
bishop, that there was a certain anchoress, whose name
was Matilda, enclosed within the church-yard of St.
Peter's church of the town of Leicester, infected with
the pestiferous contagion of the aforesaid heretics and
Lollards : whereupon, after the said archbishop had ex-
amined the aforesaid Matilda, touching the aforesaid
conclusions, heresies, and errors, and found her not to
answer plainly and directly to the same, but sophistically
an d subtlely ; he peremptorily gave and assigned unto
lier a day, j)ersonally to appear before him in the monas-
tery of St. James at Northampton, more fully to answer
to the said articles, heresies, and errors, which was the
A. D. 1393.] PENANCE ENJOINED ON THOSE WHO ABJURED THE TRUTH.
255
sixth day of the said month of November ; commanding
the abbot of the mouasteiy of Pratis, that the door of
the recuse, in which the said Matilda was, should be
opened, and thst till his return he should cause her
to be put in safe custody. That done, he sent forth
his mandate against the Lollards, under this form : —
" William, by the permission of God, &c. To his well-
beloved sons, the mayor and bailiff's of the town of Lei-
cester diocese, greeting. We have lately received the
king's letters, graciously granted us for the defence of
the catholic faith, in these words following : Ricliard,
by the grace of God, king of England and of France, &c.
We, on the behalf of our holy mother, the cliurch, by
the king's authority aforesaid, do require you, that you
cause ttie same Richard, William, Roger, and tlie rest,
to be arrested, and sent unto us ; that they with their
pernicious doctrine do not infect the people of God, tkc.
Given under our seal," &c.
By another instrument also in the same register men-
tion is made of one Margaret Gaily, a nun, who, forsak-
ing her order, was by the said archbishop constrained,
against her will, again to enter the same, as by this in-
strument here- under ensuing may appear.
"William, by the grace of God, &c. To our reverend
brother of God, John, by the grace of God, bishop of
Ely, greeting, &c. In the visitation of our diocese of
Lincoln according to our office amongst other enormi-
ties worthy reformation, we found one slieep strayed out
of our fold, and entangled amongst the briars ; to wit,
Margaret Gaily, nun professed, in the monastery of St.
RaJegond, within your diocese, who, casting off the ha-
bit of her religion, was found in secular attire, many
years being an apostate, and leading a dissolute life.
And lest her blood should be required at our hands, we
Lave caused her to be taken and brought unto you, being
her pastor ; and straightly enjoining you, by these pre-
sents we do command, that you admit the same IMar-
garet again into her aforesaid monastery (although re-
curned against her will), or else into some other place,
^-here for her soul's health you shall think most conve-
nient ; and that from henceforth she be safely kept, as
in the straight examination of the same you will yield an
account. Given under our seal," &c.
By sundry other instruments also in the same register
I find, that Matilda, the anchoress, upon the straight ex-
amination and handling of the archbishop, before whom
she was peremptorily enjoined to appear, and till that
day of appearance taken out of the recluse, and com-
mitted to safe custody, as you heard, retracted and re-
canted her aforesaid articles and opinions. For which
she being enjoined forty days' penance, was again ad-
mitted into her recluse in Leicester.
Also, by another letter of the archbishop to the dean
of the cathedral church of our lady of Leicester, I
find that of the number of those eight persons be-
fore recited, whom the archbishop himself at high
mass, in his pontifical robes so solemnly cursed with
book, bell, and candle : after process against them, or
else in the meantime they being aj)prehended and taken,
two of them recanted their opinions ; to wit, William
Smith and Roger Dexter. But in the meantime Alice,
the wife of Roger Dexter, abjured the same. However,
vvhether they presented themselves willingly, or else
were brought against their wills (as most like it was)
hard penance was enjoined them before they were ab-
solved. The -words of the instrument are as fol-
lows : —
" Seeing our holy mother the church denies not her
lap to any penitent child returning to her unity, but
rather proffers to them the same : we therefore receive
again \\ illiam, Roger, and Alice, to grace. And further
^ave caused them to abjure all and singular the foresaid
j articles and opinions, before they received of us the
; benefit of absolution, and were loosed from the sentence
of excomiauiiication, wherein they were snarled, enjoin-
ing to them penance, according to the quantiiy of the
crime, in forn^ as follows , that is to say, that the Sun-
day next after their returning to their proj)er goods,
they, the said V^ illiain, Roger, and Alice, holding every
of them an image of the crucifix in their hands, and in
their left hands every one of them a taper of wax,
weigliing half a jiound weight, in their shirts (having
none other apparel upon them) do go before the cross
three times, during the procession of the cathedral
clmrch of our lady of Leicester; that is to say, in the
beginning of the procession, in the middle of the pro-
cession, and in the latter end of the procession ; to the
honour of him that was crucified, in tlie memorial of his
passion, and to the honour of the ^'irgin his mother;
who also devoutly bowing their knees and kneeling,
shall kiss the same crucifix, so held in their hands.
And so with the same procession they entering again
into the churcli, shall stand during all the tinie of the
holy mass, before the image of the cross, with tlieir
tapers and crosses in their hands. And when tl:e mass
is ended, the said \\ illiam, Roger, and Alice, shall oiler
to him that celebrated that day the mass. Then ujson
the Saturday next ensuing, the said William, Roger, and
Alice, shall in the full and public market, witliin the
town of Leicester, stand in like manner in their shirts,
without any more clothes upon their bodies, holding the
foresaid crosses in their right hands ; which crosses
they shall devoutly kiss three times, (during tlie market)
reverently kneeling upon their knees ; that is, in the be-
ginning of the market, in the middle of the market, and
in the end of the market. And the said M illiam (be-
cause he somewhat understands the Latin tongue) shall
say this anthem, with the collect, " IIoli/ Ca///erine,"
&c. ; and the foresaid Roger and Alice, being unlearned,
shall say devoutly a Pater Noster, and an Ave Maria.
And, thirdly, the Sunday next immediately after the
same, the said William, Roger, and Alice, in their
parish church of the said town of Leicester shall stand
and do, as upon the Sunday before they stood and did
in the cathedral church of our lady aforesaid in all
things. Which done, the foresaid \^ illiam, Roger, and
Alice, after mass, shall offer to the priest or chaplain
that celebrated the same, with all humility and rever-
ence the wax tapers, which they shall carry in their
hands. And because of the cold weather that now is,
lest the foresaid penitents mighc peradventure take some
bodily hurt standing so long naked (being mindful to
moderate partly our rigour) we give leave, that after
their entrance into the churches above said, whilst they
shall be in hearing the foresaid masses, they may put on
necessary garments to keep them from cold, so that
their heads and feet notwithstanding be bare and un-
covered. We therefore will and command you, together
and apart, that you pronounce the said William, Roger,
and Alice to be absolved and restored again to the unity
of our holy mother the church, and that you call them
forth to do their penance in manner and form aforesaid.
Given at Dorchester the 17th day of November, ia
the year 13S'J, and the ninth year of our translation."
To the above narration we will adjoin the history of
Peter Pateshul, an Augustinian friar, who, obtaining by
the pope's privilege (through the means of Walter Dis,
confessor to the duke of Lancaster) liberty to change his
coat and order, and hearing the doctrine of John \\ ick-
liff, and others of the same kind, began at length to
preach openly, and expose the vices of his order, in such
a way that all men wondered to hear the horrible recital.
This being brought to the ears of his order, they to the
number of twelve (coming out of their houses to the
place where he was preaching) thought to have with-
stood him by force. Among whom one especially lor
the zeal of his religion, stood up openly, during his
preaching, and contradicted what he said, as he was
preaching in the church of St. Christopher in London.
When the faithful Londoners saw this, taking grief
hereat, they were very angry against the friar, thrust-
ing him with his other brethren out of the church,
whom they not only had beaten and sore wounded, but
also followed them home to their house, intending to have
256=
THE ROOK OF CONCLUSIONS EXHIBITED TO PARLIAMENT.
[EooK V.
destroyed their mansion with fire also : and would have
so done, had not one of the sheriifs of London, with two
of the friars of the house, well known and reported
amongst the Londoners, with gentle words mitigated
their rage and violence. After this, Peter Pateshul thus
disturbed, was desired by the Londoners (forsomuch as
he could not well preach amongst them) to put in writ-
ing what he had said, and other things besides that he
knew about the friars. He at their request writing the
.Kdme, accused the friars of murder committed against
Heverul of tlieir brethren. And to make the matter
more apparent and credible, he declared the names of
them tbat were murdered, with the names also of their
tfirmentors : and named moreover time and place, where
and wiieu they were murdered, and where they were
burled. He affirmed further that they were guilty of
other horrible sins, and wc-e traitors both to the king
and the realm ; with many other crimes, which mine
. author For tediousness leaves ofl' to recite. And for the
niore confutation of the friars, the Londoners caused
tlie accounts to be openly set up at St. Paul's church-
door in London, which was there read, and they were
<-opit'd l)y many. This was done A. D. LJ87, and in the
ttntli year of King Richard II.
Thus it may appear how the gospel of Christ,
preached by John Wickliff and others, began to spread
and fructify abroad in London, and other places of the
realm : and more woidd have done no doubt, had not
M'illiam Courtney the archbis}\op, and other prelates
v.-ith the king, set them so forcibly with might and
main to witlistand the course thereof. However, as
is said before, I find none who were put to death
during the reign of this King Richard II. Whereby it
appears of this king, that although he cannot utterly be
excused for molesting the godly and innocent preachers
of that time, (as by his briefs and letters afore men-
tioned may appear) yet was he not so cruel against them,
as others that came after him : and that which he did,
seemed to proceed by the instigation of the pope and
other bishops, rather than by the consent of his parlia-
ment, or advice of his council about him, or else by his
own nature. But however the doings of this king are to
be excused, or not, it is undoubted, that Queen Anne his.
wife, most rightly deserves singular commendation ; who
at the same time, living with the king, had the gospels
of Christ in l']nglish, with the writings of four doctors upon
the same. This Anne was a Bohemian born, and sister to
W'encchius, king of Bohemia : she was married to King
Richard about the fifth (some say the sixth) year of his
r;-'ign, and continued with him the space of eleven years.
IJy the occasion whereof it may seem not improbable,
th.it the Bohemians coming in with her, or resorting
intd this realm after her, perused and received here the
b;)iiks of John WicklifF, which afterward they conveyed
into Bohemia.
'1 he said virtuous Queen Anne, after she had lived
with King Richard about eleven years, in the seven-
teenth year of his reign changed tliis mortal life, and
was buiied at Westminster. At whose funeral Thomas
AraniUl, then archbishop of York, and Lord Chancel-
lor, made tiie sermon. In which sermon (as remains in
the library of Worcester) he, treating of the commenda-
tion of her, said these words, That it was more joy of
her than of any woman that ever he knew ; for not-
withstanding that she was born an alien, she had in
ICnglish all the four gospels, with the doctors upon
tliern : aflirming, moreover, and testifying, that she had
sent the same to him to exaniine ; and he said they
v.ere good and true. And, further, with many words of
praise lie greatly commended her, in that she being so
great a lady, and also a foreigner, would humbly study
such virtuous books. And in that sermon he blamed
shar])ly the negligence of the prelates and other men.
Insomuch that some said, he would on the morrow give
up the offict-tof chancellor, and forsake the world, and
fulfil his pastoral office, for what lie had seen and read in
those books ; and then it had been the best sermon
that ever they heard. In which sermon of Thomas
Arundel, three points are to be considered : first, the
laudable cubtora of those old times, to have the scrip.
ture and doctors in our vulgar English tongue. Secondly,
the virtuous exercise and example of this godly lady,
who had these books not for a shew hanging at her
girdle ; but also seemed by this sermon to be a studious
reader of the same. The third thing to be noted is,
what fruit the archbishop declared also himself to have
received at the hearing and reading of the same books
in the English tongue. However, the same Thomas
Arundel, after this sermon and promise made, became
the most cruel enemy that might be against English
books, and the authors thereof, as follows afterwards in
his history.
For shortly after the death of Queen Anne, in the
same year (the king being then in Ireland) this Thomas
Arundel, archbishop of York, and Robert Rraybrocke
the bishop of London, (whether sent by the archbishop
of Canterbury and the clergy, or whether going of their
own accord) crossed the seas to Ireland, to desire the
king with all sjieed to return and help the faith and
church of Christ, against such as holding WicklifTs
doctrine, went about (as they said) to subvert all their
proceedings, and to destroy the canonical sanctions of
their holy mother church. At this complaint the king
hearing the one party speak, and not hearing the other,
was so incensed, that immediately leaving all his afiairs
incomplete, he hastened his return to England. In
the beginning of the following year, (which was A. D.
l.'59.5,) a parliament was called at Westminster. In
which certain articles or conclusions were put up by
tliose of the gospel's side, to the number of twelve.
Which conclusions were fastened upon the church-door
of St. Paul in London, and also at Westminster : the
copy of which conclusions, with the words and contents
thereof here follow : —
The Book of Conclusions or Reformations, exhihiied to
the Parliament at London, and set vp at the door of
St. Paul's, and other places, in the eighteenth year of
the reign of King Richard II., and in the year \'A\)a.
The first conclusion : When the church of England be-
gan first to dote in temporalities after her stejunothe
the great church of Rome, and the churches were
authorised by appropriations ; then faith, hope, and
charity began in divers places to vanish and fiy away
from our church, for pride with her most lamentable
and dolorous genealogy of mortal and deadly sins, chal-
lenged that place by title of heritage. And this conclu-
sion is general, and approved by experience, custom.
and manner, as ye shall after hear.
The second conclusion : That our usual priesth.ood,
which took its original at Rome, and is feigned to t.e a
power higher than angels, is not that priesthood wliich
Christ ordained to his disciples. This conclusion is
thus proved, Forsomuch as the Romish priesthood is
done with signs and pontifical rites and ceremonies, and
benedictions, of no force and effect, neither having any
ground in scripture, forsomuch as the bishop's ortiinal
and the New Testament do not at all agree ; neither do
we see that the Holy Ghost gives any good gift tVn-ongh
any such signs or ceremonies; because he, togttlier with
all noble and good gifts, cannot co-exist in any ])erson
with deadly sin. It is a lamentable and dolorous
mockery to wise men, to see the bishops mock and jilay
with the Holy Ghost in the giving of their orders.
The third conclusion.'
The fourth conclusion that most harms the innocent
people, is this : That the feigned miracle of the sacra-
ment of bread induces all men, except it be a very few,
to idolatry : for they think that the body wliich shall
never be out of heaven, is by the virtue of tjie ])riest's
words essentially included in the little bread, ■« hich they
shew to the people. But would to God they would be-
lieve that which the evangelical doctor- teaches us in his
trialogue, " That the biead of the altar is the body of
Christ accidentally :" forsomuch as we suppose that by
(1) Tliis conclusion which reflects on the vices of the hoiiw»h
prii'sts, is omitted, being of too gross a nature for insertion is
this cilition. [En].
(2) Wickliff.
A. D. 1394—1395.] THE BOOK OF CONCLUSIONS EXHIBITED TO PARLIAMENT.
257
that means every faithful man and woman in the law of
God may make tne sacrament of that bread without any
such miracle. The corollary of this conclusion is. That
as the body of Christ be endowed with eternal joy,
the service of Corpus Christi, made by friar Thomas,
is not true, but painted full of false miracles.
The fifth conclusion is this : That the exorcisms and
hallowings, consecrations, and blessings over the wine,
bread, wax, water, oil, salt, incense, the altar-stone,
anrt about the church walls, over the vestiment, chalice,
mitre, cross, and pilgrim-staves, are the very practices
of necromancy, rather than of sacred divinity. This
conclusion is thus proved : because that by such exor-
cisms the creatures are honoured as of more force and
power tiian of their own proper nature ; for we do not
see any alteration or change in any creature so exorcised,
except it be by false faith, which is the principal point
of the devilish art; The corollary of this is, that if the
book of exorcisation or conjuring of holy water, which
is sprinkled in the church, were altogether faithful and
true ; we think certainly that holy water used in the
church, were the best medicine for all kind of sickness
and sores ; daily experience teaches us the contrary.
The sixth conclusion is, that a king and bishop both
in one person, a prelate and justice in temporal causes,
a curate and officer in worldly office makes every king-
dom out of good order. This conclusion is manifest,
because the temporalty and the spiritualty are two
parts of the holy universal church ; and therefore he
who addicts himself to the one part, let him not inter-
meddle with the other, for no man can serve two mas-
ters. The corollary of this conclusion is, that we the
proctors of God in this case do sue to the parliament,
that it may be enacted, that all the clergy (as well of the
highest degree as of the lowest) should be fully excused
from any temporal office, and occupy themselves with
their own charge, and not with others.
The seventh conclusion, what we mightily affirm is,
that spiritual prayers made in the church for the souls of
the dead (preferring any one by name more than another)
is a false foundation of alms, whereupon all the houses
of alms in England are falsely founded. This conclusion
is proved by two reasons : the one is, that a meritorious
prayer (of any force or effect) ought to be a work pro-
ceeding from mere charity : and perfect charity excepts
no person, because thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy-
self. Whereby it appears that the benefit of any tem-
poral gift, bestowed and given to priests, and houses of
alms, is the principal cause of any special prayers, which
is not far different from simony. The other reason is,
that every special prayer, made for men condemned to
eternal punishment, is very displeasing to God. And
although it be doubtful, yet it is very probable to faithful
christians that the founders of every such house of alms,
for their wicked endowing the same, are for the most
part passed by " the broad-way.'' The corollary is,
that every prayer of force and effect, proceeding from
perfect charity, would comprehend generally all such as
God would have saved. The merchandize of special
prayers now used for the dead makes mendicant posses-
sioners and other hireling priests, who otherwise were
strong enough to work and to serve the whole realm,
: and maintains them in idleness, to the great charge of
the realm, because it was proved in a certain book which
' the king has, that a hundred houses of alms are suffi-
■ cient for the whole realm. And thereby might perad-
, venture greater increase and profit come to the tem-
i poralty.
' The eighth conclusion, needful to tell to the beguiled
I people is, that pilgrimages, prayera, and oblations made
) to blind crosses or roods, or to deaf images inad<^ either
of wood or stone, are very near a kin to idolatry, and
, far different from alws And although these things
which are forbidden, aie the book of errors to the com-
mon people ; yet the usual and common image of the
Trinity is most especially abominable. This conclusion
God himself openly manifests, commanding alms to be
given to the pf or and needy, for he is the image of God
: in a more perfect similitude and likeness than any block
or stone. For God did not say, let us make a block or
stone unto our likeness and image, but let us make
man ; the supreme and highest honour, which the
clergy call ' Latria,' pertains only to the godhead, and the
inferior honour which the clergy call ' Dulia,' pertains to
men and angels, and to no other inferior creature. The
corollary is, that the sert'ice of the cross, celebrated
twice every year in our church is full of idolatry ; for
if rood, tree, nails, and spear ought so profoundly to be
honoured and worshipped, then were Judas' lips (if any
man could get them) a marvellous goodly relic 1 But,
thou pilgrim, we pray thee tell us when thou dost offer
to the bones of the saints, and holy men which are laid
up in any place, whether thou relievest the holy man
who is already in joy, or the alms house which is so well
endowed, whereas the saints are canonized (the Lord
knows how) and to speak more plain, every faithful
christian may well suppose that the strokes of that same
man, whom they call St. Thomas, were no cause of
martyrdom.
The ninth conclusion, that keeps the people down, is,
that auricular confession, which is said to be so necessary
for salvation, and the feigned power of absolution, exalts
and sets up the pride of priests, and gives them oppor-
tunity of other secret talks, which we will not at this
time talk of ; for as both lords and ladies do witness,
that for fear of their confessors they dare not speak the
truth ; and in time of confession is good op])ortunity
ministered of wooing, or to play the villain, or to make
other secret arrangements to deadly sin. They affirm
and say, that they are commissaries sent of God to judge
and discern of all manner of sin, to pardon and cleanse
whatever pleases them. They say also, that they have
the keys of heaven and hell, and that they can ex-
communicate, curse, and bless, bind and loose at their
own will and pleasure ; so that for a small reward, or
for twelve pence, they will sell the blessing of heaven
by charter and clause of warranty, sealed by their
common seal. This conclusion is so common in use,
that it needs not any proof. The corollary is, that the
pope of Rome who feigned himself to be the profound
treasurer of the whole church, having that same wortliy
jewel, the treasure of the passion of Christ, in his own
keeping and custody, together with the merits of all the
saints in heaven, by which he gives feigned indulgences
and pardons, is a treasurer out of charity, who pretends
he may deliver all captives in purgatory at his pleasure.
But here every faithful christian may easily perceive
that there is much falsehood hid in our church.
The tenth conclusion is, that manslaughter (either by war
or by any pretended law of justice for any temporal cause
or spiritual revelation) is expressly contrary to the New
Testament, which is the law of grace, full of mercy.
This conclusion is evidently proved by the examples of
the preaching of Christ here in earth, who chiefly-
teaches every man to love his enemies, and have com-
passion upon them, and not to kill and murder them..
The reason is this, that for the most part when men do
fight, after the first stroke, charity is broken ; and who-
ever dies without charity goes the right way to hell.
And we know, that none of the clergy can deliver any
from the punishment of death for one deadly sin, and
not for another ; but the law of mercy, which is the
New Testament, forbids all manner of murder. For in
the gospel it is spoken to our forefathers, " Thou shalt
not kill." The corollary is, it is a robbing of the people,
when lords purchase indulgences and pardon for such
as help their armies to kill and murder the christian
people in foreign countries, for temporal gain ; as we
see certain soldiers who run among the heathen people,
to get themselves fame and renown by the murder and
slaughter of men. Much more do they deserve evil
thanks at the hands of the king of peace, forsomuch as
by humility and peace, our faith is multiplied and in-
creased ; for murderers and manslayers Christ hates and
menaces, " He that killeth with the sword shall perish
with the sword."
The eleventh conclusion.'
(1) This conclusion reflects on the mcraU of nunnerie*, and
thoiigli most true, it is also omitted for Che Mm* reuoa at tb*
third.- I Kb.]
« 2
258 DEA-lll OF ARCHBISHOP COURTENAY. LETTER OF RICHARD II. TO THE POPE. [Book V
The twelfth conclusion is, that the multitude of arts not
necessary (used in this our church) causes much sin and
offence in waste, curiosity, and disguising in curious
apparel ; experience and reason partly shew the same,
for nature, with a few arts, is sufficient for man's use
and necessity.
This is the whole tenor of our ambassage, which
Christ hath commanded us to prosecute at this time,
most fit and convenient for many causes. And although
these matters are here only briefly noted and touched :
yet they are more at large declared in another book,
with many others beside in our own proper tongue,
which we wish should be common to all christian people.
Wherefore we earnestly desire and beseech God for his
great goodness sake, that he will wholly reform our
church (now altogether out of frame) to the perfection
of her first beginning and original. (Ex Archivis
Regiis.)
After these conclusions were thus proposed in the
parliament, the king not long after returned home from
Dublin into England, toward the latter end of the par-
liament. At his return he called certain of his nobles to
him, Richard Stury, Lewis Clifford, Thomas Latimer,
John Mountacute, &c., whom he sharply rebuked, and
terribly threatened, for he heard they were favourers of
that side ; charging them straightly never to hold,
maintain, nor favour any more those opinions and con-
clusions. And he took an oath of Richard Stury, that
he should never from that day favour or defend any such
opinions ; which oath being taken, the king then an-
swered. And I swear (saith he) again to thee, if thou
dost ever break thine oath, thou shalt die for it a
shameful death, &c.
All this while William Courtenay archbishop of Can-
terbury was yet alive, who was a great stirrer in these
matters. But yet Pope Urban the great master of the
catholic sect was dead and buried six years before.
After whom succeeded in the schismatical see of Rome,
Pope Boniface IX., who nothing inferior to his prede
cesser in all kind of cruf Ities, left no diligence untried
to set forward what Urban had begun, in suppressing
those that were setting forth the light of the gospel : and
he had written several times to King Richard, as well
for the repealing of the acts of parliament against his
provisions, ' Quare impedit,^ and ^ Premiinire fades :' as
also that he should assist the prelates of England in the
cause of God (as he pretended) against those, whom he
falsely suggested to be Lollards and traitors to the
church, to the king, and the realm, &c. Thus the
courteous pope with the cruel slander of his malicious
tongue sought to work his poison against those whom he
could not reach with his sword ; which letter he wrote
to the king, A. D. 1396, the year before the death of
William Courtenay Archbishop of Canterbury. After
whom succeeded in that see, Thomas Arundel, brother to
the earl of Arundel, being first bishop of Ely, afterwards
archbishop of York, and lord chancellor of England,
and at last made archbishop of Canterbury, about A. D.
13<)7. The next year following, which was A. D. 131)8,
and the ninth year of the pope, I find in certain records
of the bishop of Durham, a letter of King Richard II.,
written to Pope Boniface, rebuking the schism in the
popedom, which I judged worthy of being seen here,
and therefore annex the same, as follows : —
f^O the most holy father in Christ, and Lord, Lord Bo-
niface IX., by the grace of God, high pope of the
most holy Romish and imiversal church, his humble
and devout son Richard, by the grace of God, king of
England, and France, lord of Ireland, greeting and
desiring to help the miseries of the affiicted church,
and kissing of those his blessed feet.
" Who will give my head water, and mine eyes stream-
ing tears, that I may bewail the decay, and manifold
troubles of our mother, which have chanced to her by
her own children in the distress of this present schism
and division ? For the sheep have forgotten the proper
voice of their shepherds, and hirelings have thrust in
themselves to feed the Lord's flock, who are clothed
with the apparel of the true shepherd, challenging the
name of honour and dignity, resembling so the true
shepherd, that the ])oor sheep can scarce know whom
they ought to follow, or what pastor as a stranger they
ought to flee, and whom they should shun as an hireling.
Wherefore we are afraid lest the holy standard of the
Lord be forsaken of his host, and so that city, being full
of riches, become solitary and desolate, and lest the
land or people which was wont to say (flourishing in her
prosperities) I sat as a cjueen, and am not a widow, be
destitute of the presence of her husband, and as it were
so bewitched that she shall not be able to discern his
face, and so wrapped in amazement, that she shall not
know where to turn her, that she might more easily find
him, and that she shall with weeping speak that saying
of the spouse, ' I sought him whom my soul loveth, I
sought him and found him not.' For now we are com.
pelled so to wander, that if any man say, beliold here is
Christ, or there, we may not believe him so saying ; and
so many shepherds have destroyed the Lord's vineyard,
and made his pleasant portion a vast wilderness.
This multitude of shepherds is become very bur-
denous to the Lord's flock. For when two strive to be
chief, the state of both their dignities stands in doubt,
and in so doing they give occasion to all the faithful of
Christ, for a scJiism and division of the climch. And
alth ugh both parties go about to subdue to tiu ir power
the whole church militant, yet contrary to botli their
purpose, by working tliis way, there begins to rise now a
division in the body of the church, as when the division
of the living innocent body was asked, when the two
women did strive before Solomon ; like as the ten tribes
of Israel followed Jeroboam the intruder, and were with-
drawn from the kingdom for Solomon's sin : even so of
old time the desire of ruling has drawn the great power
of the world from the unity of the church. Let your-
selves remember, we beseech you, how that all Greece
fell from the obedience of the Romish cliurch in the
time of the faction of the priniarch of Constantinople ;
and how Mahomet with his fellows, by occasion of
supremacy in ecclesiastical dignity, deceived a great part
of Christians, and withdrew them from the empire and
ruling of Christ. And how in these days, where the
same su))remacy has witiidrawn itself from the obe-
dience of it, insomuch that now in very few realms the
candle that burns before the Lord remains, and that for
his servant David's sake. And although now few coun-
tries remain professing the obedience of Christ's true
vicar : yet peradventure if every man were left to his
own liberty, he would doubt of the preferring of your
dignity, or what is worse, would utterly refuse it by such
doubtful evidence alleged on both sides ; and this is the
subtle craft of the crooked serpent, that is to say, under
the pretence of unity to procure schisms, as the spider
of a wholesome flower gathers poison, and Judas learned
of peace to make war. Wherefore it is believed by
wise men, that except this pestilent schism be withstood
by and by, the keys of the church will be despised, and
they shall bind the conscience but of a few : and when
either none dare be bold to correct this fault, or to re-
form things contrary to God's law, so by this means at
length temporal lords will take away the liberties of the
church, and peradventure the Romans will come and
take away their place, people, and lands : they will
spoil their possessions, and bring the men of the church
into bondage, and they shall be contemned, reviled, and
despised, because the obedience of tlie people, and devo-
tions towards them will almost be taken away, wlien tlie
greater part of the tUurch, left to their own liberty,
shall w:>.t prouder than they are wont, leaving a wicked
examjile to them that see it. For when they see the
jirelates study more for covetousness than they were
wont, to hoard up money, to ojipress the subjects, in
their punishings to seek for gain, to confound laws, to
stir up strife, to suppress truth, to vex poor subjects
with wrong corrections, intemperate in meat and drink,
past shame in feastings : what marvel is it if the
peojile despise them as the foulest forsakers of God's
law } but all these things do follow if the church should
A.D. 1396— 139S.1 LETTER OF KING RICHARD II. TO POPE BONIFACE IX.
259
be left long in this doubtfulness of a schism, and then
should that old saying be veriiied ; ' In those days there
was no king in Israel, but every one did that which
was right in his own eyes.' Micah did see the people
of the Lord scattered in the mountains, as they had
been sheep without a shepherd : for wlien the shep-
herd is smitten, the sheep of the flock shall be scat-
tered, the great stroke of the shepherd is the diminishing
of his jurisdiction, by which the subjects are drawn from
his obedience. When Jason had the office of the highest
priest, he changed the ordinance of God, and brought
in the customs of the heathen, the priests leaving the
sei-vice of the holy altar, and applying themselves to
wrestling, and other exercises of the Grecians, and de-
spising those things that belonged to the priests, did
labour with all their might to learn such things of the
Grecians ; and by that means the place, people, and holy
anointing of priests, which in times past were had in
great reverence of kings, were trodden under foot of all
men, and robbed by the king's power, and profaned by
being thrust in for money. Therefore let the highest
vicar of Christ look to this with a diligent eye, and
let him be the follower of him by whom he has got
authority above others.
" If you mark well, most holy father, you shall find
that Christ rebuked sharply two brethren, coveting the
seat of honour : he taught them not to play the lords
over the people, but the more grace they were filled
with, to be so much more humble than others, and more
lowly to serve their brethren. To him that asked his coat,
to give the cloak, to him that smote him oh theone cheek,
to turn the other to him. For the sake of the sheep
that are given to his keeping, he must forsake all earthly
things, and shed his own blood, yea, and if need re-
quired, to die. These things, I say, are those that adorn
the highest bishop, if they be in him, — not his white
horse, not his imperial crown, because he among all men
is most bound to all the sheep of Christ. For the fear
of God therefore, and for the love of the flock which ye
guide, consider these things diligently, and do them
wisely, and suffer us no longer to waver betwixt two :
although not for your own cause, to whom peradventure
the fulness of your own power is known ; yet in pitying
our weakness, if thou be he, tell us openly, and shew
thyself to the world, that all we may follow one. Be not
t6 us a bloody bishop, lest by your occasion, man's
blood be shed ; lest hell swallow a number of souls,
and lest the name of Christ be evil spoken of by in-
fidels, through such a worthy personage. But perad-
venture ye will say, our right is manifest enough, and
we will not put it to other men's decision. If this
answer should be admitted, the schism will con^
tinue still : seeing neither part is vriliing to agree to
the other, and where the world is as it were equally di-
vided between them, neither part can be compelled to
give place to the other without much bloodshed. The
incarnation of Christ, and his resurrection, was well
enough known to himself and his disciples ; yet he asked
of his Father to be made known to the world. He made
also the gospel to be written, and the doctrine of the
apostles, and sent his apostles into all the world, to do
the office of preaching, that the same thing might be
known to all men. The aforesaid reason is the subtlety
of Mahomet, who knowing himself guilty of his sect,
utterly forbad disputations. If ye have so full trust of
your right, put it to the examination of worthy persons
in a general council, to which it belongs by right to de-
fine such doubts, or else commit it to able persons, and
give them full power to determine all things concerning
that matter, or at least, by both parties forsaking the
ofiBce, leave the church of God free, speedily to pro-
vide a new shepherd.
"We find kings have forsaken their temporal king-
doms only for devotion, and have taken the apparel of
monk's profession. Therefore let Christ's vicar, (being
a professor of most high holiness) be ashamed to con-
tinue in his seat of honour to the offence of all people,
and to the prejudice and hurt of the Romish church, and
the devotion of it, and cutting away kingdoms from
it.
" But if you say, it is not requisite that the cause of
God's church should be called in controversy, and ciicre-
fore we cannot so easily go from it, seeing our conscieaue
forbids us.
" To this we answer, if it be the cause of God and
the church, let the general council judge of it : but
if it be a personal cause (as almost all the world
probably thinks) if ye were the followers of Christ,
ye would rather choose a temporal death, than to
suffer such a schism and division. I say not, to
the hurt of so many, but to the endless destruc-
tion of souls, to the offence of the whole world, and to
an everlasting shame of the apostolical dignity. Did not
Clement, named, or (that I may more truly speak) or-
dained of St. Peter to the apostolic dignity, and to be
bishop, resign his right, that his deed might be taken of
his successors for an example ? Also Pope Siricius gave
over his popedom to be a comfort of the eleven thou-
sand virgins. Therefore much more ought you (if need
require) give over your popedom, that you might gather
together the children of God who are scattered abroad.
For as it is thought a glorious thing to defend the com-
mon riglit, even to bloodshed, so it is sometimes neces-
sary for a man to wink at his own cause, and to forsake
it for a greater profit, and by tliat means better to pro-
cure peace. Should not he be thought a devil, and
Christ's enemy who would agree to an election of him-
self for the apostolical dignity and popedom, if it should
be to the destruction of christians, division of the church,
the offence and loss of all faithful people ? If such mis-
chief should be known to all the world by God's reve-
lation, to come to (jass by such a person receiving the
popedom and apostolical dignity : then by the like rea-
son why should he not be judged of all men an apostate,
and forsaker of his faith, who chooses dignity, or worldly
honour, rather than the unity of the church ? Christ
died that he might gather together the children of God,
which are scattered abroad : but such an enemy of God
and the church wishes his subjects bodily to die in
battle, and the greater part of the world to perish in soul,
rather than forsake his popedom. If the fear of God, the
desire of the heavenly kingdom, and the earnest love of the
unity of the church move your heart, shew indeed that
your works may bear witness to the truth. Clement
and Siricius, most holy popes, not only are not reproved,
but rather are reverenced by all men, because they gave
over their right for profitable causes, and for the same
cause all the church of holy men shew forth their praise.
Likewise, your name should live for ever and ever, if ye
would do the like for a necessary cause, that is to say,
for the unity of God's church. Give no heed to the un-
measurable cry of them that say, that the right choosing
of popes is lost, except ye defend your part manfully .
but be afraid, lest such stirrers up of mischief look for
their own advantage or honour, that is to say, that under
your wing they might be promoted to riches and honour.
After this sort Ahithophel was joined with Absalom in
persecuting his own father, and falsely usurping his
kingdom.
" Furthermore, there should be no jeopardy to that
election, because both parties stick stiffly to the old
fashion of election, and both of them covet the pre-
eminence of the Romish church, counselling all chris-
tians to obey them. And although, through their resig-
nation, tlie fashion of choosing the pope should be
changed for a time, that might be borne, rather than to
suffer any longer this division in God's church. For
that fasliion in choosing is not so necessarily required
to the state of a pope, but that the successor of the
apostle might come in at the door by another fashion of
election, and that canonical enough. And this we are
taught manifestly by examples of the fathers ; for Peter
the apostle ajtpointed after him Clement, and that not
by falsely usurping the power. And it was thought
that that fashion of appointing popes was lawful to the
time of Pope Hilary, who first decreed that no pope
should appoint his successor.
" Afterwards the election of the pope went by the
clergy and people of Rome, and the consent of the em-
peror's council, 38 appears in the election of the blessed
LETTER OF KING RICHARD 11. TO POPE BONIFACE IX.
260
Gregory. But Pope Martin, with the consent of the
holy synod, granted Charles the power to choose the
pope. But of late Nicholas II. was the first whom
Martin makes mention of in his councils, as chosen by
the cardinals. But all the bishops of Lombardy (for
the most part) withstood this election, and chose tadu-
lus to be pope, saying, Tiiat the j.ope ought not to be
chosen but within the precinct of Italy. Wherefore we
think it not a safe way so earnestly to stick to the tradi-
tions of men, in the fashion of choosing the pope, and so
often to change, lest we be thought to break God's tra-
ditions concerning the unity of the church. Yea rather,
it were better yet to ordain a new fashion of his election,
and meeter for him as it has been before. But all things
concerning the same election might be kept safe, if
God's honour were looked for before your own, and the
peace of the church were uprightly sought : for such a
dishonouring should be most honour to you, and that
giving place should be the getting of a greater dignity,
and the willing deposing of your honour should obtain
you the entry of everlasting honour, and should procure
the love of the whole world toward you, and you should
deserve to be exalted continually, as David was in hum-
bling himself. O how monstrous a sight, and how foul a
monster is a man's body disfigured with two heads ! So
if it were possible, the spouse of Christ should be made
so monstrous, if she were ruled with two such heads :
but that is not possible, she is ever altogether fair, in
whom no spot is found ; therefore we must cast away
that rotten member and thruster in of his second head.
We cannot suffer any longer so great a wickedness in
God's house, that we should suffer God's coat, that is
without seam, by any means to be torn by the hands of
two, that violently draw it in sunder. For if these two
should be suffered to reign together, they would be-
tween them so tear in pieces that coat of the Lord,
that scarce one piece would hang to another. They pass
the wickedness of the soldiers that crucified Christ : for
they, willing to have the coat whole, said, ' Let us not
rend it, but let us cast lots for it, whose Jt shall be.' But
these two popes suffering their right and title to be tried
by no lot nor way (although not in words yet in deeds)
they pronounce this sentence, ' It shall neither be thine
nor mine, but let it be divided ;' for they choose rather
as it appears, to be lords, (though it be but in a little
part, and that to the confusion of the unity of the church)
than, in leaving that lording, to seek for the peace of the
church. We do not affirm this, but we shew almost the
whole judgment of the world. We looked for amend-
ment of this intolerable confusion during the time that
these two inventors of this mischief lived. But we
looked for peace, and behold trouble : for neither in
their lives nor in their deaths have they procured any
comfort, but rather dying as it were in a doubt betwixt
two ways, left to their successors matter of continual
contention. But now for the space of seven years, we
desired and looked that they should bear good grapes,
and they bring forth wild grapes, in this matter we fall
into a deep despair. But inasmuch as we hear the com-
fort of the Lord, who promised that miserably he would
destroy those wicked men, and let his vineyard to other
husbandmen who will bring him fruit at their ajipointed
times, and hath promised faithfully that he will help his
spouse in her need to the end of the world : we, leaning
on the sure hope of this promise, and in hope believing
against hope, by God's grace will |)ut our helping
hands to the easing of this misery, wlien a convenient
time shall serve, as much as our kingly power is able,
and although our wit does not perceive how these things
may be amended, yet we being encouraged to this by the
hope of God's promise, will do our endeavour : like as
Abraham believed that even if his son were slain by sa-
crifice, that the multitude of his seed should increase to
the number of the stars, according to God's promise.
Now, therefore, the times draw near to make an end of
this schism, lest a third election of a schismatic against
the apostle's successor, make a custom of the thing, and
■o the pope of Avignon shall be besides the Romish
pope, and he shall say with his ji-irlakers, as the patriarch
of Constantinople said unto Christ's vicar, when he for-
[BooK V.
sook him, 'The Lord be with thee, for the Lord is with
us :' and this is much to be feared of all christian men : for
that Pharisee begins now to be called the pope of Avig-
non among the people. But, perhaps, it would be
thought by some men that it belongs not to secular
princes to bridle outrages of the pope. To whom we an-
swer, that naturally the members put themselves in
jeopardy to save the head, and the parts labour to save
the whole. Christ so decked his spouse, that her sides
should cleave together, and should uphold themselves,
and by course of time and occasion of things they should
correct one another, and cleave together in harmony.
Did not Moses put down Aaron, because he was unfaith-
ful ? Solomon put down Abiathar, who came by lineal
descent from Anathoth, and removed his priesthood from
his kindred to the stock of Eleazar, in the person of
Zadok, who had his beginning from Eli the priest ?
Emperor Otho deposed Pope John XII. because he was
immoral. The Emperor Henry put down Gratian, be-
cause he used simony in buying and selling spiritual
livings. And Otho deposed Pope Benedict I. because he
thrust himself in. Therefore, by like reason, why may
not kings and princes bridle the Romish pope in default
of the church ; if the quality of his fault require it, or
the necessity of the church compel to help the church
oppressed by tyranny .' In old time schisms, which
rose about making the pope, were determined by the
power of secular princes, as the schism betwixt Sym-
machus and Laurence was ended in a council before
Theodric, king of Italy. The Emperor Henry, when two
strove to be pope, deposed them both, and received the
third being chosen at Rome to be pope, that is to say,
Clement II., who crowned him with the imperial crown.
And the Romans promised him that from thenceforth
they would promote none to be pope without his con-
sent. Alexander also overcame four popes, schismatics, '
all of whom the Emperor Frederick corrected. '
" Thus look on the register of popes and thf ir deeds,
and ye shall find that schisms most commonly have been
decided by the power of secular princes, the schisma-
tics cast out, and sometimes new popes made, and
sometimes the old ones cast out of their dignities, and
restored to their old dignities again. If it were not
lawful for secular princes to bridle the outrages of such
a pope lawfully made, and afterwards becoming a tyrant;
in such a case, he might oppress the church ; he might
change Christendom into heathens, and make the labour
of Christ crucified to be in vain : or else truly, God
would not have provided for his spouse in earth by all
means as much as is possible by service of men to with-
stand dangers. Therefore we counsel you, with such a
loving affection as becomes children, that ye consider in
your heart well, lest in working by this means ye pre-
pare a way to antichrist through your desire to bear
rule, and so by this m' -^ns as we fear, the one of these two
things shall happen : t ither ye shall cause all the princes
of the world to rise against you to bring in a true follower
of Christ to have the state of the apostolical dignity, or
what is worse, the whole world despising the ruling of
one shepherd, shall leave the Romish church desolate.
But God keep this from the world, that the desire of
honour of two men stiould bring such a desolation into
the church of God : for then, that de})arting away, which
the apostle jirophesied, should come before the coming of
antichristwereathand : whichshouldbethe last disposition
of the world, to receive antichrist with honour. Consider,
therefore, the state of your most excellent holiness, how
ye received the jiower from God to the building of the
church, and not to the destruction of it ; that Christ hns
given you wine and oil to lital the wounded ; and ha»
appointed you his vicar in these things which pertain to
gentleness, and has given us these things which serve to
rigour. For we bear not the sword without a cause to
the punishment of evil-doers, which power ordained of
God we have received, ourselves being witness : beseech-
ing you to receive our counsel effectually, that in doing
thus, the waters may return to the places from whence
they came, and so the waters may begin to be made
sweet with salt : lest the axe swim on the water, and the
wood sink, and lest the fruitful olive degenerate into a
A.D. 1397—1400.] DEPOSITION AND DEATH OP RICHARD II.— HENRY IV. CROWNED.
261
wild olive, and the leprosy of Naaman cleave continually
10 the house of Gehazi, and lest the pope and the Pha-
risees crucify Christ agaim Christ, the spouse of the
church, which was wont to bring the chief bishop into
the holiest place, increase your holiness, or rather re-
store it being lost."
This epistle of King Richard II., written to Pope Bo-
niface IX. in the time of the schism, (A.D. 1397,) as it
contaiaed much good matter of wholesome counsel to be
followed, so how little it wrought with the pope the se-
quel afterwards declared. For the schism continued long
after, in which neither of the popes would give over their
hold.
We come now to the 22d year of King Richard's reign,
which is A. D. 1399. In which year happened the strange
and lamentable deposing of King Richard from his kingly
sceptre, the cause of which was briefly as follows.
Several acts on the part of the king led to the estrange-
ment of the people, and certain of the nobles appeared in
arms against him. As this was going on in England, the
report reached the king's ears, who was then in Ireland,
he therefore left the business he had in Ireland, and return-
ing, landed at Milford Haven, not daring, as it seemed,
to come to London.
Henry duke of Hereford having returned from France,
and taken up arms against the king, had now landed in
the north, and was joined by the earl of Northumberland,
lord Henry Percy, and Henry his son, the earl of West-
morland, lord Radulph Nevil, and other lords, with a
great number of men, so that the multitude rose to sixty
thousand able soldiers. Who first making toward the
castle of Bristol, where the members of the council
who held with the king, had shut themselves in, and
having gained the castle they took the chief of them pri-
soners, namely ; John Bushy, Henry Grene, William
Scrope and William Bagot ; of whom three were imme-
diately beheaded, but Bagot escaped and fled away to
Ireland.
The king lying about Wales, destitute and desolate,
without comfort or counsel, neither durst come to Lon-
don, nor would any man come to him ; and perceiving that
the commons had a great force against him, and would
rather die than give over what they had begun, and being
compassed on every side with miseries, he moved from
place to place, the duke still following him ; till at length,
at the castle of Conway, the king desired to talk with
Thomas Arundel archbishop, and the earl of Northum-
berland ; to whom he declared, that he would resign his
crown, on condition that an honourable living might be
provided for him, and life promised to eight persons, such
as he would name. Which being granted and ratified,
but not performed, he came to the castle of Flint, where
he was brought the same night by the duke of Lancaster
and his army to Chester, and thence conveyed secretly to
the Tower, there to be kept till the next parliament. As
he came near to London, several evil disposed men of the
city gathered themselves, thinking to have slain him, for
the great cruelty he had used toward the city ; but by the
mayor and rulers of the city, the madness of the people
Vas checked. Not long after the duke followed, and the
parliament assembled. In which parliament the earl of
Northumberland, with many other earls and lords were
sent to the king in the Tower, to receive his full resigna-
tion, according to his promise. This done, certain accu-
sations and articles were laid against the king. And the
next year after he was removed to Pomfret castle, and
there starved to death.
KING HENRY THE FOURTH.
And thus King Richard being deposed from his right
fal crown, the duke of Lancaster was led by Thomas
Arundel the archbishop to the royal seat ; who there
■standing np, and crossing himself on the forehead and the
bteast, spake as follows :
" In the name of God, Amen. I, Henry of Lancaster,
claim the realm of England and the Crown, with all the
i^purtenances, as descended by right hne of the blood.
coming from that good Lord King Henry III. And
through the right that God of his grace has sent to me,
with the help of my kin and of my friends to recover the
same, which was in danger of ruin by default of good
government, and due justice," &c.
After which words the archbishop, asking the assent of
the pcoph', took the duke by the hand, and placed him
on the throne, and shortly after he was crowned by the
archbishop, king of England.
The next year, a parliament was held at Westminster ;
in which pariiainent one Sir William Sautre, a good man
and a faithful priest, inflamed with zeal for true religion,
required that he might be heard for the advantage of the
whole realm. But the matter being suspected by the
bishops, they obtained that the matter should be referred
to the convocation ; where William Sautre being brought
before the bishops and notaries, the convocation was de-
ferred to the Saturday next ensuing.
When Saturday was come, that is to say, the 12th day
of February, A. D. 1400, Thomas Arundel archbishop of
Canterbury, in the presence of his provincial council, being
assembled in the chapter-house, objected against one Sir
William Sautre, personally then and there appearing by
the command of the archbishop of Canterbury ; that the
said Sir William had once renounced and abjured before
the bishop of Norwich, divers and sundry conclusions
heretical and erroneous ; and that after such abjuration,
he publicly and privately held, taught and preached the
same conclusions, or such like, contrary to the catholic
faith, and to the great peril, and pernicious example of
others. And after this he caused such conclusions, held
and preached, by Sir William, then and there to be read
to the archbishop, in a certain scroll written, in tenor
of words as follows :
" Sir William Sautre, otherwise called Chatris, parish
priest of the church St. Scithe the Virgin in London,
publicly and privately doth hold these conclusions under
written.
1. That he will not worship the cross on which
Christ suffered, but only Christ that suffered on the
cross.
2. niat he would sooner worship a temporal king than
the wooden cross.
3. That he would rather worship the bodies of the
saints, than the very cross of Christ on which he hung,
if it were before him.
4. That he would rather worship a man truly con-
trite than the cross of Christ.
5. That he is bound rather to worship a man that is
predestinate than an angel of God.
6. That if any man would visit the monuments of
Peter and Paul, or go on pilgrimage to the tomb of St.
Thomas a Becket, or anywhere else, for obtaining of any
temporal benefit, he is not bound to keep his vow, but
he may distribute the expenses of his vow upon the
alms of the poor.
7. That every priest and deacon is more bound to
preach the word of God than to say the canonical hours.
8. That after the pronouncing of the sacramental
words of the body of Christ, the bread remains of the
same nature that it was before, neither does it cease to
be bread."
To which conclusions, or articles, the archbishop of
Canterbury required Sir William to answer. And he
then asked for a copy, and required a competent time
to answer. On which the archbishop appointed the
following Thursday to make answer. When the day
was come the convocation was adjourned until the mor-
row. When the morrow came. Sir William Sautre, in
the chapter-house, before the bishop and his provincial
council, exhibited a certain scroll, containing the an-
swers to the articles or conclusions given to him, and
said that he delivered the same to the archbishop as hit
answer in that behalf, which answer was as follows : —
" I, William Sautre, unworthy priest, say and an-
swer, that I will not, and intend not to worship the
262
THE HISTORY OF SIR WILLIAM SAUTRE, A PRIEST AND MARTYR. [BdbK V,
cross whereon Christ was crucified, but only Christ that
suffered upon the cross ; so understand me, that I will
not worship the material cross, or the gross corporeal
matter : yet notwithstanding I will worship the same as
a sign, token, and memorial of the passion of Christ.
And that I will rather worship a temporal king, than the
wooden cross, and the material substance. And that I
will rather worship the bodies of saints than the very
cross of Christ whereon he hung, with this addition, even
if the very same cross were before me, as touching the
material substance. And also that I will rather worship
a man truly confessed and penitent, than the cross on
which Christ hung, as touching the material substance.
*' And that also I am bound, and will rather worship
him whom I know to be predestinate, truly confessed
and contrite, than an angel of God ; for that the one is a
man of the same nature with the humanity of Christ,
and so is not a blessed angel. Notwithstanding I will
worship both of them, according as the will of God is I
should.
" Also, that if any man has made a vow to visit the
shrines of the apostles Peter and Paul, or to go on pil-
grimage unto St. Thomas's tomb, or anywhere else,
to obtain any temporal benefit or advantage, he is not
bound simply to keep his vow upon the necessity of
salvation ; but he may give the expenses of his vow in
alms amongst the poor, by the prudent counsel of his
superior, as I suppose.
" And also I «ay, that every deacon and priest is
more bound to preach the word of God, than to say the
canonical hours, according to the primitive order of the
church.
" Also, touching the sacrament of the altar, I say,
that after the pronouncing of the sacramental words
of the body of Christ, there ceases not to be very
bread simply, but remains bread, holy, true, and the
bread of life ; and I believe the said sacrament to be the
very body of Christ, after the pronouncing of the sacra-
mental words."
When all these answers were publicly read, the arch-
bishop inquired of Sir William whether he had abjured
the heresies and errors objected against him, or else had
revoked and renounced the conclusions or articles, or
not ? To which he answered and affirmed that he had
not. And then the archbishop examined Sir William
Sautre, especially upon the sacrament of the altar.
First, whether in the sacrament of the altar, after the
pronouncing of the sacramental words, remains very
material bread or not.' To which interrogation Sir
William somewhat waveringly answered, that he knew
not. He said, however, that there was very bread, be-
cause it was the bread of life which came down from
heaven.
After that the archbishop demanded of him, whether
in the sacrament after the sacramental words, riglitly
pronounced of the priests, the same bread remains
which did before the words pronounced, or not .' And
to this question William answered as before, saying,
that there was bread, holy, true, and the bread of life.
After that, the archbishop asked him, whether the
same material bread before consecration, by the sacra-
mental words of the priest rightly pronounced, be tran-
substantiated from the nature of bread into the >'ery
body of Christ ? Sir William said, that he knew not
what that meant.
And then the archbishop assigned Sir William time to
deliberate, and more fully to make his answer, till the
next day, and continued this convocation then and there
till the morrow. Which morrow, to wit, the 19th day
of February, being come, the archbishop of Canterbury,
before his provincial council then and there assembled,
especially examined Sir William Sautre upon the sacra-
ment of the altar, as before ; and Sir William again
answered as before.
Then the archbishop demanded, whether he would
stand to the determination of the holy church or not,
which affirms, that in the sacrament of the altar, after
the words of consecration being rightly pronounced of
the priest, the same bread, which before in nature was
bread, ceases any more to be bread ? To this interroga.
tion Sir William said, that he would stand to the deter-
mination of the church, where such determination was
not contrary to the will of God.
He then demanded of him again, what his judgment
was concerning the sacrament of the altar ? who said
and affirmed, that after the words of consecration, by
the priest duly pronounced, remained very bread, and
the same bread which was before the words spoken.
Wherefore the said archbishop of Canterbury, by the
counsel and assent of the whole convocation then and there
present, gave sentence against Sir William Sautre (be-
ing personally present, and refusing to revoke his here-
sies, that is to say, his true doctrine, but constantly
defending the same) under the tenour of words as
follows : —
" In the name of God, Amen. We, Thomas, by the
grace of God archbishop of Canterbury, primate of
England, and legate of the see apostolical, by the au-
thority of God Almighty, and blessed St. Peter and
Paul, and of holy church, and by our own authority,
sitting for tribunal or chief judge, having God alone
before our eyes, by the counsel and consent of the
whole clergy our fellow brethren and suffragans, assist-
ants to us in this present provincial council, by this our
sentence definitive do pronounce, decree, and declare
by these presents, thee, William Sautre, otherwise
called Chatris, parish priest pretended, personally ap-
pearing before us, in and upon the crime of heresy,
judicially and lawfully convicted, as an heretic, and aa
an heretic to be punished."
The bishop of Norwich, according to the command-
ment of the said archbishop of Canterbury, presented to
William Sautre a certain process, inclosed and sealed
with his seal, giving the names of credible witnesses
sealed with their seals, the tenour whereof follows
thus : —
" That upon the last day of April, A.D. 1399, Sir
William Sautre, parish priest of the church of St. Mar-
garet in the town of Lynn, appeared before the bishop
of Norwich, and there publicly affirmed and held the
conclusions before specified.
" And afterwards, to wit, the 19th day of May, Sir
William revoked and renounced all his conclusions, ab-
juring and correcting all such heresies and errors, taking
his oath upon a book before the bishop of Norwich, that •
from that time forward he would never preach, affirm,
nor hold, privily nor openly, the conclusions ; and that ;
he would pronounce, according to the appointment of
the bishop, the aforesaid conclusions to be erroneous
and heresies, in the parish churches of Lynn and
Tilney, and in other places at the assignment of the said
bishop."
This being done, the archbishop of Canterbury, in the |
convocation of his prelates and clergy, and such like
men, caused the process of the bishop of Norwich to be
read openly and publicly to Sir William Sautre. And
after that demanded and objected against the snid Sir
William, that after he had before the said bishop of
Norwich revoked and abjured divers errors and here-
sies, he affirmed, that in the same sacrament of the
altar, after the consecration made by the priest, as he
taught, there remained material bread ; which heresy,
amongst others as errors also, he abjured before the
foresaid bishop of Norwich. Hereto William answered
smiling, or in mocking wise, saying, and denying that
he knew of the premises. Then finally it was de-
demanded of Sir William, why he ought not to be
pronounced as a man fallen into heresy, and why they
should not further proceed to this degradation according to
the canonical sanctions : to which he answered nothing,
neither could he allege any cause to the contrary.
Whereupon the archbishop of Canterbury by the coun-
sel and assent of the whole council, and especially by the
counsel and assent of the reverend fathers and bishops,
as also priors, deans, archdeacons and other worshipful
A. D. 1400.] THE DEGRADATION OF SIR WILLIAM SAUTRE BY THE ARCHBISHOP.
2fi3
doctors and clerks then and there present in the council,
fully determined to proceed to tlie degradation, and actual
deposing of William Sautre, as relapsed into heresy and as
I incorrigible, according to the sentence in writing, as
follows.
" In the name of God, Amen. We Thomas, by the
j grace of (iod archbishop of Canterbury, legate of the see
; apostolical, and metropolitan of all England, do find and
I declare, that thou William Sautre, otherwise called Cha-
• tris, priest, by us with the counsel and assent as all and
I singular our fellow brethren and whole clergy, by this
j our sentence definitive declared in writing, hast been for
: heresy convicted and condemned, and art (being again
fallen into heresy) to be deposed and degraded by these
! presents."
Upon the 26th of February, the archbishop of Canter-
bury sat in the bishop's seat of the foresaid church of St.
j Paul in London, and solemnly apparelled in liis ponti-
fical attire, with six other bishops, commanded and caused
Sir William Sautre, apparelled in priestly vestments, to
I be brought before him. That done, he declared and ex-
pounded in English to all the clergy and people assem-
j bled there in great multitude ; that all process was fin-
, ished against Sir William Sautre. Which thing finished,
j he recited and read the above-mentioned sentence of
I relapse against Sir William. And as he saw William
j nothing abashed, he proceeded to his degradation and
actual deposition in form as follows.
" In the name of the Father, and the Son, and of the
Holy Ghost. We Thomas by God's permission arch-
bishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, and legate
of the apostolic see, do denounce thee William Sautre,
otherwise called Chatris, a pretended chaplain, in the
habit and apparel of a priest, as an heretic, and re-fallen
into heresy, by this our sentence, by counsel, assent,
and authority to be condemned : and by conclusion of all
our fellow brethren, fellow bishops, prelates, council pro-
vincial, and of the whole clergy, do degrade and deprive
thee of thy priestly order. And in sign of degradation
and actual deposition from thy priestly dignity, for thine
incorrigibility and want of amendment, we take from
thee the jiaten and chalice, and do deprive thee of all
power and authority of celebrating the mass, and also we
pull from thy back the casule, and take from thee the vest-
ment, and deprive thee of all manner of priestly honour.
" Also, we Thomas archbishop by authority, counsel,
and assent, which upon the foresaid William we have,
being a pretended deacon, in the habit and apparel of a
deacon, having the New Testament in thy hands, being
an heretic, and twice fallen, condemned by sentence as
is aforesaid, do degrade and put thee from the order of
a deacon. And in token of this thy degradation and ac-
tual deposition, we take from thee the book of the New
Testament, and the stole, and do deprive thee of all au-
thority in reading of the gospel, and of all and all manner
of dignity of a deacon.
" Also, we Thomas archbishop, by authority, counsel,
and assent, which over thee the foresaid William we have,
being a pretended sub-deacon, in the habit and vestment
of a sub-deacon, an heretic, and twice fallen condemned
by sentence, as is aforesaid, do degrade and put thee
from the order of a sub-deacon ; and in token of this
thy degradation and actual deposition, we take from
thee the surplice and maniple, and do deprive thee of
all manner of sub-deaconical dignity.
" Also we Thomas archbishop aforesaid, by counsel
assent, and authority which we have over thee, the fore-
said William, a pretended acolyte, wearing the habit
of an acolyte, and heretic, twice fallen, by our sentence
condemned, do degrade and put from thee all order of an
acolyte ; and in sign and token of this thy degradation,
and actual deposition, we take from thee the candlestick
and taper, and also urceolum, and do deprive thee of all
and all manner of dignity of an acolyte.
" Also we Thomas archbishop, by assent, counsel, and
authority, which upon thee the aforesaid William we have,
a pretended exorciiit, in the habit of an exorcist or holy-
water clerk, being an heretic, twice fallen, and by our
sentence as is aforesaid, condemned, do degrade and
depose thee from the order of an exorcist ; and in token
of this thy degradation and actual deposition, we take
from thee the book of conjurations, and do deprive thee of
all and singular dignity of an exorcist.
" Also, we Thomas archbishop, by assent, counsel,
and authority . as is abovesaid, do degrade and depose
thee the aforesaid William, a pretended reader, clothed
in the habit of a reader, an heretic, twice fallen, and by
our sentence as is aforesaid, condemned from the order
of a reader ; and in token of this thy degradation and
actual deposition, we take from thee the book of the divine
lections (that is, the book of the church legend) and do
deprive thee of all and singular manner of dignity of such
a reader.
" Also, we Thomas archbishop of Canterbury aforesaid,
by authority, counsel and assent, the which we have, as
is aforesaid, do degrade and put thee the foresaid William
Sautre, a pretended sexton, in the habit of a sexton,
and wearing a surplice, being an heretic twice fallen,
by our sentence definitive condemned, as aforesaid from
the order of a sexton ; and in token of this thy degrada-
tion and actual deposition, for the causes aforesaid, we
take from thee the keys of the church-door, and thy
surplice, and do deprive thee of all and singular manner
of commodities of a door-keeper.
"And also, by the authority of omnipotent God the
Father, the Son, and Holy Ghost, and by the authority,
counsel, and assent, of our whole council provincial above
written, we do degrade thee, and depose thee, being here
personally present before us, from orders, benefices, privi-
leges and habit in the church ; and for thy pertinency in-
corrigible we do degrade thee before the secular court of
the high constable and marshal of England, being per-
sonally present ; and do depose thee from all and singular
clerkly honours and dignities whatsoever, by tliese writ-
ings. Also, in token of thy degradation and deposition,
here actually we have caused thy crown and ecclesiastical
tonsure in our presence to be rased away, and utterly
to be abolished, like to the form of a secular layman ;
and here we do put upon the head of thee the aforesaid
William the cap of a lay secular person ; beseeching the
court aforesaid, that they will receive favorably the said
William to them thus recommitted."
Thus William Sautre the servant of Christ being utterly
thrust out of the pope's kingdom, and metamorphosed
from a clerk to a secular layman, was committed to the
secular power. Which so done, the bishops, not yet
contented, cease not to call upon the king, to cause him
to be brought forth to speedy execution. Whereupon the
king, too ready to gratify the clergy, and to retain their
favours, directs out a terrible decree against William
Sautre, and sent it to the major and sheriffs of London to
be put in execution ; as follows :
The Decree of the King against William Sautre.
"The decree of our sovereign lord the king and his
council in the parliament, against a certain new sprung
up heretic. To the major and sheriffs of London, &c.
Whereas the reverend father Thomas archbishop of
Canterbury, primate of all England, and legate of the
apostolic see, by the assent, consent, and counsel of other
bishops, and his brethren suffragans, and also of all
the whole clergy within his province or diocese, gathered
together in his provincial council, the due order of the
law being observed in all points in this behalf, hath pro-
nounced and declared, by his definitive sentence, William
Sautre sometime chaplain fallen again into his most dam-
nable heresy, the which before time the said William had
abjured, thereupon to be a most manifest heretic, and
therefore hath decreed that he should be degraded, and
hath for the same cause really degraded him from all pre-
rogative and privilege of the clergy, decreeing to leave
him to the secular power; and hath really so left him,
according to the laws and canonical sanctions set forth in
this behalf, and also that our holy mother the church
hath no further to do in the premises : we therefore
264
ARTICLES EXHIBITED ON THE CHURCH DOORS AGAINST HENRY IV. [Bock. V
being zealous in religion, and reverend lovers of the
catholic faith, willing and minding to maintain and de-
fend the holy church, and the laws and the liberties of
the same, to root out all such errors and heresies out of
our kingdom of England, and with condign punishment
to correct and punish all heretics or such as be convicted ;
provided always that both according to the law of God
and man, and the canonical institutions in this behalf
accustomed, such heretics convicted and condemned in
form aforesaid ought to be burned with fire : we com-
mand you, as straightly as we may, or can, firmly enjoining
you that you do cause the said William, being in your
custody, in some public or open place within the liberties
of your city aforesaid (the cause aforesaid being pub-
lished unto the people) to be put into the fire, and there
in the same fire really to be burned, to the great horror
of his offence, and the manifest example of other chris-
tians. Fail not in the execution thereof, upon the peril
that will fail thereupon."
Thus it may appear how kings and princes have been
blinded and abused by the false prelates of the church,
insomuch that they have been their slaves and butchers,
to slay Christ's poor innocent members. See therefore
what danger it is for princes not to have knowledge and
understanding themselves, but to be led by other men's
eyes, and specially trusting to such guides, who through
hypocrisy deceive them, and through cruelty devour the
people.
As King Henry IV.. who was the deposer of King
Richard, was the first of all English kings that began
the unmerciful burning of Christ's saints for standing
against the pope : so was this William Sautre, the true
and faithful martyr of Christ, the first of all them in
Wickliff's time, who I find to be burned in the reign of
this king, which was A. D. 1400.
After the martyrdom of this godly man, the rest of
the same company began to conceal themselves for fear
of the king, who was altogether bent to hold with the
pope's prelacy. Such was the reign of this prince, that
he was ever terrible to the godly, immeasurable in his
actions, and really beloved by very few men ; but princes
never lack flatterers about them. Neither was the time of
his reign quiet, but full of trouble, of blood and misery.
Such was their desire of King Richard again in the reign
of this king, that he was many years after rumoured to
be alive (by those who desired that to be true which they
knew to be false) for which several were executed. For
the space of six or seven years together, scarcely a year
passed without some conspiracy against the king.
Many of the nobles joined in these rebellions, and
many of them were beheaded, or otherwise slain, but still
the rebellions continued.
This civil rebellion of so many nobles and others, against
the king, declared what hostile feelings the people then
bore towards this King Henry. Among whom I cannot
omit here the archbishop of York named Richard Scrope,
■who with the Lord Mowbray, marshal of England, gather-
ed a great company in the north country against the king,
to whom also was joined the forces of Lord Bardolf, and
Henry Percy earl of Northumberland. And to stir up
the people more willingly to take their parts, they col-
lected certain articles against the said king, to the num-
ber of ten, and fastened them upon the doors of the
churches and monasteries, to be read of all men in Eng-
lish. Which articles, as they contain a great part of the
doings between King Henry and King Richard, I thought,
for the better opening of the matter to insert the same,
in such form as I found them.
Articles set upon the Church Doors against King Henry
the Fourth.
" In the name of God, Amen, Before the Lord Jesus
Christ, judge of the quick and dead, &c. We A. B. C.
D. &c., not long since became bound by oath upon the
sacred evangelical book, to our sovereign lord Richard,
late king of England and France, in the presence of many
prelates, potentates and nobility of the realm ; that we,
so long as we lived, should bear true allegiance and fide-
lity toward him and his heirs succeeding him in the kin?,
dom by just title, right, and line, according to the statutes
and custom of this realm of England. By virtue wliereof
we are bound to see that no vices, or heinous offences
arising in the commonwealth, take effect, and we ought to
give ourselves and our goods to withstand the same,
without fear of the sword or death, upon pain of perjury,
which pain is everlasting damnation. Wherefore we
seeing and perceiving divers horrible crimes, and great
enormities daily without ceasing committed by the chil-
dren of the Devil and Satan's soldiers against the supre-
macy of the church of Rome, the liberty of the church of
England, and the laws of the realm, against the person
of King Richard and his heirs, against the prelates, no-
blemen, religion, and commonalty, and finally against the
whole public weal of the realm of England, to the great
offence of the majesty of Almighty God, and to the pro-
vocation of his just wrath and vengeance toward the realm
and people. And fearing also the destruction both of the
church of Rome and England, and the ruin of our coun-
try to be at hand, having before our eyes the justice and
the kingdom of God, calling always on the name of Jesus,
having an assured confidence in his clemency, mercy and
power ; have here taken certain articles, subscribed in
the following form to be propounded, tried, and heard
before the jiist judge, Jesus Christ, and the whole world,
to his honour, the delivery of the church, the clergy, and
commonalty, and to the utiUty and profit of the public
weal. But if (which God forbid) by force, fear, or vio-
lence of wicked persons we shall be cast in prison, or by
violent death prevented, so as in this world we shall not
be able to prove the articles as we would wish, then do
we appeal to the high celestial judge, that he may judge
and discern the same, in the day of his supreme judgment.
" I. We depose, say, except, and intend to prove
against the Lord Henry Darby, son of the Lord John of
Gaunt, late duke of Lancaster, and commonly called king
of England (himself pretending the same, although with-
out all right and title thereunto) and against his adhe-
rents, favours, and accomplices ; that they ever have been,
are, and will be traitors, invaders, and destroyers of God's
church in Rome, England, Wales, and Ireland, and of our
sovereign lord Richard late king of England, his heirs,
his kingdom, and commonwealth, as shall hereafter ma-
nifestly appear.
"11. We depose, &c. against the said Lord Henry, for
that he had conceived, devised, and conspired certain
heinous crimes and traitorous offences against his sove-
reign lord Richard's state and dignity, as manifestly ap-
peared in the contention between the said Lord Henry,. u
and the Lord Thomas duke of Norfolk begun at Coven- ■•
trj'^, but not finished thoroughly. Afterwards he was sent
into exile by sentence of the King Richard, by the agree-
ment of his father the Lord John duke of Lancaster, by
the voice of many of the lords temporal, and nobility of
the realm, and also by his own consent; there to remain
for a certain time appointed unto him by the said lords,
and withal he was bound by oath not to return into Eng-
land before he had obtained favour and grace of the king.
Not long after, when the king was departed into Ireland
for reformation of that country appertaining to the crown
of England, but as then rebelling against the same ; the
said Lord Henry in the meantime contrary to his oath and
fidelity, and long before the time limited unto him was ex-
pired, with all his favourers and invaders secretly entered
into the realm, swearing and protesting before the face of
the people, that his coming into the realm in the absence
of the king was for no other cause, but that he might in
humble sort with the love and favour of the king, and all
the lords spiritual and temporal, have and enjoy his law-
ful inheritance descending unto him of right after the
death of his father : which thing as it pleased all men, so
they cried, ' Blessed is he that cometh in the name of
the Lord.' But how this blessing afterwards turned into
cursing, shall appear in that which followed : and also ye
shall understand his horrible and wicked conspiracy
against his sovereign lord King Richard, and divers
other lords as well spiritual as temporal ; besides that his
manifest perjury shall well be known, and that he remains
not only foresworn and perjured, but also excommunicate,
|a.D. 1401.] ARTICLES EXHIBITED ON THE CHURCH DOORS AGAINST HENRY IV.
i for he conspired against his sovereign lord our king,
i Wherefore we pronounce him by these presents as well
I perjured as excommunicate.
I " III We depose, &c. against the Lord Henry, t'.at he,
immediately after his entry into England, by crafty and
subtle policy caused to be proclaimed openly throughout
the realm, that no tenths of the clergy, fifteenths of the
people, sealing up of cloth, diminution of wool, impost of
wine, nor other extortions or exactions whatsoever, should
i hereafter be required or exacted ; hoping by this means
-to purchase unto him the voice and favour of tlie prelates
spiritual, the lords temporal, the merchants, and com-
monalty of the whole realm. After this he took by force
the king's castles and fortresses, sj)oiled and devoured his
goods wheresoever he found them, crying, Havock !
Havock ! The king's majesty's subjects as well spiritual as
temporal, he spoiled and robbed, some he took captive and
'imprisoned them, and some he slew and put to miserable
ideath, whereof many were bishops, prelates, priests, and
ireligious men. Whereby it is manifest, that the said Lord
Henry is not only perjured, in promising and swearing
that there should be hereafter no more exactions, pay-
ments, or extortions within the realm, but also excom-
municate for the violence and injury done to prelates and
priests. Wherefore by these presents we pronounce him,
as before, as well perjured as excommunicate.
" IV. We depose, &c. against the said Lord Henry,
That he hearing of the king's return from Ireland into
WaleS; rose up against his sovereign lord the king with
many thousands of armed men, marching forward with all
iiis power towards the castle of Flint in Wales, where he
took the king and held him prisoner, and so led him
captive as a traitor unto Leicester : from whence he took
ihis journey towards London, misusing the king by the
jway, both he and his, with many injuries and opprobrious
icontumelies and scoffs. And in the end committed him
jto the Tower of London, and held a parliament, the king
ibeing absent and in prison : wherein for fear of death he
|Corn^)elled the king to yield and resign to him all his right
and title of the kingdom and crown of England. After
which resignation being made, the said Lord Henry stand-
ing up in the parliament house, stoutly and proudly be-
jfore them all, said and affi/med, that the kingdom of Eng-
iland and crown of the same, with all thereunto belonging,
Idid pertain to him at that present, as of very right, and
Ito no other ; for that the said King Richard by his own
ideed was deprived for ever of all the right, title, and inte-
rest that ever he had, hath, or may have in the same.
And thus at length by right and wrong he exalted himself
unto the throne of the kingdom : since which time, our
commonwealth never flourished nor prospered, but
has been altogether void of virtue, for the spiritualty
is oppressed, exercise and war-like practices have not
'been maintained, charity is waxed cold, and covet-
[ousness and misery have taken place, and finally mercy
lis taken away and vengeance supplies the room. Where-
jby it doth appear (as before is said,) that the said lord
i Henry is not only perjured and false by usurping the
kingdom and dominion belonging to another, but also
excommuuicate for the apprehending, unjust imprisoning,
! and depriving his sovereign lord the king of his royal
: crown and dignity. Wherefore, as in the articles before,
we pronounce the said Lord Henry to be excommunicate.
*' V. We depose, &c. against the said Lord Henry, that
he the same Lord Henry with the rest of his favourers and
accomplices, heaping mischief upon mischief, have com-
mitted and brought to pass a most wicked and mischiev-
ous fact, yea, such as has not been heard of at any time
before. For after that they had taken and imprisoned the
king, and deposed him by open injury against all human
nature; yet, not content with this, they brought him to
Pomfret castle, and there imprisoned him, where fifteen
days and nights they vexed him with continual hunger,
thirst, and cold, and finally bereft him of life with such a
kind of death as never before that time was known in
England, but by God's Providence it is come to light.
Who ever heard of such a deed, or who ever saw the like
of him? Wherefore, O England ! arise, stand up, avenge
the cause, the death and injury of thy king and prince :
•wtiich if thou do not, take this for certain, that the right-
265
eous God will destroy thee by strange invasions and fo-
reign power, and avenge himself on thee for this so hor-
rible an act. Whereby doth appear not only his perjury,
but also his excommunication most execrable ; so that,
as before, we pronounce the said Henry not only per-
jured, but also excommunicate.
" VI. We depose, &c. against the said Lord Henry,
that after he had attained to the crown and sceptre of the
kingdom, he caused forthwith to be apprehended divers
lords spiritual, bishops, abbots, priors, and religious men
of all orders, whom he arrested, imprisoned, and bound,
and against all order brought them before the secular
judges to be examined ; nor sparing the bishops whose
bodies were anointed with sacred oil, nor priests nor
religious men, but commanded them to be condemned,
hanged, and beheaded by the temporal law and judgment,
notwithstanding the privilege of the church and holy
orders, which he ought to have reverenced and worship-
ped, if he had been a true and lawful king : for the first
and chief oath in the coronation of a lawful king is, to
defend and keep inviolate the liberties and rights of the
church, and not to deliver any priest or religious man
into the hands of the secular power, except for heresy
only, and tliat after his degradation, according to the or-
der of the church. He has done contrary unto all tliis ;
so that it is manifest by this article as before in the rest,
that he is both perjured and excommunicate.
" VII. We depose, &c. against the said Lord Henry,
that he not only caused to be put to death the lords spi-
ritual and other religious men, but also divers of the lords
temporal and nobility of the realm, and chiefly those that
studied for the preservation of the commonwealth, not
ceasing as yet to continue his mischievous enterprise, if
by God's Providence it be not prevented, and that with
speed : amongst all other of the nobility, these first he put
to death ; the earl of Salisbury, the earl of Huntington,
the earl of Gloucester, the Lord Roger Clarendon the
king's brother, with several other knights and esquires,
and afterwards, the Lord Thomas Percy earl of Worcester,
and the Lord Henry Percy son and heir to the earl of
Northumberland ; which Lord Henry he not only slew,
but to the utmost of his power again and again he endea-
voured to have him slain. For after he was once
put to death, and delivered to the lord of Furnile to be
buried (who committed his body to holy sepulture, with
as much honor as might be, commending his soul to Al-
mighty God with the suffrages of blessed mass and other
prayers) the said Lord Henry, most like a cruel beast still
thirsting for his blood, caused his body to be exhumed and
brought forth again, and to be placed between two mill-
stones in the town of Shrewsbury, there to be kept with
armed men; and afterwards to be beheaded and quartered,
commanding his head and quarters to be carried into di
vers cities of the kingdom. Wherefore, for so detestable
an act never heard of in any age before, we pronounce
him, as in the former articles, excommunicate.
" VIII. We depose, &c. against the said Lord Henry,
that after his attaining to the crown he willingly ra-
tified, allowed, and approved a most wicked statute set
forth and renewed in the parliament holden at Winches-
ter. The which statute is directly against the church of
Rome, and the power, and principality thereof given by
our Lord Jesus Christ unto blessed St. Peter and his suc-
cessors bishops of Rome ; unto whom belongs by full au-
thority the free disposing of all spiritual promotions as
well superior as inferior : which wicked statute is the
cause of many mischiefs, viz. of simony, perjury, adul-
tery, disorder, and disobedience; for many bishops, ab-
bots, priors, and prelates (we will not say by virtue, but
rather by error of this statute) have bestowed the bene-
fices vacant upon young men, rude and unworthy persons,
who have bargained with them for the same, so that
scarcely one prelate is found that has not covenanted
with the party promoted for the half yearly, or, at the
least, the third part of the said benefice so bestowed. And
by this means the said statute is the destruction of the
right of St. Peter, the church of Rome and England, the
clergy and universities, the whole commonwealth, and
maintenance of wars, &c.
" IX. We say and depose, &c. against the saidLor**
266
ARCHBISHOP OF YORK EXECUTED. ARTICLES AGAINST JOHN BADBY. [Book V.
Henry, that after he had tyrannously taken upon him the
government of the realm, England never flourished since,
nor prospered, by reason of his continual exactions of
money, and yearly oppressions of the clergy and com-
monnlty : neither is it known how this money so extorted
is bestowed, when neither his soldiers, nor his gentle-
men are i):iid as yet their wages and fees for their charges,
and wonderful toil and labour, neither yet are the poor
country peojile satisfied for the victuals taken of them :
and nevertheless the miserable clergy, and more miserable
common;dcy, are forced still to pay by menaces and sharp
tlireatenings. Notwithstanding he sware, when he first
usurped the crown, that hereafter there should be no such
Kxactions nor vexations, neither of the clergy nor laity.
Wherefore, as before, we pronounce him perjured, &c.
" X. In the tenth and last article we depose, say, and
openly protest by these presents, for ourselves, and all
our assistants in the cause of the church of Rome and
England, and in the cause of King Richard, his heirs, the
clergy and commonalty of the whole realm ; that our in-
tention neither is, was, nor shall be, in word or deed to
offend any state either of the prelates spiritual, lords tem-
poral, or commons of the realm ; but rather, foreseeing
the perdition and destruction of this realm to approach,
we have here brought before you certain articles concern-
ing the destruction of the same, to be circumspectly con-
sidered by the whole assembly, as well of the lords spiri-
tual as temporal, and the faithful commons of England :
beseeching you all in the bowels of Jesus Christ the right-
eous judge, and for the merits of our blessed lady the
mother of God, and of St. George our defender, under
whose displayed banner we wish to live and die, and un-
der pain of damnation, that ye will be favourable to us,
and to our causes which are three in number. Whereof
the first is, that we exalt unto the kingdom the true and
lawful heir, and crown him in the kingly throne with the
diadem of England. And secondly, that we recall the
Welshmen, the Irishmen, and all other our enemies to
perpetual peace and amity. Thirdly, and finally, that
•we deliver and make free our native country from all ex-
actions, extortions, and unjust payment ; beseeching our
Lord Jesus Ciirist to grant his blessing, the remission of
their sins, and life everlasting to all that assist us to their
power in this godly and meritorious work ; and to all
those that are against us we threaten the curse of Al-
mighty God, by the authority committed unto us by
Christ and his holy church, and by these presents we pro-
nounce them excommunicate.'*
These articles being seen and read, a great concourse
of people daily resorted more and more to the archbi-
shop. TheEarlof Westmorelandbearingof this, mustered
his soldiers with all the force he was able to make, and
went against the archbishop ; but seeing his party too
weak to encounter with him, he used policy, and under
colour of friendship, he laboured to seek out the causes of
that great stir. The archbishop shewed him the arti-
cles, which, when the earl had read, he seemed highly
to commend the purpose and doings of the bishop ;
promising that he would help in that quarrel to the ut-
most of his power. The archbishop, easily persuaded,
was content, although much against the counsel of the
earl marshal, and came to hold further conference. The
articles being opened, published, and read, the earl of
Westmoreland pretended to like them, and exhorted
the archbishop that he would discharge the needless
multitude of his soldiers, and dismiss them home to their
works and business, and they would together drink and
join hands in the sight of the whole company. Thus
they shaking hands together, the archbishop sends away
his soldiers in peace, not knowing himself to be circum-
vented, until he was arrested by the hands of the earl
of Westmoreland ; and shortly after, the king coming
with his army to York, he w;is tliere beheaded ; and
with him also Lord Thomas Mowbray, marshal, with di-
vers others. After whose slaughter, the king proceeds
farther to pursue the earl of Nortluiniijerlaud, and Lord
Thomas Bardolph. At length, within two years after,
fighting against the king, they were slain iu the field,
(A. D. 1408.)
The king, after the shedding of so much blood, see-
ing himself so disliked by his subjects, thought to keep
in with the clergy, and with the bishop of Rome. And
therefore he was compelled in all things to serve their
humour, as appeared as well in condemning William
Sautre, as also in others whom we have now to treat of.
In the number of whom comes now John Badby,
who, by tlie cruelty of Thomas Arundel, archbishop,
and other prelates, was brought to his condemnation
in this king's reign (A.D. 1409), as appears by their
own registers,
JOHN BADBY, ARTIFICER.
In A. D. 1409, March 1st, the following exami-
nation of John Badby, a layman, was made upon the
crime of heresy, before Thomas Arundel, archbishop of
Canterbury, and the archbishop of York, bishops of Lon-
don, of Winchester, of Oxford, of Norwich, of Salisbury,
of Bath, of Bangor, and a great number of other lordfL i
both spiritual and temporal. Master Morgan read the
articles of his opinions to the hearers, as follows :
" In the name of God, Amen. Be it manifest to all
men by this present public instrument, that in the year
after the incarnation of our Lord, according to the
course and computation of the church of England, in
the year 1409, John Badby, a layman, of the diocese of
Worcester, appearing personally before the reveren4
father in Christ and Lord, Lord Thomas, by the grace
of God bishop of Worcester, was detected of heresy,
having heretically taught, and openly maintained, that
the sacrament of tlie body of Christ, consecrated by the
priest upon the altar, is not the true body of Christ by
the virtue of the words of the sacrament. But that after
the sacramental words spoken by the priests to make the
body of Christ, the material bread remains upon the
altar as in the beginning, neither is it turned into the
very body of Christ after the sacramental words spoken
of the priests. Which John Badby being exaniiued, and
diligently demanded by the reverend father, did answer
that it was impossible that any priest should make the
body of Christ, and that he believed firmly that no priest
could make the body of Christ by such words sacrament-
ally spoken in such sort. And also he said expressly
that he would never while he lived believe that any
priest could make the body of Christ sacranjeutally,
unless that first he saw manifestly the like body of Christ
to be handled in the hands of the priest uj)on the altar,
in his corporal form. And, furthermore, he said that
John Raker of Bristol had as much power and authority
to make the like body of Christ, as any ]>rit?t had.
Moreover, he said that when Christ sat at supjier with
his disciples, he had not his body in his hand, to the in*
tent to distribute it to his disciples ; and he said e.v
pressly, that he did not this thing. And he also spake
many other words teaching and defending the heresy,
both grievous, and also out of order, and horrible to
the ears of the hearers, sounding against the catholic
faith.
" Upon which occasion the reverend father admonished
and requested John Badby oftentimes and very instantly
to charity ; forsomuch as he would willingly that he
should have forsaken such heresy and opinion holden,
taught, and maintained by him, in such sort against the
sacrament, to renounce, and utterly abjure them, and to
believe other things which the holy mother church doth
believe. And he informed the said John on that behalf,
both gently, and yet laudably. Yet the said John
Badby, although he were admonished and requested both
often and instantly by the said reverend father, said and
answered expressly, that he would never believe other-
wise than he had before said, taught, and answered.
Whereujion, the aforesaid reverend father, bishop of
Worcester, seeing, understanding, and perceiving John
Badby to maintain and fortify the heresy, being stub-
born, and proceeding in the same stubbornness, pro-
nounced the said Jolin to be before this time convicted
of such an heresy, and that he hath been and is an hC"
tic, and in the end declared it in these words • ,
A.D. 140y.]
THE MARTYRDOM OF JOHN BADBY. THE STATUTE EX-OFFICIO.
267
I " In the name of God, Amen. We, Thomas, bishop
of Worcester, do accuse thee, John Badby, being a lay-
,man, of our diocese, of and upon the crime of heresy,
(being oftentimes confessed and convicted before us sit-
ting for chief judge, that thou hast taught, and openly
affirmed, as hitJierto thou dost teach, boldly affirm, and
defend ; that the sacrament of the body of Christ, conse-
crated upon the altar by the priest, is not the true body
'of Christ ; but after the sacramental words, to make the
body of Christ, by virtue of the said sacramental words
pronounced, to have been in the crime of heresy : and we
.do pronounce thee both to have been and to be an here-
tic, and do declare it finally by these writings."
j When these things were thus finished, and all the con-
]clusions were read in the vulgar tongue, the archbishop
(demanded of him, whether he would renounce and for-
sake his opinions and such conclusions or not, and ad-
;here to the doctrine of Christ and the catholic faith ? He
'answered, that according to what he had said before, he
'would adhere and stand to those words which before he
jhad made answer unto. Then the archbishop oftentimes
required him by the bowels of Jesus Christ, that he
would forsake those opinions and conclusions, and that
henceforth he would cleave to the christian faith, which,
in the audience of all the lords and others that were pre-
isent, he expressly denied and refused.
' After all this, when the archbishop of Canterbury and
the bishop of London had consulted, to what safe keep-
ing John Badby might be committed ; it was concluded
that he should be put into a certain chamber, or safe
house within the mansion of the friars preachers ; and
then the archbishop of Canterbury said that he himself
would keep the key thereof in the meantime. And when
Hhe day was expired, being the fifteenth day of March,
land that the archbishop of Canterbury, with his fellow
'brethren and suffragans, were assembled in the church
of St. Paul in London ; the archbishop of Canterbury,
taking the episcopal seat, called unto him the archbishop
X)f York, and the following bishops : Richard of London ;
Henry of Winchester ; Robert of Chic-hester ; Alex-
p.nder of Norwich ; and the noble Prince Edmund ;
the duke of York ; Ralph, earl of Westmoreland ;
Thomas Beaufort, knight ; lord chancellor of England ;
iand the Lord Beamond, with other noble men, as
Iwell spiritual as temporal, that stood and sat by,
Iwhom it would be long to name : Before whom
jJohn Badby was called personally to answer to the ar-
(ticles. The articles were read by the official of the
Icourt of Canterbury, and by the archbishop (in the vul-
gar tongue) expounded publicly and expressly ; and as
ihe had before spoken and deposed, he still held and de-
Ifended his opinions, and said that while he lived, he
: would never retract the same. And, furthermore, he
said especially to be noted, that the lord duke of York,
personally there present, and every man else for the
time being, is of more estimation and reputation,
than the sacrament of the altar, by the priest in due
form consecrated. And whilst they were thus in his
examination, the archbishop considering and weighing
I that he would in nowise be altered, and seeing moreover
I his countenance stout, and heart confirmed, so that he
! began to persuade others as it appeared : these things
considered, the archprelate, when he saw that it
was not in his power either by exhortations, reasons,
or arguments, to bring John Badby from his con-
i Btant truth to his catholic faith (executing and doing
' the office of his great master) proceeded to confirm and
i ratify the former sentence given by the bishop of Wor-
' cester against John Badby, pronouncing him for an open
[ and public heretic. And thus they delivered him to the
j secular power ; and desired the temporal lords then and
1 there present, that they would not put John Badby
to deatii for that his offence, nor deliver him to be
punished or put to death in the presence of all the lords.
These things thus done and concluded by the bishops
in the forenoon : in the afternoon, tVie king's writ was
not far behind. John Badby, still persevering in his
constancy unto the death, was brought into Smithfield,
and there being put in an empty barrel, was bound with
iron chains fastened to a stake having dry wood put
about him.
And as he was thus standing in the barrel, it hap-
pened that the prince, the king's eldest son, was pre-
sent; who, shewing some part of the good Samaritan,
began to endeavour to save the life of him, whom the
hypocritical Levites and pharisees sought to put to
death. He admonished and counselled him, that he
should speedily witlidraw himself out of these dangerous
labyrinths of opinions, adding oftentimes threatenings,
which might have daunted any man's courage.
In the mean time the prior of St. Bartholomew's, in
Smithfield, brought with all solemnity tlie sacrament of
God's body, with twelve torches borne before, and so
shewed the sacrament to the poor man at the stake.
And then they demanding of him how he believed in it,
he answered, That lie knew well it was hallowed bread,
and not God's body. And then was the barrel put over
him, and fire put to him. And when he felt the fire,
he cried, mercy, calling upon the Lord, and so the
prince immediately commanded to take away the barrel,
and quench the fire. The prince's commandment being
obeyed, he asked him if he would forsake heresy and take
to the faith of holy church ? which, if he would do, he
should have goods enough, jiromising also a yearly
stipend out of the king's treasury.
But this valiant champion of Christ, neglecting the
prince's fair words, refused the offer of worldly promises,
being no doubt more vehemently inflamed with the
Spirit of God, than with any earthly desire. Wherefore,
when he continued unmoveable in his former mind, the
prince commanded him straight to be put again into the
barrel, and that he should not afterward look for any
grace or favour. But as he could be allured by no
rewards, even so was he nothing at all abashed at their
torments, but, as a valiant champion of Christ, he per-
severed invincible to the end. Not without a great and
most cruel battle, but with much greater triumph of
victory ; the Spirit of Christ having always the upper
hand in his members, notwithstanding the fury, rage,
and power of the whole world.
This godly martyr, John Badby, having thus per-
fected his testimony and martyrdom in fire, the perse-
cuting bishops not yet contented, and thinking them-
selves as yet either not strong enough, or else not sharp
enough against the poor innocent flock of Christ, to
make all things sure and substantial on their side, so
that this doctrine of the gospel now springing should be
suppressed for ever, laid their conspiring heads together;
and having now a king for their own purpose, ready to
serve their turn, the bishops and clergy of the realm ex-
hibited a bill to the king's majesty ; subtlely declaring,
what quietness had been maintained within this realm
by his most noble progenitors, who always defended the
ancient rites and customs of the church, and enriched
the same with large gifts, to the honour of God and the
realm : and contrariwise, what trouble and disquietnesa
was now risen by wicked and perverse men, teaching
and preaching openly and privily a certain new, wicked,
and heretical kind of doctrine, contrary to the catholic
faith and determination of holy church. The king, al-
ways oppressed with blind ignorance, by the crafty
means and subtle pretences of the clergy, granted in
the parliament (by consent of the nobility assembled)
a statute to be observed, called ex-officio, as follows : —
The Statute Ex- Officio.
" That is to say. That no man within this realm, or
other the king's majesty's dominions, presume to take
upon him to preach privily or openly, without special
license first obtained of the ordinary of the same place
(curates in their own parish churches, and persons
heretofore privileged, and others admitted by the canoa
law, only excepted). Nor that any hereafter do preach,
maintain, teach, inform openly or in secret, or make or
write any book contrary to the catholic faith, and deter-
mination of the holy church. Nor that any hereafter
make any conventicles or assemblies, or keep and ex-
ercise any manner of schools touching this sect, wicked
268
THE HISTORY AND EXAMINATION OF WILLIAM THORPE.
[Book V.
doctrine and opinion. And further, That no man here-
after shall by any means favour any such preacher, any
such maker of unlawful assemblies, or any such book-
maker or writer; and, finally, any such teacher, in-
former, or stirrer up of the people. And that all and
singular persons having any of the said books, writings,
or schedules, containing the said wicked doctrines and
opinions, shall within forty days after this present pro-
clamation and statute, really and effectually deliver, or
cause to be delivered, all and singular the said books
and writings unto the ordinary of the same place. And if it
shall happen that any person or persons, of what kind,
state or condition soever he or they be, to do or attempt
any manner of thing contrary to this present proclama-
tion and statute, or not to deliver the same books in
form aforesaid : That then the ordinary of the same
place in his own diocese, by authority of the said pro-
clamation and statute shall cause to be arrested and de-
tained under safe custody the said person or persons in
this case defamed and evidently suspected, or any of
them, until he or they so offending have by order of law
purged him or themselves as touching the articles laid
to his or their charge in this behalf; or until he or they
have denied and recanted (according to the laws eccle-
siastical) the said wicked sect, preachings, teachings,
and heretical and erroneous opinions. And that the
said ordinary by himself or his commissaries proceed
openly and judicially to all the effect of law against the
said persons so arrested and remaining under safe
custody, and that he end and determine the matter
within three months after the said arrest (all delays and
excuses set apart) according to the order and custom of
the canon law. And if any person, in any cause above-
mentioned, shall be lawfully convicted before the ordi-
nary of the diocese or his commissaries ; that then the
said ordinary may lawfully cause the said person so con-
victed (according to the manner and quality of his of-
fence) to be laid in any of his own prisons, and there
to be kept so long as in his discretion shall be thought
expedient.
" And further. The said ordinary (except in cases by
the which according to the canon law the party offend-
ing ought to be delivered unto the secular power) shall
charge the said person with such a fine of money to be
paid unto the king's majesty, as he shall think compe-
tent for the manner and quality of his offence. And
the said diocesan shall be bound to give notice of the
said fine, into the king's majesty's exchequer, by his
letters patent under his seal ; to the intent that the said
fine may be levied to the king's majesty's use of the
goods of the person so convicted.
" And further. If any person within this realm and
other the king's majesty's dominions, shall be convicted
before the ordinary of the place, or his commissaries, of
the said wicked preachings, doctrines, opinions, schools,
and heretical and erroneous informations, or any of
them ; and will refuse to abjure and recant the said
wicked sect, preachings, teachings, opinions, schools,
and informations ; or if, after his abjuration once made,
the rela)ise be pronounced against him by the diocesan
of the ])lace, or his commissaries (for so by the canon
law he ought to be left to the secular power, upon credit
given to the ordinary or his commissaries) that then the
sheriff of the same county, the mayor, sheriffs, or sheriff,
or the mayor, or bailiffs of the same city, village, or
borough of the same county, and nearest inhabiting to
the said ordinary, or his said commissaries, shall per-
sonally be present, as often as they shall be required, to
confer with the said ordinary or his commissaries in
giving sentence against the said persons offending, or
any of them : and, after the said sentence so pronounced,
sh.ill tnke unto them the said persons so offending, and
any of them, and cause them openly to be burned in the
sight of all the people ; to the intent that this kind of
j'unishnient may be a terror unto others, that the like
wicked doctrines and heretical opinions, or authors and
favourers thereof be no more maintained within this
realm and dominions, to the great hurt (which God for-
"bid) of christian religion, and decrees of holy church.
In all which and singular the premises, concerning the
statute aforesaid, let the sheriff, mayors, and bailiffs of
tiie said counties, cities, villages, and boroughs be at-
tendant, aiding and favouring the said ordinaries and
their commissaries."
By this bloody statute so severely and sharply en-
acted against these sim])le men, the reader may well
consider the nature and condition of this present
world, how it has been set and bent ever from the be-
ginning, by all might, counsel, and ways possible to
strive against the ways of God, and to overthrow that
which he will have set up. And although the world
may see by infinite histories and examples, that it is but
in vain to strive against him ; yet such is the nature of
this world (all set in malignity) that it will not cease
still to be like itself.
After this was issued the terrible constitution of the
archbishop of C interbury against the followers of God's
truth, full of cruelty and persecution unto blood, but
which is too long for insertion here.
Who would have thought by these laws and constitu-
tions, but that the name and memory of this persecuted
sort should utterly have been rooted up, and never
could have stood ? Aiiu yet such be the works of the
Lord, passing all men's admiration, that notwith-
standing all this, so far was the number and courage
of these good men from being vanquished, that rather
they multiplied daily and increased. For so I find in
registers recorded, that these foresaid persons, whom
the king and the catholic fathers did so greatly detest
for heretics, were in divers counties of this realm in-
creased, especially at London, in Lincolnshire, in Nor-
folk, in Herefordshire, in Shrewsbury, in Calais, and
other quarters. However there were some that did shrink,
many did revolt and renounce, for danger of the law.
Among whom was John Purvey, who recanted at Paul's
Cross, of whom more follows (the Lord willing) to be
said in the year 1421. Also John Edward, priest of the
diocese of Lincoln, who revoked in the Greenyard at
Norwich ; Richard Herbert, and Emmot Willy, of Lon-
don ; also John Becket, who recanted at London ; John
Seynons, of Lincolnshire, who was caused to revoke at
Canterbury.
WILLIAM THORPE.
Thus much being signified briefly, touching those who
have been forced in the time of this king, to open abju-
ration. Next comes the history of Master William
Thorpe, a valiant warrior, under the triumphant banner
of Christ, with the process of his examinations before
Thomas Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury, written by
Thorpe, and recorded by his own pen, at the request of
his friends. In his examination (A.D. 1407) thou shalt
have, good reader, both to learn and to marvel. To
learn, in that thou shalt hear truth discoursed and dis-
cussed, with the contrary reasons of the adversary dis-
solved. To marvel, for thou shalt behold here in this
man the marvellous force and strength of the Lord'«
might, spirit, and grace, working and fighting in hi«
soldiers, and also speaking in their mouths, according
to the word of his promise. Master Thorpe, in his
preface to the account of his examipation, says, that he
was moved to write it, not only by the desire of his
friends, but also that other christian J)eople might profit
by seeing truth opposed to error, and that they might
be prepared to forsake all the things of this life,
not knowing how soon they may be called to a like
trial.
The Examination of William Thorpe, penned with hit
own hand.
"Be it known to all men, that read or hear this
writing, that on the Sunday next after the feast of St.
Peter, that we call Lammas (A. D. 1407), I, William
Thorpe, being in prison in the castle of Saltwood, wai
brought before Thomas Arundel, archbishop of Canter-
bury, and chancellor then of England. And when I
came to him he stood in a great chamber, and manj
A. r. 1409.]
THE EXAMINATION' OF WILLIAM THORPE.
21:9
people about him ; and when he saw me he went into a
closet, bidding all secular men that followed him to
leave him soon, so that no man was left in that closet
but the archbishop himself, and a physician that was
called Masveren, parson of St. Dunstan's in London,
and two other persons unknown to me, who were minis-
ters of the law. By and by the archbishop said to me,
' William, I know well that thou hast this twenty winters
or more travelled in the north country, and in divers
other countries of England, sowing false doctrine, la-
bouring with untrue teaching to infect and poison all
this land. But through the grace of God thou art now
withstood and brought into my ward, so that I sliall now
sequester thee from thine evil purpose, and prevent
thee from poisoning the sheep of my province. Never-
theless, St. Paul saith, If it may be, as much as in us
lies, we ought to live peaceably with all men. There-
fore, William, if thou wilt now meekly and of good
heart without any feigning, kneel down and lay thy
hand upon a book and kiss it, promising faithfully
as I shall here charge thee, that thou wilt submit
thee to my correction, and stand to mine ordi-
nance, and fulfil it duly by all thy skill and power,
thou shalt yet find me gracious to thee.' Then
said I to the archbishop, ' Sir, since ye deem me an
heretic, and out of the faith, will you give me here
audience to tell you my belief?' And he said, ' Yea,
tell on.' And I said, ' I believe that there is but one
God Almighty, and in this Godhead, and of this God-
head are three Persons, that is, the Father, the Son, and
the Holy Ghost. And I believe that all these three
Persons are equal in power and in knowledge, and in
might, full of grace of all goodness. For whatsoever that
the Father doth, or can, or will do, that thing also the
Son doth, and can, and will do ; and in all their power,
knowledge, and will, the Holy Ghost is equal to the
Father, and to the Son.
" ' Besides this, I believe, that through the counsri of
this most blessed Trinity, in the time before appointed
for the salvation of mankind, the second person of this
Trinity was ordained to take the form of man, that is,
the nature of man. And I believe, that this second per-
son, our Lord Jesus Christ, was miraculously conceived
through the Holy Ghost in the womb of the blessed
Virgin Mary. And I believe that in due time Christ
was born of this most blessed virgin.
" ' And I believe, that Christ our Saviour was circum-
cised in the eighth day after his birth, in fulfilling of
the law, and his name was called Jesus, which was so
called of the angel, before that he was conceived in the
womb of Mary his mother.
" ' And I believe that Christ, as he was about thirty
years old, was baptized in the Jordan by John the bap-
tist ; and the Holy Ghost descended like a dove upon
him, and a voice was heard from heaven, saying, ' Thou
art my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased.'
" * And I believe that Christ was moved then by the
Holy Ghost to go into the desert, and there he fasted
forty days and forty nights without bodily meat and
drink. And I believe that by and by after this fasting,
when the manhood of God hungered, the devil came
to him, and tempted him in gluttony, in vain glory,
and in coveting ; but in all those temptations Christ
confuted the devil, and withstood him. And then with-
out tarrying Jesus began to preach, and to say to the
people, ' Repent, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand.'
" ' I believe that Christ lived here most holily, and
taught the will of his Father most truly. And I believe
that he suffered most wrongfiilly the greatest reproofs
and despisings.
" ' And after this, when Chiist would make an end
here of this temporal life, I believe that in the day next
before he was to suffer passion, he ordained the sacra-
ment of his flesh and his blood in form of bread and
of wine ; that is, his own precious body, and gave it to
his apostles to eat ; commanding them, and by them all
their after-comers, that they should do it in this form
tJiat he shewed to them, use themselves, and teach and
.1 Iminister to other men and women this most worship-
ful and holiest sacrament, in remembrance of his holiest
living, and of his most true preaching, and of his willin"
and patient suffering of the most painful passion.
" ' And I believe that this Christ our Saviour, after
that he had ordained this most worthy sacrament of his
own precious body, went forth willingly against his ene-
mies, and he suffered them most patiently to lay their
hands most violently upon him, and to bind him, and
to lead him forth as a thief, and to scorn him and
buffet him, and to defile him with their sjjittings.
Besides this, I believe that Christ suffered most meekly
and patiently his enemies to extract with sharp scourges
the blood that was between his skin and his fiesh ; yea,
without resisting, Christ suffered the cruel Jews to crown
him with sharp thorns, and to strike him with a reed.
And after, Christ suffered wicked Jews to draw him out
upon the cross, and to nail him thereupon ; and so
Christ shed out willingly for man's blood the blood that
was in the ^eins. And then Christ gave willingly his
spirit into the hands or power of his Father, and so, as
he would, and when he would, Christ died willingly for
man's sake upon the cross. And notwithstanding that
Christ was wilfully, painfully, and most shamefully put
to death, as to the world, there was left blood and
water in his heart, as before ordained, that he would
shed out this blood and this water for man's salvation ;
and therefore he suffered the Jews to make a blind
knight to thrust him in the heart with a spear, and this
blood and water that was in his heart, Christ would
shed out for man's love. And after this, I believe that
Christ was taken down from the cross and buried. And
I believe that on the third day by the power of his God-
head Christ rose again from death to life. And the for-
tieth day thereafter, I believe that Christ ascended up
into heaven, and that he there sitteth on the right hand
of the Father Almighty. And the fiftieth day after his
ascension he sent to his apostles the Holy Ghost, that
he had promised them before ; and I believe that Christ
snail come and judge all mankind, some to everlasting
peace, and some to everlasting pains.
" ' And as I believe in the Father, and in the Son, that
they are one God Almighty, so I believe in the Holy
Ghost that he is also with them the same God Almighty.
" ' And I believe an holy church, that is, all they that
have been, and that now are, and always to the end of
the world shall be, a people who shall endeavour to
know and to keep the commandments of God, dreading
over all things to offend God, and loving and seeking to
please him : and I believe, that all they that have had,
and yet have, and all they that yet shall have the afore-
said virtues, surely standing in the belief of God, hoping
steadfastly in his merciful doings, continuing to their
end in perfect charity, willingly, patiently, and gladly
suffering persecutions, by the example of Christ chiefly,
and his apostles, all these have their names written in
the book of life.
" 'Therefore I believe, that the gathering together of this
people, living now here in this life, is the holy church
of God, fighting here on earth against the devil, the
prosperity of the world, and their own lusts. Where-
fore, seeing that all the gathering together of this church,
and every part thereof, neither covets, nor wills, nor
loves, nor seeks any thing but to eschew the offence of
God, and to do his pleasing will ; meekly, gladly, and
willingly, with all mine heart, I submit myself unto this
holy church of Christ, to be ever ready and obedient to
the ordinance of it, and of every member thereof, aftor
my knowledge and power by the help of God. There-
fore I acknowledge now, and evermore shall, if God
will, that with all my heart, and with all my might, I
will submit me only to the rule and governance of them,
whom after my knowledge I may perceive to be members
of the holy church. ^^ herefore these articles of belief
fend all other (both of the old law, and of the new, which
after the commandment of God any man ought to be-
lieve) I believe verily in my soul, as a sinful deadly
wretch, of my knowledge and power, ought to believe :
praying the Lord God for his holy name to increase my
belief, and to help my unbelief.
" ' And because to the praising of God's name, I des-ira
above all things to be a faithful member of holy church.
270
THE EXAMINATION OF WILLIAM THORPE.
[Cook V,
I make this protestation before you all four tliat are now
here present, desiring that all men and women who are
now absent knew the same : that is, whatsoever before
this time I have said or done, or whatever I shall do or
say at any time hereafter, I believe, that all the old law,
and new law, given and ordained by the council of the
three persons of the Trinity, were given and written for
the salvation of mankind. And I believe, that these
laws are sufficient for man's salvation. And I believe
every article of these laws, to the intent that these
articles ordained and commanded by these three persons
of tlie most blessed Trinity are to be believed.
" ' And therefore to the rule and the ordinance of these
laws of God, meekly, gladly, and willingly, I submit me
with all mine heart ; that wlioever can or will by autho-
rity of God's law, or by open reason, tell me that I have
erred or now err, or in any time hereafter shall err in
any article of belief (from which misfortune God keep
me by his goodness) I submit to be reconciled, and to
be ready and obedient to those laws of God, and to
every article of them. For by authority specially of these
laws I will, through the grace of God, be united charitably
to these laws. Yea, sir, and besides this ; I believe and
admit all the sentences, authorities and reasons of the
saints and doctors according to the holy scripture, and
declaring it truly.
" ' I submit me willingly and meekly to be ever obedient,
after my knowledge and power, to all these saints and
doctors, as they are obedient in work and in word to
God and to his law, and further not (to my knowledge)
for any earthly power, dignity or state, through the help
of God. But sir, I pray you tell me, if after your
bidding I shall lay my hand upon the bcJok, is it to the
intent to swear thereby ?' And the archbishop said to
:ne, ' Yea wherefore else ?' And I said to him : ' Sir,
a book is nothing else but a thing coupled together of
divers creatures, and to swear by any creature, both
God's law and man's law is against it.
But sir, this thing I say here to you before these
your clerks, with my protestation, that how, where, when,
and to wliom men are bound to swear or to obey in any
wise after God's law, and saints, and true doctors, accord-
in,' with God's law ; I will through God's grace be ever
le-idy thereto, with all my skill and power. But I pray
you sir, for the charity of God, that ye will before I
swear, tell me how or to whom I shall submit me : and
sl-.ew me that whereof ye will correct me, and what is
the ordinance that ye will thus oblige me to fulfil.'
"And the archbishop said to me: 'I require that
thou swear to me, that thou wilt forsake all the opinions
which the sect of Lollards hold ; sotliat, neither privilvnor
openly, wilt thou hold any opinion which I shall rehearse
to thee. And that thou wilt not favour any man or
woman, young or old, that holds these opinions ; but
after thy knowledge and power thou shalt exert thyself
to withstand all such disturbers of holy church in every
diocese that thou comest into, and them that will not
leave their false and damnable opinions, thou wilt put
them up, publishing them and their names, and make
them known to the bishop of the diocese, or to the
bishop's ministers. And besides this I will that thou
preach no more until I know by good witness
and true, that thy conversation be such, that thy heart
and tiiy mouth accord truly in one, contradicting all the
secular learning that thou hast taught here before.'
" And I hearing these words, thought in my heart
that this was an unlawful demand ; and I deemed myself
accursed of God, if I consented to it. And because I
stood still and spake not, the archbishop said to me :
' Answer one way or the other ;' and I said, ' Sir, if I
consented to swear to you thus as ye require, I should
become an appealer, or every bishojVs spy in all Eng-
land. For if I should thus i)ut up and publish the
names of men and women, I sboiild herein deceive many
persons : yea, sir, by the doom of mv conscience, I
should be the cause of the death both of men and
women, yea, both bodily an.l spiritually. But I find in
no place in holy scripture, that tliis office of common
informer and si)y with which ye would now infeoft" me,
accords to any priest of Christ's sect, nor to any other I
christian man : if I should do as you require, full many
men and women would (as they might full truly) gav
that I had falsely and cowardly forsaken the truth, and,
slandered shamefully the word of God. For if I con.i
sented to your will for any fear of man, or of worldly
consideration, I deem in my conscience, that 1 were
worthy to be cursed of God and also of all his saints • \
from which misfortune keep me and all christian people '
Almighty God, now and for ever for his holy name.' Andi'
then the archbishop said to me : ' Oh, thine heart is ftxUi
hardened, as was the heart of Pharaoh, and the devil
hath overcome thee, and perverted thee, and he hath so
blinded thee, that thou hast no grace to know the trutb
nor tlie measure of mercy that 1 have offered to thee. >
Therefore, as I perceive now by thy foolish answer, tboui
hast no will to leave thine old errors. But 1 say to thee ■
either quickly consent to mine ordinance, and submit to '
my decrees, or by St. Thomas thou shalt be degraded,
and follow thy companion to Smithfitld.' And at this!!
saying I stood still and sjjake not, but I thought in mine
heart, that God did to me great grace, if he would of his '
great mercy bring me to sucli an end. And in mine
heart I was nothing afraid with this menacing of the arch-
bishop. And I considered two things in him. One, that
he was not yet sorrojvful that he had caused William
Sautre wrongfully to be burnt ; and as I considered that
the archbishop thirsted yet after more shedding of inno-
cent blood, I was moved in my mind, to hold himneitherfor
prelate norforj)riestof God: and because mine inward man ■
was thus altogether departed from the archbishop, me- '
thought I should not have any dread of him. But I was
right heavy and sorrowful, because there were no secular '
men present to hear : but in my heart I prayed the Lord
God to comfort me and strengthen me : 1 prayed God
for his goodness to give me then and always grace to
speak with a meek and a quiet spirit : and whatever I
■hould speak, that I might have true authorities of the
bcri])tures or open reason for it. As I stood thus still
and spake nothing, one of the archbishop's clerks said
to me, ' What thing musest thou .'' Do as my lord hath
commanded thee.'
"And yet I stood still and answered him not; and
then soon after the archbishop said to me, ' Art thou
not yet determined whether thou wilt do as I have said
to thee ?' And I said then to him, ' Sir, my father and
my mother spent much mortey about my learning, to
have made me a priest to God. But when I came to
years of discretion, 1 had no will to be priest, and
therefore my friends were very harsh towards me, and
then methought their grudging against me was so pain> li
ful, that I purposed to have left their company They '
spake to me oftentimes very grievous words, and me-
naced me in divers manners. And thus they were a
long time busy about me, ere I consented to be a priest, i
At last, I prayed them that they would give me licence i:
to go to wise priests, and of virtuous conversation, to '
have their counsel, and to know of them the office and ;
charge of priesthood. My father and my mother con- ,
sented gladly, and gave me their blessing and leave, and
also money to spend in this journey. And so 1 went to '.
those priests whom I heard to be of best name, and of
most holy living, and best learned, and most wise of
heavenly wisdom ; and so I communed with them to the j
time that I perceived by their virtuous and continual '
occupations, that their honest and charitable works t
passed their fame which I had heard before of them.' i
" And the archbishop said, — ' 1 say to thee, who are |
these holy and wise men, of whom thou hast taken thine ii
information ?' ;
" ' And I said, sir. Master John Wickliff was held by J
many men the greatest clerk that they knew then living, j
and he was named an able, a good, and an innoceul •
man in his living ; and therefore great men communed
often with him, and they loved so his learning, that they ',
wrote it, and endeavoured to rule themselves after it. '
Therefore, sir, this learning of Master John Wickhff is
yet held by many men and women, tlie learning most in
accordance with the living and teaching of Christ and
his apostles, and most openly shewing and declaring how
the church of Christ has been and yet should be ruled
A.D. 1-109.]
THE EXAMINATION OF WILLIAM THORPE.
271
and governed. Therefore it is that so many men and
\ women desire his learning, and purpose through God's
grace to conform their lives like to this learning of Wick-
I lift'. Master John Ashton taught and writ accordingly,
I and full zealously, where, and when, and to whom he
; might, and he used ic himself right perfectly to his life's
• end. And also Philip of Rampington, while he was a
canon of Leicester, Nicholas Herford, Davey Gotray of
Pakring, monk of Byland, and a master of divinity, and
John Purvey, and many others who were held right wise
, men and prudent, taught and writ busily this learning, and
i conformed to it. And with all these men I was very fami-
I liar, and communed with them long time and often, and be-
fore all other men I chose willingly to be informed of them
and by them, and especially of Wickliff himself, as of the
1 most virtuous and godly wise man that I ever beard of
i or knew. And therefore of him especially, and of these
1 men I took the learning that I have taught ; and
I purpose to live thereafter (if God will) to my life's
I end.'
j " And the archbishop said, ' That learning, that thou
I caUest truth and soothfastness, is open slander to holy
I church, as is proved by holy church. For although
j Wickliff was a great clerk, and though many held him to
I be a perfect liver ; yet his doctrine is not approved of
; holy church, but many sentences of his learning are
damned as they well deserve. But as to Philip of Ramp-
I ington, he neither holds now, nor will hold what he then
j taught, when he was a canon of Leicester. For no bi-
'( shop in this land pursues now more sharply those that
j hold those doctrines than he.'
j " And I said, ' Sir, many men and women wonder at
him, and speak of him much to his shame, and hold him
I as a cursed enemy of the truth.'
" And the archbishop said to me, ' Mlierefore dost
j thou delay me with such fables, wilt thou submit thee
to me or no ?'
" And I said ; ' Sir, I tell you at one word ; I dare not
for fear of God submit me to you, according to the sen-
tence ye have read to me.' j
" And thus as if he had been wroth, he said to one of
his clerks ; ' Fetch hither quickly the certificate that
came to me from Shrewsbury under the bailiff's seal wit-
nessing the errors and heresies which this fellow has
venomously sown there.'
" Then the clerk hastily took out, and laid forth on a
table, some roUs and writings, among which there was a
little one, which the clerk delivered to the archbishop.
And by and by the archbishop read this roll containing
this sentence :
" ' The third Sunday after Easter, the year of our
Lord 1407, William Thorpe came unto the town of
Shrewsbury, and through leave granted unto him to
preach, he said openly in St. Chad's church, in his ser-
mon, that the sacrament of the altar, after the consecra-
tion, was material bread. And that images should in
nowise be worshipped. And that men should not go on
pilgrimages. And that priests have no title to tithes.
And that it is not lawful to swear in any wise.'
" And when the archbishop had read thus this roll, he
rolled it up again, and said to me ; ' Is this wholesome
teaching to be among the people ?'
" And said ; ' Sir, I am both ashamed on their be-
half, and sorrowful for them that have certified you these
things thus untruly ; for I never preached, nor taught
thus privily or openly.'
" And the archbishop said tome, ' I wiU give credence
to these worshipful men who have written to me, and
witnessed under their seals among them. Though now
thou deuiest this, thinkest thou that I will give credence
to thee ? Thou hast troubled the worshipful commonalty
of Shrewsbury, so that the bailifi's and commonalty of
that to.vn have written to me, praying me that am arch-
bishop of Canterbury, primate and chancellor of England,
that I will vouchsafe to grant them, that if thou shalt be
made (as thou art worthy) to suffer for thine heresies,
that thou may suffer openly there among them ; so that
all they whom thou and such others have there perverted,
Buy throuirh fear of thy deed be reconciled again to the
unity of holy church. And also they that stand in true
faith of holy church, may be more established therein.'
"But certainly neither the prayer of the men of
Shrewsbury, nor the menacing of the archbishop made
me afraid, but my heart greatly rejoiced. I thank
God for the grace that I then thought, and yet think
shall come to all the church of God in this matter, by
the special mercy of the Lord. And as having no dread
of the malice of tyrants, by trusting steadfastly in the
help of the Lord, I said to the archbishop, — ' Sir, if the
truth of God's word might now be accepted as it should
be, I doubt not to prove by likely evidence, that they
tliat are feigned to be out of the faith of holy church in
Shrewsbury, and in other places also, are in the true
faith of holy church. For as their words sound, and
their works shew to man's judgment (dreading and lov-
ing faithfully God) their desire, their will, their love, and
their business, are most set to dread to offend God, and
to love, and please him in true and faithful keeping of his
commandments. And again, they that are said to be in
the faith of holy church in Shrewsbury and in other
places, by open evidence of their proud, envious, mali-
cious, covetous, and other foul words and works, neither
know, nor have will to know, truly and effectually the
right faith of holy church.
" And where, sir, ye say that I have troubled the
commonalty of Shrewsbury, and many other men and
women with my teaching : if it thus be, it is not to be
wondered at, since all the commonalty of the city of
Jerusalem was troubled by Christ's own person, that
was very God and man, and the most prudent preacher
that ever was or shall be. And also ill the synagogue
of Nazareth was moved against Christ, and so filled with
ire towards him for his preaching, that the men of the
synagogue rose up and cast Christ out of their city, and
led him up to the top of a mountain to cast him down
headlong.
" And the archbishop said to me, ' It followeth of
these thy words, that thou and such other thinkest. that
ye do right well to preach and teach as ye do, without
authority of any bishop. For you presume that the
Lord hath chosen you only to preach, as faithful disci-
ples and special followers of Christ.'
"And I said, ' Sir, by authority of God's law, and
also of saints and doctors, I am learned to deem that it
is every priest's office and duty to preach busily, freely,
and truly the word of God.'
" And the archbishop said to me, ' Fellow, why
makest thou such vain reasons to me ? Asks not St.
Paul, How should priests preach except they be sent ?
But I never sent thee to prearh. For thy venomous
doctrine is known throughout England, that no bishop
will admit thee to preach. Why then wilt thou presume
to preach, since thou art not sent nor licensed of thy
superior to preach .' St. Paul saith, that subjects ought
to obey their sovereigns, and not only good and viituous,
but also tyrants that are vicious.'
" And I said, ' Samuel the prophet said to Saul, the
wicked king, that God was more pleased with the obedi-
ence of his commandments, than with any sacrifice of
beasts. But David saith, and St. Paul, and St. Gre-
gory say together, that not only they that do evil, arc
worthy of death and damnation, but also they that con-
sent to evil doers. And, sir, the law of the holy church
teaches in the decree, that no servant to his lord, nor
child to the father or mother, nor wife to her husband,
nor monk to his abbot ought to obey, except in lawful
things.'
" And the ai-chbishop said to the three clerks that stood
before him, ' Sirs, this is the business of this fellow, and
such others, to pick out such sharp sentences of holy
scripture and doctors, to maintain their sect, against the
ordinance of holy church. And therefore, it is that
thou wishest to have again the psalter that I had taken
from thee at Canterbury, to recite sharp verses against
us. But thou shall never have that psalter, nor any
other book, till I know that thy heart and thy mouth
agree fully to be governed by holy church.'
" And I said, ' Sir, all my will and power is, and ever
272
THE EXAMINATION OF WILLIAM THORPE.
[Book T.
sha'l be (I trust to God) to be governed by holy
church.'
" And the archbishop asked me, * What was holy
church ?'
'* And I said, ' Sir, I told you before what was holy
church. But since ye ask me this question again, I call
Christ and his saints, holy church.'
" And the archbishop said to me, ' I know well that
Christ and his saints are holy church in heaven, but
what is holy church in earth ?'
" And I said, ' Sir, holy church has two parts. The
first and principal part has overcome perfectly all the
wretchedness of this life, and reigns joyfully in heaven
with Clirist. And the other part is here yet in earth,
busily and continually fighting day and night against
the temptations of the devil ; forsaking and hating the
prosperity of this world, despising and withstanding their
fleshly lusts, who only are the pilgrims of Christ, wan-
dering towards heaven by steadfast faith, and grounded
hope, and by perfect charity. For these heavenly pil-
grims may not, nor will not be hindered of their good
purpose by reason of any doctors disagreeing from holy
scripture, nor by the floods of any temporal tribulation,
nor by the wind of any pride, of boast, or of menacing
of any creature : for they are all fast grounded upon the
sure rock, Christ, hearing his word, and loving it, exer-
cising them faithfully and continually in all their wits to
do thereafter.'
" And the archbishop said to his clerks, ' See ye not
how his heart is hardened, and how he has travelled with
th& devil, bringing in such sentences to maintain his
errors and heresfes. Certainly, he will occupy us here
all day, if we suffer him.'
" One of the clerks answered, ' Sir, he said just now,
that this certificate that came to you from Shrewsbury,
is untruly forged against him. Therefore, sir, question
him now in the points which are certified against him,
and we shall hear his answers of his own mouth, and
witness them.'
" And the archbishop took the certificate in his
hand, and looked thereon a while, and then he said
to me:
" ' Lo, here it is certified by worthy and faithful men
of Shrewsbury, that thou didst preach there openly, that
the sacrament of the altar was material bread after the
consecration ; what sayest thou .' Was this truly
preached ?'
" And I said, ' Sir, I tell you truly that I touched no-
thing there of the sacrament of the altar, but in this wise
as I will, with God's grace, tell you here. As I stood
there in the pulpit, busying me to teach the command-
ment of God, a sacred bell began ringing, and therefore
many people turned away hastily, and with noise ran
towards it ; and I seeing this, said to them thus, ' Good
men, ye were better to stand here still, and to hear
God's word. For the virtue of the most holy sacrament
of the altar stands much more in the faith that you
ought to have in your soul, than in the outward sight of it,
and therefore ye were better to stand still quietly to hear
God's word, because that through the hearing of it, men
come to true belief. And I am certain I spake not
more than this of the worthy sacrament of the altar.'
" And the archbishop said to me, ' I believe thee not
whatsoever thou sayest, since so worshipful men have
witnessed thus against thee. But since thou deniest
what thou saidst thus, what sayest thou now ? After the
consecration, does there remain in the host, material
bread or no ?'
" And I said, ' Sir, I know in no place in holy scrip-
ture, where this term material bread is written : and
therefore sir, when I speak of this matter, I use not to
speak of w.aterial bread.'
" Then the archbishop said to me, ' How teachest
thou men to believe in this sacrament ?'
" And I said, ' Sir, as I believe myself, so I teach
other men.'
" He said, ' Tell out plainly thy belief thereof.'
" And I said with my protestation, ' Sir, I believe that
the night before Christ Jesus suffered for mankind, he
took bread in his holy hands, lifting np his eyes, and
giving thanks to God his Father, blessed this bread, and
brake it, and gave it to his disciples, saying to them,
take and eat of this all you, this is my body. And that
this is, and ought to be, all men's belief, Matthew, Mark,
Luke, and Paul witness. Other belief, sir, I have none,
nor will have, nor teach : for I believe that this is suffi-
cient in this matter. For in this belief, with God's
grace, 1 purpose to live and die, knowledging as I be-
lieve and teach other men to believe, that the holy sacra-
ment of the altar is the sacrament of Christ's flesh and
blood in the form of bread and wine.'
" And I said, ' Sir, by clear evidence, a thousand
years after the incarnation of Christ, the determination,
which 1 have here before you rehearsed, was accepted of
holy church as sufficient to the sedvation of all them that
would believe it faithfully.'
" And the archbishop said to me, ' Well, well, thou
shalt say otherwise before that I leave thee. But what
say you to this second point that is recorded against
thee by worthy men of Shrewsbury, saying, that thoa
preachedst there, that images ought not to be worshipped
in anywise ?'
" And I said, ' Sir, I preached never thus, nor through
God's grace will I at any time consent to think, or to
say thus. For lo, the Lord witnesseth by Moses, that
the things which he had made were very good ; and so
they were, and are and shall be good and worshipful
in their kind, and therefore to the end for which God
made them, they are all praiseworthy and worshipful,
and especially man, who was made after the image
and likeness of God, is worshipful in his kind. And
also I say, wood, tin, gold, silver, or any other matter
that images are made of, are worshipful in their kind,
and to the end that God made them for. But the car-
ving, casting, and painting of an imagery ought not to be
worshipped in form, nor in the hkeness of man's
craft.'
"Then the archbishop said to me, ' I grant that no
body ought to worship any images for themselves ; but a
crucifix ought to be worshipped for the passion of Christ
that is painted therein, and thus the images of the blessed
Trinity, and of the Virgin Mary, Christ's Mother, and
other images of saints ought to be worshipped. For as
earthly kings and lords who send their letters sealed with
their arms, or with their private signet to those that are
with them, are worshipped by these men. For when
these men receive their lord's letters, in which they see
and know the wills of the lords, they doff their caps to
these letters. Why not then, since in images made with
man's hands, we may read and know many things of
God, and of his saints, shall we not worship their
images ?'
" And I said 'That these worldly usages of temporal
laws that ye speak now of, may be done without sin.
But this is no similitude to worship images, made by
man's hand, since Moses, David, Solomon, Baruch, and
other saints in the bible forbid so plainly the worship-
ping of such images.'
"Then the archbishop said to me, * In the old law
before Christ took human nature, there was no likeness of
any person of the Trinity ; but now since Christ became
man, it is lawful to have images to shew his manhood,
yea, though many men held it an error to paint the
Trinity ; 1 say, it is well done to make and to paint the
Trinity in images. For it is a great moving of devotion
to men, to have and behold the Trinity and other images
of saints carved, cast, and painted. For beyond the sea
are the best painters that ever I saw. And sirs, I tell
you, this is their manner, and it is a good manner :
when an image-maker shall carve, cast in mould, or
paint any images, he shall go to a priest, and confess
himself as clean, as if he should then die ; and take
penance, and make some certain vow of fasting or of
praying, or of pilgrimages, prapng the priest specially to
pray for him, that he may have grace to make a fair and
devout image.'
" And I said, ' Sir, I doubt not if these painters that
ye speak of, or any other painters, understood truly the
text of Moses, of David, of the Wise Man, of Baruch,
and of other saints and doctors, these painters should be
A.D. 1409.]
THE EXAMINATION OF WILLIAM THORPE.
272
moved to confess to God with inward sorrow of heart,
taking upon them penance for the sinful and vain craft
of painting, carving, or casting ; promising God faith-
fully never to do so again.'
" Then the archbishop said unto me, ' I hold thee a
vicious priest and accursed, and all thy sect ; for all
priests of holy church, and all images that move men to
devotion, thou and such others go about to destroy.
Would it be a right thing to come into the church, and
see no image in it .•"
" And I said, ' Sir, they that come to the church, to
pray devoutly to the Lord God, may in their inward
parts be the more fervent, that all their outward senses
be closed from all outward seeing and hearing, and from
all disturbance and lettings. And since Christ blessed
them that saw him not bodily, and have believed faith-
fully in him ; it is sufficient to all men to believe in
God, though they never see images made with man's
hand after any person of the Trinity, or of any other
saint.'
" And the archbishop said to me with a fervent
spirit, ' 1 say to thee, that it is right well done to make
and to have an image of the Trinity ; yea, what sayest
thou .' Is it not a stirring thing to behold such an
image .■"
" And I said, ' Sir, ye said just now that in the old
law, before Christ took mankind, no likeness of any
person of the Trinity was shewed to men : wherefore,
sir, ye said it was not then lawful to have images, but
now ye say, since Christ is become man, it is lawful to
have an image of the Trinity, and also of other saints.
But sir, this would I learn of you : since the Father of
heaven, yea and every person of Trinity was without
beginning, God Almighty ; and many holy prophets were
martyred violently in the old law, and also many men
and women then died confessors ; why was it not then
as lawful and necessary as now, to have an image of the
Father of heaven, and to have other images of martyrs,
prophets, and holy confessors, to move men to devotion,
as ye say that images now do ?'
" And the archbishop said, ' The synagogue of the
Jews had not authority to do those things as the church
of Christ has now.'
" And I said, ' Sir, St. Gregory was a great man, and
of great dignity, and he commended greatly a bishop,
and he forbade utterly the images made with man's hand
to be worshipped.'
" And the archbishop said, ' Ungracious fellow, thou
savourest no more truth than an hound. Since at the
rood at the north door at London, at our lady at Wal-
singham, and many other places in England, are many
great and admirable miracles done ; should not the
images of such holy saints and places, to the reverence
of God, and of our lady, and other saints, be more wor-
shipped than other places and images, where no miracles
are done ?'
" And I said, ' Sir, there is no such virtue in any
imagery, that any image should be worshipped ; where-
fore T am certain that there is no miracle done of God
in any place in earth, in order that any images made
with man's hand should be worshipped. And therefore,
sir, as I preached openly at Shrewsbury and other
places, I say now here before you, that nobody should
trust that there is any virtue in images made with man's
hand ; and therefore nobody should vow to them, nor
seek them, nor kneel to them, nor bow to them, nor
pray to them, nor offer any thing to them, nor kiss
them, nor offer incense to them. For even the most
worthy of such images, the brazen serpent (by Moses
jmade, at God's bidding) the good King Hezekiah de-
stroyed worthily and thankfully, and all because it was
worshipped. Therefore sir, if men take good heed to
the writing and the learning of St. Augustine, of St.
i Gregory, and of St. John Chrysostome, and of other
' saints and doctors, how they spake and wrote of miracles,
that shall now be done in the latest end of the world :
it is to be feared that for the unfaithfulness of men and
women, the devil hath great power to work many of
the miracles that now are done in such places. For
both men and women delight now more to hear and
know miracles, than they do to know God's word, or to
hear it effectually.'
" And the archbishop said, ' As holy church hath
suffered the images of the Trinity, and all other images
to be painted and shewed ; it is enough to them that are
members of holy church. But since thou art a rotten
member, cut away from holy church, thou savourest not
the ordinance thereof. But since the day passes, we
leave this matter.'
" And then he said to me, 'What sayest thou to the
third point that is certified against thee, preaching
openly in Shrewsbury, that pilgrimage is not lawful ?
And over this thou saidst that those men and women
that go on pilgrimages to Canterbury, to Beverley, to
Karlington. to Walsingham, and to any other such
places, are accursed and made foolish, spending their
goods for nothing.'
" And I said, ' Sir, I am accused to you that I taught
that no pilgrimage is lawful. But I never said thus.
For I know that there are true pilgrimages and lawful,
and acceptable to God : and therefore, sir, however
mine enemies have certified you of me, I told at Shrews-
bury of two manner of pilgrimages.'
"And the archbishop said to me, ' Whom callest thoa
true pilgrims .''
" And I said, ' Sir, with my protestation I call them
true pilgrims travelling toward the bliss of heaven, who
in the state, degree, or order that God calls them to, do
busy them faithfully to occupy all their mind bodily and
spiritually, to know truly, and to keep faithfully the bid-
dings of God, hating and fleeing all the seven deadly
sins, and every branch of them ; ruling themselves vir-
tuously, doing discreetly, willingly, and gladly, all the
works of mercy, seeking the gifts of the Holy Ghost,
disposing themselves to receive them in their souls and
to hold the right blessings of Christ. And then they
shall be moved with the good Spirit of God, to examine
their conscience often and diligently, that neither wilfully
nor wittingly they err in any article of belief, having
continually (as frailty will suffer) all their business, to
dread and to fly the offence of God, to love him over
all, and to seek ever to do his pleasant will. Of these
pilgrimages I said, whatever good tliought they at any
time think, whatever virtuous word they speak, and
whatever fruitful work they accomplish ; every such
thought, word, and work is a step numbered of God
toward him into heaven. These pilgrims of God delight
when they hear of saints or of virtuous men and women,
how they willingly forsook the prosperity of this life, how
they withstood the suggestion of the devil, how they
restrained their fleshly lusts, how discreet they were in
their penance doing, how patient they were in all their
adversities, how prudent they were in counselling men
and women, moving them to hate all sins, and to fly
them, and to love all virtues, and to draw to them,
imagining how Christ, and his followers by this example,
suffered scorns and slanders, and how patiently they
took the wrongful menacing of tyrants : how homely
they were, and serviceable to poor men to relieve and
comfort them bodily and spiritually, and how devout
they were in prayers, how fervent they were in heavenly
desires, and how they absented themselves from spectacles
of vain sayings and hearings, and how constant they were
to prevent and destroy all vices, and how laborious and
joyful they were to sow and to plant virtues ? These
heavenly conditions, true pilgrims have, or endeavour to
have, whose pilgrimage God accepteth.'
" And again I said, ' As their works shew, the most
part of men and women, that now go on pilgrimages,,
have not these conditions, nor love to have them, ^or
ds I well know, since I have full often tried, examine
whoever will, twenty of these pilgrims, and he shall not
find three men or women that know surely a command-
ment of God, nor can say their Paternoster and Ave
Maria, nor their creed readily in any manner of lan-
guage. And as I have learned and also know some-
what by experience of these same pilgrims, teUing Jhe
cause why many men and women go hither and thither
T 2
274
THE EXAMINATION OF WILLIAM THORPE.
TBooK V.
now on pilgrimage, it is more for the health of their
bodies, than of their souls : more to have riches and
prosperity of this world, than to be enriched with virtues
in their souls : more to have here worldly and fleshly
friendship, than to have friendship of God and of his
saints in heaven ; for whatsoever thing man or woman
does, the friendship of God, or of any other saint, can-
not be had, without keeping of God's commandments.
Further with my protestation, I say now, as I said in
Shrewsbury, though they that have fleshly wills, travel
far their bodies, and spend much money, to seek and to
■visit the bones or images (as they say they do) of this
saint or of that ; such pilgrimage going is neither praise-
able nor thankful to God nor to any saint of God, since
in effect all such pilgrims despise God and all his com-
mandments and saints. For the commandments of God
they will neither know, nor keep, nor conform them to
the example of Christ and of his saints. M'^herefore,
sir, I have preached and taught openly, and so I pur-
pose all my life time to do with God's help, saying, that
such fond people waste blamefully God's goods in their
vain pilgrimages. Also, sir, I know that when several
men and women go thus after their own wills, and fixing
on the same pilgrimage ; they will arrange beforehand to
have with them both men and women that can sing
wanton songs, and other pilgrims will have with them
bagpipes : so that every town that they come through,
what with the noise of their singing, and with the sound
of their piping, and with the tangling of their Canterbury
bells, and with the barking of dogs after them, they
make more noise than if the king came there with all
his clarions and minstrels.'
" And the archbishop said to me, ' Thou seest not far
enough in this matter, for thou considerest not the great
labour of pilgrims, therefore thou blamest a thing tluit is
praiseworthy. I say, that it is right well done, that
pilgrims have with them both singers and also pipers ;
that when one of them that goes barefoot strikes his toe
upon a stone, and hurts himself sorely, and makes him
to bleed, it is well done that he or his fellow begin then
a song, or else take out of his bosom a bagpipe, to drive
away with such mirth the hurt of his fellow. For with
such solace the labour and wearinesss of pilgrims is
lightly and merrily borne out.'
"And I said, 'Sir, St. Paul teaches men to weep
with them that weep.'
" And the archbishop said, ' ^Vhat janglest thou
against men's devotion ? Whatever thou or such other
say, I say that the pilgrimage that now is used, is to
them that do it a praiseworthy and a good mean to come
to grace.'
" And (as if he had been displeased with my answer) he
Baid to his clerks, ' What think ye that this idiot will
speak there, where he has no dread ; since he speaks
thus here in my presence ? Well, well, by God thou
shalt be ordained for.' And then he spake to me
fkngrily.
" Then the archbishop said, ' Well, well. By God,
the king doth not his duty, unless he suffer thee to be
condemned.'
" And then another clerk said to me, ' Why coun-
sellest thou a man of my lord's, that he should not con-
fess himself to man, but only to God ?'
" And with this question I was abashed ; and then I
knew that I was betrayed by a man that came to me in
prison, communing with me in this matter of confession.
And certainly, by his words I thought that this man
came to me of full fervent and charitable will ; but now
I know he came to tempt me and to accuse me ; God
forgive him, if such was his will. And with all my
heart when I had thought thus, I said to this clerk, ' sir,
I pray you that you would fetch tliis man hither ; and
all the words, as near as I can, repeat them, which I
spake to him in the prison, I will rehearse here before
you all, and before him.'
" And the archbishop said then to me, ' They who
are now here will repeat them. How saidst thou
to him ?'
" And I said, ' Sir, that man came and asked me in
divers things, and after his asking, I answered him.
And as he shewed to me by his words, how he was sorry
of his living in court, and right heavy for his own
vicious living, and also for the viciousness of other men,
and specially of priests' evil living ; and therefore he said
to me with a sorrowful heart (as I imagined) that he
purposed within a short time to leave the court and to
apply himself to know God's law, and to conform all
his life after it. And when he had said to me these
words and others, which I would rehearse if he were r
present, he prayed me to hear his confession. And I
said to him, sir, wherefore come ye to me, to be con- ]
fessed of me? Ye know well that the archbishop holds
me here, as one unworthy either to give or to take any
sacrament of holy church.
" And he said to me, ' Brother, I know well, and i
so do many others, that you and such others are '
wrongfully vexed, and therefore I commune with yOn
the more gladly.' And I said to him, certainly I know
well, that many men of this court, and specially the
priests of this household will be full evil against both '
you and me, if they were aware that ye were con.
fessed of me. And he said, ' that he cared not, for he
had little affection for them.' And as methought, he
spake these words and many others, of a good will and of
a high desire, to have known and done the pleasant
will of God. And I said to him, as I say to you now ;
here, sir, I counsel you to absent you from all evil com- il
pany, and to draw you to them that love and busy them
to know and to keep the precepts of God ; and then the
good Spirit of God will move you to occupy all yotir
wits in gathering together of all your sins, as far as he t
can bethink you, shaming greatly of them, and sorrow- <
ing heartily for them : yea, sir, the Holy Ghost will
then put in your heart a good will and a fervent desire
to take and to hold a good purpose, to hate ever and to
fly all occasion of sin ; and so then wisdom shall come
to you from above, lightening (with divers beams of
grace and of heavenly desire) all your wits, informing
you how ye shall trust steadfastly in the mercy of the
Lord, acknowledging to him only all your vicious living,
praying to him devoutly for charitable counsel and con-
tinuance, hoping without doubt, that if ye continue
thus, busying you faithfully to know and to keep his
biddings, he will (for he only may) forgive you all your
sins. And this man said to me, ' Though God forgivei,
men their sins, yet it behoveth men to be absolved of
priests, and to do the penance that they enjoin them.'
And I said to him, ' Sir, it is all one to absolve men of
their sins, and to forgive men their sins. Wherefore,
since it pertains only to God to forgive sin ; it suffices,
to counsel men and women to leave their sin, and to
comfort them that do thus, to hope in the mercy ol
God. And again, priests ought to tell sharply to sin-
ners, that if they will not make an end of their sin, bul
continue in sins, all such deserve pain without any end.
And therefore priests should ever busy themselves t(
live well and holily, and to teach the people busily anc^
truly the word of God, shewing to all in open preach-'
ing, and in privy counselling, ' That the Lord Go<!
only forgiveth sin.' And, therefore, those priests tha.
take upon them to absolve men of their sins, blasphemi
God ; since it pertains only to the Lord to absolve mei
of all their sins. For, no doubt, for a thousand year,
after that Christ was man, no priest of Christ durst takij
upon him to teach the people, either privily or openly
that they must come to be absolved by them as priest
now do. But by authority of Christ's word priest
used to bind indurate, customary sinners to everlast
ing pains, who would never have busied themselves faith'
fully to know the biddings of God, nor to keep their
And sir, accordingly to this sentence, upon Mid-ler
Sunday (two years ago) I heard a monk of Feversharr
(called Morden,) preach at Canterbury at the cross withi
Christchurch abbey, saying thus of confession : ' Sin(
the Lord God is more ready to forgive sin than the dc\
is or may be powerful to move any body to sin, tlu
whoever will shame and sorrow heartily for their sin
knowledging them faithfully to God, amending them aft
their power and cunning, without counsel of any oth
body than of God and of himself ("through the grace
A.D. 1409.]
THE EXAMINATION OF WILLIAM THORPE.
275
God) all such men and women may find sufficient means
to come to God's mercy, and so to be clean absolved of
aU their sins.' This sentence I said, sir, to this man
of yours, and the words as near as I can guess.'
" And the archbishop said, ' Holy church approveth
not this learning.'
" And I said, ' Sir, holy church, of which Christ is head
in heaven and in earth, must needs approve this sentence.
For lo, hereby all men and women may, if they will, be
sufficiently taught to know and keep the commandments
of God, and to hate and to Hy continually all occasion of
sin, and to love and to seek virtues zealously, and to
beUeve in God steadfastly ; and to trust in his mercy
steadfastly, and so to come to perfect love, and continue
therein persevering. And more the Lord asketh not of
any man in this life. And certainly, since Jesus (Christ
, died upon the cross, to make men free ; men of the church
■ are too bold and too ready to make men captives, binding
\ them under the pain of endless curses, to do many ob-
1 servances and ordinances, which neither the living nor
! teaching of Christ nor of his apostles approve.
I " And a clerk said then to me, ' Thou shewest plainly
' here thy deceit, which thou hast learned of them that
travelled to sow the tares among the wheat. But I coun-
: gel thee to go away clean from this learning, and submit
thee to my Lord, and thou shalt find him yet to be
gracious to thee.'
I " Then a clerk said to the archbishop, ' Sir, it is late
j in the day, and ye have far to ride to-night ; therefore
' make an end with him, for he will make none ; but the
more, sir, that ye busy you to draw him toward you, the
more contumacious he is made.'
[ " And then Malveren said to me, ' William, kneel
down, and pray my lord's grace, and leave all thy fancies,
I and become a child of holy church.'
I " And I said, ' Sir, I have prayed the archbishop often,
1 and yet I pray him for the love of Christ, that he will
cease his indignation against me : and that he will suffer
I me to do mine office of priesthood, as I am charged of
i God to do it. For I desire nought else but to serve my
I God to his pleasing in the state that I stand in.'
i " And the archbishop said to me, ' If of good heart
thou wilt submit thee now here meekly, to be ruled from
this time forth by my counsel, obeying meekly and wil-
lingly my ordinance, thou shalt find it most profitable and
best to thee to do thus. Therefore delay thou me no
longer, do this I have said to thee now here shortly, or
deny it utterly.'
" And I said, ' Sir, as I have before rehearsed, I will
be ready gladly to obey Christ the head of the holy
church, and the learnings and biddings, and counsels of
every pleasing member of him.'
" Then the archbishop, striking with his hand fiercely
upon a table, spake to me with a great spirit, saying,
• By Jesus, but if thou leave not such additions, obliging
thyself without any exception to submit to mine ordinance
(before I go out of this place) I shall make thee as sure
as any thief that is in prison ; advise thee now what thou
wilt do.' And then as if he had been angered, he went
from the table where he stood, to a window.
" And then Malveren and another clerk came nearer
me, and spake to me many words pleasantly ; and another
time they menaced me, and counselled me to submit, or
else, they said, I should not escape punishment ; for they
said I should be degraded, cursed, and burned, and then
damned. But now they said, ' Thou mayest eschew a21
these mischiefs, if thou wilt submit thee willingly ?nd
meekly to this worthy prelate, that hath cure of thy soul.
And for the pity of Christ bethink thee, how great clerks
the bishop of Lincoln, Herford and Purvey were, and
yet are. Who also have forsaken and revoked all the
learning and opinions that thou and such others hold.
Wherefore since each of them is much wiser than thou
art, we counsel thee for the best ; that by the example
of these four clerks, thou follow them, submitting thyself
as they did.'
" And I said to the clerks, that thus counselled me to
follow these men ; ' Sirs, if these men had forsaken
benefices of temporal profit and of worldly worship, so
that they had absented them, and eschewed from all
occasions of covetousness and of fleshly lust, and had
taken upon them simple living, and wilful poverty ; they
had given good example to me and to many other, to have
followed them. But now, sinoe all these four men have
slanderously and shamefully done the contrary, consent-
ing to receive, and to hold temporal benefices, living now
more worldly and more fleshly than they did before, con-
forming them to the manners of this world: I forsake
them iierein, and in all their doings. For I purpose,
with the help of God, to flee these men, teaching and
counselling whomsoever I may, to flee and to eschew the
wav that they have chosen. Wherefore sirs, I pray you
that you busy not to move me to follow these men in
revoking and forsaking the truth.'
" Then the archbishop said to his clerks, ' Busy you no
longer about him, for lie, and other such as he is, are
confederate together, that they will not swear to be obe-
dient, and to submit them to the prelates of holy church.
For now since I stood here, his fellow also sent me word
that he will not swear, and that this fellow counselled
him that he should not swear to me. But blessed be God,
he shall not have his purpose of him. For he has for-
saken all thy learning, submitting him to be ready and
obedient to "the ordinance of holy church, and weeps
bitterly, and curses thee heartily for the venomous teach-
ing which thou hadst shewed to him.
" 'And for thy false counsel to thy fellow thou hast
great cause to be right sorry. For a long time thou hast
busied thee in perverting whomever thou mightest.
Therefore as many deaths thou art worthy of, as thou
hast given evil counsels. And therefore, by Jesus, thou
shalt go thither, where Nicholas Herford and Thomas
Purvey were harboured. And I undertake, ere this day
eight days, thou shalt be right glad to do whatever I bid
thee. And I shall try. if I can make thee there as sor-
rowful as thou wast glad at my last going out of England.
By St. Thomas, I shall turn thy joy into sorrow,'
" And I said, ' Sir, no body can prove lawfully that
I ever joyed at the manner of your going out of this land.
But sir, to say the truth, I was joyful when ye were
gone; for the bishop of London, in whose prison ye left
me, found in me no cause to hold me longer in his prison,
but at the request of my friends, he delivered me to them,
asking of me no submission.'
" Then the archbishop said to me, ' Why I went out
of England is unknown to thee : but be this thing weU
known to thee, that God has caUed me again, and
brought me into this land, to destroy thee and the false
sect that thou art of: as, by God, I shall pursue you so
narrowly, that 1 shall not leave a slip of you in this
" And I said to the archbishop, ' Sir, the holy prophet
Jeremiah said to the false prophet. When the word of the
prophet shall come to pass, then shall the prophet be
known that tie Lord hath truly sent him. Jer. xxvm. 9
" And thi archbishop (as if he had not been pleased
with my spying") turned him awayward hither and thither,
and said ' By God, I shall set upon thy shins a pair of
pearls chat thou shalt be glad to change thy voice.'
" These and many more words were spoken to me,
menacing me and all others of the same sect with pun-
isjiment and destruction to the utmost.
" And then the archbishop called to him a clerk, and
conferred with him ; and that clerk went forth, and soon
he brought in the constable of Saltwood castle, and the
arcJibishop conferred a good while with him ; and then
the constable went forth, and then came in divers secu-
lars, and they scorned me on every side, and menaced
me greatly, and some counselled the archbishop to burn
me by and by, and some other counselled him to drowu
me in the sea, for it is near hand there.
" And a clerk standing beside me, there kneeled down
to the archbishop, praying him, that he would deliver
me to him to sav matins with him, and he would under-
take, that within three days I should not resist anything
that were commanded me to do of my prelate.
" And the archbishop said that he would settle for me
himself. , , , ,
" And then came again the constable and spake
privUy to the archbishop; and the archbishop com-
276
ARTICLES TAUGHT BY JOHN PURVEY.
[Book V,
manded the constable to lead me forth with him, and he
did so. And when we were gone forth we were sent for
again. And when I came in again before the arch-
bishop, a clerk bade me kneel down and ask grace, and
submit myself, and I should find it for the best.
*' And I said then to the archbishop, ' Sir, as I have
said to you several times to-day, 1 will willingly and
humbly obey and submit to God and to his law, and to
every member of holy church, as far as I can perceive
that these members accord with their head Christ, and
will teach me, rule me, or chastise me by authority,
specially of God's law.'
" And the archbishop said, ' I knew well he would not
without such additions submit.'
" And then I was rebuked, scorned, and menaced on
every side ; and yet after this divers persons cried upon
me to kneel down and submit me ; but I stood still, and
gpake no word. And then there was spoken of me, and
to me, many words, and I stood and heard them me-
nace, curse, and scorn me, but I said nothing.
" Then awhile after the archbishop said to me, ' Wilt
thou not submit thee to the ordinance of holy church ?'
" And I said, ' Sir, I will full gladly submit me, as I
have showed you before.'
" And then the archbishop bade the constable to have
me forth thence in haste.
" And so then I was led forth, and brought into a foul
prison, where I never was before. But thanked be
God, when all men were gone forth then from me, and
had barred fast the prison-door after them, I, by myself,
busied me to think on God, and to thank him for his
goodness. And I was then greatly comforted, not only
because I was then delivered for a time from the sight,
from the hearing, from the presence, from the scorning,
and from the menacing of mine enemies ; but much
more I rejoiced in the Lord, because that through his
grace he so kept me, both among the flattering and
among the menacing of mine adversaries, that without
heaviness and anguish of my conscience I passed away
from them. For as a tree laid upon another tree,
oyerthwart or crosswise, so was the archbishop and
his three clerks always contrary to me, and I to
them.
" Now good God for thine holy name, and to the prais-
ing of thy most blessed name, make us oi.e together,
if it be thy will. And that it may thus be, let all who
read or hear this writing, pray heartily to the Lord God,
that he for his great goodness, that cannot be with
tongue expressed, grant to us, and to all other who in
the same wise, and for the cause specially, or for any
other cause are separated, may be knit and made one
in true faith, in steadfast hope, and in perfect charitv
Amen." •''
What was the end of this good man, an! blessed ser-
vant of God, William Thorpe, I find asyet sjecified in no
history. It is thought that the archbishop, Thunas Arun-
del, being so hard an adversary against those m>n, would
not let him go. Much less is it to be supposed, that
he would ever retract his sentence and opinion, which
he so valiantly maintained before the bishop, nether
does it seem that he had any such recanting spVit.
Again, neither is it found that he was burned, wher«^
fore it remains most like to be true, that he being com-
mitted to some straiglit prison (according as the arch-
bishop in his examination threatened him), there (as
Thorpe himself confesses) was so straightly kept, t'nat
either he was secretly made away, or else died by
sickness.
The like end also I find to happen to John Ashton,
another good follower of Wickliff, who for the same
doctrine of the sacrament was condemned by the bishops,
and because he would not recant he was committed to
perpetual prison, wherein the good man continued till
his death, (A.D. 1382.)
JOHN PURVEY.
In the examination of William Thorpe, mention is
made of John Purvey, of whom we said something
before, promising to treat more particularly afterwards.
Of this Purvey, Thomas Walden writes thus : — " John
Purvey," saith he, " was tlie library of Lollards, and
glossary upon Wicklitf. He said that the worshipping
of Abraham was but a salutation ; and that this John
Purvey, with Herford a doctor of divinity, were griev-
ously tormented and punished in the prison of Salt-
wood, and at the length recanted at Paul's Cross at
London, Thomas Arundel being then archbishop o{
C^anterbury. Afterwards he was again imprisoned un-
der Henry Chichely, archbishop of Canterbury, A.D,
1421." Thus much writes Walden. As touching the
sacrament of the last supper, the sacrament of penance,
the sacrament of orders, the power of the keys, the
preaching of the gospel, of marriages, of vows, of pos-
sessions, of the punishing and correcting of the clergy,
of the laws and decrees of the church, of the state and
condition of the pope and the clergy ; of all these
generally he left several treatises, gravely and exactly
written.
The articles which he taught, and afterward was forced
to recant at Paul's Cross, were these :
I. That in the sacrament of the altar, after the conse-
oration, there is not, neither can be any accident without
the subject ; but there verily remains the same substance,
and the very visible and corruptible bread, and likewise
the very same wine which before the consecration were
set upon the altar to be consecrated by the priest ; a>,
when a pagan or infidel is baptized, he is spiritually con.
verted into a member of Christ through grace, and yei
remains the very same man which he before was in hut
proper nature and substance.
II. Auricular confession, or private penance, is a ceN,
tain whispering, destroying the liberty of the gospel, and
newly brought in by the pope and the clergy, to entangle
the consciences of men in sin, and to draw their souls
into Hell.
III. Every layman being holy and predestinate imto
everlasting life, is a true priest before God.
IV. That many prelates and other of the clergy hve
wickedly, contrary to the doctrine and example of Christ
and his apostles. Therefore they who so live, have not;
the keys either of the kingdom of Heaven, or yet of Hell^.
neither ought any christian to esteem their censure ant-
more than as a thing of no force. Yea, although the popf;
should peradveiiture interdict the realm, yet could henoi:
hurt, but rather profit us, forsomuch as thereby we should.
be dismissed from the observance of his laws, and from
saying service according to the custom of the church.
V. If any man make an oath or vow to keep perpetual,
celibacy, or do anything else whereto God has not ap-
pointed him, giving him grace to perform his purpose;
the same vow or oath is unreasonable and indiscreet, nei-
ther can any prelate compel him to keep the same, except
he will do contrary to God's ordinance. But he ought
to commit him to tlie governance of the Holy Ghost aii|i
of his own conscience ; forsomucli as every man, who
will not fulfil his vow or oath, cannot do it for that cause.
VI. Whoever takes upon him the office of priesthood,
although he have not the charge of souls committed unto
him, according to the custom of the church, not only
may, but ought to preacii the gospel freely to the people^;
otherwise he is a thief, excommunicated of God, and 01
the holy clmrch.
VII. That Pope Innocent III. and six hundred bishops,
a^d a thousand other prelates, with all the rest of the
cletory^ who together with the pope agreed and determin-
ed, t'i\at in the sacrament of the altar, after the conver-
sion of the bread and wine into the body and blood of
Christ, the accidents of the said bread and wine do re-
main there without any proper subject of the same ; who
also ordained, that all christians ought to confess their
sins once a year to a proper priest, and to receive the
reverend sacrament at Easter, and made certain other
laws at the same time : all they, saith he, in so doing,
were fools and blockheads, heretics, blasphemers, and
seducers of christian people. Wherefore we ought not
to believe the determinations of them, or of their succes-
sors, neither ought wc to obey their laws or ordinance*,
A.D. 1409.] ARTICLES TAUGHT BY JOHN PURVEY, DRAWN OUT OF HIS BOOKS.
2-;
except they are plainly grounded upon the holy scripture,
or upon some reason which cannot be impugned.
Other Articles drawn nut of Purveys Books more at
large by Richard Levingham.
" As to the sacrament of thanksgiving, he saith, That
that chapter of repentance and remission, {omnis utrins-
que sejcus,) wherein it is ordained, that every faithful
man ought once every year at the least, that is to say at
Easter, to receive the sacrament of the Eucharist, is a
beastly thing, heretical and blasphemous.
♦' That Innocent III. was the head of anti-christ, who
after the letting loose of Satan, invented a rie»v article of
our faith, and a certain feigned doctrine touching the sa-
crament of the altar, that is to say, that the sacrament of
the altar is an accident without a substance, or else an
heap of accidents without a substance. But Christ and
his apostles do teach manifestly, that the sacrament of
the altar is bread and the body of Christ together, after
the manner that he spake. And in that he calleth it
bread, he would have the people to understand, as they
ought with reason, that it is very and substantial bread,
and uo false nor feigned bread.
" And although Innocent, that anti-christ, doth allege
that in the council at Lyons, where this matter was de-
cided, were six hundred bishops with him, and one thou-
sand prelates, who agreed in this determination ; All
those notwithstanding, he calls fools, according to that
saying of Eccles. i. ' Of fools there are an infinite num-
ber.' And so in like manner he calleth them false christs
and false prophets, of whom Christ speaketh in the 24th
of Matthew, ' Many false christs and false prophets shall
arise, and deceive many.' And therefore every christian
man ought to believe firmly, that the sacrament of the
altar is very bread indeed, and no false nor feigned bread.
And although it be very bread indeed, yet notwithstand-
ing, it is the very body of Christ in that way which he
spake, and called it his body ; and so it is very bread,
and the very body of Christ. And as Christ concerning
his humanity was both visible and passible, and by his
divinity was invisible and impassible : so likewise this sa-
crament in that it is very bread, may be seen with the
corporal eye, and may also abide corruption. But al-
though a man may see that sacrament, yet notwithstand-
ing cannot the body of Christ in that sacrament be seen
with the corporal eye, although it be the body of Christ
in that manner he spake it ; for that notwithstanding,
the body of Christ is now incorruptible in Heaven. So
the sacrament of the cup is very wine, and the very
blood of Christ, according as his manner of speaking was.
Also lunocent III., with a great multitude of his secular
priests, made a certain new determination, that the sa-
crament of the altar is an accident without a substance,
whereas neither Jesus Christ, nor any of his apostles
taught this faith (but openly and manifestly to the con-
trary), neither yet the holy doctors, for the space of a
thousand years and more, taught this faith openly.
" Therefore when anti-christ or any of his shavelings
doth ask of thee that art a simple christian, whether that
this sacrament be the very body of Christ or not ? affirm
thou it manifestly to be so. And if he ask of thee whe-
ther it be material bread, or what other bread else ? say
thou, that it is such bread as Christ understood and
meant by his proper word ; and such bread as the Holy
Ghost meant in St. Paul, when he called that to be very
bread which he brake ; and wade thou no further there-
in. If he ask thee how this bread is the body of Christ?
say thou, as Christ understood the same to be his body,
which is both omnipotent and true, and in whom is no
untruth ; say thou also as the holy doctors do say, ' That
the terrestrial matter or substance may be converted into
Christ, as the pagan or infidel may be baptized, and here-
by spiritually be converted, and be a member of Christ,
and so after a certain manner become Christ, and yet the
same man remain still in his proper nature.' For so doth
*t. Augustine grant, that a sinner forsaking his sin, and
oeing made one spirit with God by faith, grace and cha-
rity, may be converted into God, and be after a manner
God, as both David and St. John do testify, and yet be
the same person in substance and nature, and in soul and
virtue be' altered and changed. But yet men of more
knowledge and reason may more plainly prove the falsity
of antichrist both in this matter and in others, by the
gift of the Holy Ghost working in them. Notwithstand-
ing, if men will humbly hold and keep the manifest and
apparent words of the holy scripture, and the plain sense
and meaning of the Holy Ghost, and proceed no further,
but humbly commit to the Spirit of God, that which
passes their understanding ; then may they safely offer
themselves to death, as true martyrs of Jesus Christ.
"As to the sacrament of penance ; that chapter {omnis
utriusque sexus) by which a certain new-found auricular
confession was ordained, is full of hypocrisy, heresy, co-
vetousness, pride, and blasphemy, he reproves that chap-
ter verbatim. Also he says that the penance and pains
limited by the canons are unreasonable and unjust, foi
their austerity and rigour. And further shews how Inno-
cent III. brought in a new-found confession, whereby the
priests oppress the laymen compelling them to confess
themselves to blind and ignorant priests, in whom there
is nothing else but pride and coveteousness, holding those
in contempt who are learned and wise. Also that the
decretal of Innocent III., touching the auricular or vocal
confession, was brought in and invented to entangle men's
consciences with sin, and to draw them down to hell.
And further, that such manner of confession destroys
the evangelical liberty, and prevents men from inquiring
after, and retaining the wise counsel and doctrine of such
as are good priests, who would willingly teach the people
the right way to heaven. For which abuse all christian
men, and specially all Englishmen ought to exclaim
against such wicked laws.
" As to the authority of the keys and censures, no
christian man ought to esteem Satan (whom men call the
pope) and his unjust censures, more than the hissing of
a serpent, or the blast of Lucifer. Also, that no man
ought to trust or put confidence in the false indulgences
of covetous priests, which indulgences do draw away the
hope, which men ought to repose in God, to a sort ot
sinful men, and do rob the poor of such alms as are given
to them. Such priests are manifest betrayers of Christ
and of the whole church, and are Satan's own stewards
to beguile christian souls by their hypocrisy and feigned
pardons. Also, forasmuch as those prelates and clergy-
men live so execrable a life, contrary to the gospel of
Christ and examples of his apostles, and teach not truly
the gospel, but only lies and the traditions of sinful wicked
men ; it appears most manifestly, that they have not the
keys of the kingdom of heaven, but rather the keys of
hell. And they may be well assured, that God never
gave to them authority to make and establish so many
ceremonies and traditions contrary to the liberty of the
gospel, and blocks in christian men's ways, that they can
neither know nor observe his gospel in liberty of con-
science, and so attain a ready way to heaven.
"As touching the jireaching of the gospel, ' whosoever
receiveth or taketh upon him the office of a priest, or of
a bishop, and dischargeth not the same by the example
of his good conversation and faithful preaching of the
gospel, is a thief, excommunicate of God and of holy
church.' And further, ' If the curates preach not the
word of God, they shall be damned, and if they know not
how to preach, they ought to resign their benefices.' So
that those prelates who preach not the gospel of Christ
(although they could excuse themselves from the doing
of any other evil') are dead in themselves, are anti-christs,
and satans, transfigured into angels of light, and betray-
ers of Christ's people.
" Now as to the correction of the clergy. By the law
of God, and by reason, the king and all other christians
may punish Italy, and all the false priests and clerks
within the same, and reduce them to the humble ordi-
nance of Jesus Christ. Also that the law of Sylvester
the pope is contrary to the law of Christ : and that proud
and ambitious Sylvester by his law so defended two car-
dinals which were not to be defended by the law of
Christ, that by no means they might be convicted, al-
though they were both vicious and evil. And although
Christ sustained and suffered the judgment of unjust
278
LETTER OF KING HENRY IV. TO POPE GREGORY XII.
[Book V.
temporal judges, our mitred prelates in these days so
magnify themselves beyond Christ and his apostles, that
ihey refuse such judgments. Also that those decretals
of accusations which proliibit that any clerks should be
brought before a secular judge to receive judgment, con-
tain both heresy, blasphemy, and error, and bring great
gain and commodity to antichrist's coffers.
" Furthermore, that all christian kings and lords ought
to exclaim against the pope, and those that be his fa-
vourers, and banish them out of their lands, till such
time as they will obey God and his gospel, kings, and
other ministers of God's justice. Also that bishops
and their favourers, that say it appertains not to kings
and secular lords (but unto them and their officials) to
punish adultery and fornication, do fall into manifest
treason against the king, and heresy against the scrip-
ture. Also that it appertains to the king to have the
order both of priests and bishops, as these kings Solomon
aud Jehoshaphat had.
" Furthermore that chapter (NtiUns judicium de foro
competentij, by which secular judges are forbidden,
without the bishop's commandment, to condemn any
clerk to death, is manifestly against the holy scripture,
declaring that kings have power over clerks and priests,
to punish them for their deserved crimes. Also that
the decree of Boniface, made against the prosecutors,
strikers, and imprisoners ot cardinals, is contrary both
to the holy scripture, and to all reason. Also that by
the law of God and reason, a secular lord may lawfully
take a cardinal and put him in prison for committing the
crime of open simony, adultery, and manifest blasphemy.
Also that the chapter {Si Papa, Dist. 40.), which saith
that the pope ought to be judged of none, unless he be
Deviun a fide, is contrary to the gospel, which saith. If
thy brother sin against thee, correct him. Also whereas
St. Gregory and St. Augustine called themselves the
servants of God's servants, this proud bishop of Rome,
which will not be judged by his subjects (which be in
very deed his lords, if they be just and good men) de-
stroys the order of God's law, and all humility, and ex-
tols himself above God and his apostles. Also that
christian kings ought not only to judge this proud bishop
of Rome, but also to depose him by the example that
Cestrensis, (lib. 6. cap. 8.) declares of Otho the em-
peror, who deposed John XII., and instituted Leo in
his place. And further he makes an exhortation to the
princes to judge the church of Rome, which he calleth
the great and cursed whore, of which St. John writes
in Rev. xvii.
" Lastly, touching the laws and determinations of the
church ; christians have reasonable excuses and causes
to repel the statutes of the pope and of his shavelings,
which are not expressly grounded on the holy scripture,
or else upon reason inevitable. Also that simple men do
reverently receive the sentences of the doctors, and other
laws, so far forth as they are expressly grounded upon
the holy scripture or good reason. Also that whereas
the pope's laws, and laws of his ministers and clerks are
contrary to themselves, and have not their foundation
either upon scripture, or yet upon reason, simple men
ought to bid them farewell. Also that that proud priest
of Rome, with all his rabble, might easily err in the
faith ; and yet the christian faith be preserved whole and
safe in the faithful members of Christ, which are his
true church ; while the pope and all his rabblement can-
not prove that they be any part of his church. Also
that the pope with all his favourers, may as well be de-
ceiyed by a lying spirit, as was Ahab and all his pro-
phets ; and that one true prophet, as was Michaiah, may
have the truth shewed to him. Also that all good chris-
tians ought to cast from them the pope's laws, saying,
let us break their bands in sunder, and let us cast from our
necks those heavy yokes of theirs. Also that where
these prelates do burn one good book for one error
perhaps contained in the same, they ought to burn all
the books of the canon-law, for the manifold heresies
contained in them."
And thus much out of a certain old written book in
parchment, which book containing divers ancient records
of the university, seems to belong sometime to the li-
brary of the university, bearing the year of the compiling
thereof, A. D. 1396. If this date be correct, then it was
written before Purvey recanted before Thomas Arundel,
archbishop, at Saltwood, where he was imprisoned.
Here is to be considered, at least to be admonished,
that all this while the schism in the cliurch of Rome did
yet continue, and so endured till the council of Con- '■,
stance, which was in whole, the space of twenty and i
nine years. The origin whereof (as was said before) j
first began at Urban v., which Urban being dead (A. D. [i
1389), next followed Pope Boniface IX., who sat ll
fourteen years. He, in selling his pardons, was so im- .1
pudent and so past shame, that he brought the keys of l)
Peter (as saith Platina) into contempt. After him suc-
ceeded Innocent VII. and sat two years : who being
dead, the cardinals consulting together, and seeing the
enormity and inconvenience growing upon this schism
in their church of Rome (minding to provide some re-
medy after the best device they could) in their conclave
where they were assembled for a new election for the
jjope, took this order, promising among themselves with
.solemn vow made to God, to Mary the Blessed Virgin,
to Peter and Paul, and to all the blessed company of
saints ; that if any of them, within the college or with-
out the college, should be called to the high place of
apostolical pre-eminence ; he should immediately re-
nounce the jurisdiction and title of his popedom, when
the rival pope, for the time being, would in like manner,
renounce his place and title, and his cardinals in the
like manner condescend to the other cardinals of Rome.
So that both these two colleges of cardinals agreeing to-
gether, one chief bishop was to be chosen and taken out
of them both, to be made the true pope. Provided,
moreover, that none should seek any release or absolu-
tion from the promise, vow and bond once passed among •
them ; all which things every one subscribed with his i;
hand. These things thus prefixed and ratified, they pro-
ceeded to the election. In which was chosen Gregory
XII., who the same day of his election, in the presence
of all the cardinals, confirmed the vow, sacrament, and
promise made, subscribing the same with his hand, in
form as follows : " And I, Gregory, this day being the ;
last of November, A. D. 1407, chosen and elected for •,
bishop of Rome, do swear, vow, and promise, and coa» j
firm all the premises above contained," &c. This being ;■
done, shortly after he was crowned, being of the age of Ij
eighty years. As the time thus passed, the people and
cardinals were in great expectation, waiting when the
pope, according to his oath, would give over, with the
other pope also. And not long after, the matter began i|
indeed between the two popes to be attempted, by letters ij
from one to another ; assigning both day and place, ||
where and when they should meet together ; but yet no- •;
thing followed.
This so passing on, there was great murmuring among
the cardinals, to see their holy perjured father so neglect
his oath and vow. Insomuch that at length, several of
them forsook the pope, as being perjured (as no less he
was) sending moreover to kings and princes of other n
lands, for their counsel and assistance, to appease the j
schism. Among the rest, Cardinal Bituriensis was sent
to the king of England ; who published propositions and
conclusions (remaining in the registers of Thomas Aran- ,
del), proving that the pope ought to be subject to laws i'
and councils. Then King Henry (moved to write to '•]
Gregory the pope) directs his letter, A. D. 1409.
The Letter of King Henry the Fourth to Pope Gre-
gory the Tuelfth.
" Most blessed father, if the discreet providence of the |
apostolical see would call to mind with what great perils j
the universal world has been damnified hitherto, under j
pretence of this present schism ; and especially would ij
consider, what slaughter of christian people, to the num- (
her of two hundred thousand (as they say) hath been ij
through the occasion of war raised up in divers quarters
of the world ; and now of late, to the number of thirty
thousand soldiers, who have been slain through the dii*
A. D. 1409.]
THREE POPES AT ONCE.— JOHN IIUSS.
279
scnsion moved about the bishoprick of Leodium, between
two set up, one by the authority of one pope, the other
by the authority of the other pope, fighting in camp for
the title of that bishopric ; certainly, ye would lament
in spirit and be sore grieved in mind for the same. So
that with good conscience ye would rather relinquish
the honour of Ihe apostolic see, than sutTer such horrible
bloodshed to ensue, under the cloke of dissimulation,
following herein the example of the true mother in the
book of Kings : who pleading before Solomon for the
right of her child, rather would part from the child, than
the child should be parted by the sword. And although
it may be vehemently suspected by the new creation of
nine cardinals by you lately made, contrary to your oath
(as other men say), that you but little heed or care for
ceasing the schism ; yet far be it from the hearing and
noting of the world, that your circumspect seat should
ever be noted and distained with such an inconstancy
of mind ; whereby the last error may be worse than the
first."
And to the cardinals likewise, the said king directed
another letter with these contents here following :
King Henry the Fourth to the Cardinals.
" We, desiring to shew what zeal we have had and have,
to the reformation of peace of the church, by the con-
sent of the states of the realm, have directed to the
bishop of Rome our letters, after the tenour of the copy
herewith in these presents inclosed to be executed effec-
tually : wherefore we seriously beseech your reverend
college, that if it chance the said Gregory to be present
at the council of Pisa, and to render up his popedom,
according to your desire, and his own oath, you then so
ordain for his state totally, that chiefly God may be
pleased thereby, and that both the said Gregory, and
also we who entirely love his honour and advantage,
may have cause to give you worthily condign thanks for
the same."
This being done in the year A.D. 1409, afterwards
in the year next following, A.D. 1410, the cardinals of
both the popes, to wit, of Gregory and Benedict, by
common advice assembled together at the city of Pisa,
for the reformation of unity and peace in the church.
To which assembly, a great multitude of prelates and
bishops being come, a new pope was chosen, named
Alexander V. But to this election neither Gregory nor
Benedict would fully agree. Whereby there were three
popes together in the Roman church (that is, to under-
stand) not three crowns upon one pope's head, but
three heads in one popish church together ! This
Alexander, being newly made pope, scarcely had well
warmed his triple crown, but straight gives out full re-
mission, not of a few, but all manner of sins whatever,
to all that conferred anything to the monastery of St.
Bartholomew by Smithfield, resorting to the said church
any of these days following ; to wit, on Maundy Thurs-
day, Good Friday, Easter even, the feast of the Annun-
ciation, from the first even -song to the later. But this
pope, who was so liberal in giving remission of many
years to other, was not able to give one year of life to
himself, for within the same year he died. In whose
stead came in Pope John XXIII.
In the time of this Alexander great stir began in the
country of Bohemia, by the occasion of the books of
John Wickliff, which then coming to the hands of John
Huss, and of others, both men and women, especially of
the lay sort, and artificers, began there to do much
good, so that many of them, not only men, but women
aUo, partly by the reading of their books translated into
their language, partly by the setting forward of John
Huss, a remarkably learned man, and a singular preacher
at that time in the university of Prague, were in a
short time so ripe in judgment, and prompt in the
scriptures, that they began to move questions, yea and
to reason with the priests, touching matters of the holy
scriptures.
By reason of this, complaint was brought to Pope
Alexander, who soon caused John Huss to be cited to
Rome. But when he came not at the pope's citation,
then Pope Alexander addressed his letters to the arch-
bishop of Swinco. Wherein he straightly charged him
to prohibit and forbid, by the authority apostolical, all
maimer of preachings or sermons to be made to the
people, except only in cathedral churches or colleges,
or parish churches, or in monasteries, or else in their
churchyards ; and that the articles of Wickliff should, in
no case by any person, of what state, condition, or de-
gree, be suffered to be held, taught, or defended, either
privily or openly. Commanding, moreover, and charg-
ing the archbishop, that with four bachelors of divinity,
and two doctors of the canon law, he would proceed
upon the same, and so provide that no person in
churches, schools, or any other place, should teach, de-
fend, or approve any of the aforesaid articles. So that
whosoever should attempt the contrary, should be ac-
counted an heretic, and unless he shall revoke solemnly
and publicly the said articles, and shall for ever abjure
the books in which the articles are contained, so that
they may be utterly abolished out from the eyes of the
faithful, he should be apprehended and imprisoned,
without appeal, the help also of the secular arm being
called in, if need shall require, &c. These were the
contents of this mighty and fierce bull of Pope
Alexander.
Against which bull John Huss, justly complaining,
objecteth many things, as appears in his book, entitled
De Ecclesia, cap. 18, where he declares this mandate
of the pope to stand directly against the doings and
sayings both of Christ and of his apostles ; considering
how Christ himself preached to the people, both in the
sea, in the desert, in fields, in houses, in synagogues, in
villages ; and the apostles also in all places did the
same, the Lord mightily working with them. He de-
clared, moreover, the mandate or buU of the pope to
redound to the great detriment of the church, in bind-
ing the word of God, that it might not have free course ;
also to be prejudicial to chapels newly erected for the
word to be preached in them. Wherefore (saith he)
from this commandment or mandate of Pope Alexander
I appeal unto Alexander, being better informed and
advised. And as I was prosecuting my appeal, the lord
pope (saith John Huss) immediately died.
Then the archbishop of Swinco, to whom this present
bull was directed, when he saw the process, bulls, and
mandates of the bishop of Rome to be thus despised by
John Huss and his fellows, and having no hope of re-
dress in Winceslaus the king, who seemed to neglect
the matter, went to Hungary, to complain to Sigismund
king of Hungary, and brother to Winceslaus. But this
archbishop, as soon as he arrived in Hungary (by the
just judgment of God) died, as the history saith, for
sorrow. Whereby a little more liberty and quiet was
given by the Lord to his gospel, beginning to take root
among the Bohemians. This tranquillity, however, did
not continue long without trouble and persecution, nor
could it in those furious days and reign of antichrist.
For after this Alexander, Pope John XXIII. succeeded.
Who, Ukewise playing his part in this tragedy, bent all
his might and main to disturb the Bohemians, as
(Christ willing) shall be declared hereafter in the course
of our history.
Thus the poor christians, like the simple Israelites
under the tyranny of Pharaoh, were oppressed in every
place, but especially here in England, because the Eng-
lish king, unlike Winceslaus, entirely held with the
pope and his prelates against the gospellers.
By reason of which the kingdom of the pope and his
members began to be so strong in this realm, that none
durst stir or move against them. The bishops having
the king so entirely on their side, armed, moreover,
with laws, statutes, punishments, sword, fire, and faggot,
reigned and ruled as they pleased, as kings and princes
within themselves. So strong were they that no human
force was able to stand against them : so exalted in
pride, and puffed up in glory, that they thought all
things to be subject to their reverend majesties. What-
ever they set forth or decreed, it must by all men be re-
ceived and obeyed.
280 MANDATE OF THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY FOR THE TOLLING OP AVES. [Book V,
And such was their superstitious blindness and curi-
ous vanity, that whatever toy came once in their fancy,
it was at once determined and established for a law to
be observed by all men, were it never so frivolous or
superstitious ; as well appears by Thomas Arundel,
archbishop of Canterburv and others, who having now a
little leisure from slaying and killing the innocent
people, martvrs and confessors of the Lord, and having
now brought their enemies (as they thought) under
their feet ; began to set up themselves, and to invent
some new custom, as the habit is of the pope's church,
ever to intrude into the church of God some ceremony
or custom of their own making, whereby the church of
Christ has been hitherto exceedingly pestered. So like-
wise this Thomas Arundel, thinking the church not yet
sufficiently filled with ceremonies and vain traditions of
men, brought in a new-found gaud, commonly called
" The tolling of Aves,'* ;'n honour of our lady, with
certain Aves to be said, and days of pardon to be given
for the same. For the ratification of which, under the
pretence of the king's request, he directed the following
mandate to the bishop of London, well filled with words
of idolatry, as by reading it will plainly appear.
A Mandate of Thomas Arundel, directed to the Bishop
of London, to warn men to say certain Prayers at the
tolling of the Aves, or ringing of the Curfew.
" Thomas, &c. To the right reverend brother, the
Lord Robert, by the grace of God, bishop of London,
greeting, &c. While we lift our eyes round about us,
and behold attentively with circumspect consideration,
how the most high Word that was in the beginning with
God, chose to him a holy and immaculate virgin of the
kingly stock, in whose womb he took true flesh by in-
spiral inspiration, that the merciful goodness of the
Son of God, that was uncreate, might abolish the sent-
ence of condemnation, which all the posterity of man-
kind, that was created, had by sin incurred : amongst
other labours in the vine of the Lord of Sabaoth, w«
sung to God our Saviour with great joy, thinking, that
though all the people of the christian religion did extol
with voices of praise so worthy a virgin, by whom we
received the beginnings of our redemption, by whom
the holy day first shined to us, which gave us hope of
salvation ; and although all the same people were drawn
to reverence her, who being a happy virgin, conceived
the Son of God, the King of heaven, the Redeemer and
Saviour of all nations, ministering light to the people
that were miserably drowned in the darkness of death :
we truly, as the servants of her own inheritance, and
such as are written of, to be of her peculiar dower, as
we are by every man's confession acknowledged to be,
we, I say, ought more watchfully than any others to
shew our devotion in praising her. Who being hitherto
merciful to us, willed that our power, being as it were
spread abroad every where through all the coasts of the
world, should with a victorious arm be feared among all
foreign nations ; that our power, being on all sides so
defended with the buckler of her protection, did sub-
due unto our victorious standards, and make subject
unto us, nations both near at hand and far off.
" Likewise our happy estate, all the time that we
have passed since the beginning of our lives, may be
well attributed only to the help of her medicine ; to
whom also we may worthily ascribe now of late in these
our times, under the mighty government of our most
christian king, our deliverance from the ravening wolves,
and the mouths of cruel beasts, who had prepared
against our banquets a mess of meat mingled full of
gall, and who hated us unjustly, secretly lying in wait
for us, in recompence of the good will that we shewed to
them. Wherefore, that she being on high sitting before
the throne of the heavenly Majesty, the defendress and
patroness of us all, being magnified with all men's
praises, may more plentifully exhibit to us the sons of
adoption the breasts of her grace, in all those things
that we shall have to do ; at the request of the special
devotion of our Lord the king himself, we command
your brotherhood, straightly enjoining you that you
command the subjects of your city and diocese, and of
all other suffragans, to worship our Lady Mary the
mother of God, and our patroness and protectress, ever-
more in all adversity, with such like kind of prayer and
accustomed manner of ringing, as the devotion of
Christ's faithful people is wont to worship her at the
ringing of cour le feu. And when before day in the
morning ye shall cause them to ring, that with like
manner of prayer and ringing she mav be evei-y wliere
honoured devoutly by our and your surtV,i;,';uis, and their
subjects as well regular as secular, in ydiir and their
monasteries and collegiate-churches : that we so humbly
calling upon the mercy of the heavenly Falher, the right
hand of the heavenly piety may mercifully come to the
help, the protection and defence of the same our lord
the king, who for the happy remedy of quietness, and
for our succour from tempestuous floods, is ready to ap-
ply his hands to work, and his eyes with all his whole
desire to watching. We therefore desiring more earnestly
to stir up the minds of all faithful people to so devout
an exercise of God, &c. ; we grant by these presents,
to all and every man, &c. that shall say the Lord's
Prayer and the Salutation of the Angel five times at the
morning-peal with a devout mind, toties quoties forty
days' pardon by these presents.
" Given under our seal in our manor of Lambeth the
10th day of February." {Ex Regist. Thomas Arundel).
By this frivolous and barbarous constitution, with
many other of the same kind, heaped into the church by
the papists, appear the proper natures and condition of
this generation, whose priests were more solicitous
about worldly honour than christian humility.
As, for example, what can be more suitable for a
true ecclesiastical pastor, than humility of heart and
spirit, according to the example of the Head Bishop
himself? So what greater shew of arrogancy and jiride
could there be, than in this Thomas Arundel, arch-
bishop of Canterbury .' who, passing by the High-street
of London, did not only look and wait for the ringing of
the bells, in honour of his coming, but took great of-
fence, and suspended all such churches in London (not
only from the use of the steeple and bells, but also from
the organs) as did not receive his coming with the ring-
ing of bells, according as appears by his own registers,
where is the following commission addressed to his own
somner.
A Commission directed to the Somner, to susvcnd certain
Churches of London, because they rung not their Bells
at the presence of my Lord the Archbishop of Canter-
bury.
'* Thomas, by the permission of God, &c. To our well-
beloved Thomas Wilton, our somner sworn, health,
grace, and blessing. The comeliness of our holy churctf
of Canterbury, over which we bear rule, deserveth and'
requireth, that while we pass through the province of
the same (having our cross carried before us) every;
parish church in their turns ought and are bounden, in
token of special reverence that they bear to us, to ring
their bells. Notwithstanding which, on Tuesday last,
when we, between eight and nine of the clock before
dinner, passed openly on foot as it were through the
midst of the city of London, with our cross earned be-
fore us ; several churches, whose names are here beneath
noted, shewed towards us willingly (though they certainly
knew of our coming) unreverence rather than reverence,
and the duty that they owe to our church of Canterbury,
ringing not at all at our coming. Wherefore, we being
willing to revenge this injury, for the honour of our
spouse, as we are bounden, command you, that by our
authority you put all those churches under our indite-
ment, suspending God's holy organs and instruments in
the same. . Which we also suspend by the tenor of
these presents, till the ministers of the aforesaid
churches be able hereafter to attain of us the benefit ol
moj'e plentiful grace. Given," &c.
What reason was there in this, why this archbishop
i. D. 1410—1413.] PENANCE FOR NOT BRINGING LITTER FOR THE ARCHBISHOP'S HORSE. 281
should thus look for the ringing of the bells, or why he
should be thus displeased with not ringing, I do not see.
Perhaps his mind in the mean time was greatly occupied
with some great subject, as a sense of God's fear, with
repentance and remembrance of his sins, with zealous
care and solicitude for his flock, with the earnest medi-
tation of the passion and life of our Saviour, who in this
world was so despised : or else was set upon some grave
study, while he waited for the ringing of the bells,
which were wont to be so noisome to all students. And
why were not the trumpeters also punished as well, be-
cause they did not sound before his person .' But
though the' bells did not clatter in the steeples, why
should the body of the church be suspended ? At least,
the poor organs (methinks) suffered some wrong in
being put to silence in the quire, because the bells rang
not in the tower.
To show the glorious pomp of these prince-like pre-
lates, in these blind days of popish religion, I add
another example not much unlike, nor differing much
in time, concerning certain poor men cited up, and e*.
joined strict penance by, William Courtney, predecessor
of Thomas Arundel, for bringing litter to his horse, not
in carts as they should do, but in little sacks, in a
I secret manner under their cloaks or coats. For which
heinous and horrible sin the archbishop, sitting in his
tribunal seat, called and cited before him the persons
{pro litera, i. e. for litter, after his own Latin), and
after their submission enjoined them penance. "VMiich
penance here follows out of the said archbishop's
I registers.
' " Ignorance, the mother of error, hath *) blinded
and deceived certain persons, to wit, Hugh Pennie,
I John Forstall, John Boy, John Wanderton, "William
I Hayward, and John White, tenants of the lord of
1 Weugham, that against the coming of the archbishop to
j his palace of Canterbury, on Palm Sunday evening,
; A.D. 1390, where they being warned by the bailiff to
i convey and carry hay, straw, and other litter, to the
I palace, as they were bound by the tenour of their lands,
; which they hold of the see of Canterbury ; refusing and
I disdaining to do their service, as they were accustomed,
j brought their straw and other litter, not in carts and
I waggons openly and sufficiently, but by piecemeal, and
closely in bags or sacks, in contempt of their lord, and
derogation of the right and title of the see of Canter-
bury. Whereupon they being cited and presented be-
fore the archbishop, sitting in judgment at his manor
of Statewood, yielded and submitted themselves to his
lordship's pleasure, humbly craving pardon of their
trespass. Then the aforesaid archbishop absolved the
above-named Hugh Pennie, &c., they swearing to obey
the laws and ordinances of holy church, and to do the
punishment that should be appointed them for their
deserts ; that is, that they going leisurely before the
procession, every one of them should carry openly on
his shoulder his bag stuffed with hay and straw, so that
the hay and straw should appear hanging out, the
mouths of the sacks being open."
To proceed now in the reign of this king, and to treat
something of his parliaments as we have done of others.
First, we will begin with the parliament held in the first
year of his reign.
As our papists will not believe the contrary, but
that the jurisdiction of their father the pope has ever
extended throughout all the world, as well here in Eng-
land as in other places, therefore speaking of the par-
liaments holden in this king's days concerning this mat-
ter, I refer them to the parliament of King Henry in
his first year, and to the twenty-seventh article. Where
they may read in the tenth objection laid against King
Richard, in plain words, how that as the crown of this
realm of England, and the jurisdiction belonging to the
same ; as also the whole realm itself, at all times lately
pa-st, has been at such liberty, and enjoyed such pre-
rogative, that neither the pope, nor any other out of the
same kingdom, ought to intrude himself nor inter-
meddle therein, it was therefore objected to King
Richard II. that he procured the letters apostolical from
the pope, to confirm and corroborate certain statutes,
which seemed then to the parliament to tend against
the crown and regal dignity, as also against the statutes
and liberties of this our realm of England. (Act Pari.
An. 1. Reg. Hen. 4. Act 27.)
Further, in the second year of the said king, it was
required in the parliament that all such persons as shall
be arrested under the statute made against the Lollards,
in the second year of Henry IV. may be bailed, and
freely make their purgation, that they be arrested by
none other than by the sheriffs, or such officers.
In the eighth year, moreover, of this king's reign it
was propounded in parliament, that all such persons as
shall procure, or sue in the court of Rome any process
touching any benefice, collation, or presentation of the
same, shall incur the pain of the statute of provisors,
made in the thirteenth year of Richard II., whereunto
the king granted, that the statutes heretofore provided
should be observed.
In the same parliament there was presented a pe-
tition, that the king might enjoy half the profits of
every parson's benefice who is not resident thereon.
The king answered, that the ordinaries should do their
duties therein, or else he would provide further remedy
to stay their pluralities.
In the same parliament it was required, that none do
sue to the court of Rome for any benefice, but only to
the king's courts.
Besides, in the parliament held the eleventh year of
this king, the commons of the land put up a bill to the
king to take the temporal lands out from spiritual men's
hands or possession. The effect of which bill was, that
the temporalities disorderly wasted by men of the
church, might suffice to find to the king fifteen earls,
fifteen hundred knights, six thousand two hundred
esquires, and a hundred houses of alms to the relief of
the poor people ; and over all these aforesaid charges,
the king might put yearly in his coffers twenty thousand
pounds.
Provided, that every earl should have of yearly rent
three thousand marks ; and every knight a hundred
marks and four plough-lands ; every esquire forty marks
by year, with two plough-lands ; and every house of
alms a hundred marks, with oversight of two true secu-
lars to every house, and also with provision that every
township should keep all their own poor people, which
could not labour for their living ; with a condition that
if more fell in a town than the town might maintain, then
the said almshouses should relieve such townships.
To which bill no answer was made, but that the king
would deliberate and advise on the matter.
These things thus narrated, touching such acts and
matters as occurred in the lifetime of this king, next
follows the thirteenth year of his reign. In which year
the king, after he had sent a little before a company
of captains and soldiers to aid the duke of Bur-
gundy in France (among whom was the Lord Cobham),
keeping his Christmas at Eltham, fell grievously sick.
From thence he was conveyed to London, where he be-
gan to call a parliament. In the meantime the infirmity
of the king increasing more and more, he was taken and
brought to a bed in a beautiful chamber at Westminster.
And as he lay in his bed, he asked what they called the
chamber he was in ; and they answered Jerusalem.
And then he said it was his prophesy, that he should die
in Jerusalem. And so disposing himself toward his end
in his chamber, he died on the twentieth of Marcl*
A.D. 1413,
KING HENRT V.
After the death of Henry IV. , his son Henry V. began
to reign. Henry was born at Monmouth in Wales, of
whose other virtues, and great factories in France, I shall
not much intermeddle, especially as the memory of
his prowess, being sufficiently described in other writers,
may both content the reader, and unburden my labour,
especially as these later troubles of the church offer me
80 much, that little leisure will be left to intermeddle
with secular matters.
282 TROUBLE AND PERSECUTION OF SIR JOHN OLDCASTLE, LORD COBHAM. [Book V.
After the coronation of this new king, which was on
the ninth day of April, called then Passion Sunday, which
was an exceeding stormy day, and so tempestuous, that
many wondered at the omen : not long after a parlia-
ment began to be called, and held at Westminster,
(A. D. 1413.) At which time Thomas Arundel, the
archbisliop of Canterbury, collected in St. Paul's church
at London, an universal synod of all the bishops and
clergy of England.
The Trouble and Persecution of Lord Cobham.
The chief and principal cause of the assembling of this
synod, as the chronicle of St. Albans reports, was to repress
the growing and spreading of the gospel, and especially to
withstand the noble and worthy Lord Cobham, who was
then noted to be a principal favourer, receiver, and
maintainer of them, whom the bishop misnamed to be
Lollards, especially in the dioceses of London, Roches-
ter, and Hereford, setting those up to preach whom the
bishops had not licensed, and sending them about to
preach, which was against the provincial constitutions,
holding also and teaching opinions of the sacraments, of
images, of pilgrimage, of the keys and church of Rome,
contrary and repugnant to the received determination of
the Romish church, &c.
In the meantime, as the commotion was in debate
concerning the good Lord Cobham, there resorted to
them the twelve inquisitors of heresies (whom they had
appointed at Oxford the year before, to search out here-
tics,) with all WicklifTs books, who brought two hundred
and forty-six conclusions, which they had collected as
heresies out of the books.
The articles being brought in, they proceeded in their
communication, concluding that it was not possible for
them to make whole Christ's coat without seam, unless
certain great men were taken out of the way, who seemed
to be the chief maintainers of the said disciples of Wick-
liff. Among whom this noble knight Sir John Old-
castle, the Lord Cobham, was complained of by the ge-
neral proctors to be the principal. They accused him
first for a mighty maintainer of suspected preachers in
the dioceses of London, Rochester, and Hereford, con-
trary to the minds of the ordinaries. They not only af-
firmed him to have sent there the preachers, but also to
have assisted them there by force of arms, notwithstand-
ing their synodal constitution made to the contrary.
Last of all, they accused him that he was far otherwise
in belief of the sacrament of the altar, of penance, of
pilgrimage, of image worshipping, and of the ecclesias-
tical power, than the holy church of Rome had taught
many years before.
In the end it was concluded among them, that without
any further delay, process should be awarded out against
him, as against a most pernicious heretic.
Some of them who were of more crafty experience
than the others, thought it best not to have the matter so
rashly handled ; but considering Lord Cobham was a
man of great birth, and in favour at that time with the
king, their counsel was to ktiow first the king's mind.
This counsel was well accepted, and the archbishop, with
his other bishops, and a great part of the clergy, went
directly to the king, and laid most grievous complaints
against Lord Cobham, to his great infamy and blemish,
being a right godly man. The king gently heard those
blood-thirsty prelates, and far otherwise than became his
princely dignity : notwithstanding, requiring, and desir-
ing them, that in respect of his noble stock and knight-
hood, they should deal favourably with him. And that
they would, if it were possible, without rigor or extreme
handling, reduce him again to the church's unity. He
promised them also, that if they were contented to take
some deliberation, he himself would seriously commune
the matter with him.
Soon after the king sent for Lord Cobham ; and when
he was come, he called him secretly, admonishing him to
submit himself to his mother, the holy church, and as an
obedient child to acknowledge himself culpable. The
christian knight made this answer : " You, most
worthy prince, I am always prompt and willing to
obey, forsomuch as I know you are a christian king,
and the appointed minster of God, bearing the sword to
the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them
that do well. Unto you (next to my eternal God) I owe
my whole obedience, and submit thereunto, as 1 have
ever done, all that I have, either of fortune or nature,
ready at all times to fulfil whatsoever ye shall in the
Lord command me. But as touching the pope and his
spiritualty, I owe them neither suit nor service, forso-
much as I know him by the scriptures to be the great
antichrist, the son of perdition, the open adversary of
God, and the abomination standing in the holy place."
When the king had heard this, he would talk no longer
with him, but left him.
And as the archbishop resorted again to him for an an-
swer, he gave him his full authority to cite him, examine
him, and punish him according to their devilish decree,
which they called the laws of holy church. Then the
archbishop, by the counsel of his other bishops and
clergy, appointed to call before him Sir John Oldcastle,
the Lord Cobham, and to cause him personally to appear,
to answer to such articles as they should lay against
him.
This most constant servant of the Lord, and worthy
knight. Sir John Oldcastle, beholding the fury of anti-
christ thus kindled against him, perceiving himself also
compassed on every side with deadly dangers, took
paper and pen in hand, and wrote a christian confession
of his faith, both signing and sealing it with his own
hand. Wherein he also answered to the four chief ar-
ticles that the archbishop laid against him. That done,
lie took the copy with him, and went therewith to the
king, trusting to find mercy and favour at his hand.
This confession of his was none other than the cnnimop
belief or sum of the church's faith, called The Apostles'
Creed, then used by all christian men, with a brief de.
claration upon the same, as follows : —
The Christian Belief of the Lord Cobham.
" I believe in God the Father Almighty, maker of hea-
ven and earth : and in Jesus Christ his only Son our
Lord, who was conceived by the Holy Ghost, born of l|
the virgin Mary, suffered under Pontius Pilate, was cru- '
cified, dead and buried, He descended into hell, the third I-
day He rose again from the dead. He ascended int« .:
heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of God the Father ;
Almighty; and from thence shall come to judge the quiclr i
and the dead. I believe in the Holy Ghost, the holy ca- ■
tholic church, the communion of saints, the forgiveness
of sins, the resurrection of the body, and the life ever-
lasting. Amen.
" And for a more large declaration (said he) of this
my faith in the catholic church, I steadfastly believe, ,
that there is but one God Almighty, in and of whosQ i'
Godhead are these three persons, the Father, the Son^ ,1
and the Holy Ghost, and that those three persons are th« 'j
self-same God Almighty. I believe also, that the second ll
person in this most blessed Trinity, in most convenient
time appointed thereunto before, took flesh and blood of
the most blessed virgin Mary, for the safeguard and re-
demption of the universal kind of man, which was before
lost in Adam's offence,
" Moreover I believe, that the same Jesus Christ our
Lord, thus being both God and man, is the only head of
the whole christian church, and that all those that have been
or shall be saved, are members of this most holy church.
And this holy church I think to be divided into three
sorts of companies.
" The first sort are now in heaven, and they are the
departed saints. These as they were here conversant,
conformed always their lives to the most holy laws and
pure examples of Christ, renouncing Satan, the world,
and the flesh and all their lusts and evils.
" The second sort are in purgatory (if any such place
be in the scriptures) abiding the mercy of God, and a full
deliverance of pain.
"The third sort are here upon the earth, and are i
called the church militant. For day and night they con- | '
tend against the crafty assaults of the devil, the flattering i
Stormir fHlm-Smitajj.
A.D. 1413.]
TROUBLE AND PERSECUTIONS OF LORD COBHAM.
283
prosperities of this world, and the rebellious lusts of the
flesh.
"This last company by the just ordinance of God is
also divided into tliree several estates, that is to say, into
the i)riesthood, the knighthood, and the commons.
Among whom the will of God is, that the one should aid
the other, but not destroy the other. The priests first
of all, secluded from all worldhness, should conform their
lives to the examples of Christ and the apostles. They
should be occupied in preaching and teaching the scrip-
tures purely, and in giving wholesome examples of good
living to the other two degrees of men. They should be
more modest also, more loving, gentle, and lowly in
spirit, than any sort of people.
" In the knighthood are all they who bear the sword
by law of office ; these shoidd defend God's laws, and see
that the gospel is purely taught, conforming their lives
to the same, and excluding all false preachers ; yea tliese
ought rather to hazard their lives, than to suffer such
wicked decrees as either blemish the eternal testament
of God, or prevent the free passage thereof, whereby
heresies and schisms might spring in the church. For
they arise principally from erroneous constitutions, first
creeping craftily in under hypocritical lies, for advantage.
They ought also to preserve God's people from oppressors,
tyrants, and thieves, and to see the clergy supported so
long as they teach purely, pray rightly, and administer
the sacraments freely. And if they see them do other-
wise, they are bound by the law or office to compel them to
change their doings ; and to see all things performed ac-
cording to God's prescribed ordinance.
" The last fellowship of this church, are the common
people ; whose duty is to bear their good minds and true
obedience to the aforesaid ministers of God, their kings,
civil governors and priests. The right office of these, is
for every man justly to occupy his faculty, be it mer-
chandise, handicraft or cultivating the ground. And so
one of them be as an helper to another, following always
the just commandments of the Lord God.
" Over and besides all this, I most faithfully believe,
that the sacraments of Christ's church are necessary to
all christian believers ; so that they be truly ministered
according to Christ's first institution and ordinance. And
as I am maliciously and most falsely accused of misbelief
in the sacrament of the altar, to the hurtful slander of
many ; I signify here to all men, that this is my faith con-
cerning it. I believe in that sacrament Christ's very
body and blood are contained, under the similitude of
bread and wine, yea the same body that was conceived of
the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary, crucified on
the cross, di^ and was buried, arose the third day iVom
the death ; and is now glorified in heaven, I also believe
the universal law of God to be most true and perfect,
and they who do not follow it in their faith and works (at
one time or another) can never be saved. Whereas he
that seeks it in faith, accepts it, learns it, delights there-
in, and performs it in love, shall taste the felicity of ever-
lasting innocency.
" Finally, this is my faith also, that God will ask no
more of a christian believer in this life, but only to obey
the precepts of that most blessed law. If any prelate of
church require more, or any other kind of obedience,
tlian this; he contemns Christ, exalting himself above
God, and so becomes an open antichrist. All the pre-
mises I believe particularly, and generally all that God
has left in his holy scripture, that I should believe ; in-
stantly desiring you my liege lord and most worthy king,
that this confession of mine may be justly examined by
the most godly, wise, and learned men of your realm.
And if it be found in all points agreeing to the truth,
then let it be allowed ; and 1 acknowledged as none other
than a true christian. If it be proved otherwise, then let
it be utterly condemned ; provided always, that I be
taught a better belief by the word of God j and I shall
most reverently at all times obey it."
This brief confession of his faith the Lord Cobham took
.to the court, offering it with all meekness to the king to
read it over. The king would not receive it, but com-
manded it to be delivered to them that should be his judges.
Then he desired in the king's presence, that an hundred
knights and esquires might be suffered to come in upon
his purgation, who he knew would clear him of all here-
sies. Moreover, he offered himself, after the law of arms,
to fight for life or death with any man living, christian
or heathen, in the quarrel of his faith, the king and the
lords of his council excepted. Finally, with all gentleness
he protested before all that were present, that he would
refuse no manner of correction that should after the laws of
God be ministered to him, but that he would at all times
with all meekness obey it. Notwithstanding all this the
king suffered him to be summoned personally in his own
privy chamber. There was nothing allowed that the
Lord Cobham had required. But as he would not be
sworn to submit himself to the church, and take what
penance the archbishop would enjoin hini ; he was
arrested again at the king's commandment, and led to
the Tower of London.
As the day of examination was come, which was the
23d day of September, Thomas Arundel the archbishop,
sitting in Caiaphas' room in the chapter-house of St.
Paul's, with Richard Clifford bishop of London, and
Henry Bolingbrook bishop of Winchester ; Sir Robert
Morely, knight and lieutenant of the Tower, brought Lord
Cobham before them, to whom the archbishop thus
spoke.
" Sir John, in the last general convocation of the clergy
of this our province, you were detected of certain heresies,
and by sufficient witnesses found culpable. Whereupon
you were cited by form of spiritual law, and would in no
case appear. In conclusion, upon your rebellious con-
tumacy, you were both privately and openly excommuni-
cated. Notwithstanding we neither shewed ourselves
unready to have given you absolution (nor yet do to this
hour) would ye have meekly asked it." To this the
Lord Cobham seemed, as if he had not heard it^ having
his mind otherwise occupied, and so desired no absolu-
tion. But said, " He would gladly before him and his
brethren make rehearsal of that faith which he held and
intended always to stand to, if it would please them to
license him thereto." And then he took out of his
bosom a certain writing, concerning the articles whereof
he was accused, and read it before them, giving it the
archbishop as he concluded it.
Then the archbishop counselled with the other two
bishops and with the doctors, what was to be done in this
matter ; commanding him to stand aside for the time.
In conclusion by their common assent the archbishop
thus addressed him ; " Come hither. Sir John : in this
your writing many good things are contained, and right
catholic also, we deny it not : but you must consider
that this day was appointed you to answer to other
points concerning articles of which no mention is made
in this your writing. And therefore you must declare
to us your mind more plainly : " Whiether you hold,
affirm and believe that in the sacrament of the altar,
after the consecration rightly done by a priest, material
bread remains, or not ? Moreover, whether you do
hold, affirm, and believe, that as concerning the sacra-
ment of penance, every christian man is necessarily
bound to confess his sins to a priest ordained by the
church or not ?"
After certain other communications, this was the an-
swer of the good Lord Cobham. " That he would not
declare his mind, nor yet answer to these articles in any
other way, than was expressly contained in his writing."
Then said the archbishop to him ; "Sir John, beware
what ye do. For if you answer not clei^rly to those things
that are here objected against you, the law of the holy
church is, That compelled once by a judge we may openly
proclaim you an heretic." To whom he gave this an-
swer: "Do as ye shall think best, for I am deter-
mined." Whatever he or the other bishops asked him,
he bade them refer to his bill ; for by it he would stand
to the very death. He would not give them any other
answer that day ; at which the bishops and prelates wer»
much amazed and disquieted.
'^
THE EXAMINATION OF LORD COBHAM.
[H.^OK V
The day following, the archbishop sent to him into the
Tower, this foolish and blasphemous writing, made by
him and by his unlearned clergy.
The Determination of the Archbishop and Clergy.
"The faith and determination of the holy church
touching the blissful sacrament of the altar, is this ;
That after the sacramental words are once spoken by a
priest in his mass, the material bread, that was before
t)read, is turned into Christ's very body. And the mate-
rial wine, that was before wine, is turned into Christ's
very blood. And so there remains in the sacrament of
the altar, from thenceforth, no material bread, nor mate-
rial wine, which were there before the sacramental words
.were spoken ; how believe ye this article ?
" Holy church has determined that every christian
man, living here bodily upon the earth, ought to confess
to a priest ordained by the church, if he may come to
him. How feel ye this article ?
'• Christ ordained St. Peter the apostle to be his vicar
here in earth, whose see is the holy church of Rome ;
and he granted, that the same power which he gave to
Peter should succeed to all Peter's successors, whom we
now call popes of Rome ; by whose power in particular
churches, are ordained prelates, as archbishops, bishops,
parsons, curates, and other degrees ; whom chris-
tian men ought to obey after the laws of the church
of Rome. This is the determination of holy church.
How feel ye this article ?
" Holy church has determined, that it is meritorious
to a christian man to go on pilgrimage to holy places ;
and there especially to worship holy relics and images of
saints, apostles, and martyrs, confessors, and all other
saints beside, approved by the church of Rome. How
feel ye this article ?'*
When Lord Cobham had read over this most wretched
writing, he marvelled greatly at their mad ignorance.
But he considered again, that God had given them over,
for their unbelief's sake, into most deep errors and
blindness of soul. He perceived by this, that their
utmost malice was resolved against him, however he
should answer. And therefore he put his life into
the hands of God, desiring only his Spirit to assist him
in his next answer. When the twenty-fifth day of Sep-
tember was come, Thomas Arundel, the archbishop
of Canterbury, commanded his judicial seat to be re-
moved from the chapter-house of St. Paul's, to the
dominie friars vrithin Ludgate, at London. And as he
was there set with Richard, bishop of London ; Henry,
the bishop of Winchester ; and Bennet, the bishop of
Bangor : he called in unto him his council of his officers,
with other doctors and friars. All these, with a great
many more of priests, monks, canons, friars, parish
clerks, bell-ringers, and pardoners, disdained Lord Cob-
ham, with innumerable mocks and scorns, reckoning him
to be an horrible heretic, and a man accursed before
God.
Soon the archbishop called for a mass book, and
caused all the prelates and doctors to swear that every
man should faithfully do his office and duty that day.
And that neither for favour nor fear, love nor hate, of
the one party nor the other, should any thing be wit-
nessed, spoken, or done, but according to the truth, as
they would answer before God and all the world at the
day of doom. Then were the two notaries sworn also to
witness and to write the process that should be uttered
by both parties, and to say their minds (if they other-
wise knew) before they should register it. And all this
dissimulation was but to colour their mischiefs, before
the ignorant multitude.
After all this. Sir Robert Morley, knight, and lieute-
nant of the Tower, came before them, and brought with
him the good Lord Cobham, leaving him there among
them, as a lamb amobg wolves, to his examination and
answer.
Then the archbishop said to him, " Lord Cobham, you
are aware of the words and process which we had on
Saturday last in the chapter-house of St. Paul's. I said
to you then, that you were accursed for your contumacy
and disobedience to the holy church. "
Then Lord Cobham, with a cheerful countenance, an-
swered : " God said by his holy prophet, ' I will curse
your blessings,' " Mai. ii. 2.
The archbishop continued. " Sir, at that time I
gently offered to have absolved you if you would have
asked it. And I still do the same if you will humbly
desire it in due form and manner as holy church has
ordained."
Then said the Lord Cobham ; " Nay, I will not; fori
never yet trespassed against you ; and therefore I will
not do it." And with that he kneeled down on thf;
pavement, holding up his hands towards heaven, and
said : "I confess myself here unto thee, my eternal living
God, that in my frail youth I offended thee, O Lord,
most grievously in pride, wrath, gluttony, and covetous-
ness. Many men have I hurt in mine anger, and done
many other horrible sins : good Lord, I ask thee mercy."
And then weeping, he stood up again and said with a loud
voice; " Lo ! good people, lo ! for the breaking of
God's law, and his great commandments, they never yet
cursed me ; but for their own laws and traditions they
most cruelly, handle both me and other men. And there-
fore both they and their laws, by the promise of God, shall
be utterly destroyed."
At this the archbishop and his company were not a
little hurt. However, he took courage, and examined the
Lord Cobham of his christian belief.
To which the Lord Cobham made this godly answer :
" I believe fully and faithfully in the universal laws of
God. I believe that all is true which is contained in
the holy sacred scriptures of the bible. Finally, I be-
lieve all that my Lord God would I should believe."
Then the archbishop demanded an answer to the bill
which he and the clergy had sent to him to the Tower the
day before, concerning the four articles whereof he waa
accused, especially concerning the sacrament of tha
altar, how he believed therein.
The Lord Cobham said, " That with that bill he had no-
thing to do. But this was his belief concerning the sacra-
ment. That his Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, sitting at
his last supper with his most dear disciples, the night be-
fore he suffered took bread in his hand ; and giving
thanks to his Eternal Father, blessed it, brake it, and so
gave it to them, saying, ' Take, and eat this, for this ik
my body which is given for you : do this in remembrance
of me.' This, (said he) do 1 believe, for this faith am I
taught in the gospel of Matthew, in Mark, and Luke^
and also in the first epistle of St. Paul to the Corin*
thiaus."
Then the archbishop asked if he believed that it were
bread after the consecration or sacramental words spokeA
over it.
Then Lord Cobham said ; " I believe that in the 8a<.
crament of the altar is Christ's very body in form ot
bread, the same that was born of the Virgin Mary, crui.
cified on the cross, dead, and buried, and that the third
day arose from death to life, which now is glorified in
heaven."
Then said one of the doctors of the law: " Afler thb
sacramental words be uttered, there remains no bread,
but only the body of Christ."
The Lord Cobham said then to one Master John
Whitehead: "You said once to me in the castle of
Gowling, that the sacred Host was not Christ's body.
But I held then against you, and proved that therein
was his body, though the seculars and friars could not
therein agree, but held each one against the other in
that opinion. These were my words then, if ye remem-
ber it."
Then a set of them shouted together, and cried with
great noise : " We all say that it is God's body."
And many of them asked him, in great anger, whether
it were material bread after the consecration or not .'
Then the Lord Cobham looked earnestly upon the
archbishop, and said: "I believe surely that it i«
Christ's body in form of bread : Sir, believe not you
thus?"
And the archbishop said, — " Yes, do I."
f!
A.D. 1413.]
THE EXAMINATION OF LORD COBRAM.
28b
j Then the doctors asked him whether it were only-
Christ's body after the consecration of a priest, and no
I bread, or not ?
I And he said to them : " It is both Christ's body and
' bread : I shall prove it thus : for like as Christ's dwel-
i ling here upon the earth had in him both godhead and
I manhood, and had the invisible godhead covered under
I that manhood, which was only visible and seen in him :
I so in the sacrament of the altar is Christ's very body and
bread also, as I believe the bread is the thing that we
, see with our eyes, the body of Christ (wliich is his flesh
and his blood) is thereunder hid, and not seen but in faith."
Then they smiled one upon another, that the people
should judge him taken in a great heresy. And many of
them said : " It is a foul heresy."
Then the archbishop asked what bread it was ? And
i the doctors also inquired of him whether it were material
! or not ?
I Lord Cobham answered : " The scriptures make no
i mention of this word material, and therefore my faith
I hath nothing to do therewith. But this I say and be-
. lieve, that it is Christ's body and bread. Therefore I
say now again as I said before, as our Lord Jesus Christ
is very God, and very man, so in the most blessed sacra-
ment of the altar is Christ's very body and bread."
Then said they all with one voice : " It is an heresy."
One of the bishops stood up and said : " It is a mani-
fest heresy, to say that it is bread after the sacra-
mental words be once spoken."
Lord Cobham said : " St. Paul the apostle was, I am
sure, as wise as you are now, and more godly learned,
and he called it bread, writing to the Corinthians, ' The
bread which we break,' saith he, ' is it not the commu-
nion of the body of Christ ?' Lo, he called it bread and
not Christ's body, but a means whereby we receive
Christ's body."
Then they asked him if he believed not in the deter-
mination of the church ?
And he said unto them, — " No ; for it is no God.
In all our creed the word in is but thrice mentioned
concerning belief: In God the Father, in God the Son,
in God the Holy Ghost, three persons and one God,
The birth, the death, the burial, the resurrection and as-
cent of Christ, hath no in for belief, but only in him.
Neither yet hath the church the sacraments, the for-
giveness of sin, the later resurrection, nor yet the life
everlasting, nor any other in than in the Holy God."
Then said one of the lawyers : " But what is your be-
lief concerning holy church .'"
The Lord Cobham answered : " My belief is that all
the scriptures of the sacred Bible are true. All that is
grounded upon them I believe. But in your lordly laws
and idle determinations I have no belief. For ye are no
part of Christ's holy church, as your open deeds do
shew : but ye are very antichrists, obstinately set against
his holy law and will. The laws that ye have made are
nothing to his glory, but only for your vain glory and
abominable covetousness."
This, they said, was an exceeding heresy, not to believe
the determination of holy church.
Then said the archbishop : " Can you tell me who is
of the church ?"
Then Lord Cobham answered : " Yes ; truly 1 can.
Christ saith, ' That like as the evil tree is known by its
fruit, so is a false prophet by his works.' "
Then said Doctor Walden unto him : " Ye make here
no difference of judgments : rash judgment and right
judgment, all is one with you. So swift judges always
are the learned scholars of Wickliff !"
To whom the Lord Cobham answered. " Preposter-
ous are your judgments evermore. For as the prophet
Isaiah saith : ' Ye call evil good and good evil ;' and
therefore the same prophet concludes ; ' That your ways
are not God's ways, nor God's ways your ways.' And
as for the virtuous man Wickliff, whose judgments ye so
highly disdain, I shall say here of my part, both before
God and man, that before I knew that despised doctrine
of his, I never abstained from sin. But since I learned
therein to fear my Lord God, it has, I trust, been other-
wise with me : I could never find so much grace in all
your glorious instructions.''
Then said Doctor Walden yet again unto him. " It
were not well with me if 1 had no grace to amend ray life,
till I heard the devil preach."
The Lord Cobham said: "Your fathers, the old
Pharisees, ascribed Christ's miracles to Beelzebub, and
his doctrine to the devil. And you as their natural chil-
dren have still the self-same judgment concerning his
faithful followers. They that rebuke your vicious living
must needs be heretics!" Then said he to them all :
" To judge you as you are, we need go no further than to
your own acts. Where do you find in all God's l<nr,
that ye should thus sit in judgment on any christian
man, or give sentence upon any other man unto
death, as ye do here daily ? you have no ground in all
the scripture so lordly to take it upon you, but in Annas
and Caiaphas, who thus sat upon Christ, and upon his
apostles after his ascension. Of them only have ye
taken it to judge Christ's members as ye do, and neither
of Peter nor John."
Then said some of the lawyers : " Yes, forsooth, sir,
for Christ judged Judjis."
The Lord Cobham said : " No ; Christ judged him
not, but he judged himself, and thereupon went forth
and so did hang himself : since his venom was shed into
the church ye never followed Christ."
Then the archbishop asked him, what he meant by
the venom of Judas .''
The Lord Cobham said, " Your possessions and lord-
ships. Before that time all the bishops of Rome were
martyrs in a manner. And since that time we read of
very few. But since that time, one has put down
another, one has poisoned another, one has cursed
another, and one has sl^n another, and done much
more mischief besides, as all the chronicles tell. And
let all men consider this well. That Christ was meek
and merciful ; the pope is proud and a tyrant ; Christ
was poor and forgave, the pope is rich and a malicious
manslayer, as his daily acts do prove him. Rome is
the very nest of antichrist, and out of that nest come all
his disciples. Of whom prelates, priests, and monks,
are the body, these friars are the tail."
Then said he unto them all, " Christ saith in his
gospel, ' Woe unto you, scribes and pharisees, hypo-
crites ! for ye shut up the kingdom of heaven against
men : for ye neither go in yourselves, neither suft'er ye
them that are entering to go in ;' but ye stop up the
ways thereunto with your own traditions, and therefore
are ye the household of antichrist ; ye will not permit
God's verity to have passage, nor yet to be taught of his
true ministers, fearing to have your wickedness re-
proved. But by such flatterers as uphold you in your
mischiefs, you suffer the common people most miserably
to be seduced."
Then said the archbishop, '• By our lady, sir, there
shall none such preach within my diocese nor yet in my
jurisdiction, as either make division or dissension among
the poor commons."
The Lord Cobham said, " Both Christ and his
apostles were accused of sedition making, yet were they
most peaceable men. But Daniel and Christ prophe-
sied, that such a troublous time should come, as hath
not been yet since the world's beginning. And this
prophecy is partly fulhlled in your days and doings ; for
many have ye slain already, and more will ye slay here-
after, if God fulfil not his promise."
Then a doctor of law, called Master John Kemp,
plucked out of his bosom a copy of the bill which they
had sent him into the Tower, thinking thereby to make
shorter work with him. For they were so amazed with
his answers (not all unlike to them who disputed with.
Stephen) that they knew not well how to occupy the
time, their wits and sophistry so failed them that day.
" My Lord Cobham," said this doctor, " we must
briefly know your mind concerning these four points
here following. The first of them is this ; (and then he
read from the bill.) The faith and determination of holy
church touching the blessed sacrament of the altar u
286
THE SENTENCE OF CONDEMNATION AGAINST LORD COBHAM.
[Book Y,
this, That after the sacramental words be once spoken
of a priest in his mass, the material bread, that was be-
fore bread, is turned into Christ's very body, and the
material wine is turned into Christ's blood. And so
there remaineth in the sacrament of the altar from
thenceforth no material bread nor material wine, which
were there before the sacramental words were spoken :
sir, believe you not this?"
The Lord Cobham said, "This is not my belief. But
my faith is, that in the worshipful sacrament of the altar
is Christ's very body in form of bread."
Then said the archbishop, " Sir John, ye must say
otherwise."
The Lord Cobham said, " Nay, that I will not, if
God be upon my side (as I trust he is) but that there is
Christ's body in form of bread, as the common belief is."
Then the doctor read again.
" The second point is this; holy church hath de-
termined, that every christian man, living here bodily
upon earth, ought to be confessed to a priest ordained
by the church, if he may come to him. Sir, what say
you to this .'"'
The Lord Cobham answered and said, " A diseased
or sore wounded man hath need to have a wise surgeon.
Most necessary were it therefore to be first confessed
unto God, who only knoweth our diseases, and can help
us. I deny not in this the going to a priest, if he be a
man of good life and learning ; for the laws of God are
to be inquired of the priest, who is godly learned.
But if he be an idiot, or a man of vicious living, that is
my curate, I ought rather to fly from him than to seek
to him."
Then the doctor read again.
" The third point is this ; Christ ordained St. Peter
the apostle to be his vicar here in earth, whose see is
the church of Rome. And he granted that the same
power which he gave unto Peter should succeed unto all
Peter's successors, whom we call now popes of Rome.
By whose special power in particular churches, be or-
dained prelates and archbishops, parsons, curates, and
other degrees more, whom christian men ought to
obey after the laws of the church of Rome. This is the
determination of holy church. Sir, believe ye not
this ?"
To this he answered and said, " He that followeth
Peter most nearly in pure living, is next unto him in suc-
cession. But your lordly order esteemeth not greatly
the lowly behaviour of poor Peter whatsoever ye prate
of him. Neither care ye greatly for the humble man-
ners of them that succeeded him till the time of Silvester,
which for the more part were martyrs, as I told you
before."
One of the other doctors asked him ; " Then what do
ye say of the pope?"
The Lord Cobham answered, " As I said before, so
I say again ; That he and you together make whole the
gre-at antichrist. Of whom he is the great head, you
bishops, priests, prelates, and monks, are the body, and
the begging friars are the tail, for they cover the filthi-
ness of you both with their subtle sophistry : neither will
I in conscience obey any of you all, till I see you with
Peter follow Christ in conversation."
Then the doctor read again.
" Tiie fourth point is this ; holy church hath deter-
mined, that it is meritorious to a christian man, to go
on pilgrimage to holy places, and there .specially to
worship the holy relics and images of saints, apostles,
martyrs, confessors, and all other saints besides, ap-
proved by the church of Rome. Sir, what say you to
this ?"
He answered, " I owe them no service by any com-
mandment of God. It were best ye swept them far
from cobwebs and dust, and so laid them, or else bury
tnem, far in the ground, as ye do other aged people
who are God's images.
" It is a wonderful thing that saints, now being dead,
should become so covetous and needy, and thereupon so
bitterly beg, who all their life time hated all covetous-
Dess and begging."
" Why, sir," said one of the clerks, " will ye not
worship good images ?"
" What worship should I give to them?" said the
Lord Cobham.
Then said friar Palmer to him, *' Sir, will ye worship
the cross of Christ, that he died upon ?"
" Where is it ?" said the Lord Cobham.
The friar said, " I put you the case, sir, that it were
here even now before you."
The Lord Cobham answered, " This is a wise man,
to put me an earnest question of a thing, and yet he
himself knows not where the thing itself is. Yet once
again I ask you, what worship I should do to it."
A clerk said unto him, " Such worship as Paul
speaks of, and that is this ; ' God forbid that I should
glory, save in the cross of Jesus Christ.'"
Then said the Lord Cobham, and spread his arms
abroad; "This is the very cross, yea, and so much
better than your cross of wood, in that it was created of
God, yet will not I seek to have it worshipped."
Then said the bishop of London, " Sir, ye know well
that he died on a material cross."
The Lord Cobham said, " Yea, and I know also, that
our salvation came not in by that material cross, but
alone by him who died thereon. And well I know, that
holy St. Paul rejoiced in none other cross, but in
Christ's passion and death only, and in his own suffer-
ings of like persecution with him, for the self«same truth
that he had suffered for before." ,
Another clerk asked him, " Will ye then do no
honour to the holy cross ?"
He answered him, " Yes, if it were mine own, I
would lay him up honestly, and see unto him that he
should take no more scathe abroad, nor be robbed of his
goods, as he is now a- days."
Then said the archbishop unto him, " Sir John,
much time have we spent here about you, and all in
vain so far as I can see. We must now be at this short
point with you, for the day passeth away : ye must
either submit yourself to the ordinance of holy church,
or else throw yourself into most deep danger. See to it
in time, for it will be else too late."
The Lord Cobham said, " I know not to what pur-
pose I should otherwise submit me. Much more have
you offended me, than ever I offended you, in this
troubling me before this multitude."
Then said the archbishop again unto him, " W^e once
again require you to remember yourself well, and to
have none other manner of opinion in these matters,
than the universal faith and belief of the holy church of
Rome is. And so like an obedient child return again to
the unity of your mother. See to it, I say, in time, for
yet ye may have remedy, whereas soon it will be too
late."
The Lord Cobham said expressly before them all ; " I
will none otherwise believe in these points than that I
have told you here before. Do with me what you
will."
Finally, then the archbishop said ; " Well, then I see
none other but that we must needs do the law ; we must
proceed forth to the sentence definitive, and both judge
you and condemn you for a heretic.''
And with that tlie archbishop stood up and read a
bin of his condemnation as follows : —
The Sentence of Condemnation against Lord Cobham.
" In the name of God, so be it. We, Thomas, by the
sufferance of God, archbishop of Canterbury, metropoli-
tan and primate of all England, and legate from the
apostolic see of Rome, will tliis to be known unto all
men. In a certain cause of heresy, and uj)nn divers
articles, whereupon Sir John Oldcastle, knight, Lord
Cobham, after a diligent inquisition made for the same,
was detected, accused, and presented before us in our
last convocation of all our province of Canterbury,
holden in the cathedral church of Paul's at London, at
the lawful denouncement and request of our universal
clergy of the said convocation, we proceeded against
A.D. 1413.]
THE SENTENCE AGAINST LORD COBHAM.
287
him according to the law (God to witness) with all the
favour possible. And following Christ's example in all
that we might, ' who willeth not the death of a sinner,
but rather that he might be converted and live ;' we
took upon us to correct him, and sought all other ways
possible to bring him again to the church's unity, de-
claring unto him what the holy and universal church of
Rome hath said, holden, determined, and taught in that
behalf. And though we found him in the catholic faith
far wide, and so stiff-necked, that he would not confess
his error, nor purge himself, nor yet repent him thereof;
we yet pitying him of fatherly compassion, and entirely
desiring the health of his soul, appointed him a compe-
tent time of deliberation, to see if he would repent and
seek to be reformed : but since that time we have found
him worse and worse. Considering, therefore, that he
is not corrigible, we are driven to the very extremity of
the law, and with great heaviness of heart we now pro-
ceed to the publication of the sentence definitive, against
him."
Then he brought forth another bill, containing the
sentence, and that he read also as follows : —
" We take Christ to witness, that we seek nothing
else, in this our enterprise, but only his glory. Foras-
much as we have found by divers acts done, brought
forth and exhibited, by sundry evidences, signs, and
tokens, and also by many most manifest proofs, the said
Sir John Oldcastle knight. Lord Cobham, not only to be
an evident heretic in his own person, but also a mighty
maintainer of other heretics against the faith and re-
ligion of the holy and universal church of Rome ;
namely, about the two sacraments (of the altar, and of
penance) besides the pope's power and pilgrimages ;
and that he, as the child of iniquity and darkness, hath
so hardened his heart, that he will in no case attend to
the voice of his pastor ; neither will he be allured by
straight admonishments, nor yet be brought in by favour-
able words : the worthiness of the cause first weighed on
the one side, and his unworthiness again considered on
the other side, his faults also aggravated or made double
through his damnable obstinacy (we being loath that he
which is naught should be worse, and so with his con-
tagiousness infect the multitude) by the sage counsel
and assent of the very discreet fathers, our honourable
brethren and lord bishops here present, Richard of
London, Henry of Winchester, and Bennet of Bangor,
and of other great learned and wise men here, both
doctors of divinity, and of the laws canon and civil, se-
cular and religious, with divers other expert men assist-
ing us : we sententially and definitively by this present
writing judge, declare and condemn the said Sir John
Oldcastle knight. Lord Cobham, for a most pernicious
detestable heretic, convicted upon the same, and refus-
ing utterly to obey the church again, committing him
here from henceforth as a condemned heretic, to the
secular jurisdiction, power, and judgment, to do him
thereupon to death. Furthermore, we excommunicate
and denounce accursed, not only this heretic here pre-
sent, but so many else besides, as shall hereafter in
favour of his error either receive him or defend him,
counsel him or help him, or any other way maintain
him ; as very favourers, receivers, defenders, counsellers,
aiders, and maintainers of condemned heretics.
" And that these premises may be the better known
of all faithful christian men, we commit it here unto
your charges, and give you straight commandment
thereupon by this writing also, that ye cause this con-
demnation and definitive sentence of excommunication
concerning both this heretic and his favourers, to be
published throughout all dioceses, in cities, towns, and
. villages, by your curates and parish priests, at such
times as they shall have most recourse of people. And
see that it be done after this sort: as the people are thus
gathered devoutly together, let the curate every where
go into the pulpit, and there open, declare, and ex-
pound this excess in the mother tongue, in an audible
and intelligible voice, that it may be perceived of all
men : and that upon the fear of this declaration also the
people may fall from their evil opinions conceived now
of late by seditious preachers. Moreover, we will, that
after we have delivered unto each one of you bishops,
which are here present, a copy hereof, that ye cause the
same to be written out again into divers copies, and to
be sent unto the other bishops and prelates, of our
whole province, that they may also see the contents
thereof solemnly published within their dioceses and
cures. Finally, We will that both you and they signify
again unto us seriously and distinctly by your writings
as the matter is, without feigned colour, in every point
performed ; the day whereon ye received this process,
the time when it was of us executed, and after what sort
it was done in every condition, according to the tenor
hereof, that we may know it to be justly the same."
After the archbishop had thus read the condemna-
tion before the whole multitude, the Lord Cobham said
with a most cheerful countenance, " Though ye judge
my body, which is but a wretched thing, yet am I cer-
tain and sure that ye can do no harm to my soul, no
more than could Satan unto the soul of Job. He that
created that, will of his infinite mercy and promise save
it. I have therein no manner of doubt. And as con-
cerning these articles before rehearsed I will stand to
them even to the very death, by the grace of my eternal
God."
And therewith he turned him unto the people, casting
his hands abroad, and saying with a very loud voice,
" Good christian people, for God's love be well aware of
these men, for they will else beguile you, and lead you
blindfold into hell with themselves. For Christ saith
plainly unto you. If the blind lead the blind, both shall
fall into the ditch."
After this, he fell down upon his knees, and thus be-
fore them all prayed for his enemies, holding both his
hands and his eyes towards heaven, and saying, " Lord
God eternal, I beseech thee of thy great mercy sake to
forgive my persecutors, if it be thy blessed will." And
then he was delivered to Sir Robert Morley, and led forth
again to the Tower of London, and thus there was an end
of that day's work.
While the Lord Cobham was thus in the Tower, he
sent out privily to his friends, and they at his request
wrote the following letter, causing it to be set up in
divers quarters of London, that the people should not
believe the slanders and lies that his enemies, the bishops'
servants and priests, had made on him abroad.
" Forasmuch as Sir John Oldcastle, knight, and Lord
Cobham, is untruly convicted and imprisoned, falsely
reported and slandered among the common people by his
adversaries, that he thinks and speaks of the sacraments
of the church, and especially of the blessed sacrament of
the altar, otherwise than was written in the confession of
his belief, which was written and taken to the clergy,
and so set up in several open places of the city of Lon-
don, be it known here to all the world, that he never
since varied from it, but this is plainly his belief, that
all the sacraments of the church are profitable and expe-
dient to all that shall be saved, taking them after the
intent that Christ and his true church has ordained.
Furthermore he believes, that the blessed sacrament of
the altar is verily and truly Christ's body in form of
bread. ' '
After this, the bishops and priests were in great dis-
credit both with the nobility and commons ; partly be-
cause they had so cruelly handled the good Lord Cob-
ham, and partly because his opinion, as they thought,
was right concerning the sacrament. The prelates
feared this would become a further inconvenience to
them ; they consulted, and consented to take a different
course from what they had done before. They caused
it to be spread abroad by their servants and friends, that
Lord Cobham had submitted himself to holy church,
utterly changing his opinion concerning the sacrament.
And tiiey counterfeited an abjuration in his name, that
the people should take no hold of his opiniori oy any-
thing they had heard of him before, and so should stand
288 A FORGED ABJURATION OF LORD COBHAM CIRCULATED BY THE BISHOPS. [Book 1.
the more in awe of them, considering that he was so
great a man, and yet was subdued by them.
This, say they, is the abjuration of Sir John Old-
castle, knight, sometime the Lord Cobham : —
An Abjuration counterfeited by the Bishops.
" In the name of God, Amen. I, John Oldcastle, de-
nounced, detected, and convicted of and upon various
articles, savouring both of heresy and error, before the
reverend father in Christ and my good lord, Thomas, by
the permission of God, lord archbishop of Canterbury,
and my lawful and rightful judge in that behalf, ex-
pressly grant and confess, that as concerning the estate
and power of the most holy father the pope of Rome,
of his archbishops, his bishops, and his other prelates,
the degrees of the church, and the holy sacraments of
the same, specially of the sacraments of the altar, of
penance, and other observances besides of our mother
holy church, as pilgrimages and pardons ; I affirm, (I
say) before the said reverend father archbishop and
elsewhere, that I being evilly seduced by divers seditious
preachers, have grievously erred, and heretically per-
sisted, blasphemously answered, and obstinately re-
belled ; and therefore I am by the said reverend father,
before the reverend fathers in Christ also, the bishops
of London, Winchester, and Bangor, lawfully con-
demned for an heretic.
" Yet, nevertheless, I now remembering myself, and
desiring by this mean to avoid that temporal pain which
I am worthy to suffer as an heretic, at the assignation
of my most excellent Christian prince and liege lord,
King Henry V., now by the grace of God most worthy
king both of England and of France ; minding also to
prefer the wholesome determination, sentence, and doc-
trine of the holy universal church of Rome, before the
unwholesome opinions of myself, my teachers, and my
followers, I freely, willingly, deliberately, and thoroughly
confess, grant, and affirm, that the most holy fathers in
Christ, St. Peter the apostle, and his successors bishops
of Rome, specially now at this time, my most blessed
Lord Pope John, by the permission of God, the three
and twentieth pope of that name, who now holdeth Peter's
seat (and each of them in their succession) hath full
strength and power to be Christ's vicar in earth, and the
head of the church militant , ajid that by the strength of
his office he hath full authority and power to rule and
govern, bind and loose, save and destroy, accurse and
absolve all other Christian men.
" And agreeably still unto this I confess, grant, and
affirm all other archbishops, bishops, and prelates in
their provinces, dioceses, and parishes (appointed by the
said pope of Rome to assist him in his doings or busi-
ness), by his decrees, canons, or virtue of his office, to
have had in times past, to have now at this time, and
that they ought to have in time to come, authority and
power to rule and govern, bind and loose, accurse and
absolve the subjects or people of their aforesaid pro-
yinces, dioceses, and parishes, and that their said sub-
jects or people ought of right in all thinjjs to obey them.
Furthermore, I confess, grant, and affirm, that the said
spiritual fathers, as our most holy father the pope,
archbishops, bishops, and prelates, have had, have now,
and ought to have hereafter, authority and power for
the state, order, and governance of their subjects or
people, to make laws, decrees, statutes, and constitu-
tions, yea, and to publish, command, and compel their
said subjects and people to the observation of them.
" Moreover, I confess, grant, and affirm, that all
these aforesaid laws, decrees, statutes, and constitutions,
made, published, and commanded according to the
form of the spiritual law, ail christian j)eople, and every
man in himself is straightly bound to observe, and
meekly to obey, according to the diversity of the afore-
said powers, as the laws, statutes, cnnous, and consti-
tutions of our most holy father the pope, incorporated
in his decrees, decretals, Clementines, codes, charts, re-
scripts, se.xtiles, and extravagants over all the world ;
and as the provincial statutes of archbishops in their
provinces, the synodal acts of bishops in their dioceses,
and the commendable rules and customs of prelates in
their colleges, and curates in their parishes, all christian* |i
people are both bound to observe, and also most meekly
to obey. Over and besides all this, I, John Oldcastle
utterly forsaking and renouncing all the aforesaid errors
and heresies, and all other errors and heresies like them,
lay my hand here upon this book, or holy gospel of
God, and swear, that I will never more from hence-
forth hold these heresies, nor yet any other like them
wittingly. Neither will I give counsel, aid, help, or
favour at anytime, to them that shall hold, teach, affirm, • j
and maintain the same, as God shall help me, and these ' \
holy evangelists.
" And that I will from henceforth faithfully obey and
inviolably observe all the holy laws, statutes, canons, and
constitutions, of all the popes of Rome, archbishops, bi-
shops, and prelates, which are contained and determined
in their holy decrees, decretals, Clementines, codes, charts,
rescripts, sextiles, sums, papal extravagant?, statutes
provincial, acts synodal, and other ordinary rules and
customs constituted by them, or that shall chance here-
after directly to be determined or made. To these, and
all such other, will I myself with all power possible
apply. Besides all this, the penance which it shall
please my said reverend father the lord archbishop of
Canterbury hereafter to enjoin me for my sins, I will
meekly obey and faithfully fulfil. Finally, all my sedu-
cers and false teachers, and all other beside, whom I
shall hereafter know suspected of heresy or errors, I
shall effectually present, send or cause to be presented
unto my said reverend father lord archbishop, or to I
them who have his authority, so soon as I can conve-
niently do it, and see that they be corrected to my
utmost power."
This abjuration never came to the hands of the Lord
Cobham, neither was it compiled by them for that pur-
pose, but only to blear the eyes of the unlearned muU
titude for a time.
After Lord Cobham had remained in the Tower a cer-
tain time, he escaped one night, it is not known by what
means, and fled into Wales, where he continued four
years.
Sir Roger Acton also was apprehended, condemned and
put to death or martyrdom three years and more before
the Lord Cobham died. Likewise master John Brown,
and John Beverley, the preacher, suffered with him the
same kind of death (as some say) in the field of St. Giles,
with others, to the number of thirty-six, if the story be
true. Which was in the month of January, A.D. 1414,
after the computation of our English histories.
These men, as is said, suffered before Lord Cobham
about three years. Some say they were hanged and burnt in
St. Giles' field; others that only some of them were hanged
and burnt. Polydore, speaking only of their burning,
makes no mention of hanging. An English Chronicle
records of Sir Roger Acton, that his sentence before the
justice was to be drawn through London to Tyburn, and
there to be hanged. And when certain days were past
(saiththe author) a trumpeter of the king's called Thomas
Cliff, got grant of the king to take him down, and to bury
him.
After the decease or martyrdom of these, who were
executed in the month of January, A.D. 1414, in the
next month, and in the same year, God took away the
great enemy of his word, and rebel to his king, Thomas
Arundel archbishop of Canterbury : whose death follow-
ing after the execution of these good men, by the marvel-
lous stroke of God so suddenly, may seem somewhat to
declare their innocency, and that he was also some great
procurer of their death, in that God would not suffer him
longer to live, striking him immediately with death. But
as I did the other before, so this also I refer to the secret
judgment of the Lord, who once shall judge all secrets
openly.
Henry Chichesly succeeded next in the see of Can-
terbury, A. D. 1414, and sat five-and-twenty years. Fol-
lowing the steps of his predecessor, he shewed himself
no small adversary against the favourers of the truth. In
his time there was much trouble and great affliction in the
A.D. 1414.]
HISTORY OF THE BOHEMIANS. JOHN HUSS.
289
church. For as the preaching and teaching of the word
multiplied and spread abroad daily more and more, so on
the contrary side, more vigilant care and straight inqui!<i-
tion increased against the people of God, by reason of
which many suffered, and were burned ; some for fear
fled the country : many were brought for examination,
aud by infirmity constrained to abjure.
As true piety and sincere preaching of Christ's word
began at this time to decay ; so idle monkery and vain
superstition in place thereof began to increase. For about
the same year the king began the foundation of two mo-
nasteries, one of the one side of Thames, of Friars Ob-
servants, the other on the other side of Thames called
Sheen and Zion, dedicated to charter-house-monks, with
certain Bridget-nuns or recluses, to the number of sixty,
dwelling within the precincts, so that the whole number
of these with priests, monks, deacons, and nuns, should
equal the number of twelve apostles, and seventy-two
disciples. The order of these was according to the de-
scription of St. Paul the apostle, Col. i. 24, " Eat not,
taste not, touch not," &c. was to eat no flesh, to wear no
linen, to touch no money, &c.
About Michaelmas, the same year, the king began his
parliament at Leicester. In which parliament the com-
mons put up their bill again, which they had put up
before in the eleventh year of Henry IV. that teni-
poralties, disorderly wasted by the men of the church,
might be converted and employed to the use of the
king, of his earls and knights, and to the relief of the
poor people, as is before recited. In fear of which
: bill lest the king would give thereto any audience (as
testifies Robert Fabian and other writers) the prelates
I put the king in mind to claim his right in France. Where-
upon Heiiry Chichesly archbishop of Canterbury made a
I long and solemn oration before the king to persuade him
I to the same, offering to the king in the behalf of the clergy
great and noble sums. By which (saith Fabian) the bill
I was again put off, and the king set his mind for the re-
j covery of the same.
I will now return to other matters of the church.
7%c History of the Bohemians.
' I declared a little before how by the occasion of Queen
■ Anne, who was a Bohemian, and married to King Richard
' II., the Bohemians coming thereby to the knowledge of
I Wickliff's books here in England, began first to taste and
I favour Christ's gospel, till at length by the preaching of
' John Huss, they increased more and more in knowledge.
I Insomuch that Pope Alexander V. hearing of it, directs
i his bull to the archbishop of Swinco, requiring him to
' look to the matter, and to provide that no person in
' churches, schools, or other places, should maintain that
' doctrine, citing also John Hviss to appearbefore him. John
Huss in answer, declared that the mandate or bull of the
pope was opposed to the manifest examples and doings
both of Christ and of his apostles, and prejudicial to the
' liberty of the gospel, in binding the word of God so as
not to have free course. And therefore from this man-
date of the pope he appealed to the same pope better ad-
vised. But while he was prosecuting his appeal, Pope
^ Alexander died, as is aforesaid.
j After him succeeded Pope John XXIII., who sought
■ by all means possible to suppress the Bohemians, begin-
! ning to work his malice upon John Huss their preacher,
1 who preaching at Prague, seemed willing to teach the gos-
' pel of Christ, rather than the traditions of bishops, and
1 was therefore accused to the pope as a heretic. The bishop
' committed the whole matter to Cardinal de Columna ;
who, when he had heard the accusation, appointed a day to
' John Huss, that he should appear in the court of Rome :
! which thing once done, Wenceslaus king of the Romans,
and of Bohemia, at the request of his wife Sophia, and of
the whole nobility of Bohemia, as also at the earnest suit
and desire of the town and university of Prague, sent his
; ambassadors to Rome, to desire the bishop to deliver
John Huss from that sentence and judgment : and that if
the bishop suspected the kingdom of Bohemia to be in-
fected with any heretical or false doctrine, he should smd
his ambassadors, who might correct and amend the same,
; if there were any error or fault in them. And that all
this should be done at the costs and charges of the ki ng of
Bohemia ; and to promise in his name tliat he would aid
and assist the bishop's legates with all his power and au-
thority, to punish all such as should be taken or found
in any erroneous doctrine. John Huss, also, before his
api)ointed day, sent his proctors to the court of Rome,
and with most firm and strong reasons proved his inno-
cency. But when the Cardinal de Columna, (to whose
will and judgment the whole matter was committed) would
not admit any defence or excuse, John Huss' proctors
appealed to the high bishop: yet notwithstanding this last
refuge did not so prevail with Cardinal de Columna, but
that he openly excommunicated John Huss as an obsti-
nate heretic, because he came not at his appointed day to
Rome.
However, as his proctors had appealed to the high bi-
shop, they had otlier judges appointed, as Cardinal Aqui-
leianus and Cardinal Venetus, with others. Thejudges,
after they had deferred the matter for the space of one
year and a half, at last returned to the sentence and judg-
ment of Cardinal de Columna, and confirming it, com-
manded John Huss' proctors that they should leave off
defending him any more, for they would suffer it no
longer. Upon which, when his proctors would not cea&c
their urgent suit, some of them were cast into prison,
and grievously punished, the others leaving their busi-
ness undone, returned into Bohemia.
The Bohemians, however, little cared for all this, but
continuing still, as they grew more in knowledge, so the
less they regarded the pope, complaining daily against him
and the archbishop for stopping the word of God, and the
gospel of Christ to be preached, saying, " That by their
indulgences and other practices of the court of Roma^
and of the bishop's consistory, they sought their owoii
profit, and not the glory of Jesus Christ ; that they-
took from the sheep of Christ the wool and milk, and
did not feed them, either with the word of God, or with
good examples. Teaching moreover and affirming, that
the commandments of the pope and prelates are not to
be obeyed, but so far as they follow the doctrine and life
of Christ and of his apostles ; and that laymen ought tO'
judge the works of prelates, as Paul judged the works of
Peter in correcting him, Gal. ii. Furthermore, they had
amongst them certain notes and observations, whereby
they might discern how far and wherein they might obey
their prelates ; they derided also and scorned the pope's
jurisdiction, because of the schism that was then in the
church, when there were three popes together, one striv-
ing against another for the papacy.
After the death of the Archbishop Swinco, one Conrad'
was appointed by the pope as chief general, this Conrad
conferring with the divines and doctors of the university of
Prague, required their advice and counsel, what way they
should best take to assuage the dissension and discord
between the clergy and the people. So a council was de-
vised and holden, where it was decided after this manner.
"1. That all doctors and masters of the university of
Prague should be assembled in the court of the arch-
bishop, and in his presence, that every doctor and mas-
ter should swear, not to hold or maintain any of the
forty-five articles of John Wickliff before condemned.
" 2. Concerning the seven sacraments of the church,
the keys and censures of the church, the manners, rites,
ceremonies, customs, and liberties of the church, concern-
ing also the worshipping of reliques and indulgences, the
orders and religions of the church, that every one shall
swear that he holds, believes, and maintains, and will
maintain, as does the church of Rome, and no otherwise,
of the which church of Rome the pope is the head, and
the college of cardinals is the body : who are the true and
manifest successors of blessed St. Peter prince of the
apostles, and of the college of the other apostles of Christ.
" '.i. That every one shall swear, that in every catholic
matter, belonging to the church, he will stand to the de-
termination of the apostolical see, and that he will obey,
the prelates in all manner of things, wheresoever the
thing, which is purely good, is not forbidden ; or that
whi(-h is mere ill, is not commanded ; but is mean and
indifferent between both. Which mean or indifferent
0 2
290
ARTICLES CONCERNING JOHN HUSS, WITH HIS REPLY.
[Book V.
thing, yet notwithstanding by circumstances of time,
place or person, may be either good or evil.
"4. That every one shall swear and confess by his
oath, that the opinions of Wickliff and others, touching
the seven sacraments of the church, and other things
above notified, being contrary to the church of Rome are
false.
" 5. That an oath be required of them all, that none of
them shall hold, defend, or maintain any of the forty-five
articles of John WickUff aforesaid, or in any other matter
catholic, and especially of the seven sacraments and
other articles above specified, but only as the church
of Rome does, and no otherwise.
"6. That every ordinary in his diocese shall cause
the premises, contained in the first, second, third, and
fourth articles, to be published in his synods, and by his
preachers to the people in the kingdom of Bohemia.
"7. If any clerk, student, or layman shall withstand
any of the premises, that the ordinary have authority, if
he be convicted thereof, to correct him according to the
old laws and canons, and that no man shall defend such
a one by any means ; for none but the ordinary has
power to correct such a man, because the archbishop is
chancellor both of the kingdom and university of Prague.
" 8. That the songs lately forbidden, being odious,
slanderous, and offensive to others' fame, be not sung
either in streets, taverns, or any other place.
" i). That Master John Huss shall not preach so long as
he shall have no absolution of the court, nor shall hinder
the preaching in Prague by his presence ; that by this,
his obedience in the apostolical see may be known.
" 10. That this council appears to be good and reason-
able for the putting away of ill report and dissension
. that is in the kingdom of Bohemia.
" 11. If Master John Huss with his accomplices will
perform this, which is contained in the four former arti-
cles, then we will be ready to say as they would wish us
and have us, whenever need shall require, that we do
agree with them in matter of faith : otherwise if they
will not so do, we in giving this testimony, should lie
greatly unto our lord the king and the whole world. And
moreover, we will be content to write for them to the
court of Rome, and do the best we can for them."
This counsel and devise being considered amongst the
heads of the university of Prague, the aforesaid admi-
nistrator named Conrad, (presented it to the king and
to the baroris of the realm, and also to the senate of
Prague. As soon as information of it came to John
Huss and his adherents, they likewise drew out other
articles in manner and form of a covincil as follows :
" For the honour of God and the true preaching of his
gospel, for the health of the people, and to avoid the
sinister and false infamy of the kingdom of Bohemia,
and of the marquis of Moravia, and of the city and uni-
versity of Prague, and for the reforming of peace and
■ unitv between the clergy and the scholars of the uni-
versity :
" 1. Let the right and just decree of the princes, and
of the king's council, be held in force, which between the
Lord Archbishop Swinco on the one party, and between
the rector and Master John Huss on- the other party, wae
made, proclaimed, sealed, and solemnly on both parts
received and allowed in the court of our sovereign lord
tbe king.
■" 2. That the kingdom of Bohemia remain in its former
t rites, liberties, and common customs, as other kingdoms
' anfl lands ; that is, in all approbations, condemnations, and
other acts concerning the holy mother universal church.
■" ;?. That Master John Huss (against whom the afore-
said Lord Swinco could object no crime before the coun-
cil) may be present in the congreRation of the clergy,
and there whoever will object to him either heresy or
.error, let him object, binding himself to suffer the like
,pain, if he do not prove it.
" 4. If no man will set himself on the contrary part
■against him, then let the command be made by our
sovereign lord the king through all his cities, and like-
wise let it be ordained and proclaimed through all vil-
lages and towns, that Master John Huss is ready to
render account of his faith, and therefore if any will ob-
ject to him any heresy or error, let him write his name
in the chancery of the lord archbishop, and bring forth
his proofs openly before both the parties.
" 5. If none such shall be found to oV,j<rrt, or who will
write his name, then let him be called for, w ho rumoured
in the pope's court, that in the kingdom of Bohemia in
the city of Prague, and in the marqiiisdom of Moravia
there were many whose hearts are infected with heresy
and error, that they may prove who they are, and if the?
are not able to prove it, let them be punished.
" (i. That commands be directed to doctors of divinity
and of the canon law, and to the chapter of cathedral
churches, and that it be required of them all and of every
one particularly, that they will bring forth his name, if
they know any such to be an heretic or erroneous, and if
they deny to know any such, then let them make re-
cognition thereof, before the public notary, confirming
the same with their seals.
" 7. These things thus done and premised, then that
our sovereign lord the king, and also that the archbishop
will give commandment under pain, that no man shall
call one another heretic or erroneous, unless he will
stand to the proof of that heresy or error.
•' 8. That our sovereign lord the king, with the consent
of his barons, will then levy a subsidy, or collect of the
clergy, and direct an honest ambassy to the pojie's court,
with which ambassadors let those persons go at their own
proper charges or expenses for their purgation, who have
caused this kingdom to be falsely and grievously defamed
in tlie apostolic court.
"9. In the mean time for the presence of Master John
Huss, no interdict ought to be made, as it was made of
late contrary to the order and determination of our holy
mother church.''
As this matter was thus in altercation between the two
])arties, the one objecting, the other answering, it hap-
pened by the occasion of Ladislaus king of Naples, who
had besieged the pope's towns and territories, that Pope
John raising up war against Ladislaus, gave full remis-
sion of sins to all them which would war on his side to
defend the church. When this bull of the pojie's indul-
gence was come to Prague, and there published, the King
Wenceslaus, who then favoured that pope, gave com-
mand that no man should attempt anything against the
pope's indulgences. But Huss with his followers, not
able to abide the impiety of those pardons, began to
speak against them ; of which company were three cer-
tain artificers, who, hearing the priest preaching these
indulgences, openly spoke against them, and called the
pope antichrist, who would set u)3 the cross to fight
against his fellow christians. For this they were brought
before the senate, and committed to prison ; but the people
joining together in arms, came to the magistrates, re-
quiring them to be let loose. The magistrates with
gentle words and fair promises satisfied the people, so
that every man returning home to his own house, the
tumult was assuaged ; but the captains being in prison
were there beheaded, whose names were John, ISlartin,
and Stascon. The death and martyrdom of tliese three
being known to the people, they took the bodies of them
that were slain, and with great solemnity brought them
to the church of Bethlehem. And so their bodies were
sumptuously interred in the church of Bethlehem, John
Huss, preaching at the funeral, much commending thein
for their constancy, and blessing God the J'ather of our
Lord Jesus Christ, who had hid the way of his truth
from the prudent of this world, and had revealed it to
the simple lay people and inferior priests, who chose
rather to please God than men.
Thus the city of Prague was divided. The prelates
with the greatest part of the clergy, and most of the
barons, who had anything to lose, did hold with the
pope, especially Steven Paletz, being the chiefest doer
on that side. On the .contrary part the commons witli
part of the clergy and students of the university, wetit
with John Huss. Wenceslaus the king, fearing lest this
would grow to a tumult, being moved by the doctors.
unul of loljit, Partm anb Bk%mi
Pagd 290,
A.D. 1414.] OBJECTIONS OF JOHN IIUSS AGAINST THE DOCTORS' DECREES.
291
! and prelates, apd council of his barons, tliouglit best to
i remove John Huss out of the city, who had been ex-
, communicated before by the pope. And further to end
I this dissension in the church, he committed the matter
to the doctors and the clergy. They, consulting toge-
1 ther among themselves, set forth a decree, ratified and
conffrined by the sentence of the king, containing the
sum of eighteen articles, for the maintenance of the
pope and of the see of Rome, against the doctrine of
Wickliff and John Huss. John Huss, thus dejjarting
out of Prague, went to his country, where, being pro-
tected by the lord of the soil, he continued preaching
there, to whom resorted a great concourse of people,
neither yet was he so expelled out of Prague, but that
sometimes he resorted to his church at Bethlehem, and
there also preached unto the people.
Against the decree of the doctors John Huss, with his
company, replied, and answered to their articles with
contrary articles, as follow : —
The Objections of John Huss, and of his party afjainst the
Decree of the Doctors.
" 1. The foundation of the doctors, upon which they
found all their writings and co\insels, is false, which
foundation is, that part of the clergy in the kingdom of
Bohemia is pestilent and erroneous, and holds falsely of
the sacraments.
" 2. The doctors hereby do defame the kingdom of
Bohemia, and do raise up new discords.
" .3. Let them show, therefore, those persons of the
clergy, whom they call pestilent, and so let them verify
their report, binding themselves to suffer the like pain if
they be not able to prove it.
"4. It is false what they say of the pope and his car-
dinals as the true and manifest successors of Peter and
of the apostles, and that no other successors of Peter
and of the apostles can be found upon the earth besides
them, when no man knows whether he is worthy of
hatred or of favour, and all bishops and priests are suc-
cessors of Peter and of the apostles.
" 5. Not the pope, but Christ only is the head ; and
not the cardinals, but all Christ's faithful people are the
body of the catholic church, as all holy scripture and
decrees of the holy fathers testify and affirm.
" 6. And as touching the pope, if he be a reprobate, it
is plain that he is no head, — no, nor member even of the
holy church of God, but of the devil, and of his syna-
gogue.
" 7. The clergy of the gospellers agreeing with the say-
ing of St. Austin which they allege, and according to
the sanctions of the fathers, and determinations of the
holy mother church, say and affirm laudably, that the
condemnation and prohibition of the forty-five articles
is unlawful, and unjust, and rashly done ; and that not
only because the doctors, but also all bishops and arch-
bishops, in such great causes, namely, touching faith, as
these articles do, have no authority at all.
" 8. The second cause of the discord, which they allege,
also is most false ; seeing the faith of all Christen-
dom, concerning the church of Rome, is divided in three
parts by reason of three popes, which now together do
reign ; and the fourth part is neutral. Neither is it
true, that we ought to stand in all things to the deter-
mination of the pope, and of the cardinals, but so far
as they agree with the holy scripture of the Old and New
Testament.
" 9. In the fourth article they run into dotage, and
are contrary to themselves ; because they dotishly repre-
hended the gospellers, who, in all their doings, receive
the holy scripture (which is the law of God, the way of
truth and life) for their judge and measure ; and afterward
they themselves allege the scripture, Deut. xvii. where
all judges, both popes and cardinals, are taught to judge
and discern between leper and leper, and in every ecclesi-
astical cause, only after the rule of God's law. And so are
they contrary to their second article, wherein they say,
that in every catholic matter we must run to the pope,
which is contrary to the foolish condemnation of the
articles aforesaid.
" 10. Consequently, like idiots, they most falsely
alleire for their purpose the canon, under the name and
authority of Jerome, where they do apply the words of
Jerome most impertinently to the pope of Rome, which
he writes to St. Austin, calling him a most blessed
pope.
" 11. By which place of Jerome it is manifest that
the first article of those doctors is false. For by these
words it appears that other besides the bishop of Rome
and his cardinals are called blessed popes, holding the
faith and seat of Peter, and are successors of the apos-
tles, as was Austin and other holy bishops.
" 12. It follows moreover, that the church of Rome
is not that place where the Lord appointed the princi-
pal see of his whole church ; for Christ, who was the
head priest of all, first sat in Jerusalem, and Peter sat
first in Antioch, and afterwards in Rome. Also other
popes sat some in Bononia, some at Perusium, some at
Avignon.
" i:i. The prelates are falsifiers of the holy scriptures
and canons, and therefore are worthy to be punished,
who affirm and say, that we must obey the pope in all
things, because it is known that many jiopes have
erred, and one pope was also a woman ; to whom not
only it was not lawful to give obedience, but also unlaw-
ful to communicate with them.
" 14. Their sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth, and
eleventh articles are grounded upon untrue and false
persuasions, and therefore are to be rejected and de-
tested, seeing they induce not to peace and verity, but
to dissension and falsity.
" 1,5. It is manifest also to the laity, that this dissen-
sion among the clergy rises for no other cause, but only
for the preaching of the gosjiel, which reprehends such
simoniacs and heretics in the church of God as haunt
the court of Rome, spreading out their branches abroad
into all the world, who deserved to be removed and ex-
tirpated, not only by the clergy gospellers, but also by
the secular power. And so these three vices, to wit,
simony, luxury, and avarice (which is idolatry), are
the causes of all this dissension among the clergy in
the kingdom of Bohemia. These three vices being re-
moved, peace and unity would soon be restored in the
clergy.
"16. Moreover, their last article is too gross, and not
only is without all law, but also without all colour of
law ; whereas they fondly and childishly argue thus, that
the processes made against Master John Huss ought to
be obeyed, because forsooth the common sort of the clergy
of Prague have received them. By the same reason
they may argue also, that we must obey the devil, for
our first parents Adam and Eve obeyed him. Also our
ancestors before us were pagans, wherefore we must obey
them, and be pagans also.
"17. But let this frivolous opinion go : this is certain
truth, that the processes made against Master John
Huss, are by law null and void ; for they were obtained,
drawn, wrought, and executed contrary to the commi8>
sion of the pope, against the determination of the holy
mother church.
" 18. Finally, whoever wittingly and obstinately de-
fends and executes the said process made, are all to be
counted as blasphemers, excommujucate, and heretics."
To these objections of John Huss the doctors again an-
swered in a long tedious process ; the scope of which prin-
cipally tended to defend the principality of the pope, and
to maintain his obedience above all other potentates
in the world, affirming and contending, that although
Christ is the head alone of the whole multitude of them
that are sleeping in purgatory, and which are labouring
in the church militant, and which are resting in heaven,
yet this hinders not, but the pope is head of the church
here militant, that is, of all the faithful, which here in
this world live under his office, &c.
Thus then Master John Huss being driven out of
Prague by these doctors, and moreover being so excom-
municated that no mass must be said where he was pre-
sent, the people began mightily to grudge and to cry out
against the prelates and other popish priests, who were tho
292
THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE.— POPE JOHN IMPRISONED.
[Book V.
workers thereof, accusing them to be simoniacs, covet- |
ous, immoral, adulterers, proud ; sparing not to liy j
open their vices to th.ir great ignominy and shame, and i
greatly crying for a reformation amongst the clergy.
The king seeing the inclination of the people, and
being not ignorant of the wickedness of the clergy, be-
gan, under pretence of reforming the church, to require
greater exactions upon such priests and men of the
clergy as were known and accused to be wicked, livers.
Upon which they that favoured John Huss, taking the
occasion, complained of all, accused many, and spared
none, whoever they knew to be of the popish faction, or
enemies to John Huss. By reason of wliich the popish
clergy were brought, such as were faulty into great dis-
tress, and such as were not faulty, into great fear, so
that they were glad to fall in, at least not to fall out,
with the protestants, being afraid to displease them.
By this means Master Hu.ss began to take some more
liberty, and to preach in his church at Bethlehem ; by
the same means the people also received some comfort,
and the king much gain and money.
And thus the popish clergy, while they went about to
persecute John Huss, were entrapped themselves in great
tribulation, and afflicted on every side, so that women
and children were against them ; and by tlie means
with which they thought to entangle him, they were
overthrow^n themselves.
As there was a council held at Rome four years be-
fore, against the articles and books of John WickliflF, it
will not be impertinent nor out of purpose to repeat a
certain merry history, and worthy otherwise to be noted,
written by Nicholas Clemangis, of a certain spirit
which ruled the popish councils ; his words are these -.^ —
" The pope called a council at Rome about four years
before, at the earnest suit of several men, and a mass of
the Holy Ghost being said at the opening of the council
(according to the accustomed manner), the council be-
ing set, and Pope John .sitting highest in a cliair pre-
pared for him for that purpose, behold, au ugly and
dreadful owl, or as the common proverb is, the evil
sign of some mischance of death, flew to and fro, with
her evil favoured voice, and standing upon the middle
beam of the church, cast her staring eyes upon the
pope. The whole company began to marvel, to see the
night-crow, which is wont to abide no light, ho^ he
should in the mid-day come in the face of such a multi-
tude, and judged (not without cause) that it was an ill-
favoured token. For behold, said they (whispering one
in another's ear) the spirit appears in the shape of an
owl. And as they stood beholding one another, and
advising the pope, scarcely could they keep their coun-
tenance from laughter. John himself, upon whom the
owl steadfastly looked, blushing at the matter, began to
sweat, and to fret, and fume with himself, and not find-
ing by what other means he might solve the matter,
being so confused, dissolved the council, and rose up
and departed. After that there followed another ses-
sion, in which the owl again, after the manner aforesaid,
although, as I believe, not called, was present, looking
steadfastly upon the bishop. He beholding it come
again, was more ashamed than he was before, saying he
could no longer abide the sight of her, and commanded
that she should be driven away with bats and shoutings ;
but she being afraid neither with their noise, neither at
anything else, would not go away, until with the strokes
of the sticks, which were thrown down at her, she fell
down dead before them all."
The Council of Constance.
Here is to be noted, that during all this time of Pope
John, there were three popes together for twenty-nine
years, on account of which a general council was held at
Constance, (A. D. 1414,) called by the emperor Sigis-
mund, and Pope John XXII 1., for healhig the schism
between the three popes striving for the popedom. The
first was John whom the Italians set up. The second
was Gregory, whom the French set up. The third
was Benedict, whom the Spaniards set uu. In this
conflict every one defended his own pope, to tlie great
disturbance of the christian nations. This council
coutiiiued four years, and in it all matters were decided
mostly by four nations, viz. the English, German,
Frenoli, and Italian. C)ut of which four nations there
were appointed four presidents, to determine the matters
of the council. The names of which presidents were
these: John the patriarch of Antioch for France, .\n-
thony, archbishop of Reigen for Italy, Nicholas, arch-
bislioj) of Geneva for Germany, and Nicholas bishop of
Bath for England. First, this John XXIII. resigned
his papacy, the emperor giving him thanks kissed his
feet. This John afterward repenting that he had done
so, sought means to flee; so changing his garments, he
fled by night with a small company. The emperor pur-
suing, took him, and being thus deposed, he was carried
to the castle of Manheim, where he was kept prisoner
for the space of three years.
This Pope John was deposed by the decree of the
council, more than three-and-forty most grievous and
heinous crimes being objected and proved against him ;
as that he had hired a physician to poison Alexander his
predecessor ; that he was an heretic, a simoniac, a liar, an
hypocrite, a murderer, a dice-player, an adulterer, and
finally, what crime is it that he was not infected with ?
And now to return to the council, first we will declare
the order of their sessions, with the things therein con-
cluded, in general ; then we will (Christ willing) treat of
such matters as pertain to the history of the Bohemians,
and John Huss, and Jerome of Prague, who in the same
ungodly council were condemned and burned.
This council therefore of Constance, which was sum-
moned by the emperor Sigismund, and Pope John
XXllI. (A. D. 1414), assembled about the latter end of
the year. Which beginning, as the manner is, with a
mass of the Holy Ghost, as they were singing according
to their custom their hymn, " Come Holy Spirit," ike,
there was at the same time a certain paper set up in the
church, wherein were contained these words following :
" We (i. e. The Spirit) are otherwise occupied at this
time, so we cannot come to you." The council con-
tinued for the space of four years, and had five-an<l-forty
sessions, wherein many things were concluded, which
altogether were too long to be recited in this place ; as
the deposition of three several popes. Yet 1 mind to
make some brief recapitulation of the principal matters.
In the first session chiefly was concluded,
1. Tliat this council was lawfully assembled.
2. That the departure iif the pope should be no liin-
drance, but the council might proceed.
;i. This council should not be dissolved before the
church were reformed, as well in the superiors as inferiors.
In the fourth session, this was first concluded ; that a
synod assembled in the Holy Ghost, making a general
council, representing the whole catholic church here
militant, has power from Christ immediately, to which
power every person, of what state or dignity soever he
be, yea, the yioye himself, ought to be obedient in all
such things ns concern the general reformation of the
church, as well in the heads, as in the members.
Also the ])oi)e should not translate the court of Rome,
and the otiicers of the court, from the city of Constance.
And that all liis censures, doings and workings, to the
prejudice ol this council, should be of no efi"ect.
In the fifth session the same articles were repeated and
concluded again.
In the sixth session commissioners were appointed
out of the four nations for the hearing of John Huss.
The memory of John Wicklitf was condemned, and
the sentence, given in the council held at Rome upon
the condemnation and burning of Wicklift' 's books, was
confirmed.
In the same session, citation was sent out against
Jerome of Prague.
In the seventh session nothing was handled, but that
the tenor of the citation against Pope John was recited.
In the eighth session, the sentence and condemnation of
John Wickliff and his forty-five articles was recited, and
sentence given against his memory, andbones tobeburned.
In the ninth session the matter and cause of Pope
A.D. 1414.]
THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE.
2')3
John was again treated, and commissioners appointed to
inquire upon his cause, and judges for the same.
In the tenth session suspension was given out and
read against the pope.
In the eleventh and twelfth sessions notaries were
assigned and definitive sentence given against the pope :
where also it was decreed that none of them, that sought
for the papacy, should be chosen pope.
In the thirteenth session was decreed, that no priest,
under pain of excommunication, shall communicate unto
the people under both kinds of bread and wine.
In the fourteenth session came in the resignation of
Pope Gregory XII., which was one of the three before
mentioned, striving for the papacy, with certain other
articles concerning the election of the bishop of Rome.
Then ensues the fifteenth session, in the which silence
was commanded under pain of excommunication and
the great curse, that no person or persons high or low,
of what estate or degree soever he were, emperor, king,
cardinal, or other, should disturb the said session with
any manner of noise, either by hand, foot, or voice. This
being done, the sentence and condemnation against
John Huss was read and published.
In the sixteenth session ambassadors were assigned by
the council to go into Arragon to Benedict XIII. to
treat with him for the resignation of his papacy, as the
other two had done before.
In the seventeenth session the emperor took upon him
a journey to the king of Arragon, to treat with Pope
Benedict. An excommunication denounced against all
such as should go about to impeach the emperor's
journey, about that matter, &c.
In the eighteenth session it was there also decreed,
that such letters and bulls, as were written in the name
of that council, should be received with no less credit
and authority than the bulls proceeding from the see
apostolical, and that the falsifiers of the same should
incur no less penalty, than the falsifiers of the other.
Legates also and ambassadors were sent into Italy.
In the nineteenth session Jerome of Prague was ac-
cused of heresy, and cast into prison by the council, and
constrained to abjure.
It was decreed also, that notwithstanding the safe
conduct given by the emperor and kings, &c., inquiry
mriy be made against any man for heresy by a sufficient
judge, and process to be made according to the law.
In the twentieth session there was nothing important.
In the year 1416, was the twenty-first session, begin-
ning after their manner with a mass of the Holy Ghost,
with procession and such other rites, in the time of
which mass, James, bishop of Londy made a sermon,
and Jerome of Prague being present, stood up, replying
against the foresaid .lames and his sermon, whereupon
Jeiome was delivered to the secular power, and burned.
From the twenty-second to the thirty-first sessions
there was nothing of particular importance.
In the thirty-second and thirty-third sessions the ac-
cusation of Poj)e Benedict was renewed, and his obsti-
nacy accused, and witnesses brought in ; at which the
Emperor Sigisraund was present
In the thirty- fourth session the cause of the pope was
heard, and process given out against him.
In the thirty-sixth session a citation was made and
read against the pope, containing his deprivation, and
the sentence against him. And whereas this pope had
thundered out his curses, deprivations, and excommunica-
tions against them, the synod did annihilate all his doings.
The thirty-seventh session renewed again the accu-
sation of the aforesaid pope, and the sentence definitive
against him was published.
The thirty-eighth session referred to the king of
Arragon.
Thus Pope Benedict being deposed and excommuni-
cated, in the next sessions following they addressed them-
selves to the election of a new pope, beginning first in
the thirty-ninth session, to give out decrees concerning
general councils, and provision for the avoiding of such
like schisms hereafter. Decreeing every tenth year to
have a general council, after the two councils that should
follow immediately after this ; of which, the oiie should
be kept within five years then next following, and the
second within seven years after that.
In the same session was drawn out a form touching
such things as the pope should profess and bind himself
to observe at the time of his election, of which form tlie
order and tenor is this :
" I, N. elected for pope, profess with heart and
mouth unto Almisjhty God, whose church I take upon
me to govern by his help, and to blessed St. Peter, tlie
prince of the apostles, so long as I shall endure in this
frail and brittle life, firmly to believe and hold the holy
catholic faith after traditions of the apostles, of general
councils, and of other holy fathers, and, namely, of the
eight general councils ; Nicene the first, the second of
Constantinople, Ejthesine the third, Chalcedon the
fourth, the fifth and sixth of them in Constantinople,
the seventh of Nice, the eighth of Constantinople. And
also of the general councils of Lateran, Lyons, and
Vienna, willing to observe the same faith inviolate even
to the uttermost, and to preach and defend the same,
even to the spending of my life and blood ; and also by
all means possible to prosecute and observe the rite of
the sacraments canonically delivered to the catholic
church. And this my profession and confession, by my
commandment being written out by the notary of the
arches of the holy church of Rome, I have subscribed
with mine own hand, and sincerely with a pure mind
and devout conscience I offer it unto the Almighty God
upon such an altar, &c. In the presence of such wit-
ness, &c. Given," &c.
In the fortieth session, certain decrees were read, as
to reformations to be made through the whole church by
the pope, with the council, before this synod should
break up.
Also, that they should proceed to the election of
the bishop of Rome, notwithstanding the absence of
those cardinals who were with Pope Benedict in Spain,
This done, the order and manner was decreed for the
election of the pope.
In the next session, which was forty-one, the consti-
tntion of Clement VI. was read, concerning the order
and diet of the cardinals then in the conclave about the
choosing of the pope, and oaths were ministered to the
cardinals and other electors, binding them to observe
and keep all such things as they should be bound to
during the time of the election.
1. That they should enter into the conclave within
ten days after the fortieth session, which was this present
day after sun-set.
2. That every cardinal should have but two servitors
attending upon him, at the most, either of the laity or
clergy, as they chose themselves.
li. That they should remain together in the conclave,
without any wall between them, or any other cover,
save only bare curtains, if any were disposed to sleep.
4. That the conclave should be so shut up, and the
entry to the privy chamber be kept so straightly, that
none of them should come in or out, nor any have re-
course to them to talk with them privily or openly.
5. That no man should send to them either messenger
or writings.
6. That a competent window should be assigned unto
them to receive in their victuals, but that no person
might come in thereat.
7. That no day after their first ingress into the con-
clave, beside bread, wine, and water, they should have
any more dishes but one of one only kind, either of flesh
or fish, eggs, pottage, made of fish or flesh, not after the
daintiest sort, beside sallads, cheese, fruit, and conserves,
whereof there shall be no principal mess made but for
sauce and taste.
8. That not one should be compelled to go into the
conclave ; but if they did all refuse to go in, then they
should be compelled.
V. That such as would go out might ; but if they
would all go out before the pope were elected, they
should be compelled to go in again, except such whom
infirmity excused ; but without the excuse of infirmity,
if any went out, he should no more be admitted, except
they went all out together.
294 SAFE CONDUCT GIVEN TO JOHN HUSS BY THE EMPEROR SIGISMUND. [Book V-.
10. That such as went out by reason of infirmity, to
be absent, and return before the election be determined,
may be admitted ajjain into the conclave in the same
state wherein they shall find the election to stand.
Further, and besides, the keepers of the conclave
should also be sworn to see all these premises observed
and kept without fraud or guile, and that they should
not straighten the cardinals and other electors above the
order here taken.
These things thus prepared and set in order, the patri-
arch of Constantinople, with the cardinals and other
archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, deans, archdeacons,
doctors, with other electors, entering into the conclave
upon Monday, on Thursday after they had hatched out
a pope, being St. Martin's even, whereupon they named
him Martin. This Martin thus being elected, was
straightway brought in by the emperor and the council
into the church of Constance, and there enthroned for
pope, with great solemnity and triumph. The twenty -
first day of the said month, this Martin, according to
their accustomed pomp, was honourably brought in to
be crowned with sumptuous procession from the high
church of Constance, to the monastery of St. Austin ;
the emperor on foot leading his horse by the bridle on
the right hand, and the marquess of Brandenburgh
prince elector likewise leading his horse on the left hand,
the pope himself riding in the midst upon his palfrey.
And thus being brought to the monastery, and round
about again from thence to the high church of Con-
stance, he was there crowned with all magnificence.
In the forty-third session, certain other decrees and
statutes were made by Pope Martin in the synod, an-
nulling all the acts and proceedings of the other popes
before, during the time of the schism from the time of
Gregory II. As in matters concerning exemptions,
■unions, fruits, and profits of the church ; benefices,
simony, dispensations, tithes, and burthens of the
church. Also concerning the apparel of the clergy, and
such other things.
Now to finish our tedious rehearsal of this synod, the
Cardinal Umbald, by the commandment of the pope and
the council, with a high and loud voice pronounced these
words : " Lord, depart in peace ;" whereunto the stan-
ders by answered, " Amen."
The number of the foreigners resorting to this council,
both spiritual and temporal, was sixty thousand five
hundred, whereof the number of archbishops, and bi-
shops, was three hundred and forty-six.
Abbots and doctors, five hundred and sixty-four.
Secular men (princes, dukes, earls, knights, esquires),
sixteen thousand.
Besides women belonging to tlie same council, four
hundred and fifty.
Barbers, six hundred.
Minstrels, cooks, and jesters, three hundred and twenty.
So that the whole multitude which were viewed to be
in the town of Constance, between Easter and Whitsun-
tide, were numbered to be sixty tltousand five hundred
strangers and foreigners at that council.
Here is to be noted, that in this council of Constance
nothing was decreed or enacted worthy of memory, but
this only, that the pope's authority is under the council,
and that the council ought to judge the pope.
And as touching the communion in both kinds, al-
though the council did not deny, but that it was used by
Christ and his apostles ; yet notwithstanding it was de-
creed by the council to the contrary.
Hitlierto we have comprehended the order and dis-
course of this council, with the acts and sessions concern-
ing the same ; which council, although it was princi-
pally thought to he assembled, for quieting of the schism
between the three poj)es, yet notwithstanding a great part
thereof was for the affair of the Bohemians, and especi-
ally for John Huss. For, before the council began, the
Eni])eror Sigismiind sent certain gentlemen of his own
houseluild, to bring John IIuss to the council, under his
safe conduct. The meaning of which was, that John
Huss should puree and clear himself of the blame which
they had laid ag;»inst him ; and f«)r the better assurance,
the Emperor not only promised him safe conduct, that
he might come freely to Constance, but also that he
should return again into Bohemia, without fraud or in-
terruption ; he promised also to receive him under his
protection, and under safeguard of the whole empire.
Tfie safe Conduct given to John Huss
" Sigismund, by the grace of God, king of the Romans,
of Hungary and Denmark, Croatia, &c. To all princes
as well ecclesiastical as secular, dukes, marquesses,
and earls, barons, captains, borough masters, judges, and
governors, officers of towns, burgesses, and villages,
and unto all rulers of the commonalty, and generally to
all the subjects of our empire, to whom these letters
shall come, grace and all goodness.
" We charge and command you all, that you respect
John Huss, who is departed out of Bohemia, to come to
the general council, which shall be celebrated and held
very shortly at the town of Constance. Which John
Huss we have received under our protection and safe-
guard of the whole empire, desiring you that you will
cheerfully receive him when he shall come towards you,
and that you treat and handle him gently, shewing him
favour and good will, and shew him pleasure in all things,
as touching the forwardness, ease, and assurance of his
journey, as well by land as by water.
"Moreover, we will, that he and all his company, with
his carriage and necessaries, shall pass throughout all
places, passages, ports, bridges, lands, governances,
lordships, liberties, cities, towns, boroughs, castles, and
villages, and all other your dominions, without paying
of any manner of imposition or tribute, or any other
manner of toll whatever. We wiU, also, that you suffer
to pass, rest, tarry, and to sojourn at liberty, without
doing unto him any manner of impeachment, or ve.xa-
tion, or trouble ; and that if need shall so require, you
do provide a faithful company to conduct him withal, for
the honour and reverence which you owe unto our
imperial majesty. Given at Spire the eighteenth of
October, in the year of our Lord God, 1414."
By this it may appear, that this safe conduct was
granted not in the time of the council by the bishop, but
before the council by the emperor, who was, or ought to
be the principal ordainer and director of the council un-
der God. Now whether the bishops did well in break-
ing ihis promise of the emperor, I will defer to such
time as may be more convenient to the full examiuation
thereof.
John Huss seeing so many fair promises, and the as-
surance which the emperor had given, sent answer that
he would come to the council. But before he departed
out of the realm of Bohemia, and especially out of the
town of Prague, he wrote certain letters, and caused
them to be fastened upon the gates of the cathedral
churches and parish churches, cloisters and abbeys : the
copy whereof here follows :
" Master John Huss, bachelor of divinity, will appear
before the most reverend father, the Lord Conrad,
archbishop of Prague, and legate of the apostolic seat, in
their next convocation of all their prelates and clergy of
the kingdom of Bohemia, being ready always to satisfy
all men which shall require him to give a reason of his
faith and hope that he holds, and to hear and see all such
as will lay to his charge, either any stubbornness of
error or heresy, that they should write in their names
there, as is required both by God's law and man's. And
if so be that they could not lawfully prove any stubborn-
ness of error or heresy against him, that then they
should suffer the like punishment that he should have
had, to whom all together he will answer at the next
general council of Constance, before the archbishop and
the prelates, and according to the decrees and canons of
the holy father, shew forth his innocency in the name of
Christ. Dated the Sunday next after the feast of St.
Bartholomew."
After this, as all the barons of Bohemia were assem-
bled in the abbey of St. James, about the affairs of tho
Sumptuous |!rott$$ioii
Page 294.
A.D. 1414.] ARRIVAL OF JOHN IIUSS AT CONSTANCE— APPEARS BEFORE THE POPE. 295
r ihn, the archbishop of Prague was also present. There
J.ilm Huss presented petitions, by which he most hum-
l)!v desired the barons that they would shew him that la-
T .ur towards the archbishop, that if the archbishop sus-
f p.uted him of any error or heresy, he should declare it
openly, and that he was ready to endure and sutler cor-
rection for the same at his hands. And if he had found
or perceived no such thing in him, that he would then
give him a testimonial thereof. The archbishop con-
fessed openly, before all the assembly of barons, that he
knew not that John Huss was culpable or faulty in any
crime or offence.
About the ides of October, A.D. 1414. John Huss,
being accompanied with two noble gentlemen, Wancelat
of Uuba, and John of Clum, departed from Prague, and
took his journey towards Constance.
In all cities as he passed by, and principally when he
was departed out of Bohemia, and entered into Ger-
many, a great number of people did come unto him, and
he was very gently received and entertained through all
the towns of Germany, and especially by the citizens and
burgesses, and oftentimes by the curates. And if it hap-
pened that there were any information before of his
coming, the streets were always full of people desirous to
see and gratify him ; and especially at Nuremberg, where
certain merchants certified the citizens of his coming.
There were many curates who came to him, desiring that
they might talk with him secretly : to whom he answered.
That he loved much rather to pronounce and shew forth
his mind and opinion openly before all men, for he
would keep nothing hidden. So, after dinner, till it was
night, he spake before the priests and senators, and
other citizens, so that they all had him in great estima-
tion and reverence.
The twentieth day after that he departed out of the
town of Prague, which was the 3d day of November, he
came unto Constance, and lodged at an honest matron's
house, being a widow named Faith, in St. Galles Street.
The morrow after his arrival, Master John de Clum,
and Master Henry Latzemboge, went to the pope, and
certified him that John Huss was come, under the
emperor's safe conduct ; desiring also that he on his part
would gnint John Huss liberty to remain in Constance,
without any trouble, vexation, or interruption. To
whom the pope answered, That even if John Huss had
killed his brother, yet he might go about, as much as hi
him lay, that no outrage or hurt should be done to him
during his abode in the town of Constance.
The 2()th day after the said Huss was come to Con-
stance, during all which time he was occupied in read-
ing, writing, and familiar talk with his friends ; the car-
dinals sent'"two bishops ; to wit, the bishops of Augusta,
and of Trent, to the place where John Huss lodged, to
report to him that they were sent by the pope and his
cardinals, to advertise him that he should come to
render some account of his doctrine before them, as he
had oftentimes desired, and that they were ready to hear
him. .
John Huss answered, " I am not come for any such in-
tent, as to defend my cause before the pope and his car-
dinals, protesting that I never desired any such thing,
but I would willingly appear before the whole assembly
of the council, and there answer for my defence openly,
without any fear or doubt, unto all such things as shall
be demanded or required of me. Notwithstanding," said
he, " forasmflch as you require me so to do, I will not re-
fuse to go with you before the cardinals. And if it
happen that they evil entreat or handle me ; yet never-
theless 1 trust in my Lord Jesus, that he will so comfort
and strengthen me, that I shall desire much rather to die
for his glory's sake, than to deny the verity and truth
which I have learned by his holy scriptures." Where-
fore, it came to pass, that the bishops being instant
upon him, and not shewing any outward appearance that
they bore any malice or hatred against him in their
hearts, John Huss took his horse which he had at his
lodging, and went to the court of the pope and the
cardinals.
V/hen he was come, and had saluted the cardinals,
they began to speak to him iu this sort: " We have heard
many reports of you, which, if they be true, are in no
case to be suffered : for men say, that you have taught
great and manifest errors against the doctrine of the
true church ; and that you have sowed your errors
abroad through all the realm of Bohemia for a long
time ; wherefore we have caused you to be called before
us, that we might understand and know how the matter
stands."
John Huss answered in few words, " Reverend fathers,
you shall understand that I am thus minded, that I
should rather choose to die, than I should be found
culpable of one only error, much less of many and great
errors. For this cause 1 am the more willingly come to
the general council, to shew myself ready even with all
my heart to receive correction, if any man can prove
any errors in me." The cardinals answered him again.
That his sayings pleased them very well, and upon that
they went away, leaving John Huss, with Master John
de Clum, under the guard and keeping of the armed
men.
In the mean time, they suborned and furnished out a
certain divine, a Franciscan friar, a subtle and crafty
man, and a malicious hypocrite, to question John Huss,
who was compassed round about with armed men. This
man drawing near in his monkish gesture, said, " Reverend
master, I a simple and ignorant man, am come to you to
learn ; for I have heard many strange and contrary
things against the catholic faith ascribed to you. Where-
fore I do desire you, even for the love which you bear to
the truth, and to all good and godly men, that you
would teach me, most simple and miserable man, some
certainty and truth. And first, men say, that you hold
opinion that after the consecration and pronunciation of
the words in the sacrament of the altar, there remains
only material bread." John Huss answered, " That it was
falsely attributed and imputed unto him." Then said he,
" I pray you, is not this your opinion ?" " No verily,"
said JohnHuss, "I do notsothinkof it." When the monk
asked this question the third time, Master John de
Clum being moved somewhat with him, said, " Why art
thou so importunate upon him ? Verily, if any man had
affirmed or denied any thing to me even once, I would
have believed him. And thou, although he hath shewed
thee his mind so often, yet ceasest not to trouble him."
Then said the monk, " Gentle master, I pray you pardon
me an ignorant and simple friar ; surely I did it of a
good mind and intent, being willing and desirous to
learn." This friar put another question unto him, pro-
testing his simplicity and ignorance, what manner of
unity of the Godhead and manhood was in the person of
Christ? When John Huss had heard this question, he
turning himself to Master John de Clum, in the Bohe-
mian language said, " Truly this friar is not simple as he
pretends, for he hath propounded to me a very hard
question." And afterward turning himself to the friar,
he said to him, " Brother, you say that you are simple,
but as I have heard you, I perceive very well that you
are double and crafty, and not simple." " It is not so,"
said the friar. " Well," said John Huss, " I will cause
you to understand that it is so. For as to the simplicity of
a man, it is required in things that concern civility and
manners that the spirit, the understanding, the heart,
the words, and the mouth, should agree together : and I
do not perceive that this is in you. There is in your
mouth a certain semblance of simplicity, which would
very well declare you to be an idiot and simple, but
your deeds shew plainly and evidently a great subtlety
and craft in you, with a great quickness and liveliness of
wit, to propose to me so hard and difficult a question.
Notwithstanding, I will not fear to shew you my mind
in this question." And when he had made an end, the
monk gave him great thanks for his gentleness, and so
departed. After that, the pope's garrison which were
about John Huss, told him, that this friar was called
master Didace, who was esteemed and counted the
greatest and most subtle divine in all Lombardy. '' Oh,
said John Huss, "if 1 had known that before, I would
have handled him after another fashion ; but I would to
God they were all such, then through the help and aid
of the holy scriptures I would fear none of them. In
296 JOHN HUfeS PUT IN PRISON, NOTWITHSTANDING THE ' SAFE CONDUCT.' [Boo*. V.
this manner Hubs and master John de Chim, were left
under the keeping of these men-at-anns, until four
o'clock in the afternoon. After which time the cardinals
assembled again in the pope's court, to devise and take
counsel what they should do with John Huss.
A little before night, they sent the provost of the
Roman court to master John de Clura, to shew him that
he might return to his lodging ; but as for John Huss,
they had otherwise provided for him. When master
John de Clum heard this news, he was wonderfully dis-
pleased, as through their crafts, subtleties, and glossing
words, they had so drawn this good man into their
snarrs, whereupon he went to the pope, declaring to him
all that was done; most humbly beseeching him, that
he would call to remembrance the promise wliich he had
made unto him and master Henry Latzemboge, and that
he would not so lightly falsify and break his faith and
promise. The pope answered, that all these things were
done without his consent or commandment, and said fur-
ther to master Clum apart, " What reason is it that you
should impute this deed unto me, seeing that you know
well enough that I myself am in the hands of these car-
dinals and bishops?"
So the said master Clum returned very pensive and sor-
rowful; hecomplainedvery sore, both privately and openly,
of the injury and outrage that the pope had done, but all
profited nothing. After this, John Huss was led by
the officers to the charter-house of the great church of
Constance, where he was kept prisoner for the space of
eight days ; from thence he was carried to the Jacobines,
hard by the river of the Rhine, and was shut up in the
prison of the abbey.
After he had been inclosed there a certain time, he
fell sore sick of an ague, by means of the stench of the
place, and became so weak, that they despaired of his
life. And for fear lest this good man should die in
j)rison, as others are wont to do, the pope sent to him
certain of his physicians to cure and help him. In the
midst of his sickness, his accusers made importunate
suit to the principals of the council, that John Huss
might be condemned ; and presented to the pope these
articles here under written :
Articles presented against John Huss.
•' First, he errs about the sacrament of the church,
and specially about the sacrament of the body of Christ,
forsomuch as he hath openly preached, that it ought to
be ministered openly unto the people under both kinds,
that is to say, the body and blood. This article is evi-
dent, forsomuch as his disciples at this instant in Prague
do minister the same in both kinds. Moreover it is
affirmed by several, that he has taught both in the
schools and in the church, or at the least that he holds
this opinion, that after the words of consecration pro-
nounced upon the altar, there remains still material
bread in the sacrament. This article shall be known by
his examination.
" Secondly, he errs as to the ministers of the church,
forsomuch as he saith, that they cannot consecrate or
minister the sacraments when they are in mortal sin.
This article shall likewise be known by his examination.
Notwith.standing, all that which is here contained may
he gathered by his writings on the church, which if he
deny, let there then be some divines and others ap-
pointed, to peruse and look over his writings More-
over he saith, that other men beside priests may minister
the sacrament. This article is evident, forsomuch as his
disciples do the same at Prague, who of themselves
do violently take the sacrament out of the treasury, and
communicate among themselves, when the holy commu-
nion is denied unto them. By this and other things also
it is sufficiently evident, that he has taught that every
man, being without mortal sin, has the power of orders
or priesthood, forsomuch as such only as have taken
orders ought to minister the sacrament to themselves.
And because he proceedeth from small matters unto
great and weightier, it does consequently ap])ear and
follow, that those which be in the state of grace can
bind and loose.
*' Thirdly, he errs as to the church, and specially
because he does not allow and admit that the church sig.
nifies the pope, cardinals, archbishops, and the clergy
underneath them; but saith, that this signification was .
drawn out from the school-men, and is in no case to be
held or allowed. This article is manifest by his treatise
upon the church.
" Moreover, he errs concerning the church, in that he
saith, that the church ought not to have any temporal
possessions. And that the temporal lords may take
them away from the church and the clergy without any
offence. This error is evident, forsomuch as through
his doctrine and enticements many churches in the king,
dom of Bohemia, and in the city of Prague, are already
spoiled and robbed of a great part of their temporalties
and goods. He saith also that Constantine and other
secular princes erred by enriching and endowing churches
and monasteries. This article is manifest by that which
goes ne.xt before.
" Fourthly, he errs as touching the church, in that he
saith, that all priests are of like power, and therefore
affirms, that the reservations of the pope's casualties,
the ordering of bishops, and the consecration of the
priests, were invented only for covetousness. This
article somewhat appears by those foregoing, but by his
examination shall be more evident.
" Fifthly, he errs concerning the church, in that he
saith, that the church being in sin, has no power of
the keys, when the pope, cardinals, and all other of
the priests and clergy are in deadly sin ; wh'ch he saith
is possible enough. This also appears in his treatise
upon the church in his first error as touching the minis-
ters of the church.
" Sixthly, he errs touching the church, forasmuch as
through contempt he does not fear excommunication.
This notoriously appears by his own doings, that he
contemned and despised the apostoUc and ordinary cen-
sure, and in all the apostolic excommunications and
injunctions he has borne himself upon the divine com-
mandments, and in contempt of the keys, to the setting
out of his hypocrisy, he has said mass all the way be-
tween this and the city of Prague, and thereby has pro-
faned the process and authority of the ch'irch.
" Seventhly, he errs again as toucliing the church,
because he keeps not the institutions nnd investitures
thereof, but holds opinion that every man has authority
to invest and appoint any man to the cure of souls. This
is evident by his own doings, forsomuch as many in the
kingdom of Bohemia, by their defenders and favourers,
or rather by himself, were appointed and put into parish
churches, which they have long ruled and kept, not
being aj)pointed by the apostolic see, neither yet by tlie
ordinary of the city of Prague.
" Eighthly, he errs as touching the church, in that he
holds opinion, that a man, being once ordained a priest
or deacon, cannot be forbidden or kept back from the
office of preaching. This is likewise manifest by his
own doings, forasmuch as he himself could never be
hindered from preaching, neither by the apostolic see,
neither yet by the archbishop of Prague.
" And to the intent that John Huss, who is clothed in
sheep's clothing, and inwardly a ravening wolf, may be
the better known by his fruits, for the better information
of you most reverend fathers : I say, that from the first
time that he took in hand, or went about to sow such
errors and heresies, which afterward he did indeed, he
understanding and perceiving himself to be withstood
and gainsayed by the (Jermans, who were in the uni-
versity of Prague, forsomuch as he could conclude
nothing, because they had three voices, and he on his
part had but one only voice ; he went about and brought
to pass, and that by the secular power, that the Ger-
mans should have but one voice, and he and his parts
three voices : which thing, when the Germans once per-
ceived, rather than they would lose or forsake any part
of their right which they had in voices, or be in danger
in their persons, which would then have ensued upon
it, to save themselves, they wholly with one consent
agreed together to depart out of Prague ; and by this
means this solemn and famous university of Prague was
A.D. 1414] JOHN HUSS SICK IN PRISON.— THE BOOKS HE WROTE THERE.
29:
made desolate, that had brought forth so many notable
men in divers sciences. Behold this his first fruits
whicli divided that so famous university, forsomuch as
grapes are not gathered of thorns, neither figs of bram-
bles.
" Moreover, when there were questions moved amongst
the divines of the university of Prague upon the forty-
five articles of John Wickliff, and that they had called a
convocation, and all the divines of Bohemia, (for the
Germans were already departed), they concluded that
every one of those articles were either heretical, sedi-
tious, or erroneous. He alone held the contrary opinion,
that none of those articles were either heretical, seditious,
or erroneous, as afterward he did dispute, hold, and
teach, in the common schools of Prague, whereby it is
evidently enough foreseen, that he holds and affirms those
articles of Wickliff, which are not only condemned in
England, but also by the whole church, because they
were first invented and set forth by the members of
antichrist.
" Moreover, he being complained of to the archbishop
of Prague, that he preached and set forth certain articles
which were heretical, false, and seditious, he was forbid-
den by the said archbishop to preach any more, who
proceeded against him, according to the canonical sanc-
tions, the which process is confirmed by the apostolic
see, and published as well in the court of Rome, as
without ; which John Huss and his adherents have
divers and manifold ways violated and profaned. And
whoever did speak against him, they were deprived of
their benefices, and others placed in, who have ruled and
do yet rule the said churches, and the flocks pertaining
to the same, not having any cure or charge of the souls
committed unto them, neither by the apostolic see,
neither yet by the ordinary of the place.
" Also all those, as well priests as laymen, in the city
of Prague and kingdom of Bohemia, who have spoken
against the doctrine of Huss, and the profanation of the
process aforesaid, or at the least not allowed the same,
have suffered most mortal hatred and persecutions, and
yet to this day do suffer. But at this present it is
dissembled until the end of the process against John
Huss. Mlierefore if he be now let go again, without
doubt they shall suffer great persecution both in body
and goods, and throughout all the realm of Bohemia,
iiouse shall be against house, and this mischief will
creep, yea suddenly spring up throughout all Germany,
and innumerable souls shall be infected, so that there
shall be such persecution of the clergy and faithful, as
has not been since the time of the emperor Constantine
to this present day ; for he ceases not to move and stir up
the laity agninst the clergy and faithful christians. And
when any of the clergy would draw him away, or call
him from his heresy, and for that cause forbid him to
preach, that he does not teach any heresies : then says
he that the clergy do that of envy and malice, because
he rebukes their vices and faults ; that is to say, their
simony, and pride, and covetousness.
" Aloreover, he stirs up the secular princes against
the prelates of churches, monasteries, and universities,
aud generally against the whole clergy. Going about by
this means, he preaches and teaches that prelates and
other men of the church ought not to have any temporal
goods or possessions, but only to live upon alms. And
by this means he has done already very much hurt, and
annoyed divers and many prelates, clerks, and churches
in the kingdom of Bohemia, and city of Prague, forso-
much as tiiereby they are already spoiled and robbed of
their possessions. Yea, he teaches also that it is lawful
for the lay-people without sin to withhold and keep back
the tithes and oblations, or to give the church goods to
any other minister ; all the secular princes are greatly
inclined hereunto, but especially the laity, who follow
every man his own will.
" He has generally with him all those heretics who
do but very smally regard the ecclesiastical censures,
and hate the authority of the Roman church, yea do
utterly detest and abhor the same ; which thing will
more and more increase, except it be effectually and
manfully withstood ; and if he do by any means escape
from the council, he and his favourers will say that his
doctrine is just and true, and that it is allowed by the
authority of the universal sacred council, and that all his
adversaries are wicked and naughty men, so that he
would do more mischief, than ever any heretic did sinco
the time of Constantine the Great.
" Wherefore, most holy fatheis, provide and take heed
to yourselves, and to the whole flock amongst whom the
Holy Ghost hath placed you, to rule the church of
Christ, which he hatli purchased with his own blood ;
and whilst the disease is new and fresh, help and remedy
it, as well touching him who doth so infect and trouble
the church of God, as also concerning the occasions,
through the which he hath presumed, and might do the
same, because the prelates do abuse the ecclesiastical
censures, and they as well as those that are under
them, do not keep and observe the order of the church
which is appointed them by God, whereby it comes to
pass, that whilst they themselves do walk the broken and
unknown paths, their flock falls headlong into the
ditch.
" Wherefore, let our sovereign lord the pope, and this
most sacred council, ordain and depute commissioners,
who may examine the said John Huss upon all be-
fore-written, and other things in the presence of them
which know the matter. Let there be also certain
doctors and masters appointed to read over and peruse
his books which he hath written, whereof some are here
present, that the church may be speedily purged and
cleansed from these errors."
Upon this accusation, they ordained and ap-
pointed three commissioners or judges, that is to say,
the patriarch of Constantinople, and the bishop of
Castile, and the bishop of Lybuss, — which prelates
being thus deputed, heard the accusation and the wit-
ness which was brought in by certain priests of Prague,
confirmed by their oaths, and afterward recited the ac-
cusation to Huss in the prison, at such time as his ;'gue
was fervent and extreme upon him.
Upon this, John Huss required to have an advocate
to answer for him ; which was utterly denied him.
Thus John Huss remained in the prison of the convent
of the Franciscans, until the Wednesday before Palm
Sunday ; and in the meantime to employ his time, he
wrote certain books, concerning the ten command-
ments, of the love and knowledge of God, of matri-
mony, of penance, of the three enemies of mankind, of
the prayer of our Lord, and of the supper of our Lord.
The same day Pope John XXIII. changed his apparel,
and conveyed himself secretly out of Constance, fearing
the judgment by which afterward he was deprived of his
papal dignity, for the most execrable and abominable
doings. This was the cause that John Huss was trans-
ported and carried unto another prison : for the pope's
servants, who had the charge and keeping of John Huss,
understanding that their master was fled and gone, de-
livered up the keys of the prison unto the Emperor
Sigismund, and to the cardinals, and followed their
master the pope. Then by the consent of the whole
council, John Huss was put into the hands of the bishop
of Constance, who sent him to a castle on the other side
of the river of the Rhine, not very far from Constance,
where he was shut up in a tower with fetters on his legs,
that he could scarce walk in the day time, and at night he
was fastened up to a rack against the wall hard by his bed.
In the meantime, certain noblemen and gentlemen of
Poland and Bohemia did all their endeavour to procure
his deliverance, having respect to the good renown of
all the realm, which was wonderfully defamed and slan-
dered by certain naughty persons. The matter was
grown unto this point, that all they who were in the
town of Constance, that seemed to bear any favour unto
John Huss, were made as mocking stocks, and derided of
all men, yea, even of the slaves and base people.
Wherefore they took counsel and concluded together to
present their request in writing to the whole council, or
at the least to the four nations of Germany, Italy,
APPLICATION OF THE NOBLES FOR THE RELEASE OF JOHN HUSS. [Book V.
France, and England; this request was presented the
14th day of May, A. D. 1415 : the tenour here ensues.
The first Schedule or Bill, vhich the Nobles of Bohemia
delivered up to the Council for the deliverance of
John Huss, the Uth day of May, A.D. 1415.
" Most reverend fathers and lords, the nobles and
lords of Bohemia and Poland here present, by this their
present writing do shew and declare unto your fatherly
reverences, how that the most noble king and lord, the
Lord Sigismund, king of the Romans, always Augustus,
king of Hungary, Croatia, Dalmatia, &c. hearing of the
great dissension that was in the kingdom of Bohemia, as
heir, king, and lord successor, willing to foresee and
provide for his own honour, sent these noblemen,
Master Wenceslate de Duba, and John de Clum here
present, that they would bring and assure Master John
Huss UNDER THE KINg's NAME AND SAFE CONDUCT.
So that he would come to the sacred general council of
Constance, under the safe conduct of the said king, and
the protection of the sacred empire, openly given and
granted unto the said Master John Huss, that he might
purge himself and the kingdom of Bohemia from the
slander that was raised upon them, and there to make
an open declaration of his faith to every man that would
lay any thing to his charge. The which the said nobles,
•with the forenamed Master John Huss, have performed
and done, according to the king's commandment.
" When the said Master John Huss was freely of his
own accord come unto Constance, under the said safe
conduct, he was grievously imprisoned before he was
heard, and at this present time is tormented both with
fetters, and also with hunger and thirst. Although
that in times past at the council holden at Pisa in the
year of our Lord 1410, the heretics who were con-
demned, were suffered to remain there at liberty, and
to depart home freely ; notwithstanding this, Master
John Huss, neither being convicted nor condemned, no
not so much as once heard, is taken and imprisoned,
■when as neither king nor any prince elector, neither any
ambassador of any university was yet come or present.
And albeit the lord the king, together with the nobles
and lords here present, most instantly required and de-
sired, that as touching his safe conduct they would fore-
see and have respect to his honour, and that the said
Master John Huss might be openly heard, forsomuch as
he would render and shew a reason of his faith ; and if
he were found and convicted obstinately to affirm or
maintain any thing against the truth of holy scripture,
that then he ought to correct and amend the same, ac-
cording to the instruction and determination of the
council ; yet could he never obtain this. But the said
Master John Huss, notwithstanding all this, is most
grievously oppressed with fetters and irons, and so
weakened with thin and slender diet, that it is to be
feared, lest that his power and strength being hereby
consumed and wasted, he should be put in danger of his
wit or reason.
" And although the lords of Bohemia here present are
greatly slandered, because they, seeing the said Master
John Huss so to be tormented and troubled, contrary to
the king's safe conduct, have not by their letters put the
king in mind of his safe conduct, that the said lord and
king should not any more suffer any such matters, for-
somuch as they tend to the contempt and disregard of
the kingdom of Bohemia, which, from the first original
and beginning, since it received the catholic faith, never
departed or went away from the obedience of the holy
church of Rome ; yet, notwithstanding, they have suf-
fered and borne all these things patiently hitherto, lest
by any means occasion of trouble or ve.\ation of this
sacred council might arise or spring thereof.
" Wherefore, most reverend fathers and lords, the
nobles and lords before named, do wholly and most
earnesrly de.sire and require your reverences here pre-
sent, that both for the honour of the safe conduct of our
said lord the king, and also for the preservation and
increase of the worthy fame and renown, both of the
kingdom of Bohemia, and your own also, you will make
a short end about the affairs of Master John Huss ; for-
somuch as by th(! means of his straight handling he is in
great danger by any longer delay ; even as they do most
specially trust upon the most upright consciences and
judgments of your fatherly reverences. But forasmuch
as, most reverend fathers and lords, it is now come to
the knowledge and understanding of tlie nobles and lords
of Bohemia here present, how that certain backbiters
and slanderers of the most famous kingdom of Bohemia
aforesaid, have declared and told unto your reverences,
how that the sacrament of the most precious blood of
our Lord is carried up and down through Bohemia in
vessels not consecrate or hallowed, and tliat cohhleis do
now hear confessions, and minister the most blessed
body of our Lord unto others. The nobles therefore of
Bohemia here present, require and desire you, that you
will give no credit unto false promoters and tale tellers,
for that, as most wicked and naughty slanderers and
backbiters of that kingdom aforesaid, they do report and
tell untruths ; requiring also your reverences, that such
slanderous persons of the kingdom aforesaid may be
named and known. And the lord the king, together
with your reverences, shall well perceive and see that the
lords of Bohemia will go about in such a manner to re-
pel and put away the false and frivolous slanders of these
naughty persons, that they shall be ashamed to appear
hereafter before the lord the king and your reverences."
When the noblemen of Bohemia for a long time couldaL
obtain no answer to this, and a second supplication
which they had already put up, they determined the las
day of May, by another supplication to the principals <
the council, to intreat that John Huss might be delij
vered out of prison, and defend his own cause openly, id
which among other things they pray —
"Wherefore, most reverend fathers, his enemiesJ
through the extreme hatred which they bear to himl
have picked and taken out by piecemeal, certain articlef
out of the books of Master John Huss, rejecting and
not looking upon the allegations and reasons, have com^
pounded and made thereof certain false and feigned arti;
cles against him to this end, that all charity and lov^
being set apart, they might the better overthrow himj
and bring him unto death, contrary to the safe conduct
upon good and just occasion openly assigned, and given
to the said Master John Huss, by the most noble princd
the Lord Sigismund, king of the Romans, and of Hun-i
gary, for his just defence against all the frivolous accusa*
tions and assaults of the enemies, not only of the saifl
Master John Huss, but also of the famous kingdom o(|
Bohemia, and for the quiet appeasing of all such tumult
and rumours rising and springing in the said kingdom of
Bohemia, or elsewhere ; the avoiding of which most pe^
rilous uproars, the said king of the Romans doth greatlj
desire and wish, as the right heir and successor of th
said kingdom.
" Wherefore may it please your fatherly reverences td
command the said Master John Huss, neither convicted
nor condemned, to be taken and brought out of his bond
and chains, in the which he is now most grievously detained
and kept, and to put him into the hands of some reverend
lord bishops, or commissioners, appointed, or to be ap-
pointed by this present council ; that the said Master John
Huss may somewhat be relieved, and recover again his
health, and be the more diligently and commodiously ex-
amined by thecommissioners. Andforthe more assurance,
the barons and nobles aforesaid of the kingdom of Bohemia,
will provide most sure and good sureties, the which will
not break their fidelity and faith for any thing in the
world. Which also shall promise in this behalf, that he
shall not flee or depart out of their hands, until such
time as the matter be fully determined by the said com-
missioners. In the e.xecuiion of the which premises, we
have determined to provide and foresee unto the fame and
honour of the said kingdom of Bohemia, and also to the
safe conduct of the most worthy prince, the king of the
Romans, lest that the enemies and detractors of the ho-
nour and fame of the kingdom aforesaid, might not a
little slander and reprove the R«id lords, pretendir^ and
A.D. 1415.]
JOHN HUSS DISPUTES IN THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE.
299
shewing forth hereafter, that they had made unreasona-
ble or unlawful requests ; for the witlistanding of which
' mischief we require your fatherly reverences, that you
j will decree, and most graciously consent, that this our
petition and supplication may be drawn out again by
your notary, and reduced into a public form and order."
The same day the said barons and lords presented a
supplication to the emperor, embodying the foregoing
j supplication, and concluding thus :
i " Wherefore we most humbly require and desire your
princely majesty, that both for the love of justice, and
also of the fame and renown of that most famous king-
dom of Bohemia, whereof we acknowledge you un-
; doubtedly the true lord, heir, and successor ; and also
foreseeing unto the liberty nf your safe conduct, that
you will with your favourable countenance, beholding
i these most reasonable and just supplications which we
I have put up to the lords aforesaid, put to your helping
I hand toward the said most reverend fathers and lords,
I that they will effectually hear us, in this our most just
I petition, which we have offered up to them, as is afore-
said, lest that the enemies of the renown and honour of
the famous kingdom of Bohemia, and such be our slan-
derers also, hereafter may detract and slander us, that we
should make unreasonable and unlawful requests unto
: the said reverend fathers and lords ; and therefore we
required and desired of them, that it would please them
to decree by setting to their public hand and seal, to
authorise our said publication. Likewise, we do most
heartily require your highness, that you would vouch-
safe in like manner, to give us your testimony of the
premises."
But what answer the emperor made hereto, we could
never understand or know, but by the process of the
matter a man may easily judge, that this good emperor
was brought, through the obstinate mischief of the car-
dinals and bishops, to break and falsify his promise and
faith which he had made and promised ; and this was
their reason, that no defence could or might be given
either by safe conduct, or by any other means to him,
who was suspected or judged to be an heretic. But by
the epistles and letters of John Huss, a man may easily
judge what the king's mind was. Now we will proceed
to the history.
The fifth day of June, the cardinals, bishops, and the
rest of the priests, all that were in Constance, assembled
to a great number, at the convent of the Franciscans in
Constance, and there it was commanded, that before
John Huss should be brought forth, in his absence they
should rehearse the witnesses and articles which they
had slanderously gathered out of his books. By chance
there was then present a certain notary, named Mladonie-
witz, who bare great love and amity to Huss, who, as
soon as he perceived that the bishops and cardinals were
already determined and appointed to condemn the said
articles in the absence of John Huss, went with all speed
to Master Wencelate de Duba, and John de Clum, and
told them all the matter, who immediately made report
of it to the emperor, who, understanding their object,
sent to signify to them that nothing should be resolved
or done in the case of John Huss, before they should
send him all such articles as were laid against the said
John Huss, which were either false or heretical, and he
would do so much, that the said articles should be ex-
amined by good and learned men. Then according to
the emperor's will, the judgment of the principals of the
council was suspended, until such time as John Huss
were present.
In the meantime, these gentlemen, master of Duba
and of Clum, gave to the two princes, whom the emperor
had sent, certain small treatises which John Huss had
made, out of which they had drawn certain articles to
present to them who rule the council, under this condi-
tion, that they would render them again, when they
should demand them. The intent and meaning of these
barons was, that by this means the adversaries of John
Huss might the more easily be reproved, who, of a
naughty and cornipt conscience, had picked out corrupt
sentences out of the books of John Huss. The books
were delivered to the cardinals and bishops ; and then
John Huss was brought forth, and the princes who were
sent by the emperor, departed. After they shewed the
books to John Huss, and he confessed openly before
the whole assembly that he had wrote them, and that he
was ready, if there were any fault in them, to amend the
same.
Now hearken a little to the holy proceedings of these
reverend fathers, for here happened a strange and shame-
ful matter. With much ado they had scarcely read one
article, and brought forth a few witnesses upon the
same against him, but as he was about to open his
mouth to answer, all this mad herd or flock began so to
cry out upon him, that he was not able to speak one
word. The noise and trouble was so great and so
vehement, that a man might well have called it an up-
roar or noise of wild beasts, and not of men ; much less
was it to be judged a congregation of men gathered toge-
ther to judge and determine so grave and weighty mat-
ters. And if it happened that the noise and cry did ever
so little cease, that he might answer any thing at all, out
of the holy scriptures oi ecclesiastical doctors, by and
by he would hear such replies as were nothing to the
purpose.
Besides all this, some did outrage in words against
him, and others spitefully mocked him, so that seeing
himself overwhelmed with these rude and barbarous
noises and cries, and that it profited nothing to speak,
he determined finally with himself to hold his peace and
keep silence. From that time forward, all the whole
rout of his adversaries thought that they had won
the battle of him, and cried out all together " Now he
is dumb, now he is dumb ; this is a certain sign and
token, that he doth consent and agree unto these his
errors." Finally, the matter came to this point, that
certain of the most moderate and honest among them,
seeing this disorder, determined to proceed no further,
but that all should be deferred and put off until
another time. Through their advice, the prelates and
others departed from the council for the present, and
appointed to meet there again on the morrow to pro-
ceed in judgment.
The next day, which was the seventh of June, on which
day the sun was almost wholly eclipsed, somewhat after,
about seven of the clock, this same flock assembled again
in the cloister of the friars minors, and by their appoint-
ment John Huss was brought before them, accompanied
with a great nuniber of armed men. Thither went also
the emperor, whom the gentlemen, master of Duba and
Clum, and the notary named Peter, which were great
friends of the said Huss, did follow to see what the end
would be. When they were* come thither, they heard
that in the accusation of Michael de Causis, they read
these words following : John Huss hath taught the peo-
ple divert and many errors both in the chapel of
Bethlehem, and also in many other places of the city of
Prague, of the which errors some of them he hath drawn
out of Wickliff's books, and the rest he has forged and
invented of his own head, and maintains the same very
obstinately.
First, that after the consecration and pronunciation
of the words in the supper of the Lord, there remains
material bread. To this John Huss, taking a solemn
oath, answered that he never spake any such word ; but
thus much he did grant, that at what time the archbi-
shop of Prague forbade him to use any more that term
or word bread, he could not allow the bishop's command,
as Christ, in the sixth chapter of John, oftentimes names
himself the bread of life, which came down from
heaven, to give life unto the whole world. But as
touching material bread, he never spake any thing at all.
Then they returned again unto the witnesses, who
every man for himself affirmed with an oath that which
he had said. Amongst whom John Protyway, when he
should confirm his testimony, added that John Huss,
said that St. Gregory was but a rhymer, when he alleged
his authority against him. To whom John Huss an-
swered, that in this point they did him great iiyorj, as
THE EMPEROR'S ORATION TO JOHN HUSS.
[BofK V,
he always esteemed and reputed St. Gregory for a most
holy doctor of the church.
Tlien was there read a certain article of accusation, in
which it was alleged, that John Huss had taught, and
obstinately defended certain erroneous articles of Wick-
lifF'sin Bohemia. Whereunto Huss answered, that he
never taught any errors of John Wickliff's, or of any other
man's. But to confirm their article, there was alleged,
that John Huss did withstand the condemnation of
Wickliff's articles. He answered that he durst not
agree thereto, for offending his conscience, and especially
for these articles, that Silvester the pope and Constantine
did err in bestowing those great gifts and rewards upon
the church. Also, that the pope or priest, being in
mortal sin, cannot consecrate nor baptize. " This arti-
cle," said he, " I have thus determined, as if I should
say, that he unworthily consecrates or baptizes, when he
is in deadly sin, and that he is an unworthy minister of
the sacraments of God." Here his accusers, with their
witnesses, were earnest and instant that the article of
Wickliff was written in the very same words of the
treatise of John Huss. "Verily," said John Huss ; "I
fear not to submit myself, even under the danger of
death, if you shall not find it so as I have said." When
the book was brought forth, they found it written as
John Huss had said.
Then was there rehearsed another article of his accu-
sation in this manner : — That John Huss to confirm the
heresy which he had taught the common and simple
people out of Wickliff's books, said openly these words,
that at what time a great number of monks and friars,
and other learned men were gathered together in Eng-
land, in a certain church, to dispute against John Wick-
liff, and could by no means vanquish him, suddenly
the church door was broken open with lightning, so
that with much ado Wickliff's enemies hardly escaped
without hurt. He added, moreover, that he wished his
soul to be in the same place where John Wickliff's soul
was. Whereunto John Huss answered, " That a dozen
years before that any books of divinity of John Wick-
liff's were in Bohemia, he saw certain works of philoso-
phy of his, which, he said, did marvellously delight and
please him. And when he understood the good and
godly life of Wickliff, he spake these words, I trust,
said he, that Wickliff is saved ; and although I doubt
whether he be damned or no, yet with a good hope I
wish that my soul were in the same place where John
Wickliff's is." Then again did all the company jest
and laugh at him.
It is also in his accusation, that John Huss did coun-
sel the people, according to the example of Moses, to
resist with the sword against all such as did gainsay his
doctrine. And the next day after he had preached the
same, there were found openly in divers places certain
intimations, that every man, being armed with his sword
about him, should stoutly proceed, and that brother
should not spare brother, neither one neighbour an-
other. John Huss answered, that " All these things
were falsely laid unto his charge by his adversaries ; for
he at all times when he preached, did diligently ad-
monish and warn the people, that they should all arm
themselves to defend the truth of the gospel, according
to the saying of the apostle, ' with the helmet and
sword of salvation ;' and that he never spake of any ma-
terial sword, but of that which is the word of God.
And as touching intimations, or Moses' sword, he never
had anything to do withal."
When all the articles were in this way gone through,
John Huss was committed to the custody of the bishop
of Reggeo, under whom Jerome of Prague was also pri-
soner. But before he was led away, the cardinal of
Cambray calling him back again in the presence of the
emperor, said, " John Huss, I have heard you say, that
if you had not been willing of your own mind to come
to Constance, neither the emperor himself, neither the
king of Bohemia, could have compelled you to do it."
John Huss answered, " Under your license, most reve-
rend father, I never used any such kind of talk or
words. But this I did say, that there was in Bohemia a
great number of gentlemen and noblemen, who did
favour and love me, who also might easily have kept mo
in some sure and secret place, that I should not have
been constrained to come into this town of Constance
neither at the will of the emperor, neither of the king of
Bohemia." With that the cardinal of Cambray, even
for very anger, began to cliange his colour, and despite-
fuUy said, " Do you not see tlie unshamefacedness of the
man here ?" And as they were murmuring, and whis-
pering on all parts, the Lord John de Clum, ratifying
and confirming that which John Huss had spoken, said,
" Tliat John Huss had spoken very well ; for on my
])art," said he, " who, in comparison of a great mikny
others, am but of small force in the realm of Bohemia,
yet if I would have taken it in hand, I could have
defended him easily by the space of one year, even
against all the force and power of both these great and
mighty kings. How much better might they have done
it who are of more force or jiuissance than I am, and
have stronger castles and places than I have .'" After
that the Lord de Clum had spoken, the cardinal of
Cambray said, " Let us leave this talk. And I tell you,
John Huss, and counsel you, that you submit yourself
to the sentence and mind of the council, as you did
promise in the jirison ; and if you will do so, it shall be
greatly both for your profit and honour."
And the emjieror himself began to tell him the same
tale, saying, " Although there be some who say, that the
fifteenth day after you were committed to prison, you
obtained of us our letters of safe conduct, notwithstand-
ing I can well prove by the witness of many princes and
noblemen, that the safe conduct was obtained and got-
ten of us by my Lords de Duha and de Clum, before you
were departed out of Prague, under whose guard we have
sent for you, to the end that none should do you any
outrage or hurt, but that you should have full liberty to
speak freely before all the council, and to answer as
touching your faith and doctrine ; and as you see, my
lords the cardinals and bishops have so dealt with you,
that we do very well perceive their good-will towards
you, for the which we have great cause to thank them.
And forasmuch, as divers have told us, that we may
NOT, OR OUGHT NOT, OF RIGHT TO DEFEND ANY MAN
WHO IS AN HERETIC, OR SUSPECT OF HERESY ; there-
fore now we give you even the same counsel which the
cardinal of Cambray hath given you already, that you
be not obstinate to maintain any opinion, but that you
do submit yourself under such obedience as you owe
unto the authority of the holy council, in all things that
shall be laid against you, and confirmed by credible wit-
nesses, which thing, if you do according to our counsel,
we will give order that for the love of us, of our brother,
and the whole realm of Bohemia, the council shall suffer
you to depart in peace, with an easy and tolerable
penance and satisfaction, which if you refuse to do, the
presidents of the council shall have sufficient authority
to proceed against you. And for our part be ye well
assured, that we will sooner prepare and make the fire
with our own hands, to burn you withal, than we will
endure or suffer any longer that you shall maintain or
use this stiffness of ojiinions, which you have hitherto
maintained and used. Wherefore our advice and counsel
is, that you submit yourself wholly unto the judgment
of the council." John Huss answered, " O most
noble emperor, I render unto your highness most im-
mortal thanks for your letters of safe conduct." Upon
this Lord John de Clum did break him of his purpose,
and admonished him that he did not excuse himself of
the blame of obstinacy.
Then said John Huss, " O most gentle Lord, I do
take God to my witness, that I was never minded
obstinately to maintain any opinion, and that for
this same intent and purpose I came hither of mine
own good will, that if any man could lay before me any
better or more holy doctrine than mine, that then I
would change mine opinion without any fiirther doubt."
After he had spoken and said these things, he was sent
away with the Serjeants.
The morrow after, which was the eighth day of June,
the very same company which was assembled the day
before, assembled now again at the convent of the Fran-
D. 1415.]
THE APPEAL OF JOHN HUSS FROM THE POPE TO CHRIST.
301
iciscars ; and in this assembly were also John Huss'
ifriends, Lord de Duba, Lord de Clum, and Peter the
'notary. Thither was John Huss also brought, and in
his presence there were read about thirty-nine articles,
'which they said, were drawn out of his books. Huss
acknowledged all those that were faithfully and truly
collected and gathered, to be his, of which sort there
were but very few ; the residue were counterfeited and
forged by his adversaries, for they could find no such
thing in the books, out of the which they said they had
'drawn and gathered them.
Tiiese were the same articles in a manner which were
shewed before in the prison to John Huss, and are re-
hearsed here in another order : although there were
some more articles added to them, and others corrected
and enlarged, mention is made in them of his appeal,
! which is as follows : —
IVie Appeal of John Hitss/rom the Pope to Christ.
" Forasmuch as the most mighty Lord, one in essence,
[three in person, is both the chief and first, and also the
last, and utmost refuge of all those who are oppressed,
land th;it he is the God who defendeth verity and
truth tliroughout all generations, doing justice to such
as be wronged, being ready and at hand to all those
wliich call upon him in verity and truth, unbinding those
that are bound, and fulfilling the desires of all those
who honour and fear him; defending and keeping all
those that love him, and utterly destroying and bringing
to ruin the stiff-necked and impenitent sinner, and that
the Lord Jesus Christ very God and man, being in great
anguish, compassed in with the priests, scribes, and
pharisees, wicked judges and witnesses, willing by the
most bitter and ignominious death to redeem the children
of God, chosen before the foundation of the world, from
everlasting damnation ; hath left behind him this godly
example for a memory unto them who should come
after him, to the intent they should commit all their
causes into the hands of God, who can do all things, and
knoweth and seeth all things, saying in this manner : O
Lord, behold my affliction, for my enemy hath prepared
himself against me, and thou art my protector and de-
fender. O Lord, thou hast given me understanding,
and I have acknowledged thee, thou hast opened unto
me all their enterprises ; and for my own part, I have
been as a meek lamb which is led unto sacrifice, and have
not resisted against them. They have wrought their
enterprises upon me, saying. Let us put wood in his
bread, and let us banish him out of the land of the
living, that his name be no more spoken of, nor had in
memory. But thou, O Lord of Hosts, who judgest
justly, and seest the devices and imaginations of their
hearts, hasten thee to take vengeance upon them, for I
have manifested my cause unto thee, forsomuch as the
number of those which trouble me is great, and have
counselled together, saying, the Lord hath forsaken
him, pursue him and catch him. O Lord my God, be-
hold their doings, for thou art my patience ; deliver me
from mine enemies, for thou art my God ; do not sepa-
rate thyself far from me, for tribulation is at hand, and
there is no man which will succour. My God, my God,
look down upon me, wherefore hast thou forsaken me ?
So many dogs have compassed me in, and the company
of the wicked have besieged me round about, for they
have spoken against me with deceitful tongues, and have
compassed me in with words full of despite, and have
enforced me without cause. Instead of love towards me
they have slandered me, and have recompensed me with
evil for good, and in place of charity they have conceived
hatred against me.
" Wherefore, behold, I staying myself upon this most
holy and fruitful example of my Saviour and Redeemer,
do appeal before God for this my grief and hard oppres-
sion, from this most wicked sentence and judgment, and
the excommunication determined by the bishops, scribes,
pharisees, and judges, who sit in Moses's seat, and
resign my cause wholly unto him ; even as the holy
patriarch of Constantinople, John Chrysostom, appealed
twice from the council of the bishops and clergy ; and
Aadrew, bishop of Prague, and Robert, bishop of Lin-
coln, appealed to the sovereign and most just Jud^e,
who is not defiled with cruelty, neither can he be cor-
rupted with gifts and rewards, neither yet be deceived by
false witness. Also I desire greatly that all the faitht'ui
servants of Jesus Christ, and especially the princes,
barons, knights, esquires, and all other who inhabit
our country of Bohemia, should understand and know
these things, and have compassion upon uie, vvlio am
so grievously oi)pressed by the excommunication which
is out against me, and which was obtained and gotten Ijy
the instigation and procurement of Michael de Causis
my great enemy, and by the consent and furtherance of
the canons of the cathedral church of Prague, and given
and granted out by Peter of St. Angelo, dean of the
church of Rome, and cardinal, and also ordained judge
by Pope John XXIIL, who hath continued almost these
two years, and would give no audience unto my advo-
cates and procurators, which they ought not to deny,
(no not to a Jew or Pagan, or to any heretic whatsoever
he were) neither yet would he receive any reasonable
excuse, for that I did not appear personally, neither
would he accept the testimonials of the whole university
of Prague with the seal hanging at it, or the witness of
the sworn notaries, and such as were called unto witness.
By this all men may evidently perceive that I have not
incurred any fault or crime of contumacy or disobe-
dience, forsomuch as that I did not appear in the court
of Rome, was not for any contempt, but for reasonable
causes.
" And moreover, forsomuch as they had laid ambush-
ments for me on every side by ways where I should pass,
and also because the perils and dangers of others have made
me the more circumspect and advised ; and forsomuch
as my proctors were willing and contented to bind them-
selves even to abide the punishment of the fire to answer
to all such as would oppose or lay any thing against me
in the court of Rome ; as also because they did imprison
my lawful procurator in the said court, without any
cause, demerit, or fault, as I suppose. Forsomuch then
as the order and disposition of all ancient laws as well
divine of the old and new testament, as also of the canon
laws, is this, that the judges should resort unto the
place where the crime or fault is committed or done,
and there to inquire of all such crimes as shall be
objected and laid against him which is accused or slan-
dered, and that of such men as by conversation have
some knowledge or understanding of the party so accused
(who may not be the evil willers or enemies of him
which is so accused or slandered ; but must be men of
an honest conversation, no common quarrel pickers or
accusers, but fervent lovers of the law of God ;) and
finally, that there should be a fit and meet place ap-
pointed, whither as the accused party might without
danger or peril, resort or come, and that the judge and
witnesses should not be enemies unto him that is accused.
And also forsomuch as it is manifest, that all these con-
ditions were wanting and lacking, as touching my ap-
pearance for the safeguard of my life, I am excused
before God from the frivolous pretended obstinacy and
excommunication. Whereupon \, John Huss, do pre-
sent and ofTer this my ajipeal unto my Lord Jesus
Christ, my just Judge, who knoweth and defendeth, and
justly judgeth every man's just and true cause."
Articles formerly contained or picked out of the Treatise
of John Huss of Prague, tchich he entitled " Of the
Church,^^ following in this part or behalf the errors,
as they term them, of John Wickliff, tvith the judg-
ment against them.
The first article. " No reprobate is true pope, lord,
or prelate." The error is in the faith, and behaviour,
and manners, being many times before condemned, as
well against the poor men of Lyons, as also against the
Waldenses and Pikards. The affirmation of which
errors is temerarious, seditious, offensive and pernicious,
and tending to the subversion of all human policy and
government, forasmuch as no man knows whether he be
worthy of love or hatred, for all men offend in many
points, and thereby should all rule and dominion b«
302
ARTICLES ALLEGED AGAINST JOHN HUSS.
[Rook V.
made uncertain and unstable, if it should be founded
upon predestination and charity ; neither should the
commandment of Peter have been good, who desires all
servants to be obedient unto their masters and lords,
although they be wicked.
The second article. " That no man who is in deadly
sin, whereby he is no member of Christ, but of the devil,
is true pope, prelate, or lord." The error of this is like
to the first.
The third article. " No reprobate or person in deadly
sin, sits in the apostolic seat of Peter, neither has any
apostolical power over the christian people." This
error is also like to the first.
The fourth article. " No reprobates are of the
church, nor any who do not follow the life of Christ."
This error is against the common opinion of the doctors,
concerning the church.
The fifth article. " They only are of the church, and
sit in Peter's seat, and have apostolic power who follow
Christ and his apostles in their life and living." The
error hereof is in faith and manners, as in the first arti-
cle, but containing more arrogancy and rashness.
The sixth article. " That every man who lives up-
rightly, according to the nile of Christ, may and ought
openly to preach and teach, although he be not sent,
yea, although he be forbidden or excommunicated by any
prelate or bishop, even as he might or ought to give
alms ; for his good life in living together with his learn-
ing, sufficiently sends him." This is a rash and teme-
rarious error, offensive, and tending to the confusion
of the whole ecclesiastical hierarchy.
The seventh article. " That the pope of Rome being
contrary to Christ, is not the universal bishop, neither
has the church of Rome any supremacy over other
churches, except peradventure it be given to him of
Csesar, and not of Christ." An error lately and plainly
reproved.
The eighth article. " That the pope ought not to be
called most holy, neither that his feet are holy and
blessed, or that they ought to be kissed." This error is
temerarious, irreverently, niul offeii.-ively published.
The ninth article. " That according unto the doc-
trine of Christ, heretics, be they never so obstinate or
stubborn, ought not to be put to death, neither to be
accursed or excommunicated." This is the error of the
Donatists, temerariously, and not without great offence
affirmed against the laws of the ecclesiastical discipline,
as St. Augustine proves.
The tenth article. " That subjects and the com-
mon people, may and ought publicly and openly to de-
tect and reprove the vices of their superiors and rulers,
as having power given them of Christ, and example of
St. Paul so to do." This error is pernicious, full of
offence, inducing all rebellion, disobedience and se-
dition.
The eleventh article. "That Christ only is head of
the church, and not the pope." It is an error accord-
ing to the common interpretation of the doctors, if all
the reason of the supremacy, and of being head, be se-
cluded and taken away from the pope.
The twelfth article. " That the only church, which
comprehends the predestinate and good livers, is the
universal church, whereto subjects owe obedience. And
this is consecpient to the former article." The error is
contained as in the former articles.
Tlie thirteenth article. " That tithes and oblations
given to the church, are public and common alms."
This error is offensive, and contrary to the determination
of the apostle, 1 Cor. ix.
The fourteenth article. " That the clergy living
wickedly, ought to be reproved and corrected by the
lav-people, by the taking away of their tithes and other
temporal profits." A most pernicious error and offen-
sive, inducing the secular people to perpetrate sacrilege,
subverting the ecclesiastical liberty.
The fifteenth article. " That the blessings of such as
are reprobate or evil livers of the clergy, are maledic-
tions and cursings before God, according to the saying,
I will curse your blessings." This error was re])roved
by St. Augustine, against St. Cyprian and his followers.
neither is the master of the sentences allowed of the
masters in that point when he seems to favour this
article.
The sixteenth article. " That in these days, and in
long time before, there has been no true po])e, no true
church or faith, which is called the Romish church,
whereunto a man ought to obey, but that it both was
and is the synagogue of antichrist and Satan." The
error in this article is in this point, that it is derived
and takes its foundation upon the former articles.
The seventeenth article. "That all gift of money
given to the ministers of the church, for the ministration
of any spiritual matter, makes such ministers in that I'
case users of simony." This error is seditious and '
temerarious, forasmuch as something may be given to
the clergy, under the title of susteiitation or maintaining
the minister, without the selling or buying of any
spiritual thing.
The eighteenth article. " That whoever is excommu-
nicate of the pope, if he appeal to Christ, he is preserved
that he need not fear the excommunication, but may
utterly contemn and despise the same." This error
is temerarious and full of arrogancy.
The nineteenth article. " That every deed done with-
out charity, is sin." This error was reproved and
revoked before this time at Paris, specially if it be under-
stood of deadly sin ; for it is not necessary that he who
lacketh grace, should continually sin and offend anew,
although he be continually in sin.
This folloving, the masters of Paris, by their whole
voice and consent, did add and join to these nineteen
articles, as their reason and determination.
" We affirm, that these articles aforesaid are noto-
riously heretical, and that they are judicially condemned
for such, and diligently to be rooted out with their most
seditious doctrines, lest they do infect others. For
although they seem to have a zeal against the vices of
the prelates and the clergy, which (the more is the pity
and grief) do but too much abound, yet it is not accord-
ing to learning ; for a sober and discreet zeal suffers
and laments those sins and offences, which one sees in
the house of God, that he cannot amend or take away;
for vices cannot be rooted out and taken away by other
vices and errors, forasmuch as devils are not cast out
through Beelzebub, but by the power of God, which is
the Holy Ghost, who wills, that in correction the mea-
sure and mean of prudence be always kept, according to
the saying, Mark who, what, where and why, by what
means and when, prelates and bishops are bound, under
grievous and express penalties of the law, diligently and
vigilantly to bear themselves against the foresaid errors,
and such other like, and the maintainers of them ; for
let it be always understood and noted, that the error
which is not resisted is allowed, neither is there any
doubt of privy affinity or society of him, who is slow
to withstand a manifest mischief.
" These things are intermeddled by the way under
correction, as by way of doctrine.
(Signed) " John Gerson,
" Chancellor of Paris, unworthily."
These things thus declared, a man may easily under-
stand, that John Huss was not accused for holding any
opinion contrary to the articles of our faith, but because
he did stoutly preach and teach against the kingdom of
antichrist for the glory of Christ, and the restoring of
the church.
Now to return unto the history : when the articles,
which I have before rehearsed, were all read over, the
cardinal of Cambray, calling to John Huss, said, "Thou
hast heard what grievous and horrible crimes are laid
against thee, and what number of them they aic ; and
now it is thy part to devise with thyself what thou wilt
do. Two ways are proposed and set before thee by the
council, of which one thou must of necessity enter into.
" First, that thou do humbly and meekly submit thy-
self unto the judgment and sentence of the council, that
A.D. 1415.] THE CARDINAL OF CAMBRAY AND OTHERS EXHORT HUSS TO RECANT. .30.5
whatever shall be there determined, by their common
toice and judgment, thou wilt patiently bear and suffer.
Which thing if thou wilt do, we of our part, both for
the honour of the most gentle emperor here present, and
also for the honour of his brother the king of Bohemia,
and for thy own safeguard and preservation, will treat
and handle thee with as great humanity, love and gentle-
ness, as we may. But if as yet thou art determined to
defend any of those articles which we have propounded
to thee, and dost desire or require to be further heard
thereupon, we will not deny thee power and license
thereto ; but this thou shalt well understand, that there
are such men, so clear in understanding and knowledge,
and having so firm and strong reasons and arguments
against thy articles, that I fear it will be to thy great
hurt, detriment and peril, if thou shouldst any longer
•wiU or desire to defend the same. This I do speak and
say to thee, to counsel and admonish thee, and not as a
judge."
Many others of the cardinals, every man for himself,
did exhort and persuade John Huss in the same way ; to
whom, with a lowly countenance he answered, " Most
reverend fathers, I have often said, that I came hither
of mine own free wiU, not to defend any thing, but if in
any thing I should seem to have conceived a perverse or
evil opinion, that I would meekly and patiently be con-
tent to be reformed and taught. Whereupon I desire
that I may have yet further liberty to declare my mind.
Whereof, except I shall allege most firm and strong
reasons, I will willingly submit myself."
Then said the cardinal of Cambray, " Forasmuch then
as thou dost submit thyself to the information and grace
of this council, this is decreed by all almost three-score
doctors.
" First of all, thou shalt humbly and meekly confess
thyself to have erred in these articles which are alleged
and brought against thee.
" Moreover, thou shalt promise by an oath, that from
henceforth thou shalt not teach, hold or maintain any of
these articles. And last of all, that thou shalt openly
recant all these articles."
Upon which sentence, when many others had spoken
their minds, at length John Huss said, " I once again
do say, that I am ready to submit myself to the infor-
mation of the council ; but this I most humbly require
end desire you all, even for his sake, who is the God
of us all, that I be not compelled or forced to do the
thing which my conscience rejects or strives against,
or which I cannot do without danger of eternal damna-
tion, that is, that I should make revocation by oath to
all the articles which are alleged against me. For I
remember, that I have read in the book of universalities,
that to abjure, is to renounce an error which a man has
before held. And forsomuch as many of these articles
are said to be mine, which were never in my mind or
thought to hold or teach, how should I then renounce
them by an oath ? But as touchirg those articles which
are mine indeed, if there be any man who can teach me
contrariwise to them, I will willingly perform that which
you desire."
Then said the emperor, " Why mayest not thou with-
out danger also renounce all those articles which thou
sayest are falsely alleged against thee by the witnesses ?
For I verily would nothing at all doubt to abjure all
errors, neither does it foUow that therefore by and by I
have professed any error." To whom John Huss an-
swered : "Most noble emperor, this word, to abjure, sig-
nifies much more than your majesty here gives it." Then
said the cardinal of Florence, " John Huss, you shall
have a form of abjuration, which shall be gentle, and
tolerable enough, written and delivered to you, and then
you will easily and soon determine with yourself, whether
you will do it or no." Then the emperor, repeating
again the words of the cardinal of Cambray, said, " Thou
hast heard that there are two ways laid before thee : first
that thou shouldst openly renounce those thy errors,
which are now condemned, and subscribe unto the judg-
ment of the council, whereby thou shouldst try and find
their grace and favour. But if thou proceed to defend
thy opinions, the council shall have sufi&cient power,
whereby according to their laws and ordinances, they
may decree and determine upon thee." To whom John
Huss answered, " I refuse nothing, most noble emperor,
whatsoever the council shall decree or determine upon
me. Only this one thing I except, that I do not offend
God or my conscience, or say that I have professed those
errors which was never in my mind or thought to pro-
fess. But I desire you all, if it may be possible, that
you will grant me further liberty to declare my mind and
opinion, that 1 may answer as much as shall suffice, as
touching those tilings which are objected against me,
and specially concerning ecclesiastical offices, and the
state of the ministry."
Here a certain very old bishop of Pole put in his ver-
dict. He said, " The laws are evident as touching
heretics, with what punishment they ought to be
punished." But John Huss constantly answered as
before, insomuch that they said he was obstinate and
stubborn. Then a certain well fed priest, and gaily
apparelled, cried out unto the presidents of the council,
saying, "He ought by no means to be admitted to
recantation, for he hath written unto his friends, that
although he do swear with his tongue, yet he will keep
his mind unsworn without oath ; wherefore he is not to
be trusted." Unto this slander John Huss answered,
as is said in the last article, affirming that he was not
guilty of any error.
In the meantime there was exhibited to the council a
certain article, wherein John Huss was accused, that he
had slanderously interpreted a certain sentence of the
pope's ; which he denied that he did, saying, that he
never saw it but in prison, when the article was shewn
him by the commissioners.
Then was there another article read, in the which was
contained, that three men were beheaded at Prague, be-
cause that through Wickliff's doctrine and teaching they
were contumelious and slanderous against the pope's
letters : and that they were by the same Huss, with the
whole pomp of the scholars, and with a public convoca-
tion or congregation, carried out to be buried, and by a
public sermon placed among the number of saints.
Then said John Huss, that it was false, that the
corpses were by him conveyed with any such pomp into
their sepulchre or burial.
Other charges of the same kind were made and de-
nied again, and then there was great silence kept for a
while. Then Paletz, who had conducted the process
against John Huss, rising up, as having now finished his
accusation, said, " I take God to my witness before the
emperor's majesty here present, and the most reverend
fathers, cardinals, and bishops, that in this accusation of
John Huss, I have not used any hatred or evil will ; but
that I might satisfy the oath which 1 took when I was
made doctor that I would be a most cruel and sharp
enemy of all manner of errors, for the profit of the holy
catholic church." Michael de Causis did also the like.
" And I," said John Huss, " do commit all these things
unto the Heavenly Judge, which shall justly judge the
cause or quarrels of both parties." Then said the cardinal
of Cambray, " I cannot a little commend and praise the
humanity and gentleness ol Master Paletz, which he hath
used in drawing out the articles against Master John
Huss. For as we have heard, there are many things
contained in his book much worse, and more detestable."
When he had spoken these words, the bishop of Reg-
geo, unto whom John Huss was committed, commanded
that the said John Huss should be carried again safely
unto prison. Then John de Clum following him, did
not a little encourage and comfort him. No tongue can
express what courage and stomach he received by the
short talk which he had vrith him ; when in so great a
broil and grievous hatred, he saw himself in a manner
forsaken of all men. After John Huss was carried
away, the emperor began to exhort the presidents of the
council in this manner, saying,
" You have heard the manifold and grievous crimes
which are laid against John Huss, which are not only
proved by manifest and strong witnesses, but also con-
fessed by him ; of which, every one of them by my
394
THE SERMON OF THE BISHOP OF LONDY AGAINST JOHN HUSS.
[Book V.
judgment and advice, have deserved, and are worthy of
death. Therefore, except he do recant them all, I judge
and think meet that he be punished with lire. And al-
though he do that which he is willed and commanded to
do, notwithstanding I do counsel you, that he be forbid
the ofhce of preaching and teaching, and also that he re-
turn no more into the kingdom of Bohemia. For if he
be ad.nitted again to teach and preach, and especially in
the kingdom of Bohemia, he will not observe and keep
that which he is commanded, but hoping upon the fa-
vour and goodwill of such as be his adherents and
favourers there, he will return again unto his former
purpose and intent, and then, besides these errors, he
will also sow new errors amongst the people, so the last
error sliall be worse than the first.
" Moreover, I judge and think it good, that his arti-
cles which are condemned, should be sent to ray brother
the king of Bohemia, and afterward to Pole, and other
provinces, where men's minds are replenished with his
doctrine, with this commandment, that whosoever do
hold or keep the same, should by the common aid
both of the ecclesiastical and civil power, be punished.
So at the length shall remedy be found for this mischief,
if the boughs, together with the root, be utterly rooted
and pulled up : and if the bishops, and other prelates,
who here in this place have laboured for the ex-
tirpating of this heresy, be commended by the whole
voices of the council to the king and princes, under
whose dominion they are. Last of all, if there be
any found here at Constance, who are familiars unto
John Huss, they also ought to be punished with such
severity and punishment as is due unto them, and es-
pecially his scholar, Jerome of Prague." Then said the
rest, " When the master is once punished, we hope
we shall find the scholar much more tractable and
gentle."
After they had spoken these words, they departed out
of the cloister, where they were assembled and gathered
together. The day before his condemnation, which was
the sixth of July, the Emperor Sigismund sent to him
four bishops, accompanied by Master Wincelate de Duba,
and John de Clum, that they should learn and under-
stand of him what he intended to do. When he was
brought out of prison to them, John de Clum began first
to speak unto him, saying —
" Master John Huss, I am a man unlearned, neither
am I able to counsel or advise you, being a man of learn-
ing and understanding : notwithstanding I do require
you, if you know yourself guilty of any of those errors,
which fire objected and laid against you before the coun-
cil, that you will not be ashamed to alter and change
your mind to the will and pleasure of the council; if
contrariwise, I will be no author to you, that you should
do any thing contrary, or against your conscience, but
rather to suffer and endure any kind of punishment, than
to deny that which you have known to be the truth."
To whom John Huss, with lamentable tears, said ; " Ve-
rily, as before I have oftentimes done, I do take the
most High God for my witness, that I am ready with my
heart and mind, if the council can instruct or teach me
any better by the holy scripture, and I will be ready with
all my whole heart to alter and change my purpose."
Then one of the bishops which sat by, said unto him,
that he would never be so arrogant or proud, that he
would j>refer his own mind or opinion before the judg-
ment of the whole council. To whom John Huss an-
swered, " Neither do I otherwise mind or intend. For
if he which is the meanest or least in all this council can
convict me of error, I will with an humble heart and
mind perform, and do whatever the council shall require
of me." "Mark," said the bishops, "how obstinately he
perseveres in his errors." And when they had thus
talked, they commanded the keepers to carry him again
to prison, and so they returned again unto the emperor
with their commission.
The next day after, which was Saturday, and the sixth
day of July, there waa a general session held by the
princes and lords, both of the ecclesiastical and tem-
poral estates, in the head church of the city of Con.
stance, the Emperor Sigismund being president, in his
imperial robes and habit ; in the midst whereof there waa
made a certain high place, being square like a table, and
close by it there was a desk of wood, upon the which the
garments and vestments pertaining to priesthood were
laid for this purpose, that before John Huss should be de-
livered over to the civil ])ower, he should be openly de-
prived and spoiled of his priestly ornaments. When
John Huss was brought thither, he fell down upon his
knees before the same high place, and prayed a long
time. In the mean while the bishop of Londy went up
into the pulpit, and made this sermon following.
The Sermon of the Bishop of Londy, before the Sentenct
was given upon John Huss.
" In the name of the Father, the Son, and of the Holy
Ghost. Trusting by humble invocation upon the divine
help and aid, most noble prince, and most christian em-
peror, and you, most excellent fathers, and reverend
h)rds, bishops and prelates, also most excellent doctors
and masters, famous and noble dukes, and high counts,
honourable nobles and barons, and all other men worthy
of remembrance ; that the intent and purpose of my
mind may the more plainly and evidently appear unto
this most sacred congregation : I am first of all deter-
mined to treat or speak of that which is read in the
epistle on the next Sunday, in the sixth chapter to the
Romans ; that is to say, ' Let the body of sin be de-
stroyed,' &c.
" It appeareth by the authority of Aristotle, in his
book entituled De Cwlo et Mundo, how wicked, dan-
gerous, andjfoolish a matter it seemeth to be, not to
withstand perverse and wicked beginnings. For he
saith, that a small error in the beginning, is very great in
the end. It is very damnable and dangerous to have
erred, but more hard to be corrected or amended.
Whereupon that worthy doctor St. Jerome, in his book
upon the exposition of the catholic faith, teaches how
necessary a thing it is that heretics and heresies should be
suppressed, even in the first beginning of them, saying
thus, the rotten and dead flesh is to be cut off from
the body, lest that the whole body do perish and putrify.
For a scabbed sheep is to be put out of the fold, lest
that the whole flock be infected ; and a little fire is to be
quenched, lest the whole house be consumed and
burned. Arius was first a spark in Alexandria, who,
because he was not quenched at the first, he presumed,
and went about with his wicked and perverse imagi-
nations, and phantastical inventions, to spot and defile
the catholic faith, which is founded and established by
Christ, defended with the victorious triumphs of so many
martyrs, and illuminated and set forth with the excellent
doctrines and writings of so many men. Such, there-
fore, must be resisted ; such heretics must of necessity
be suppressed and condemned.
" Wherefore I have truly propounded, as touching
the punishment of every such obstinate heretic, that
the body of sin is to be destroyed. W^hereupon it is to
be considered according to the holy traditions of the fa-
thers, that some sins are adverse and contrary unto ano-
ther. Others are annexed or conjoined together ; others
are, as it were, branches and members of others ; and
some are, as it were, the roots and heads of others.
Amongst all which, those are to be counted the more
detestable, out of which the most and worst have their
original and beginning. Wherefore, although all sins
and offences are to be abhorred of us ; yet those are
especially to be eschewed, which are the head and root
of the rest. For by how much the perverseness of them
is of more force and power to hurt, with so much the
more speed and circumspection ought they to be rooted
out and extinguished, with apt preservatives and reme-
dies. Forsomuch, then, as amongst all sins, none doth
appear to be more inveterate '■.ban the mischief of this
most execrable schism, therefore have I right well pro-
pounded, ' That the body of sin should be destroyed.'
For by the long continuance of this scliism, great and
1. D. 1415.]
SERMON OF THE BISHOP OF LONDY AGAINST JOHN HUSS.
ao.-j
most cruel destruction is sprung up amongst the faithful,
I and hath long continued ; abominable divisions of here-
1 gies are grown ; threatenings are increased and multi-
plied ; the confusion of the whole clergy is grown
i thereupon, and the opprobriums and slanders of the
christian people, are abundantly sprung up and in-
creased : and truly it is no marvel, forsomuch as that
most detestable and execrable schism, is, as it were, a
body and heap of dissolution of the true faith of God : for
what can be good or holy in that place, where such a
, pestiferous schism hath reigned so long a time ? For as
St. Bernard saith, * Like as in the unity and concord of
' the faithful, there is the habitation and dwelling of the
Lord; so likewise in the schism and dissipation of the
christians, there is made the habitation and dwelling of
the devil. Is not schism and division the original of all
subversion, the den of heresies, and the nourisher of
all offences ? For the knot of unity and peace being
once troubled and broken, there is free passage made for
all strife and debate. C'ovetousness is uttered in others
' for lucre sake ; lust and will is set at liberty, and all
means opened unto slaughter ; all right and equity is
1 banished, the ecclesiastical power is injured, and the
calamity of this schism bringeth in all kind of bondage,
Bword and violence doth rule, the laity have the do-
, minion, concord and unity are banished, and all pre-
scribed rules of religion utterly contemned and set at
naught.'
" Consider, most gentle lords, during this most pes-
tiferous schism, how many heresies have appeared and
shewed themselves, how many heretics have escaped
unpunished ; how many churches have been spoiled and
■ pidied down, how many cities have been oppressed,
and regions brought to ruin .' What confusion hath
there happened in the clergy .' What and how great
destruction hath been amongst the christian people ?
I jnay you mark how the church of God, the
Epouse of Christ, and the Mother of all the faithful,
I is contemned and despised. For who doth reverence the
; keys of the church ? who feareth the censures or laws .'
' or who is it that doth defend the liberties thereof .-'
1 but rather who is it that doth not offend the same, or
I who doth not invade it, or else who is he that dare not
' violently lay hands upon the patrimony or heritage of
I Jesus Christ ? The goods of the clergy, and of the poor,
I and the relief of pilgrims and strangers, gotten together
! by the blood of our Saviour, and of many martyrs, are
I spoiled and taken away : behold, the abomination of
I desolation brought upon the church of God, the destruc-
ition of the faith, and the confusion of the christian
I people, to the ruin of the Lord's flock or fold, and all
I the whole company of our most holy Saviour and Re-
jdeemer. This loss is more great or grievous than any
'which could happen unto the martyrs of Christ, and
this persecution much more cruel than the persecution
of any tyrant, for they did but only punish the bodies,
ibut in this schism and division the souls are tormented.
There the blood of men was only shed; but in tliis case
the true faith is subverted and overthrown. That per-
secution was salvation unto many ; but this schism is
destruction unto all men. When the tyrants raged,
■then the faith did increase ; but by this division it is
'utterly decayed. During their cruelty and madness the
j)rimitive church increased ; but through this schism it
jis confounded and overthrown. Tyrants did ignorantly
lofFend ; but in this schism many do wittingly and wil-
lingly even of obstinacy offend. There came in heretics,
(users of simony, and hypocrites, to the great detriment
land deceit of the church ; under those tyrants the me-
ifits of the just were increased.
' " But during this schism, mischief and wickedness
iare augmented : for in this most cursed and execrable
Idivision, truth is made an enemy to all Christians, faith
lis not regarded, love and charity hated, hope is lost,
jjustice overthrown, no kind of courage or valiantness,
but only unto mischief : modesty and temperance
cloaked, wisdom turned into deceit, humility feigned,
equity and truth falsified, patience utterly fled, con-
science small, all wickedness intended, devotion counted
folly, gcntlentss abject and cast away, rsligion despised,
obedience not regarded, and all manner of life reproach-
ful and abominable. With how great and grievous sor-
rows is tlie church of God replenished and filled, whilst
tyrants do oppress it, heretics invade it, users of si-
mony do spoil and rob it, and schismatics go about
utterly to subvert it ? O most miserable and wretched
christian people, whom now by the space of forty years,
with such indurate and continual schism they have tor-
mented, and almost brought to ruin ! O the little bark
and ship of Christ, which hath so long time wandered
and strayed now in the midst of the whirlpools, and by
and by sticketh fast in tlie rocks, tossed to and fro with
most grievous and tempestuous storms ! O miserable
and wretched boat of Peter, if the most Holy Father
would suffer thee to sink or drown, into what dangers
and perils have the wicked pirates brouglit thee ?
Amongst what rocks have they placed thee ? O most
godly and loving christians, what faithful devout man is
there, who beholding and seeing the great ruin and
decay of the church, would not be j)rovoked unto tears ?
What good conscience is there that can refrain weep-
ing, because that contention and strife is poured upon
the ecclesiastical rulers, which have made us to err in
the way, because they have not found, or rather would
not find the way of unity and concord, whereupon so
many heresies and so great confusion is sprung up, and
grown in the flock of Peter and the fold of the Lord.
" Many princes, kings, and prelates, have greatly
laboured and worked for the rooting out hereof; but
yet could they never bring to pass or finish that most
wholesome and necessary work. Wherefore, most
christian king, this most glorious and triumphant vic-
tory hath tarried only for thee, the crown and glory
thereof shall be thine for ever, and this most happy
victory shall be continually celebrated to thy great
honour and praise, that thou hast restored again the
church which was so spoiled, that thou hast removed and
put away all inveterate and overgrown schisms and di-
visions, that thou hast trodden down users of simony, and
rooted out all heretics. Dost thou not behold and see
how great, perpetual, and famous renown and glory it
will be unto thee ? For what can be more just, what
more holy, what better, what more to be desired ; or,
finally, what can be more acceptable, than to root out
this wicked and abominable schism, to restore the
church again unto her ancient liberty, to extinguish and
put away all simony, and to condemn and destroy all
errors and heresies from amongst the flock of the faith-
ful .' Nothing, truly, can be better, nothing more holy,
nothing more profitable for the whole world ; and, final-
ly, nothing more acceptable unto God. For the per-
formance of which most holy and godly work thou wast
elect and chosen of God ; thou wast first deputed and
chosen in heaven before thou wast elect and chosen
upon earth. Thou wast first appointed by the celestial
and heavenly Prince, before the electors of the empire
did elect or choose thee, and specially, that by the im-
perial force and power thou shouldest condemn and
destroy those errors and heresies which we have pre-
sently in hand to be condemned and subverted. To the
performance of this most holy work God hath givea
unto thee the knowledge and understanding of his divine
truth and verity, power of princely majesty, and the just
judgment of equity and righteousness, as the Most High
himself doth say, I have givea thee understanding and
wisdom, to speak and utter my words, and have set thee
to rule over nations and kingdoms, that thou shouldest
help the people, pluck down and destroy iniquity, and by
exercising of justice thou shouldest, I say, destroy all
errors and heresies, and specially this obstinate heretic
here present, through whose wickedness and mischief
many places of the world are infected with most pesti-
lent and heretical poison, and by this means and occa-
sion almost utterly subverted and destroyed. This
most holy and godly labour, O most noble prince ! wa«
reserved only for thee, upon thee it doth only lie, unto
whom the rule and ministration of justice is given.
Wherefore thou hast established thy praise and renown,
even by the mouths of infants and sucking babes, for thy
praises shall be celebrated for evermore, that thou hast
306
SENTENCE OF THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE AGAINST JOHN HUSS.
[Book V.
destroyed and overthrown such and so great enemies of
the faith. The which that thou mayest prosperously
and happily perform and bring to pass, our Lord Jesus
vouchsafe to grant thee his grace and help, who is
blessed for ever and ever. Ameu."
When this sermon was thus ended, the proctor of the
council rising up, named Henry de Piro, required
that the process of the cause against John Huss might
be continued, and that they might proceed unto the de-
finitive sentence. Then a certain bishop, who was ap-
pointed one of the judges, declared the process of the
cause, which was pleaded long since in the court of
Rome, and elsewhere, between John Huss and the pre-
lates of Prague.
At the last he repeated those articles which we have
before mentioned, amongst which he rehearsed also
one article, that John Huss should teach the two
natures of the Godhead and manhood to be one Christ.
John Huss went about briefly with a word or two to an-
swer every of them ; but as often as he was about to
speak the cardinal of Cambray commanded him to hold
his peace, saying, " Hereafter you shall answer all to-
gether, if you will." Then said John Huss, " How
can I at once answer all these things which are alleged
against me, when I cannot remember them all ?"
Then said the cardinal of Florence, '• We have heard
thee sufficiently." But when John Huss for all that
would not hold his peace, they sent the officers that they
should force hiui thereunto. Then he began to intreat,
pray, and beseech them, that they would hear him, that
sucli as were present might not credit or believe those
things to be true which were reported of him. But
when all this could nothing prevail, he, kneeling down
upon his knees, committed the whole matter unto God,
and the Lord Jesus Christ, for at their hands he believed
easily he would obtain that which he desired.
When the articles abovesaid were ended, last of all
there was added a notable blasphemy, which they all im-
puted to John Huss, that is, that he said there should
be a fourth person in divinity, and that a certain doctor
did hear him speak of the same. When John Huss de-
sired that the doctor might be named, the bishop that
alleged the article said that it was not needful to name
him. Then said John Huss, " O miserable and
wretched man that I am, who am forced and compelled
to bear such a blasphemy and slander."
Afterwards the article was repeated, how that he had ap-
pealed to Christ, and that appeal was called heretical.
Whereto John Huss answered, " O Lord Jesus
Christ, whose word is openly condemned here in this
council, unto thee again I do appeal, who when thou
wast evil intreated of thine enemies didst appeal unto
God thy Father, committing thy cause unto a most just
Judge, that by thy example we also being oppressed
with manifest wrongs and injuries should flee unto
thee." Last of all the article was rehearsed, as touch-
ing the contempt of the excommunication by John
Huss. Whereto he answered as before, that he was ex-
cused by his advocates in the court of Rome, wherefore
he did not appear when he was cited ; and also that it
may be proved by the acts, that the excommunication
was not ratified; and finally, to the intent he might
clear himself of obstinacy, he was for that cause come
unto Constance under the emperor's safe conduct.
When he had spoken these words, one of them, who
was appointed judge, read the definitive sentence against
him, wliich follows thus word for word : —
The Sentence or Judgment of the Council of Constance
against John Huss.
" The most holy and sacred general council of Con-
stance, being congregated and gathered together, re]ire-
senting the catholic church, for a perpetual memory of
the thing, as the verity and truth did witness, ' An evil
tree bringeth forth evil fruit ;' hereupon it cometh, that
the man of most damnable memory, John Wickliff,
through his pestiferous doctrine, not through Jesus
Christ by the gospel, as the holy fathers iu times past
have begotten faithful children, but contrary to the
wholesome faith of Jesus Christ, as a most venomous
root, hath begotten many pestilent and wicked children
whom he hath left behind him, successors and followers
of his perverse and wicked doctrine, against whom this
sacred synod of Constance is forced to rise up, as
against bastards and unlawful children, and with dili-
gent care, with the sharp knife of the ecclesiastical au-
thority, to cut up their errors out of the Lord's field, as
most hurtful brambles and briars, lest they should grow
to the hurt and detriment of others.
" Forsomuch then as in the holy general council,
lately celebrated and holden at Rome, it was decreed,
that the doctrine of John Wickliff, of most damnable
memory, should be condemned, and that his books
which contained the same doctrine should be burned as
heretical, and this decree was approved and confirmed
by the sacred authority of the whole council, neverthe-
less, one John Huss here personally present in this
sacred council, not the disciple of Christ, but of John
Wickliff, an arch heretic, after, and contrary or against
the condemnation and decree hath taught, preached, and
affirmed the articles of Wickliff, which were condemned
by the church of God, and in times past by certain most
reverend fathers in Christ, lords, archbishops, and
bishops, of divers kingdoms and realms, masters of
divinity of divers universities ; especially resisting in his
open sermons, and also with his adherents and accom-
plices in the schools, the condemnation of the said
articles of Wickliff 's, oftentimes published in the said
university of Prague, and hath declared him the said
Wickliff, for the favour and commendation of his doc-
trine before the whole multitude of the clergy and peo-
ple, to be a catholic man, and a true evangelical doctor.
He hath also published and affirmed certain and many
of his articles worthily condemned, to be catholic, the
which are notoriously contained in the books of the said
John Huss.
" Wherefore, after diligent deliberation and full in-
formation first had upon the premises by the reverend
fathers and lords in Christ of the holy church of Rome,
cirdinals, patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, and other
prelates, doctors of divinity, and of both laws, in great
number assembled and gathered together, this most
sacred and holy council of Constance, declareth and de-
termineth the articles abovesaid (the which, after due
conference had, are found in his books written with his
own hand, the which also the said John Huss in open
audience, before this holy council, hath confessed to be
in his books), not to be catholic, neither worthy to be
taught, but that many of them are erroneous, some of
theni wicked, others offensive to godly ears, many of
them temerarious and seditious, and the greater part of
them notoriously heretical, and even now of late by the
holy fathers and general councils reproved and con-
demned. And forsomuch as the said articles are ex-
pressly contained in the books of the said John Huss,
therefore this said sacred council dot'n condemn and re-
prove all those books which he wrote, in what form or
phrase soever they be, or whether they be translated by
others, and doth determine and decree, that they all
shall be solemnly and openly burned in the presence of
the clergy and people of the city of Constance, and else-
where ; adding moreover for the premises, that all his
doctrine is worthy to be despised and eschewed of all
faithful christians. And to the intent that this most per-
nicious and wicked doctrine may be utterly excluded
and shut out of the church, this sacred synod doth
straightly command, that diligent inquisition be made
by the ordinaries of the places by the ecclesiastical
censure, for such treatises and works, and that such as
are found be consumed and burned with fire. And if
there be any found, who shall contemn or despise this
sentence or decree, this sacred synod ordainetii and
decreeth, that the ordinaries of the places, and the in-
quisitors of heresies, shall proceed against every such
person as they suspect of heresy.
" Wherefore, after due inquisition made against the
said John Huss, and full information had by the com-
missaries and doctors of both laws, and also by the say-
A.D. 141.').
THE CEREMONY OF DEGRADATION OF JOHN HUSS.
307
ings of the witnesses which were worthy of credit, and
m^ny other things openly read before the said John
H'l.-s, and I)(.fore the fathers and prelates of this sacred
council (by the which allegations of the witnesses, it
appeareth, that the said John Huss hath taught many
evil and offensive, seditious and perilous heresies, and
hath preached the same for a long time), this most sa-
cred and holy synod, lawfully congregated and gathered
together in the Holy Ghost, (the name of Christ being
invoked and called upon) by this their sentence which
here is set forth in writing, determineth, pronouuceth,
declareth, and decreeth, that John Huss was and is a
true and manifest heretic, and that he hath preached
openly errors and heresies lately condemned by the
church of God, and many seditious, temerarious, and
ofl'eusive things, to no small offence of the Divine Ma-
jesty, and of the imiversal church, and detriment of the
catholic faith and church, neglecting and despising the
keys of the church, and ecclesiastical censures. In the
which error he has continued with a mind alto-
gether indurate and hardened by the space of many
years, much offending the faithful christians by his ob-
stinacy and stubbornness, in his having made his ap-
peal unto the Lord Jesus Christ as the most high Judge,
omitting and leaving all ecclesiastical means. In the
which appeal he allegeth many false, injurious, and
offensive matters, in contempt of the apostolic see, and
the ecclesiastical censures and keys.
" Whereupon, both for the premises and many other
things, the said synod pronounceth Jolin Huss to be an
heretic, and judgeth him by these presents to be con-
demned and judged as an heretic, and reproveth the
said appeal as injurious, offensive, and done in derision
unto the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and judgeth the said
Huss not only to have seduced the christian people
by his writings and preachings, and especially in the
kingdom of Bohemia, neither to have been a true
preacher of the gospel of Christ unto the said people,
according to the exposition of the holy doctors ; but
also to have been a seducer of them, and also an obsti-
nate and stiffnecked person, yea, and such an one as
doth not desire to return again to the lap of our holy
mother the church, neither to abjure the errors and
heresies which he hath openly preached and defended.
Wherefore this most sacred council decreeth and de-
clareth, that the said John Huss shall be publicly de-
posed and degraded from his priestly orders and dig-
nity, &c."
Whilst these things were thus read, John Huss, al-
though he was forbidden to speak, notwithstanding did
often interrupt them, and especially when he was re-
proved of obstinacy, he said, with a loud voice : " I was
j never obstinate, but as always heretofore, even so now
I again I desire to be taught by the holy scriptures, and I
do profess myself to be so desirous of the truth, that if
I might by one only word subvert the errors of all here-
tics, I would not refuse to enter into what peril or
I danger soever it were." When his books were con-
[ demned, he said : " Wherefore have you condemned those
books, when you have not proved by any one article that
they are contrary to the scriptures or articles of faith ?
And, moreover, what injury is this that you do to me,
that you have condemned these books written in the Bo-
hemian tongue, which you never saw, neither yet read ?"
And oftentimes looking up unto heaven he prayed.
Vi hen the sentence and judgment was ended, kneeling
4own upon his knees, he said : " Lord Jesus Christ,
forgive mine enemies, by whom thou knowest that I am
falsely accused, and that they have used false witness
and slanders against me: forgive them, I say, for thy
great mercy's sake." This his prayer and oration the
greater part, and especially the chief of the priests de-
rided and mocked.
At last, the seven bishops who were chosen out to de-
grade him of his priesthood commanded him to put on
the garments pertaining unto priesthood, which, when
he had done, he came to the putting on of the albe, he
called to his remembrance the purple vesture which
Herod put on Jesus Christ to mock him withal. So
likewise in all other things he comforted himself by the
example of Christ. When he had now put on all his
priestly vestures, the bishops exhorted him that he
should yet alter and change his mind, and provide for his
honour and safety ; then he (according as the manner of
the ceremony is) going up to the top of the scaffold,
being full of tears, spake to the people in this sort :
" These lords and bishops do exhort and counsel me,
that I should here confess before you all that I have
erred ; to do which thing, if it were such as might be
done with the infamy and reproach of man only, they
might peradventure easily persuade me thereto ; but
now truly I am in the sight of the Lord my God, with-
out whose great displeasure and the hurt of mine own con-
science, I can by no means do that which they require of
me. For I do well know, that I never taught any of
those things which they have falsely alleged against me,
but I have always preached, taught, written, and thought
contrary thereto. With what countenance then should I
behold the heavens .' With what face should I look
upon them whom I have taught, whereof there is a great
number, if through me it should come to pass that those
things, v.hich they have hitherto known to be most cer-
tain a^d sure, should now be made uncertain ? Should
I by this my exanijjle astonish or troul)le so many souls,
so many consciences, indued with the most firm and
certain knowledge of the scriptures and gospel of our
Lord Jesus Christ and his most pure doctrine, armed
against all the assaults of Satan ? I will never do it,
neither commit any such kind of offence, that I should
seem more to esteem this vile carcase appointed unto
death, than their health and salvation."
At this most godly word he was forced again to hear,
by the sentence of the bishops, that he did obstinately
and maliciously persevere in his pernicious and wicked
errors.
Then he was commanded to come down to the execu-
tion of his judgment, and in his coming down, one of the
seven bishops before rehearsed, first took away from him
the chalice which he held in his hand, saying : " O,
cursed Judas, why hast thou forsaken the council and
ways of peace, and hast counselled with the Jews ? We
take away from thee this chalice of thy salvation." But
John Hu«s received this curse in this manner : "But I
trust unto God the Father omnipotent, and my Lord
Jesus Christ, for whose sake I do suffer these things,
that he will not take away the chalice of his redemption,
but I have a steadfast and firm hope that this day I shall
drink thereof in his kingdom." Then followed the
otlier bishops in order, who every one of them took
away the vestments from him which they had put on,
each one of them giving him their curse. Whereunto
John Huss answered : " That he did willingly embrace
and bear those blasphemies for the name of our Lord
Jesus Christ." At the last they came to the erasing of
his shaven crown. But before the bishops would go
in hand with it, there was a great contention between
them, with what instrument it should be done, with a
razor or with a pair of shears.
In the mean time, John Huss, turning himself to-
ward the emperor, said: "I marvel that forsomuch as
they be all of like cruel mind and spirit, yet they can-
not agree upon their kind of cruelty." Notwithstand-
ing, at last they agreed to cut off the skin of the crown
of his head with a pair of shears. And when they had
done that, they added these words : " Now hath the
church taken away all her ornaments and privileges from
him. Now there resteth nothing else, but that he be
delivered over unto the secular power." But before
they did that, there yet remained another reproach. For
they caused to be made a certain crown of paper, almost
a cubit deep, in the which were painted three de%'ils of
wonderful ugly shape, and this title set over their heads,
" ARCH-HERETIC," which, when he saw, he said : " My
Lord Jesus Christ for my sake did wear a crown of
thorns, why should not I then for his sake again wear
this light crown, be it never so ignominious ? Truly I
will do it, and that willingly." When it was set upo«
308
EXIiCUTlON OF JOHN HUSS.
[Book V.
his head, the bishop said : " Now we commit thy
soul to the devil." " But 1,'' said John Huss, lifting
his eyes up towards the heavens, " do commit my spirit
into thy hands, O Lord Jesus Christ, unto thee I com
mend my spirit which tliou hast redeemed." These
contumelies thus ended, the bisliops turning themselves
towards the emperor, said : " This most sacred synod of
Constance leaveth now John Huss, who has no more any
office in the church of God, to the civil judgment and
power." Then the emperor commanded Lewis, duke of
Bavaria, who stood before him in his robes, holding the
golden apple with the cross in his hand, that he should
receive John Huss from the bishops, and deliver him to
them wlio should do the execution. As he was led by
them to the place of execution, before the church doors iie
saw his books burning, whereat he smiled and laughed.
And ail men that passed by he exhorted, not to think
that he should die for any error or heresy, but only for the
hatred and ill will of his adversaries, who had charged
him with most false and unjust crimes. Nearly the
•whole city followed him in armour.
The place appointed for the execution was before the
gate Gotlebian, between the gardens and gates of the
suburbs. When Jolin Huss was come thither, kneel-
ing down upon his knees, and lifting his eyes up unto
heaven, he prayed, and said certain Psalms^ and espe-
cially the thirty-first and fiftieth Psalms. And they
■who stood hard by, heard him oftentimes in his prayer,
with a lively and cheerful countenance, repeat this verse :
" Into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my spirit,'' &c.
Which thing when tlie lay people beheld who stood
next to him, they said : " What he hath done before we
know not, but now we see and hear that he doth speak
and pray very devoutly and godly." Others wished
that he had a confessor. There was a certain priest by,
sitting on horseback, in a green gown, drawn about with
red silk, who said : " He ought not to be heard, because
he is an heretic." Yet, notwithstanding, while he was
in prison, he was both confessed, and also absolved by a
certain doctor, a monk, as Huss himself witnesses in an
epistle which he wrote to his friends out of prison.
, Thus Christ reigns unknown to the world, even in the
midst of his enemies. In the meantime, while he
prayed, as he bowed his neck backward to look upward
unto heaven, the crown of paper fell off from his head
upon the ground. Then one of the soldiers, taking it up
again, said, " Let us put it again upon his head, that he
may be burned with his masters, the devils, whom he has
served."
When by the commandment of the tormentors he
•was risen up from his prayer, with a loud voice, he
said: "Lord Jesus Christ assist and help me, that
with a constant and patient mind, by thy most gracious
help, I may bear and suffer this cruel and ignominious
death, whereunto I am condemned for the preaching
of thy most holy gospel and word." Then, as before,
he declared the cause of his death to the people. In the
meantime the hangman stripped him of his garments,
and turning his hands behind his back, tied him fast to
the stake with ropes tliat were made wet. And whereas
by chance he was turned towards the east, certain cried
out that he should not look towards the east, for he was
an heretic ; so he was turned towards the west. Then
•was his neck tied with a chain to the stake, which chain,
when he beheld, smiling, he said, " That he would wil-
lingly receive the same chain for Jesus Christ's sake,
who, he knew, was bound with a far worse chain."
Under his feet they set two fagots, mixing straw with
them, and so likewise from the feet up to the chin he
was enclosed in round about with wood. But before
the wood was set on fire, Lewis, duke of Bavaria, with
another gentleman, who was the son of Clement, came
and exhorted John Huss, that he would yet be mindful
of his safety, and renounce his errors. To whom he
said : " What errors should I renounce, when 1 know
myself guilty of none .' For as for those things which
are falsely alleged against me, I know that I never did so
much as once think them, much less preach them. For
this was the i)rincij)al end and ])urpose of my doctrine,
that I might teach all men repentance and the remission
of sins, according to the verity of the gospel of Jesug
Christ, and the exposition of the holy doctors ; where,
tore with a cheerful mind and courage I am here ready
to suffer death." When he had spoken these words,
they left him, and shaking hands together, they departed.
Then was the fire kindled, and John Huss began to
sing with a loud voice, " Jesus Christ the Son of the liv-
ing God have mercy upon me." And when he began to say
the same the third time, the wind drove the flame so
upon his face, that it choaked him. Yet notwithstand-
ing he moved a while after, by the space that a man might
almost -say the Lord's Prayer three times. When all the
wood was burned and consumed, the upper part of the
body was left hanging in the chain, so they threw down
stake and all, and making a new fire, burned it, the
head being first cut in small pieces, that it might the
sooner be consumed unto ashes. The heart, which was
found amongst the bowels, being well beaten with staves
and clubs, was at last pricked upon a sharp stick, and
roasted at a fire apart until it was consumed. Then,
with great diligence gathering the ashes together, they
cast them into the river Rhone, that the least rem-
nant of the ashes of that man should not be left upou
the earth, whose memory notwithstanding cannot be
abolished out of the minds of the godly, neither by
fire, neither by water, neither by any kind of torment.
I know very well that these things are very slenderly
written by me as touching the labours of this most holy
martyr, John Huss, with whom the labours of Hercules
are not to be compared. For that ancient Hercules
slew a few monsters ; but this our Hercules w^ith a most
stout and valiant courage, hath subdued even the world
itself, the mother of all monsters and cruel beasts. This
history were worthy some other kind of more curious
handling ; but forsomuch as I cannot otherwise perform
it myself, 1 have endeavoured according to the very
truth, as the thing was indeed, to commend the same
unto all godly minds : neither have I heard it reported
by others, but I myself was present at the doing of all
these things, and as I was able, I have put them in writ-
ing, that by this my labour and endeavour, howsoever
it were, I might preserve the memory of this holy man
and excellent doctor of the evangelical truth.
What was the name of this author which wrote this
history it is not expressed. Cochleus, in his second book
" Contra Hussitas," supposetli his name to be Johannes
Pizibrara, a Bohemian.
This godly servant and martyr of Christ was con-
demned by the cruel council, and burned at Constance,
A. D. 141.5, about the month of July.
How grievously this death of John Huss was taken
among the nobles of Bohemia and of Moravia, hereafter
(Christ willing) shall appear by their letters which they
sent to the council, and by the letters of Sigismund, the
king of the Romans. Wherein he labours, all that can,
to purge and excuse himself of Huss's death. Although
he was not altogether free from that cruel act, and in-
nocent from that blood ; yet notwithstanding he pre-
tends in words so to wipe away that blot from him, that
the greatest part of the crime seems to rest upon the
bloody prelates of that council.
But it ai)pears that the emperor, partly ashamed and
sorry, would gladly have cleared himself thereof, and
with Pilate have washed his hands ; yet he could not so
clear himself, but that a great portion of that murder re-
mained on him, as may appear by his last words spoken
in the council to John Huss, whereof John Huss in his
epistles complains, writing to his friends in Bohemia in
his thirty-third epistle, as follows : —
" I desire you again, for the love of God, that the
lords of Bohemia joining together, will desire the king
for a final audience to be given to me. Forsomuch as
he alone said to me in the council, that they should give
me audience shortly, and that I should answer for my-
self briefly in writing : it will be to his great confusion,
if he shall not perform that which he hath spoken. But
I fear that word of his will be as firm and sure, as the
other was concerning my safe conduct granted by him.
A. U. 1415.]
LETTERS OF JOHN HUSS TO THE PEOPLE OF PRAGUE, &c.
sds
There were some in Bohemia, who desired me to be-
ware of his safe conduct. And other said, he will surely
give you to your enemies. And the lord Mikest Dwaky told
me before Master Jessenitz, saying, ' Master, know it for
certain, you shall be condemned.' And this I su))pose he
spake, knowing before the intention of the king. I
hoped that he had been well affected toward the law
of God and the truth, and had therein good understand-
ing; now I conceive tliat he is not very skilful, nor so
prudently circumspect in himself. He condemned me
before even mine enemies did. Who, if it had pleased
him, might have kept the moderation of Pilate the
Gentile, who said, ' I find no cause in this man ;' or
at least, if he had said but thus, ' Behold, I have given
him his safe conduct safely to return :' And if he will
not abide the decision of the council, I will send him
home to the king of Bohemia with your sentence and at-
testations, that he with his clergy may judge him.' "
John Huss, while in prison, wrote several treatises, as,
"of the commandments;" "of the Lord's prayer;" "of
mortal sin;" " of matrimony;" " of the knowledge and
love of God ;" " of the three enemies of mankind, the
world, and flesh, and the devil ;" " of penance;" " of the
sacrament of the body and blood of the Lord;" " of the
sufficiency of the law of God to rule the church," &c.
He wrote also many epistles and letters to the lords, and
to his friends of Bohemia. Some of his letters I thought
here to insert, that the reader may have some taste, and
take some profit of the christian writings and doings of
this blessed man ; first beginning with the letter of the
Lord de Clum, concerning the safe conduct of John Huss.
A Letter of the Lord John de Clum, concerninij the safe
conduct of John Huss.
" To all and singular that shall see and hear these
presents, I John de Clum do it to understand, how
Master John Huss, bachelor of divinity, under the safe
conduct and protection of the renowned prince and
Lord Sigismund of the Romans, ever Augustus, and
; king of Hungary, &c. my gracious lord, and under the
protection, defence, and safe-guard of the holy empire of
i Rome, having the letters patent of the said my lord,
I king of the Romans, &c. ; came unto Constance to render
I a full account of his faith in public audience to all that
! would require the same. T.-is the said Master John
\ Huss, in this imperial city of Constance, under the safe
I conduct of the said my lord king of the Romans, hath
1 been and yet is detained. And although the pope, with the
cardinals, have been seriously required by solemn am-
1 bassadors of the said my lord king of the Romans, in
the king's name and behalf, that the said Master John
Huss should be set at liberty, and be restored unto me,
yet, notwithstanding, they have and yet do refuse
1 hitherto to set him at liberty, to the great contempt and
I derogation of the safe conduct of the king, and of the
' safeguard and protection of the empire, or imperial
majesty. Wherefore I, John aforesaid, in the name of
I the king, do here publish and make it known, that the
I apprehending, and detaining of the said Master John
I Huss, was done wholly against the will of the forenaraed
I king of the Romans my lord, seeing it is done in the con-
I tempt of the safe conduct of his subjects, and of the pro-
tection of the empire, because that the said my lord was
then absent, far from Constance ; and if he had been
j there present, would never have pe.'mitted the same.
, And when he shall come, it is to be doubted of no man,
I but that he, for this great injury and contempt of this
safe conduct done to him and to the empire, will griev-
ously be molested for the same.
" Given at Constance, in the day of the Nativity
of the Lord, 1414.
An Epistle of John Huss unto the People of Prague.
" Grace and peace from our Lord Jesus Christ, that
you being delivered from sin may walk in his grace, and
may grow in all modesty and virtue, and after this may
injoy eternal life.
*' Dearly beloved, I beseech you who walk after the
law of God, that you cast not away the care of the salva-
tion of your souls, wlien you ht-aring the word of God
are forewarned wisely to understand tliat you be not de-
ceived by false apostles ; who do not reprehend the siiif
of men, but rather extenuate and diminish them : whi
flatter the priests, and do not shew to the pitople thel
off'ences ; who magnify themselves, boast their owl
works, and marvellously extol their own worthiness, but
follow not Clirist in his humility, in poverty, in the
cross, and other manifold afflictions. Of whom our
merciful Saviour did warn us before, saying, ' False
christs and false prophets shall rise, and shall deceive
many.' And when he had forewarned his well-beloved
disciples, he said unto them, ' Beware of false prophets,
which come to you in sheep's clothing, but inwardly are
ravening wolves : ye shall know them by their fruits,'
And true it is, that the faithful of Christ have much
need diligently to beware and take heed to themselves.
For, as our Saviour himself says, ' The elect also, if it
were possible, shall be brought into error.' Wherefore,
my well-beloved, be circumspect and watchful, that ye
be not circumvented with the crafty trains of the devil.
And the more circumspect ye ought to be, for antichrist
labours the more to trouble you. The last judgment is
near at hand : death shall swallow up many, but to the
elect children of God the kingdom of God draweth near,
because for them he gave his own body. Fear not
death, love together one another, persevere in under-
standing the good will of God without ceasing. Let the
terrible and horrible day of judgment be always before
your eyes, that you sin not ; and also the joy of eternal
life, whereunto you must endeavour. Furthermore, let
the passion of our .Saviour be never out of your minds ;
that you may bear with him, and for him gladly, what-
ever shall be laid upon you. For if you shall consider
well in your minds his cross and afflictions, nothing
shall be grievous unto you, and you shall patiently give
place to tribulations, cursings, rebukes, stripes, and im-
prisonment, and shall not doubt to give your lives
moreover for his holy truth, if need require. Know ye,
well-beloved, that antichrist being stirred up against
you, devises various persecutions. And many he has
not hurt, no not the least hair of their heads, as by mine
own example I can testify, although he has been ve-
hemently incensed against me. Wherefore, I desire you
all, with your prayers to make intercession for me to the
Lord, to give me understanding, sufferance, patience,
and constancy, that I never swerve from his divine
verity. He hath brought me now to Constance. In all my
journey, openly and manifestly, 1 have not feared to utter
my name as becomes the servant of God. In no place
have I kept myself secret, nor used any dissimulation.
But never did I find in any place more pestilent and
manifest enemies than at Constance. Which enemies
neither should I have had there, had it not been for
certain of our own Bohemians, hypocrites, and deceivers,
who, for benefits received, and stirred up with covetous-
ness, with boasting and bragging, have persuaded the
people that I went about to seduce them out of the right
way : but I am in good hope, that through the mercy of
our God, and by your prayers. I shall persist strongly in
the immutable verity of God unto the last breath.
Finally, I would not have you ignorant, that whereas
every one here is put in his office, I only as an outcast
am neglected, &c. I commend you to the merciful Lord
Jesus Christ, our true God, and the Son of the imma-
culate Virgin Mary, who hath redeemed us by his most
bitter death, without all merits, from eternal pains, from
the thraldom of the devil, and from sin.
" From Constance the year of our Lord, 1415."
Another Letter of John Huss to his Benefactors.
" My gracious benefactors and defenders of the truth,
I exhort you by the bowels of Jesus Christ, that now ye
setting aside the vanities of this present world, will give
your service to the Eternal King, Christ the Lord.
Trust not in princes, nor in the sons of men, in whom
there is no help. For the sons of men are dissemblers
and deceitful. To-day they are, to-morrow they perish,
SID
LETTERS OF JOHN HUSS.
[Cook V.
but God remaineth for ever. Who hath his servants,
not for any need he hath of them, but for their own
profit : unto whom he performs that which he promises,
and fulfils that which he purposes to give. He casts off
no faithful servant from him ; for he saith, ' Where I
am, there also shall mv servant be.' And the Lord
maketh every servant of his to be the lord of all his pos-
session, giving himself unto him, and with himself,
all things ; that without tediousiiess, fear, and without
defect he may jiossess all things, rejoicing with all
saints in joy infinite. O ! happy is that servant, whom,
when the Lord sliall come, he shall find watching.
Happy is the servant which shall receive tliat King of
Glory with joy. Wherefore, well beloved lords and
benefactors, serve you that King in fear ; who shall
bring you, as I trus4, by his grace, at this present time to
Bohemia, in health, and hereafter to eternal life of glory.
Fare you well, for 1 think that this is the last letter that
I shall write to you; who, to-morrow, as I suppose,
shall be purged in hope of Jesus Christ, through bitter
death for my sins. The things that happened to me this
night I am not able to write. Sigismund has done all
things with me deceitfully, God forgive him, and only
for your sakes. You also heard the sentence which he
awarded against me. I pray you have no suspicion of
faithful Vitus."
Another Epistle of John Huss, tcherein he declares why
God suffereth not his Peojile to perish.
" The Lord God be with you. ]\Iany causes there
•were, my dear friends, well-beloved in God, which
moved me to think tliat those letters were the last,
which before I sent to you, looking that same time for
instant death. But now understanding the same to be
deferred, I take it for great comfort to me, that I have
some leisure more to talk with you by letters. And
therefore I write again to you, to declare and testify at
least my gratitude and mindful duty toward you. And,
as touching death, God doth know why he doth defer it
both to me, and to my well-beloved brotlier, IMaster
Jerome, who I trust will die holily and without blame ;
and do know also that he doeth and suffereth now more
valiantly than I myself, a wretched sinner. God hath
given us a long time, that we might call to iremory our
sins the better, and repent for the same more fervently.
He hath granted us time, that our long and great temp-
tation should put away our grievous sins, and bring the
more consolation. He hath given us time, wherein we
should remember the horrible rebukes of our merciful
King and Lord Jesus, and should ponder his cruel
death, and so more patiently might learn to bear our af-
flictions. And, moreover, that we might keep in re-
membrance, how that the joys of the life to come are not
given after the joys of this world immediately, but
through many tribulations the saints have entered into
the kingdom of heaven. For some of them have
been cut and chopped all to pieces, some have had their
eyes bored through, some been boiled, some roasted, some
flayed alive, some buried alive, stoned, crucified, ground
betwixt millstones, drawn hither and thither unto ex-
ecution, drowned in waters, strangled and hanged, torn
in pieces, vexed with rebukes before their death, kept
in prisons, and afflicted in bonds. And who is able to
recite all the torments and sufferings of the holy saints,
which they suffered under the Old and New Testament
for the verity of God ; namely, those which have at any
time rebuked the malice of the priests, or have preached
against their wickedness ? And it will be a marvel if
any man now also shall escape unpunished, whoever
dare boldly resist the wickedness and perversity, espe-
cially of those priests, who can abide no correction.
And I am glad that they are compelled now to read my
books, in which their malice is somewhat described ; and
I know they have read the same more exactly and will-
ingly, than they have read the holy gospel, seeking
therein to find out errors.
" Given at Constance upon Thursday, the 28th day
of June, A. D. 1415."
Another Letter of John Hu.is, wherein he confirmeth
the Bohemians, and describeth the tvickedness of the
Coiincil.
" John Huss, in hope the servant of God, to all the
faithful in Bohemia, which love the Lord, greeting,
through the grace of God. It cometh in my mind,
wherein I must needs admonish you, that are the faith-
ful and beloved of the Lord, how that tlie council of
Constance being full of pride, avarice, and all abomina-
tion, has condemned my books written in the Bohemian
tongue, for heretical, which books they never saw, nor
ever heard. And if they had heard them, yet thev
could not understand the same, being some Italians
some Frenchmen, some Britons, some Spaniards, Ger
mans, with other people of other nations ; xmless, per-
adventure, John, bishop of Litomysl, understood them,
who was present in that council, and certain other Bo-
hemians, and priests which are against me, and labour
all they may how to deprave both the verity of God, and
the honesty of our country of Bohemia ; which I judge
in the hope of God, to be a godly land, right well given
to the true knowledge of the faith, for it so greatly de-
sires the word of God, and honest manners. And if
you were here at Constance, you would see the grievous
abomination of this council, which they call so holy, and
infallible. Of which council I have heard it reported,
that the city of Constance cannot in thirty years be
purged of those abominations committed in that
council. And almost all are offended with that council,
being sore grieved to behold such execrable things per .
petrated in th.e same.
" When 1 stood first to answer before mine adversa-
ries, seeing all things there done with no order, and
hearing them also outrageously crying out, 1 said plainly
to them, that I looked for more honest behaviour and
better order and discipline in that council. Then tno,
chief cardinal answered, ' Sayest thou so ? But in the
Tovv-er thou sj)akest more modestly.' To whom said I,
' In the Tower no man cried out against me, whereas now
all do rage against me.' My faithful and beloved in
Christ, be not afraid with their sentence in condemning
my books. They shall be scattered hither and thither
abroad, like light butterflies, and their statutes shall en-
dure as s]iider-webs. They went about to shake my
constancy from the verity of Christ ; but they could not
overcome the virtue of God in me. They would not
reason from scripture against me, as divers honour-
able lords can witness with me, who being ready to
suffer contumely for the truth of God, took my part
stoutly ; namely. Lord Wenceslate de Duba, and Lord
John de Clum : for they were let in by King Sigismund
into the council. And when I said, that I was desirous
to be instructed if 1 did in any thing err, then they heard
the chief cardinal answer again, ' Because thou wouldest
be informed, there is no remedy but that thou must first
revoke thy doctrine according to the determination of
fifty bachelors of divinity appointed.' O high in-
struction !
" After like manner St. Katherine also should have
denied and revoked the verity of God, and faith in
Christ, because the fifty masters likewise withstood her :
which, notwithstanding, that good virgin would never
do, standing in her faith unto death : but she did win
those her masters unto Christ, when as I cannot win
these my masters by any means. These things I
thought good to write to you, tliat you might know how
they have overcome me, with no grounded scripture, nor
with any reason : but only did assay with terrors and
deceits to persuade me to revoke and to abjure. But
our merciful God, whose law 1 have magnified, was and
is with me, and 1 trust, so will continue, and will keep
me in his grace unto death.
" Written at Constance, after the feast of John
Baptist, in prison and in bonds, daily looking for death;
although for the secret judgments of God, I dare not say,
whether this be my last e))istle : for now also Almighty
God is able to deliver me."
A.D. 1415.]
LETTERS OF JOHN IIUSS TvO THE BOHEMIANS.
311
dntthpr Letter ofJohnHms, wherein he coiytfortcth his
Frieiuh, and wilieth them nut to be troul/led fur the
condemning of his Books; and also declareth the
wickedness of the Clergy.
" Master John Huss, in hope the servant of God, to
all the faithful which love him and his statutes, wisheth
the truth' and grace of God.
" Beloved, I thought it needful to warn that you
should not fear or be discouraged, because the adversa-
ries have decreed that my books should be burnt. Re-
member how the Israelites burned the preachings of the
prophet Jeremiah, and yet they could not avoid the things
that were prophesied of in them. For after they were
burnt, the Lord commanded to write the same prophecy
again, and that larger, which was also done. For Jere-
miah, sitting in prison spake, and Baruch, who was
ready at his hand, wrote. This is written either in the
thirty-fifth or forty-fifth chapter of the vision of Jere-
miah. It is also written in the books of the Maccabees,
* That the wicked did burn the law of God, and killed
them that had the same.' Again, under the New Testa-
ment, they burned the saints, with the books of the law
of God. The cardinals condemned and committed to
fire certain of St. Gregory's books, and had burnt them
all if they had not been preserved by God through the
means of Peter, Gregory's minister. Having these
things before your eyes, take heed lest through fear you
omit to read my books, and deliver them to the adver-
saries to be burnt. Remember the saying of our mer-
ciful Saviour, by which he forewarned us. Matt. xxiv.
'There shall be,' saith he, ' before the day of judgment,
great tribulation, such as was not from the beginning of
the world until this day, no, nor yet shall be : so that
even the elect of God should be deceived, if it were pos-
sible. But for their sakes those days shall be short-
ened.' When you remember these things, beloved, be
not afraid, for I trust in God that that school of anti-
christ shall be afraid of you, and suffer you to be in
quiet, neither shall the council of Constance extend to
Bohemia. For I think, that many of them who are of
the council, will die before they shall get from you
my books. And they shall depart from the council, and
be scattered abroad, throughout the parts of the world,
like storks, and then they shall know when winter
conieth, what they did in summer. Consider that they
have judged their head, the pope, worthy of death, for
many horrible acts that he hath done. Go to now ;
answer to this, you preachers, who preach that the pope
is the god of the earth ; that he may, as the lawyers say,
make sale of the holy things ; that he is the head of the
whole holy church, in verity well governing the same;
that he is the heart of the ''hurch in quickening the
same spiritually: that he is iLe well-spring from which
floweth all virtue and goodness : that he is the sun of
the holy church : that he is the safe refuge to which
every christian man ought to fly for succour. Behold
now, that head is cut off with the sword, now the god of
the earth is bound, now his sins are declared openly ;
now that well-spring is dried up, that sun darkened, that
heart is plucked out and thrown away, lest that any man
should seek succour thereat. The council hath con-
demned that head, and that for this offence, because he
took money for indulgences, bishopricks, and other such
like.
" I would that in that council God had said, ' He that
amongst you is without sin, let him give the sentence
again.-t Pope John ;' then surely they had gone all out
of the council-house, one after another. Why did they
bow the knee to him always, before this his fall, kiss his
feet, and call him the most holy father, seeing they saw
apparently before, that he was an heretic, that he was a
killer, that he was a wicked sinner, all which things now
they have found in him? Why did the cardinals choose
him to be pope, knowing before that he had killed the
holy father ? Why suffered they him to meddle with
holy things, in bearing the office of the popedom ? for to
this end they are his counsellors, that they should ad-
monish him of that which is right. Are not they them-
selves as guilty of these faults as he ? seeing that they
accounted these things vices in him, and were partakers
of some of them themselves .' Why durst no man lav
ought to his charge, before he had fled from Constance',
but as soon as the secular power, by the sufferance of
God, laid hold upon him, then, and never before, they
conspired all together that he should not live any
longer ? Surely, even at this day is the malice, the
abomination and filthiness of antichrist revealed in the
pope, and others of this council.
" Now the faithful servants of God may understand
what our Saviour Christ meant by this saying, ' When
you shall see the abomination of desolation, which is
spoken of by Daniel, &c. whoso can understand it,' &c.
Surely, these be great abominations, pride, covetousness,
simony, sitting in a solitary place ; that is to say, in a
dignity void of goodness, of humility, and other virtues ;
as we do now clearly gee in those that are constituted in
any office and dignity. O how acceptable a thing should
it be (if time would suffer me) to disclose their wicked
acts, which are now apparent that the faithful servants
of God might know them I I trust in God that he will
send after me those that shall be more valiant ; and
there are alive at this day, those who shall make more
manifest the malice of antichrist, and shall give their
lives to the death for the truth of our Lord Jesus Christ,
who shall give both to you and me the joys of life ever-
lasting.
" This epistle was written upon St. John Baptist's day,
in prison and in cold irons, I having this meditation
with myself, that John was beheaded in his prison and
bonds, for the word of God."
Another Letter of John Huss.
" John Huss, in hope the servant of God, to all the
faithful at Bohemia which love the Lord, wisheth to
stand and die in the grace of God, and at last to attain
unto eternal life.
" Ye that bear rule over others, and be rich, and ye
also that be poor, well-beloved and faithful in God, I
beseech you, and admonish you all, that ye will be obe-
dient unto God, make much of his word, and gladly
hearing the same, will humbly perform that which ye
hear. I beseech you stick fast to the verity of God's
word, which I have written and preached unto you out
of his law, and the sermons of his saints. Also I desire
you if any man either in public sermon or in private talk
heard of me any thing, or have read any thing writtea
by me which is against the verity of God, that ye do not
follow the same. Albeit I do not find my conscience
guilty that I ever have spoken or written any such thing
amongst you.
" I desire you, moreover, if any man, at any time
have noted any levity either in my talk or in my con-
ditions, that ye do not follow the same, but pray to God
for me, to pardon me that sin of lightness. I pray you
that ye will love your priests and ministers which be of
honest behaviour, to prefer and honour them before
others ; namely, such priests as travel in the word of
God. I pray you take heed to yourselves, and beware
of malicious and deceitful men, and especially of these
wicked priests of whom our Saviour doth speak, that
they are under sheep's clothing, and inwardly ire ra-
vening wolves. I pray such as be rulers and superiors,
to behave themselves gently towards their poor inferiors,
and to rule them justly. I beseech the citizens that
they will walk every man in his degree and vocation,
with an upright conscience. The artificers also, I be-
seech that they will exercise their occupations diligently,
and use them with the fear of God. I beseecli the
servants that they will serve their masters faithfully.
And likewise the schoolmasters I beseech, that they
living honestly, will bring up their scholars virtuously,
and teach them faithfully, first to learn to fear God ;
then for the glory of God and the public utility of the
commonwealth, and their own health, and not for avarice
or for worldly honour, to employ their minds to honest
arts. I beseech the students of the university, and all
schools, in all honest things to obey their masters, and
to follow them, and that with all diligence they will
m
LETTERS OF JOHN HUSS TO A PRIEST, &c.
[Book V.
study to be profitable both to the setting forth of the
glory of God, and to the soul's health, as well of them-
selves, as of other men. Together I beseech and pray
you all, that you will yield most hearty thanks to the
right honourable lords, the Lord Wemxslaus de Duba,
Lord John de Clura, Lord Henry Lumlovio, Lord Vilem
Zagecio, Lord Nicholas, and other lords of Bohemia, of
Moravia, and Polonie ; that their diligence towards me
may be grateful to all good men ; because that they,
like valiant champions of God's truth, have oftentimes
set themselves against the whole council for my deliver-
ance, contending and standing against the same to the
uttermost of their power ; but especially Lord VV'ences-
laus de Duba, and Lord John de CJum. Whatsoever
they shall report unto you, give credit unto them ; for
they were in the council when I there answered many.
Tliey know who they were of Bohemia, and how many
false and slanderous things they brought in against me,
and tliat council cried out against me, and how I also an-
swered to all things whereof I was demanded. I be-
seech you also that ye will pray for the king of the Romans,
and for your king, and for his wife, your queen, that God
of his mercy would abide with them and with you, both
now and henceforth in everlasting life. Amen.
" This epistle I have written to you out of prison and
in bonds, looking the next day after the writing hereof,
for the sentence of the council upon my death ; having a
full trust that he will not leave me, neither suffer me to
deny his truth, and to revoke the errors, which false
witnesses maliciously have devised against me. How
mercifully the Lord God hath dealt with me, and was
with me in marvellous temptations, ye shall know when
hereafter by the help of Christ we shall all meet to-
gether in the joy of the world to come. As concerning
Master Jerome, my dearly beloved brother and fellow, I
hear no other but that he is remaining in straight bonds,
looking for death as I do ; and that for the faith which
he valiantly maintained amongst the Bohemians, our
cruel enemies of Bohemia have given us into the power
and hands of other enemies, and into bonds. I beseech
you pray to God for them.
" Moreover, I beseech you, namely of Prague, that
ye will love the temple of Bethlehem, and provide so
long as God shall permit, that the word of God may be
preached in the same. For, because of that place, the
devil is angry, and against the same place he hath stirred
up priests and canons, perceiving that in that place his
kingdom should be disturbed and diminished. I trust in
God that he will keep that holy church so long as it shall
please him, and in the same shall give greater increase of
his word by other, than he hath done by me a weak
vessel. I beseech you also, that ye will love one another,
and withholding no man from the hearing of God's
word, ye will provide and take care that good men be
not oppressed by any force and violence. Written at
Constance, the year of our Lord 1415."
Another right f/odli/ letter of John Hms to a certain
priest, admonis/iing him of his ojfice. and exhorting
him to be faithful ; worthy to be read of all Ministers.
" The peace of our Lord Jesus Christ, &c. My dear
brother be diligent in preaching the gospel, and hIo the
work of a good evangelist ; neglect not your vocation ;
labour like a blessed soldier of Christ. First, live godly
and holily. Secondly, teach faithfully and truly. Thirdly,
be an example to others in well doing, that you be not
reprehended in your sayings : correct vice and set forth
virtue. To evil livers threaten eternal punishment ; but
to those that be faithful and godly, set forth the comforts
of eternal joy. Preach continually, but be short and
fruitful, prudently understanding, and discreetly dis-
pensing the holy scrijjtures. Never affirm or maintain
those tilings that be uncertain and doubtful, lest that
your adversaries take hold upon you, which rejoice in
depraving their brethren, whereby they may bring the
ministers of God into contempt. Exhort men to the
confession of their faith, and to the communion of both
kinds both of the body and blood of Christ, whereby such
as do repent earnestly of their sins, may the more often
come to the holy communion. And I warn you that
you enter into no taverns with guests, and be not a
common company-keej)er. for the more a preacher
keeps him from the company of men, tlie more he is
regarded. Ho. \ ever, deny not yet your help and diligence,
wheresoever you may proht otUcr. Against Jiesiily lust
preach continually all that, ever you can ; for that is the
raging beast, which devoureth men, for whom the tiesU
of Christ did sutler. Finally, howsoever you do, louf
God and keep his precejjts ; so shall ^^a walk wisely,
and shall not perish ; so sliall you suudue tlie tiesh,
contemn the world, and overcome the devil ; so shall
you put on God, tind life, and confirm oLliers, and shall
crown yourself with the crown of glory, cue which the
just Judge sliall give you. Amen.''
This letter of John Huss containeth a confession of the
infirmity of man's ftesh, how weak it is, and repug-
nant against tite spirit. Wherein he also exhorleth
to persevere constantly in the truth.
" Health be to you from Jesus Christ, &c. My dear
friend, know that I'aletz came to me to persuade me that
1 sliould not fear tlie sliaine of abjuration, but to consider
the good which tliereof will come. To whom 1 said
that tlie shame of condemnation and burning is greatei
than to abjure.
" Almighty God shall confirm the hearts of his faith«
ful, whom he hath chosen before the foundation of thft
world, that they may receive the eternal crown of glory.
And let antichrist rage as mucli as he will, yet he shall
not prevail against Christ, who shall destroy him with
the spirit of his mouth, as the ajiostle saith ; and then
shall the creature be delivered out of the bondage of cor-
ruption, into the liberty of the glory of the sons of God, as
saith the apostle in the words following. ' We also
within ourselves do groan, waiting for the adoption, to
wit, the redemption of our body.'
" I am greatly comforted in those words of our Sa-
viour, ' Happy are you when men shall hate you, and
shall separate you, and shall rebuke you, and shall cast out
your name as evil, for the Son of man's sake : rejoice
and be glad, for behold, great is your reward in heaven,'
Luke vi. O worthy, yea, O most worthy consolation,
which not to understand, but to practise in time of tri-
bulation, is a hard lesson.
" This rule St. James, with the other apostles, did
well understand, when he saith, ' Count it exceeding joy,
my brethren, when ye shall fall into divers temptations,
knowing that the trial of your faith worketh patience :
let patience have her perfect work.' For certainly it is
a great matter for a man to rejoice in trouble, and to
take it for joy to be iu divers temptations. A light
matter it is to speak it and to expound it ; but a great
matter to fulfil it. For why .' our most patient and
most valiant champion himself, knowing that he should
rise again the third day, overcoming his enemies by his
death, and redeeming from damnation his elect, after his
last supper, was troubled in spirit, and said, ' My soul is
exceeding sorrowful, even unto death.' Of whom also
the gospel saith, ' That he began to fear, to be sorrowful
and very heavy.' Who being then in an agony, was
confirmed of tlie angel, and his sweat was like drops
of blood falling upon the ground. And yet he notwith-
standing, being so troubled, said to his disciples, ' Let
not your hearts be troubled, neither fear the cruelty of
them that persecute you, for you shall have me with yott
always, that you may overcome the tyranny of your per-
secutors.' W'hereupon those his soldiers, looking upon
the Prince and King of Glory, sustained great coufiicts.
They passed through fire and water, and were saved,
and received the crown of the Lord God, of which St.
James in his canonical epistle, saith, ' Blessed is the
man who suffereth temptation, for when he shall be
proved, he shall receive the crown of life, which God
hath promised to them that love him.' Of this crown I
trust steadfastly the Lord will make me a partaker also
with you, which be the fervent sealers of the truth, and
with all them which steadfastly and constantly do love
the Lord Jesus Christ, who suffered for us, leaving to u
A.D. 1415.] JEROME OF PRAGUE TAKEN AND BROUGHT TO CONSTANCE.
313
I an example that we should follow his steps. * It behoved
\ him to suffer,' as he saith, and us also it behoveth to
i Buffer, that the members may suffer together with the
head. For he saith, ' If any man will come after me,
let him deny himself.and take up his cross, and follow me.'
" O most merciful Christ ! draw us weak creatures
j after thee, for except thou should draw us, we ere not
' able to follow thee. Give us a strong spirit, that it may
be ready, and although the flesh be feeble, yet let thy
grace go before us, go with us, and follow us ; for with-
I out thee we can do nothing, and much less enter into a
I cruel death for thy sake. Give us that prompt and
ready spirit, a bold heart, an upright faith, a firm hope,
and perfect charity, that we may give our lives patiently
and joyfully for thy name's sake. Amen.
, " Written in prison in bonds on the vigil of St. John
I the Baptist, who being in prison and in bonds for the
I rebuking of wickedness, was beheaded."
I By the life, acts, and letters of John Huss hitherto
I rehearsed, it is evident and plain, that he was condemned
I not for any error of doctrine, for he neither denied their
' popish transubstantiation, neither spake against the au-
thority of the church of Rome, if it were well governed,
nor yet the seven sacraments, but said mass, him-
i self, and in almost all their popish opinions was a papist
i with them ; but only through evil will was accused by
' his malicious adversaries, because he spake against the
' pomp, pride, and avarice, and other wicked enormities
I of the pope, cardinals, and prelates of the church, and
I because he could not abide the high dignities and livings
I of the church, and thought the doings of the pope to be
! antichrist like. For this cause he procured so many
enemies and false witnesses against him, who, straining
and picking matter out of his books and writings, having
no one just article of doctrine to lay unto him, yet they
made him an heretic, whether he would or no, and
brought him to his condemnation.
7%e traf/ical and lamentable history of the famous
learned man and godly martyr of Christ, Master
Jerome of Prague, burned at Constance for like cause
and quarrel as Master John Huss was, A. D. 1416.
These things being discoursed, touching the life, acts,
and constant martyrdom of Master John Huss, with
part also of his letters, whose death was on the sixth
of July (AD. 1415), it now remains to describe the
like tragedy and cruel handling of his christian compa-
nion Master Jerome of Prague, who, grievously sorrowing
for the slanderous reproach and defamation of his coun-
try of Bohemia, and also hearing of the manifest inju-
ries done to that man of worthy memory. Master John
Huss, freely and of his own accord came to Constance
the fourth day of April (A. D. 1415), and there per-
ceiving that John Huss was denied to be heard, and that
watch and wait was laid for him on every side, departed
to Iberling, until the next day, which city was a mile
from Constance, and from thence he wrote his letters to
Sigismund, king of Hungary, and his barons, and also
to the council, most earnestly requiring that the king
and the council would give him a sate conduct freely to
come and go, and that he would then come in open
audience to answer to every man, if there were any of
the council that would lay any crime to him, as by the
t.enor of his intimation shall more at large appear.
^^ hen the king of Hungary was required thereto, be-
ing in the house of the lord cardinal of Cambray, he re-
fused to give Master Jerome any safe conduct, excusing
himself for the evil speed he had with the safe conduct of
John Huss before, and alleging also certain other causes.
The deputies also of the four nations of the council being
moved thereto by the lords of the king of Bohemia, an-
swered • " We will give him a safe conduct to come, but
not to depart." Whose answers, when they were re-
ported to Master Jerome, he the next day after wrote
certain intimations according to the tenor under written,
which he sent to Constance to be set upon the gates of
the city, and upon the gates of the churches and monaste-
ries, and of the houses of the cardinals, and other nobles
and ]»relates. The tenor whereof here follows word for
word in this manner : —
" To the most noble prince and lord, the Lord Sigis-
mund, by the grace of God, king of the Romans, always
Augustus, and of Hungary, &c., I Jerome of Prague,
master of arts of the general universities of Paris, Cologne,
Heidelberg, and Prague, by these my present letters do
notify to the king, together with the whole reverend
council, and as much as in me lieth, do all men to under-
stand and know, that because of the crafty slanderers,
backbiters, and accusers, 1 am ready freely, and of mine
own will, to come to Constance, there to declare 0])euly be-
fore the council, the purity and sincerity of my true
faith, and mine innocency, and not secretly in corners
before any private or particular person. Wherefore, if
there be any of my slanderers, of what nation or estate
soever they be, who will object against me any crime of
error or heresy ; let them come forth openly before me
in the presence of the whole council, and in their own
names object against me, and I will be ready, as I have
written, to answer openly and publicly before tlie whole
council, of mine innocency, and to declare the purity
and sincerity of my true faith. And if so be that I shall
be found culpable in error or heresy, then I will not re-
fuse openly to suffer such punishment as shall be meet
and worthy for an erroneous person, or an heretic.
"Wherefore I most humbly beseech my lord the king,
and the whole sacred council, that I may have to this
end and purpose aforesaid, safe and sure access. And if it
happen that I offering such equity and right as I do, be-
fore any fault be proved against me, be arrested, impri-
soned, or have any violence done unto me ; that then it
may be manifest to the whole world, that this general
council does not proceed according to equity and jus-
tice, if they would by any means put me back from this
profound and straight justice, being come hither freely
of mine own mind and accord, which thing I suppose to
be far from so sacred and holy council of wise men."
When he could not get any safe conduct, then the
nobles, lords, and knights, especially of the Bohemian
nation, present in Constance, gave to Master Jerome
their letters patents, confirmed with their seals for a
testimony and witness of the premises. With which
letters Master Jerome returned again unto Bohemia ;
but by the treason and conspiracy of his enemies he was
taken in Hirsaw by the officers of Duke John, and
brought back to the presence of the duke. In the
meantime such as were the setters forward of the coun-
cil against Master John Huss, and Master Jerome, that
is to say, Michael de Causis, and Master Paletz, and
other their accomplices, required that Master Jerome
should be cited by reason of his intimations, and certain
days after a citation was set upon the gates and porches
of the city and churches.
After Sigismund, king of Hungary, with the rest of
the council, understood that Master Jerome was taken,
they were earnestly requiring that he should be brought
before them to the council. The Duke John, after he
had received letters of the king and the council, brought
Master Jerome bound to Constance, whom his brother,
Duke Lewis, led through the city to the cloisters of the
friars minors in Constance, where the chief priests and
elders of the people. Scribes and Pharisees, were ga-
thered together, attending and waiting for his coming.
Master Jerome carried a great hand-bolt of iron with a
long chain in his hand ; and as he passed, the chain made
a great rattling and noise, and for the more confusion
and despite towards him, they led him by the same
chain after Duke Lewis, holding and stretching out the
same a great way from him, with which chain they also
kept him bound in the cloister. When he was brought into
the cloister, they read before him the letter of Duke John
unto the council, containing in effect how that the duke
had sent Master Jerome, who by chance was fallen into
his hands, because he heard an evil report of him, that
he was suspected of heresies of Wickliff, that the council
might take order for him, whose part it was to correct
and punish such as did err and stray from the truth, be-
314
IMPRISONMENT AND ABJURATION OF JEROME OF PRAGUE.
[Book V.
sides many other flattering tales which were written in
the said lettt-r for the praise of the council. After this
they read the citation vYhich was given out by the coun-
cil against Master Jerome. Then certain of the bishops
said to him : " Jerome, why didst thou fly and run
away, and not appear when thou wast cited ?" He an-
swered: "Because I could not have any safe conduct,
neither from you, neither from the king, as it appears
by these letters patents of the barons, which you have,
neither by my open intimations could I obtain any safe
conduct. Wherefore I, perceiving many of my grievous
and heavy friends to be here present in the council,
would not myself be the occasion of my perils and dan-
gers ; but if I had known or had any understanding of
this citation, without all doubt, although I had been in
Bohemia, I would have returned again.'' Then all the
whole rabble rising up, alleged various accusations
against him with a great noise and tumult. When the
rest held their peace, then spake Master Gerson, the
chancellor of Paris : " Jerome, when thou wast at Paris
thou thoughtest thyself by means of thy eloquence to be
an angel, and didst trouble the whole university, alleging
openly in the schools many erroneous conclusions with
their corollaries, and especially in the question de univer-
salibvs et de Idms, with many other very offensive
questions." To whom Master Jerome said : "I an-
swer to you. Master Gerson ; those matters which I did
put forth there in the schools at Paris, in which also I
answered the arguments of the Masters, I did put them
forth philosophically, and as a philosopher, and master
of the university ; and if I have put forth any questions
which I ought not to have put forth, teach me that
they are erroneous, and I will most humbly be informed,
and amend them."
While he was yet speaking, another, rising up, said :
" When thou wast also at Cologne, in thy position which
thou didst there determine, thou didst propound many
erroneous matters." Then said Master Jerome unto
him: " Shew me first one error which I propounded."
Wherewithal he being in a manner atonished. said : " I
do ni)t remember them now at the first, but hereafter
thev shall be objected against you."
And by and by a third man rising up, said :
" When you were also at Heidelberg, you propounded
many erroneous matters as touching the trinity, and
there painted out a certain shield or escutcheon comparing
the trinity of persons in the divinity to water, snow, and
ice, and such like." Unto whom Master Jerome an-
swered : " Those things that I wrote or painted there,
the same will I also speak, write, and paint here ; and
teach me that they be erroneous, and I will most humbly
revoke and recant the same."
Then certain cried out: "Let him be burned, let
him be burned." To whom he answered: " If my
death do delight or please you, in the name of God let
it be so."
Then said the archbishop of Saltzburg : " Not so.
Master Jerome, forsomuch as it is written, I will not
the death of a sinner, but rather that he be converted
and live."
When these and many other tumults and cries were
passed, whereby they most disorderly and outrageously
witnessed against him, they delivered him bound to the
officers of the city of Constance, to be carried to prison
for that night ; and so every one of them returned to
their lodgings.
In meantime, one of the friends of Master John Huss,
lookin" out at a window of the cloister, said unto him :
"Mast'er Jerome.'' Then said he: "You are wel-
come, my dear brother." Then said Peter to him :
" Be constant and fear not to suffer death for the truth
sake, of which, when you were in times past at liberty,
you did preach so much and so well." Jerome answered :
" Truly brother I do not fear death, and as we know
that we have spoken much thereof in times past ; let us
now see what may be known or done in eff'ect." By
and bv his keepers coming to the window, threatening hmi
with blows, put away Peter from the window of the cloister.
Then came there one Vitus to Master Jerome, and
said: "Master, how do you do.'" He answered,
"Truly brother, I do very well." Then his keepers
coming about him laid hold of Vitus, saying : " This is
also one of the number,'' and kept him. When it drew
towards evening, the archbishop of Riegen sent his ser-
vants, who led away Master Jerome, being strongly
bound with chains, both by the hands and by the neck,
and kept him so for some hours. When niglit drew on
they carried him to a tower of the city, whert-, tying him
fast to a great block, and his feet in the stocks, his
hands also being made fast, they left him ; tlie block was
so high, that he could by no means sit upon it, so that
his head must hang downward. Tliey carried al-0 Vitus
to the archbisho[) of Riegen, who demanded of him,
" Why he durst be so bold to talk with such a man, be-
ing a reprobate of all men, and an heretic ;" and when
he could find no cause of imprisonment in him, Jiud that
he said he was Master John de Clum's friend (taking an
oath and promise of him, that he should not go about tc
endamage the council by reason of that imprisonment
and captivity) he so dismissed him.
Master Jerome, unknown to his friends whither he was
carried, lay in the tower two days and two nights, relieved
only with bread and water. Then one of hiskeejjers, com-
ing to Master Peter, declared to him how Master Jerome
lay hard by in bonds and chains, and how he was fed. Then
Master Peter desired that he might have leave given him
to give him meat, because he would procure the same for
him. The keeper of the prison, granting his request,
carried meat to him. Within eleven days after, so
hanging by the heels, he used so small repast, that he
fell sore sick even to death. When living in that capti-
vity and prison, he desired to have a confessor ; the
council denied that he should have any, until such time
as by great importunity he obtained one ; his friends being
then present in the prison and tower, wherein he lay by
the space of one year, lacking but seven days.
After they had put John Huss to death, then nbout
the feast of the nativity of the Virgin Mary, they
brought forth Master Jerome, whom they had kept so
long in chains ; and threatening him with death, being
instant upon him, they forced him to abjure and recant,
and consent to the death of Master John Huss, that he
was justly and truly condemned and put to death by
them. He, for fear of death, and hoping thereby to es-
cape out of their hands, according to their will and plea-
sure, and according to the tenor which was exhibited to
him, did make abjuration, and that in the cathedral
church and open session, the draught whereof penned to
him by the papists, here ensues :
The abjuration of Master Jerome of Prague.
" I, Jeromeof Prague, master of arts, acknowledgingthe
catholic church, and the apostolic faith, do accurse and
renounce all heresies, and especially that whereof I have
hitherto been infamed, and that which in times past
John Huss and John Wickliff have holden and taught in
their works, treatises, and sermons, made unto the people
and clergy ; for the which cause the said Wickliff" and
Huss, together with the said doctrines and errors, are
condemned by this synod of Constance as heretics, and
all the said doctrine sententially condemned, and especi-
ally in certain articles expressed in the sentences and
judgments given against them by this sacred council.
" Also 1 do accord and agree unto the holy church of
Rome, the apostolic seat in this sacred council, and with
my mouth and heart do profess in all things, and touch-
ing all things, and especially as touching the keys, sa-
craments, orders, and offices, and ecclesiastical censures,
of pardons, relics of saints, ecclesiastical liberty, also
ceremonies, and all other things pertaining unto the chris-
tian religion, as the church of Rome, the apostolic see,
and this sacred council do profess : and especially that
many of the said articles are notoriously heretical, and
lately reproved by the holy fathers, some of them blas-
j)hemous, some others erroneous ; some offensive unto
godly ears, and many of them temerarious and seditious.
And such also were counted the articles lately con-
demned by the sacred council, and it was inhibited and
forbidden to all and singular catholic men hereafter to
A.D. 141C.] JEROME'S ABJURATION.— NEW ARTICLES BROUGHT AGAINST HIM
315
preach, teach, or presume to hold or maintain any of the
said articles, under pain of being accursed.
" And I the said Jerome, forsomuch as I have la-
boured by scbolastical arts to persuade the opinion,
de univemalibus realibus, and that one substance of the
common kind should signify many things subiect under
the same, and every one of them, as St. Ambrose, Je-
rome, Augustine, do affirm, and likewise others ; for the
teaching hereof by a plain example I described as it
were a certain triangle, form, or figure, the which I
called the shield of faith.
" Therefore utterly to exclude and take away the er-
roneous and wicked understanding thereof, the which
peradventure some men may gather thereby, I do say,
affirm, and declare that I never made the said figure,
neither named it the shield of faith to that intent or
purpose, that I would extol or prefer the opinion of
universalities above or before the contrary opinion, in
such sort, as though that were the shield of faith, and
that without the affirmation thereof the catholic faith
could not be defended or maintained, when as I myself
would not obstinately stick thereunto. But this I said,
because I had put example in the description of the tri-
angle or form, that one divine essence consisted in
three subjects or persons in themselves distinct, that is
to say, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. The
article of the which Trinity is the chief shield of faith,
and foundation of the catholic truth.
" Furthermore, that it may be evident unto all men
what the causes were for which I was reputed and
thought to stick to, and favour sometime John Huss, I
signify unto all men by these presents, that when I
heard him oftentimes both in his sermons, and also in
the schools, I believed that he was a very good man,
neither that he did in any point gainsay the traditions of
our holy mother the church, or holy doctors ; insomuch
as when I was lately in this city, and the articles which
I affirmed were shewed unto me, which were also con-
demned by the sacred council, at the first sight of them
I did not believe that they were his, at the least not in
that form. But when as I had further understood, by
certain famous doctors and masters of divinity, that they
were his articles, I required for my further information
and satisfaction to have the books of his own hand-
writing shewed unto me, wherein it was said these
articles were contained, which books when they were
showed unto me written with his own hand, which I did
know as well as mine own, I found all, and every one
of those articles therein written in like form as they
are condemned. "Wherefore I do worthily judge and
think him and his doctrine, with his adherents, to be
condemned and reproved by the sacred council as he-
retical and without reason. All which the premises,
with a pure mind and conscience, I do here pronounce
and speak, being now fully and sufficiently informed of
thfi foresaid sentences and judgments, given by the sa-
cred council against the doctrines of the said John
WicklifF, and John Huss, and against their own per-
sons, unto the which judgment, as a devout catholic
in all things, I do most humbly consent and agree.
" Also I the foresaid Jerome, who before the reve-
rend fathers the lords cardinals, and reverend lords, pre-
lates, and doctors, and other worshipful persons of this
sacred council in this same place, did heretofore freely
and willingly declare and expound mine intent and pur-
pose amongst other things, speaking of the church, did
divide the same into three parts. And as I perceived
afterwards, it was understood by some that I would
affirm, that in the triumphant church there was faith,
whereas I do firmly believe that there is the blessed
sight and beholding of God, excluding all dark under-
standing and knowledge, and now also I say, affirm,
and declare, that it was never my intent and purpose
to prove hat there should be faith, speaking of faith as
faith is commonly defined, but knowledge far exceeding
faith. And generally whatsoever I said, either there, or
at any time before, I do refer, and most humbly submit
myself unto the determination of this sacred council of
Constance.
" iloreover t do swear both by the Holy Trinity,
and also by the most holy gospel, that I will for ever-
more remain and persevere without all doubt in the
truth of the catholic church ; and all such as by their
doctrine and teaching shall impugn this faith, I judge
them worthy together with their doctrines of eternal
curse. And if I by myself at any time (which God
forbid I should) do presume to preach or teach con-
trary thereunto, I will submit myself unto the severity
of the canons, and be bound unto eternal pain and
punishment. Whereupon I do deliver up this my con-
fession and tenour of my profession willingly before this
sacred general council, and have subscribed and written
all these things with mine own hand."
After all this they caused him to be carried again to
the same prison, but not so straightly chained and
bound as he was before, notwithstanding kept every day
with soldiers and armed men ; and when his enemies
understood and knew by the words and talk of Master
Jerome, and by other certain tokens, that he made the
same abjuration and recantation, not of a sincere and
pure mind, but only to escape their hands, they put up
new accusations against Master Jerome, and drew the
same into articles, being very instant and earnest that
he should answer thereunto ; and as his judges, and
certain cardinals, as the cardinal of Cambray, the car-
dinal de Ursinis, the cardinal of Aquilegia, and of Flo-
rence, considering the malice of the enemies of Master
Jerome, saw the great injury that was done to him, they
laboured before the whole council for his delivery.
It ha])pened upon a certain day, as they were labour-
ing in the council for the delivery of the said Master
Jerome, that his enemies with all force and power
resisted against it, crying out that he should in no
case be dismissed. Then started up one called Doc-
tor Naso, who said unto the cardinals, " We marvel
much of you, most reverend fathers, that your reve-
rences will make intercession for such a wicked heretic,
for whose sake we in Bohemia, with the whole clergy,
have suffered much trouble and mischief, and perad-
venture your fatherhoods shall suffer ; and I greatly
fear, lest that you have received some rewards either of
the king of Bohemia, or of these heretics." When the
cardinals were thus rebuked, they discharged themselves
of Master Jerome's cause and matter.
Then his enemies obtained to have other judges ap-
pointed, as the patriarch of Constantinople, and a Ger-
man doctor, as they did know that the patriarch was a
grievous enemy to Master Jerome, because he being be-
fore appointed judge by the council, had condemned
John Huss to death.
But Master Jerome would not answer them in prison,
requiring to have open audience, because he would there
finally declare to them his mind, neither would he by
any means consent to those private judges. Whereupon
the presidents of the council, thinking that Master Je-
rome would renew his recantation before the audience,
and confirm the same, did grant him open audience.
In the year A. D. 1416, the twenty-fifth day of May,
Master Jerome was brought to open audience before the
whole council, in the great cathedral church of Con-
stance, where the commissioners of the council laid
against him a hundred and seven articles, to the intent
that he should not escape the snare of death, which
they provided and laid for him. He answered to more
than forty articles most subtlely objected against him ;
denying that he held or maintained any such articles as
were either hurtful or false, and affirming that those
witnesses had deposed them against him falsely and
slanderously, as his most cruel and mortal enemies. In
the same session they had not yet proceeded to death,
because that the noon-time drew so fast on, that he
could not answer to the articles. Wherefore, for lack
bf time sufficient to answer to the residue of the articles,
there was another time appointed, at which time again
early in the morning he was brought to the cathedral
church to answer to all the residue of the articles.
In all which articles, as well those which he had an-
swered before, as in the residue, he cleared himself very
learnedly, refuting hia adversaries in such a way that
n%
THE ORATION OF JEROME BEFORE THE COUNCIL.
[Book V.
tbey were themselves astonished at his oration, and
the refutation of their testimonies against him, and with
shame enough were put to silence. As when one of
them had demanded of him what he thought of the sa-
crament of the altar, he answered, " Before consecra-
tion," said he, " it is bread and wine; after the conse-
cration it is the true body and blood of Christ," adding
more words according to their catholic faith. Then
another rising up, " Jerome," said he, " there goes a
great rumour of thee, that thou dost hold bread to
remain upon the altar." To whom he pleasantly an-
swered, saying, " That he believed bread to be at the
baker's." At which words one of the Dominican friars
rose angrily, and said, " What ! dost thou deny,
that which no man doubts ?" His peevish sauciness
Jerome with these words did well repress, " Hold thy
peace, thou monk, thou hypocrite !" And thus the
monk being nipped in the head, sat down dumb. After
whom started up another, who with a loud voice cried
out, " I swear, by my conscience, that to be true which
thou dost deny." To whom Jerome replied, " Thus to
swear by your conscience is the next way to deceive."
Another there was, a spiteful and a bitter enemy of his,
whom he called by no other name than dog, or ass.
After he had thus refuted them one after another, that
they could find no crime against him, neither in this
matter, nor in any other, they were all driven to keep
feilence.
Then the witnesses were called, who coming gave tes-
timony to the articles before produced. By reason
whereof the innocent cause of Jerome was oppressed,
and began to be concluded in the council. Then Je-
rome rising up began to speak, " Forsomuch," said he,
" as you have heard mine adversaries so diligently, it is
convenient that you should also now hear me speak for
myself." Whereupon, with much difficulty, at last au-
dience was given in the council for him to say his mind.
Which being granted, he continued from morning to
noon, treating of many matters, with great learning
and eloquence. W^ho first beginning with his prayer to
God, besought him to give him spirit, ability, and utter-
ance, which might both tend to the profit and salvation
of his own soul ; and then began his oration as follows : —
■■ I know," said he " reverend lords, that there have
been many excellent men, who have suffered much
otherwise than they have deserved, being oppressed
with false witnesses, and condemned with wrong judg-
ments." And so beginning with Socrates, he declared
how he was unjustly condemned of his countrymen,
neither would he escape'when he might ; taking from us
the fear of two things, which seem most bitter to men,
to wit, imprisonment and death. Then he inferred the
captivity of Plato, the banishment of Anaxagoras, and
the torments of Zeno. Moreover, he brought in the
wrongful condemnation of many Gentiles, as the ba-
nishment of Rupilius, reciting also the unworthy death
of Boetius, and of others whom Boetius himself writes of.
From thence he came to the examples of the He-
brews, and first began with Moses the deliverer of the
people, and the lawgiver, how he was oftentimes slan-
dered of his people as being a seducer and contemner of
the people. Joseph also for envy was sold of his
brethren, and for false suspicion of crime was cast into
bonds. Besides these, were Isaiah, Daniel, and almost
all the prophets, who as contemners of God, and sedi-
tious persons, were oppressed with wrongful condemna-
tion. From thence he proceeded to the judgment of
Susanna, and of divers other besides, who being good
and holy, were yet unjustly cast away with wrong-
ful sentence. At length he came to John Baptist, and
so in long process he descended to our Saviour, declaring
how it was evident to all men, by what false witnesses
both he and John Baptist were condemned. Moreover,
how Stephen was slain by the college of the priests, and
how all the apostles were condemned to death, not as
good men, but as seditious stirrers up of the people, and
contemners of the gods, and evil doers. It is unjust,
said he, to be unjustly condemned one priest by another,
tad yet he proved that the same so happened most un-
justly in that council of priests. These things did ho
discourse at large, with marvellous eloquence, and with
singular admiration of all that heard him.
And forasmuch as all the whole sum of the cause did
rest only in the witnesses, by many reasons he j)roved
that no credit was to be given to them, especially see-
ing they spake all things of no truth, but only of hatred,
malice, and envy. And so prosecuting the matter, so
lively and expressly he opened to them the causes of
their hatred, that he had almost persuaded them. In
so lively and likely a way was their hatred detected, that
almost no credit was given to their testimonies, save
only for the cause and quarrel wherein they stood
touching the pope's doctrine. All men's minds were
moved and bending to mercy toward him ; for he told
them how tliat he of his own accord came up to the
council, and to purge himself he did open to them all
his life and doings, being full of virtue and godliness.
This was (said he) the old manner of ancient and
learned men, and most holy elders, that in matters of
faith, they differed many times in arguments, not to
destroy the faith, but to find out the truth. So did
Augustine and Jerome dissent one from the other, and
yet without any suspicion of heresy.
All this while the pope's holy council waited, still ex-
pecting when he would begin to excuse himself, and re-
tract those things which were objected against him, and
to crave pardon of the council ; but he persisting still in ,
his constant oration, did acknowledge no error, norj
gave any signification of retractation.
At last entering to the praise and commendation ol
Master John Huss, he affirmed that he was a good, just,J
and holy man, and much unworthy that death which ha
suffered. He knew him from his youth upward to be
neither immoral, a drunkard, nor any evil or vicious
person, but a chaste and sober man, and a just and true
preacher of the holy gospel ; and whatever things Mas4l
ter John Huss and W'ickliff had holden or written, spe-l
cially against the abuse and pomp of the clergy, h^
would affirm even to the death, that they were holy ancf
blessed men, and that in all points of the catholic faith
he believes as the holy catholic church holds or be-
lieves. And finally, he concluded, that all such articles
as John Wickliff and John Huss had written and puil
forth against the enormities, pomp, and disorder of ihei
prelates, he would firmly and steadfastly, without recan-
tation, hold and defend even to the death. And last of |
all he added, that all the sins that he had ever commit-
ted, did not so much gnaw and trouble his conscienccn
as did that only sin which he had committed in that ]
most pestiferous act, when in his recantation he had(
unjustly spoken against that good and holy man and his,*
doctrine, and specially in consenting to his wicked con*
demnation, concluding that he did utterly revoke and
deny that wicked recantation which he made in that
most cursed place, and that he did it through weakness
of heart and fear of death. And, moreover, that what-
ever he had spoken against that blessed man, he had
altogether lied upon him, and that he repented with hifl
whole heart that he ever did it.
At the hearing hereof the hearts of the hearers werei
not a little sorry. For they wished and desired greatly
that such a singular man should be saved, if otherwise
their blind superstition would have suffered it. But he
continued still in his opinion, seeming to desire rather
death than life. And persisting in the praise of John
Huss, he added moreover, that he never maintained any
doctrine against the state of the church, but only spake
against the abuses of the clergy, against the pride, pomp,
and excess of the prelates. For as the patrimonies of
the churches were first given for the poor, then for hos-
pitality, and thirdly to tlie reparations of the churches ;
it was a grief to that good man (said he) to see the same
mispent and cast away upon great feastings, and
keeping of horses and dogs, upon gorgeous apparel, and
such other things unbeseeming the christian religion.
And herein he shewed himself marvellous eloquent ; yea,
never more.
And when his oration was interrupted many times by
A.D. 1416.]
THE SENTENCE OF CONDEMNATION ON JEROME.
317
several of them, carping at his sentences as be was in
speaking, yet was there none of all those that interrupted
him who escaped unscathed, but he brought them all to
confusion, and put them to silence. When any noise
began, he ceased to speak, and after began again, pro-
ceeding in his oration, and di^siring them to give him
leave a while to speak, whom they hereafter should hear
no more, nor was his mind ever dashed at all these
noises and tumults.
And this was marvellous to behold in him, notwith-
standing he continued in prison three hundred and forty
days, having neither book, nor almost light to read by,
yet how admirably his memory served him ; declaring
how all those pains of his straight handling did not so
much grieve him, as he did wonder rather to see their
unkind humanity towards him.
When he had spoken these and many things as touch-
ing the praise of John Wickliff and John Huss, they
who sat in the council whispered together, saying, by
these his words it appears that he is resolved with him-
self. Then was he again carried into prison, and grie-
vously fettered by the hands, arms, and feet, with great
chains and fetters of iron.
The Saturday next before the ascension-day, early in
(he morning, he was brought with a great number of
armed men to the cathedral church before the open con-
grL'gation, to have his judgment given him. There they
exhorted him that those things which he had before
spoken in the open audience, as is aforesaid touching
the praise and commendation of master John WicklifF,
and master John Huss, confirming and establishing
their doctrine, he would yet recant : but he marvel-
lous stoutly without all fear spake against them, and
among other things said to them, " I take God to my
witness, and I protest here before you all, that I do be-
lieve and hold the articles of the faith, as the holy
catholic church does hold and believe the same ; but for
this cause shall I now be condemned, because I will not
consent with you to the condemnation of those most holy
and blessed men, whom you have most wickedly con-
demned for certain articles, detesting and abhorring your
wicked and abominable life." Then he confessed there
before them all his belief, and uttered many things very
profoundly and eloquently, insomuch that all men there
present could not sufficiently commend and praise his
great eloquence and excellent learning, and by no means
could they induce or persuade him to recant.
Then a certain bishop, named the Bishop of Londy,
made a certain sermon against Master Jerome, per-
suading them to condemn him.
After the bishop had ended the sermon. Master Je-
rome said again unto them, " You will condemn me
wickedly and unjustly. But I after my death will leave
a remorse in your conscience, and a nail in your hearts.
And here I cite you to answer unto me before the most
high and just Judge, within a hundred years."
No pen can sufficiently write, or note those things
which he most eloquently, profoundly, and philosophi-
cally had spoken in the said audience, neither can any
tongue sufficiently declare the same ; wherefore I have
but only touched here the superficial matter of his talk,
partly and not wholly noting the same. Finally, when
they could by no means persuade him to recant the
premises, immediately even in his presence, the sentence
and judgment of his condemnation was given against
him, and read before him.
Sentence.
" In the name of God, Amen. Christ our God, and
our Saviour being the true vine, whose Father is the
husbandman, taught his disciples, and all other faithful
men, saying, ' If any man abide not in me, let him be
cast out as a bough or branch, and let him wither and
dry,' &c. The doctrine and precepts of which most
excellent doctor and master, this most sacred synod of
Constance executing and following in the cause of in-
quisition against heretics, being moved by this sacred
synod, through report, public fame, and open infamation,
proceeding against Jerome of Prague, master of arts, lay-
man. By the acts and processes of whose cause it
appeareth that the said Master Jerome hath hoiilen,
maintained, and taught divers articles heretical and
erroneous, lately reproved and condemned hy the holy
fathers, some being very blasphemous, other some offend-
ing godly ears, and many temerarious and seditious,
wiiich have been affirmed, maintained, preached and
taught by the men of the most damnable memory, John
Wickliff and John Huss, the which are also written in
many of their works and books. Which articles of
doctrine and books of the said John Huss, and John
Wickliff, together with their memory, and the person of
the said John Huss, were by the said sacred synod con-
demned of heresy. Which sentence of condemnation
this Jerome afterwards during the time of inquisition,
acknowledged in the said sacred synod, and approved
the true catholic and apostolic faith, thereunto consent-
ing, accursing all heres-y, especially that whereof he was
infamed, and confessed himself to be infamed, and that
which in times past John Huss and John Wickliff main-
tained and taught in their works, sermons, and books,
for which the said Wickliff and Huss, together with
their doctrine and errors, were by the said sacrt-d synod
condemned as heretical. The condemnation of all which
premises he did openly profess and allow, and did
swear that he would persevere and continue in the verity
of that faith. And if that he should presume at any
time to hold opinion, or preach contrary thereunto, that
he would submit himself to the trial and truth of the
canons, and be bound to perpetual punishment. And
this his profession written with his own hand, he de-
livered up unto the holy council. Not many days after his
said profession and abjuration, as a dog returning unto
his vomit, to the intent he might openly vomit up the
most pestilent poison which had long lurked and lain hid
in his breast, he required and desired that he might be
openly heard before the council. The which being
granted unto him, he affirmed, said, and professed before
the whole synod, being publicly gathered together, that
he had wickedly consented and agreed to the sentence
and judgment of the condemnation of the said Wickliff"
and Huss, and that he had most shamefully lied in
approving and allowing the said sentence, neither was he
ashamed to confess that he had lied ; yea, he did also
revoke and recant his confession, approbation, and pro-
testation, which he had made upon their condemnation,
affirming that he never at any time had read any errors
or heresy in the books and treatises of the said Wickliff
and Huss. Although he had before confessed it, and it is
evidently proved, that he did diligently study, read, and
preach their books, wherein it is manifest that there are
contained many errors and heresies. Also the said
Master Jerome did profess as touching the sacrament of
the altar and the transubstantiation of the bread into the
body of Christ, that he doth hold and believe as the
church doth hold and believe, saying also that he doth
give more credit unto St. Augustine, and the othtr doc-
tors of the church, than unto Wickliff and Huss. It
appeareth moreover, by the premises, that the said Je-
rome is an adherent and maintainer of the said Wickliff
and Huss, and their errors, and both is, and has been a
favourer of them. Wherefore the said sacred synod de-
termineth the said Masttr Jerome as a rotten and withered
branch, not growing upon the vine, to be cut off and
cast out. The said synod also pronounceth, declireth
and condemneth him as an hejetic and drowned in all
kind of heresies, excommunicate and accursed, leaving
him unto the sentence and judgment of the secular
judge, to receive just and due punishment, according to
the quality of so great an offence ; the sacred synod
notwithstanding, entreating that the said judge would
moderate his sentence of judgment without peril of
death."
I Which sentence so given before his face, being ended,
I a great and long mitre of paper was brought unto him,
painted about with red devils, which when he beheld and
saw, throwing away his hood upon the ground amongst
the prelates, he took the mitre and put it upon his
head, saying, " Our Lord Jesus Clirist, when h«
318
MARTYRDOM OF JEROME. LETTER OF THE NOBLES TO THE COUNCIL. [B.ok V.
•hould suffer death for me most wretched sinner, did
wear a crown of thorns ujion his head ; and I for his
Bake instead of that crown, will willingly wear this mitre
and cap." Afterwards he was laid hold of by the secular
power.
After that he was led out of the said church to the
place of execution ; when he was going out of the
church, with a cheerful countenance and loud voice lift-
ing his eyes up unto heaven, he began to sing, " I
believe in one God," &c., as it is accustomed to be sung
in the church. Afterward as he passed along, he sung
some canticles of the cliurch ; which being ended, in the
entering out of the gate of the city, as men go to Goth-
lehem, he sung this hymn, Felix namqne. After that he
came to the place of execution where Master John Huss
before had innocently suffered death, and kneeling down
before an image which was like to the picture of Master
John Huss, which was there prepared to burn Master
Jerome, he made a certain devout prayer.
While he was thus praying, the tormentors took him
up, and lifting him up from the ground, spoiled him of
all his garments, and left him naked, and afterwards
girded him about the loins vv'ith a linen cloth, and bound
hira fast with cords and chains of iron, to the image
which was made fast unto the earth ; and so standing
upon the ground, when as they began to lay the wood
about him, he sung Sahe festa dies. And when the
hymn was ended, he sung again with a loud voice, " I
believe in one God," unto the end. That being ended,
he said unto the people in the German tongue, in effect
as follows. " Dearly beloved cliildren, even as I have
now sung, so do I believe, and none otherwise. And
this creed is my whole faith, notwithstanding now I die
for this cause, because I would not consent and agree to
the council, and with them affirm and hold that Master
John Huss was by them holily and justly condemned ;
for I did know well enough that he was a true preacher
of the gospel of Jesus Christ."
After that he was compassed in with the wood up to
the crown of the head, they cast all his garments upon
the wood also, and with a tire-brand they set it on fire ;
which being once fired, he began to sing with a loud
voice, " Into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my apirit."
When that was ended, and that he began vehemently to
burn, he said in the vulgar. Bohemian tongue, " O Lord
God, Father Almighty have nisrcy upon me, and be
merciful unto mine offences, for thou knowest how sin-
cerely I liave loved thy truth." Then his voice by the
vehemency of the fire was choked and stopped, that it
was no longer heard, but he moved continually his
mouth and lijis, as though he had still jjrayed or spoken
within himself.
When his whole body with his beard was so burned
round about, that there appeared through the great
burning upon his body certain great blisters as big as an
egg, yet he continually very strongly and stoutly moved,
and shaked his head and mouth, by the space almost of
one quarter of an hour. So burning in the fire, he
lived with great pain and martyrdom, while one might
easily have gone from St. Clement's over the bridge to
our lady church. After he was thus dead in the fire,
by and by they brought his bedding, his straw bed, his
boots, his hood, and all other things that he had in the
prison, and burned them all to ashes in the same fire.
Which ashes, after that the fire was out, they diligently
gathered together, and carried them in a cart, and cast
them into the river Rhone, which ran hard by the
city.
That man who was the true reporter hereof, and
which testified to us the acts and doings about the con-
demnation of Master Jerome, and sent the same to us to
Prague in w'riting, thus concludes. " All these things,"
said he, " I did behold, see, and hear to be done in this
form and manner. And if any man do tell you the con-
trary, do not credit him ; for all those things which
happened unto him when he came toward Constance,
and also at his first coming unto Constance of his own
free will, and afterward when he was brought bound unto
Constance, as is aforesaid, I mysslf did see and perfectly
behold, and for a perpetual memory thereof to be had
for ever, I have directed the same unto you, not lying or I
falsifying any point thereof, as he which is the Siearcher (
of all men's hearts can bear me witness, willing rather
to sustain the charge of ignorance and rudeness of style,
to bear witness to tl>e truth, than I would by any means t
be compelled by tickling, or flattering the ears of the i
hearers with feigned and cloaked speech, to swerve or go
aside from the truth."
Thus end the tragical histories of Master John Huss,
and Master Jerome of Prague, faithfully gathered and
collected by a certain Bohemian, being a present eve-
witness and beliolder of the same, written and compiled
first in Latin, and sent by the said Bohemian into his
country of Bohemia, and again translated out of the
Latin with like fidelity into our English tongue.
In the mean time, while Master Jerome was in this
trouble, and before the council, the nobles and lords of
Bohemia and of Moravia directed their letters to this
barbarous council of popish murderers : in tenor and
form of words as foUoweth.
The Letter nf the fftrj -four Nobles of Moravia, vritten
unto the Council of Conxtance in the defence of Mastet
John Huss and Jerome of Prague.
" To the right reverend fathers and lords in Christ,
the lords cardinals, patriarchs, primates, arch-
bishops, bishops, ambassadors, doctors, and
masters, and to the whole council of Constance,
We, the nobles, lords, knights, and esquires, of
the famous marquisdom of Moravia, wish the de
sire of all goodness, and the observation of the
commandments of our Lord Jesus Christ.
" Forsomuch as every man, both by the law of natxire
and also by God's law, is commanded to do that unto
another man, which he would have done unto himself,
and is forbidden to do that thing unto another, wliich he
would not have done unto himself, as our Saviour saith,
' All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to
you, do ye even so to them : for this is the law and the
prophets.' Yea, the law is fulfilled in this one point,
' Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself:' We, there-
fore, (God being our author), having respect as much as
in us lieth unto the said law of God, and the love of our
neighbour, did before send our letters unto Constance
for our dearly beloved friend of good memory. Master
John Huss, bachelor of divinity, and preacher of tne
gospel. Whom of late in the council of Constance (we
know not with what spirit being led) you have con-
demned as an obstinate heretic ; neither having con-
fessed any thing, neither being lawfully convicted as was
expedient ; having no errors or heresies declared or laid
against him, but only at the sinister, false, and impor-
tune accusations, suggestions, and instigations of his
mortal enemies, and the traitors of our kingdom and
marquisdom of Moravia. And being thus unmercifully
condemned, you have slain him with most shameful and
cruel death, to the perpetual shame and infamy of our
most christian kingdom of Bohemia, and the famous
marquisdom of Moravia (as we have written unto Con-
stance, unto the most noble prince and lord, the Lord
Sigismund, king of the Romans, and of Hungary, the heir
and successor of our kingdom) which was also read and
jjublished in your congregations, which we will here also
have enrolled ; and have burned him, as it is reported,
in reproach and contempt of us.
" Wherefore, we have thought good even now to di-
rect our letters patent to your reverences now ju-esent
in the behalf of Master John Huss, openly ])n)fessiiig
and protesting, both with heart and mouth, that he, the
said Master John Huss, was a just, good, and catholic
man, and for a long season worthily connuended and al-
lowed in our kingdom for his life and conversation. He
also preached and taught us and our subjects the law of
the gospel, and of the holy prophets, and the books of
the Old and New Testament, according to the exjjosi-
tion of the holy doctors approved by the cliurch, and
left many monuments in writing, most constantly detest-
A.D. 141G.] THE HISTORIES OF JOHN CLAYDON AND RICHARD TURMING.
319
ing and abhorring all errors and heresies, continually
admonishing both us and all faithful cliristians to do the
like, diligently exhorting all men as much as in him lay,
by his words, writings, and labours, unto quietness and
concord ; so that using all the diligence that we might,
we never heard or could understand, that Master Jolin
Huss had preached, taught, or by any means affirmed
any error or heresy in his sermons, or that by any
manner of means he had offended us, or our subjects,
either by word or deed, but that he always led a quiet
and a godly life in Christ, exhorting all men diligently,
both by his word and works, as much as he might, to
observe and keep the law of the gospel, and the institu-
tions of tlie holy fathers, after the preaching of our holy
mother the church, and to the edifying of men's souls.
Neither did these premises which you had so per])e-
trated to the reproach both of us and our kingdom and
marquisdom, suffice and content you, but that also
without all mercy and pity you have apprehended, im-
prisoned, and condemned, and even now, peradventure,
like as you did Master John Huss, you have most cruelly
murdered the worshipful man, Master Jerome of
Prague, a man abounding in eloquence, master of the
seven liberal arts, and a famous jjhilosojiher, not being
seen, heard, examined, neither convicted, but only at the
sinister and false accusations of his and our accusers and
betrayers.
" Furthermore, it is come to our knowledge and un-
derstanding (which we do not without great grief re-
hearse) as we may also evidently gather by your writ-
ings, how that certain detractors, odious both to God
and men, privy enviers and betrayers, have wickedly and
grievously, although falsely and traitorously, accused us,
our kingdom and marquisdom aforesaid, before you in
your council, that in the said kingdom of Bohemia, and
marquisdom of Moravia, divers errors are sprung up,
which have grievously and manifoldly infected both our
nearts, and also the hearts of many faithful men ; inso-
much that without a speedy stop or stay of correction,
the said kingdom and marquisdom, together with the
faithful christians therein, should incur an irreparable
loss and ruin of their souls.
" These cruel and pernicious injuries which are laid
to us, and to our said kingdom and marquisdom, al-
though most falsely and slanderously, how may we suf-
fer ? Forsomuch as through the grace of God (when in
a manner all other kingdoms of the world have often-
times wavered, making schisms and antipopes) our
most gracious kingdom of Bohemia, and most noble
marquisdom of Moravia, since the time they did receive
the catholic faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, have always
without reproof stuck constantly to the church of Rome,
and have sincerely done their true obedience. Also
with how great costs and charges, and great labour, with
what worship and due reverence they have reverenced
the holy mother tlie church and her pastors, by their
princes and faithful subjects, is more manifest than
the day-light to the whole world ; and yourselves, if you
will confess the truth, can witness the same also.
" Wherefore, that we, according to the mind of the
apostle, may procure honest and good things, not only
before God, but before men also, and lest by neglecting
the famous renown of the kingdom and marquisdom, we
be found cruel toward our neighbours ; having a steadfast
hope, a pure and sincere conscience and intent, and a
certain true faith in Christ Jesus our Lord, by the
tenour of these we signify and declare unto your
fatherhoods, and to all faithful christians, openly pro-
fessing both with heart and mouth, that whatsoever man,
of what estate, pre-eminence, dignity, condition, de-
gree, or religion, soever he be, who hath said, or af-
firmed, either doth say or affirm, that in the said king-
dom of Bohemia, and marquisdom of Moravia, heresies
have sprung up which have infected us and other faith-
ful christians, as is aforesaid (the only person of our
most noble prince and lord, Sigismund, king of Romans,
and of Hungary, &c. our Lord and heir successor, being
set apart, whom we trust and believe, not to be guilty in
the premises) all and every such man (as is aforesaid)
doth lie falsely upon his head, as a wicked and naughty
traitor and betrayer of the said kingdom and marquis-
dom, and most traitorous to us, and most pernicious
heretic, the son of all malice and wickedness, yea, and
of the devil himself, who is a liar, and the father of all
lies.
" Notwithstanding, we for this present committinc
the foresaid injuries unto God, unto whom vengeance
pertainetli, who will also abundantly reward tlie workers
of iniquity, will prosecute them more amply before him,
wlioni God shall appoint in the apostolic see, to govern
his holy churcl), as the only and undoubted pastor.
Unto whom, God willing, w'e exhibiting our due reve-
rence and obedience as faithful children, in those thing.'
which are lawful, honest, and agreeable to reason and
the law of God, will make our recpiest and petition, that
speedy remedy may be provided for us, our said king-
dom and marquisdom upon the premises, according to
the law of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the institutions of
the holy fatiiers. Tiie premises, notwithstanding, we
setting apart all fear and men's ordinances provided to
the contrary, will maintain and defend the law of our
Lord Jesus Christ, and the devout, humble, and con-
stant preachers thereof, even to the shedding of our
blood.
" Dated at Sternberg, in A. D. 1415, upon St.
Wenceslaus' day, martyr of our Lord Jesus
Christ.''
Round about these letters there were fifty-four seals
hanging, and the names of those noblemen subscribed,
whose seals they were.
After these things, concerning the history of John
Huss and Jerome of Prague, the order of time calls me
back to other matters here of our own country, which
passed in the mean time with us in England. "Which
tilings being finished, we will (Christ willing) afterward
return to the troubles and conflicts of the Bohemians,
with other things besides, pertaining to the later end of
the council of Constance, and election of Pope Martin.
Ye heard before, how after the death of Thomas
Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury, succeeded Henry
Chichesley, (A.D. 1414,) and sat twenty-five years.
In whose time was much trouble and great affliction of
good men here in England ; of whom many were com-
pelled to abjure, some were burned, several were driven
to exile. Whereof, partly flow to treat, as we find
them in registers and histories recorded, we will first
begin with John Claydon of London, and Richard
Turming. The history of which John Claydon in the
registers is thus declared.
The Kiniory of John Claydon, Currier; and of Richard
Turming, Baker.
The 17th of August, 1415, did personally appear
John Claydon, currier of London (arrested by the
mayor of tlie city for the suspicion of heresy) before
Henry, archbishop of Canterbury, in St. Paul's church ;
which John (it being objected to him by the archbishop,
that in the city of London, and other places of the pro-
vince of Canterbury, he was suspected by divers godly
and learned men of heresy, and to be contrary to the
catholic faith and determination of the church) did
openly confess, and denied not, but that he had been for
the space of twenty years suspected both about the city
of London, and also in the province of Canterbury, and
especially by the common sort, of the opinions of the
Lollards and heresy, and to be contrary to tlie catholic
faith and determination of the church of Rome, and de-
famed of the same all the time aforesaid.
Insomuch, that in the time of Master Robert Bray-
brook, bishop of London, deceased, he was for the
space of two years committed to the prison of Conway
for the foresaid defamation and suspicion, and for the
same cause also he was in prison in the Fleet for tnree
years. Out of which prison he (in the reign of King
Henry IV.) was brought before the Lord John Scarle,
then chancellor to the king, and there did abjure all
heresy and error. And the said John Claydon being
asked of the said archbishop whether he did abjure the
320
CONDEMNATION AND MARTYRDOM OF JOHN CLAYDON.
[Book V.
heresy of which he was suspected before any other ? did
confess, that in a convocation at London, in St. Paul's
church, before Thomas Arundel, late archbishop, de-
ceased, he did ar)jure all such doctrine, which they
called heresy and error, contrary to the catholic faith
and determination of the church, and that he had not
only left such articles and opinions, wherein he was de-
famed, but also did abstain from all company that were
suspected of such ojiinions, so that he should neither
give aid, help, counsel, nor favour unto them.
And, moreover, the said John was asked by the said
archbishop, whether he had ever since his abjuration had
in his house or in his keeping, any books written in
English. Whereunto he confessed, that he would not
deny, but that he had in his house, and in his keeping,
many English books ; for he was arrested by the mayor
of the city of London for such books as he had, which
books (as he thought) were in the mayor's keeping.
Upon the which the mayor did openly confess, that he
had such books in his keeping, which in his judgment
were the worst, and the most perverse that ever he did
read or see, and one book that was well bound in red
leather, of parchment, written in a good English hand ;
and among the other books found with the said John
Claydon, the mayor gave up the said book before the
archbishop. Whereupon the said John Claydon, being
asked of the archbishop if he knew that book, did openly
confess that he knew it very well, because he caused it
to be written of his own costs and charges, for he spent
much money thereupon since his abjuration. Then was
he asked who wrote it. He did answer, one called
John Grime.
And further, being required what the said John Grime
was, he answered, he could not tell. Again, being de-
manded whether he did ever read the same book, he did
confess, that he could not read, but he had heard the
fourth part thereof read of one John Fullar. And being
asked, whether he thought the contents of that book to
be catholic, profitable, good and true .' He answered,
that many things which he had heard in the same book,
were both profitable, good, and healthful to his soul ; and
as he said he had great affection to the said book, for a
sermon preached at Horslydown, that was written in the
said book. And being further asked, whether, since
the time of his said abjuration, he did commune with
one Richard Turming, of «he city aforesaid ; he did an-
swer, yea : for the said Richard "Turming did come often
unto his house to have communication with him. And
being asked whether he knew the said Richard to be
suspected and defamed of heresy, he did answer again,
that he knew well that the said Richard was suspected
and defamed by many men and women in the city of
London, as one whom they thought to be an he-
retic.
Which confession being made, he did cause the said
books to be delivered to Master Robert Gilbert, doctor
of divinity, to William Lindewood, doctor of both laws,
and other clerks to be examined, and in the mean time,
David Beard, Alexander Philip, and Balthasar Mero,
were taken for witnesses against him, and were com-
mitted to be examined to Master John Escourt, general
examiner of Canterbury. This done, the archbishop
continued his session till Monday next, in the same
])hice. Whicli Monday being come, which was the
twentieth of the said month, the said Master Escourt
openly and publicly exhibited the witnesses, being
openly read before the archbishop, and other bishops ;
which being read, then after that were read divers trea-
tises, found in the house of the said John Claydon :
out of the which being examined, various points were
gathered and noted for heresies and errors, and espe-
cially out of the book aforesaid, which book John Clay-
don confessed by his own costs to be written and bound,
which book was intitled " The Lanthoru of Light."
For the articles contained in this and other books, the
archbishop, with other bishops, and learned men,
communing together, first condemned the books as he-
retical, and burned them in the fire : and then, because
they thought John Claydon to be forsworn and fallen i
into heresy, the archbishop proceeded to his definitive I
sentence against him, he personally appearing before him
in judgment, (his confessions being read and deposed
against him) after this manner :
" In the name of God, Amen. We, Henry, by the
grace of God, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all
England, and legate of the apostolical see, in a certain
cause of heretical pravity, and of relapse into the same,
whereuj)on John Claydon, layman of the province of
Canterbury, was detected, accused and denounced, and
in the said our province of Canterbury publicly defamed,
(as by public fame and common report notoriously to us
hath been known), first, sitting in judgment-seat, and ob-
serving all things lawfully required in this behalf, do
proceed to the pronouncing of the sentence, definitive iu
form as foUoweth. The name of Christ being invoked
and only set before our eyes, forasmuch as by the acts
and things enacted, produced, exhibited and confessed
before us ; also by divers signs and evidences, we have
found the said John Claydon to have been, and to be
publicly and notoriously relapsed again into his former
heresy, heretofore by him abjured ; according to the
merits and deserts of the said cause, being of us dili-
gently searched, weighed, and pondered before, to the
intent that the said John Claydon shall not infect others
with his scab, by the consent and assent of our reverend
brethren, Richard, bishop of London, John, bishop of
Coventry and Lichfield, and Stephen, bishop of St.
David's, and of other doctors, as well of divinity as of
both laws and also of other discreet and learned men as-
sisting us in this behalf, we do judge, pronounce, and
declare the said John Claydon to be relapsed again into
his heresy, which he before did abjure, finally and defi-
nitively appointing him to be left unto the secular
judgment, and so do leave him by these presents.'*
Thus John Claydon, receiving his judgment and con-
demnation of the archbishop, was committed to the
secular power, and by them was committed to the fire at
Smithfield, where meekly he was made a burnt offering
unto the Lord, A. D. 1415.
Robert Fabian, and other chronologers who follow
him, add also, that Richard Turming, baker, of whom
mention is made before, in the examination of Jolm
Claydon, was likewise at the same time burned with him
in Smithfield. But in the register I find no sentence
of condemnation given against the said Turming, neither
yet in the history of St. Albans, is there any such men-
tion of his burning made, but only of the burning of
John Claydon aforesaid ; wherefore the judgment
hereof I leave free to the reader. Notwithstanding,
concerning the said Turming this is certain, that he was
accused to the bishops, and, no doubt, was in their
hands and bands. What afterwards was done with him,
I refer it to the authors.
The next year after the burning of these two afore-
said, and also of John Huss, being burnt at Constance,
which was A. D. 1416, the prelates of England seeing
the daily increase of the gospel, and fearing the ruin o(
their papal kingdom, were busily occupied with all their
counsel and diligence to maintain the same. Wherefore,
to make their state and kingdom sure, by statutes, laws,
constitutions, and terror of punishment, as Thomas
Arundel, and other prelates had done before, so Henry
Chichesley, archbishop of Canterbury, in his convoca-
tion at London, makes another constitution (as though
there had not enough been made before) against the
poor Lollards ; the copy and tenor whereof he sendeth
abroad to the bishop of London, and to other his suf-
fragans, by them to be put in straight execution, aa
follows :
" Henry, hy the grace of God archbishop of Canter-
bury, primate of all England, and legate of the chief seat :
to our reverend brother in the Lord, Richard, by the grace
of God bishop of London, health and brotherly love,
with continual increase. Lately in our last convocation
in St. Paul's church in London, being kept by you and
other our brethren and clergy of our province, we do
remember to have made this order underwritten, by your
®ml of loljii Cloboii.
Pase 3-it).
A.D. 141fi.] THE TROUBLES OF ROBERT CHAPEL— HIS FORCED CONFESSION.
321
consents : when as among many other our cares, this
on^'lit to be chief, that by some means we may take
tlii'ss lieretics, who like foxes, lurk and hide themselves
in tlie Lord's vineyard; and that the dust of negligence
nviy be utterly shaken from our feet, and from tlie feet
of our fellow brethren ; iu this the said convocation of
flu- prelates and clergy, we have ordained, tliat our
fellow brethren, our suffragans and archdeacons of our
province of Canterbury, by themselves, their officials or
commissaries in their jurisdictions, and every one of their
cbirges in their country, twice every year at the least, do
diligently inquire for such persons as are suspected of
heresy ; and that in every such their archdeaconries in
every parish, wherein is reported any heretics to in-
habit, they cause three or more of the honestest men,
and best reported of, to take their oath upon the holy
evangelists, that if they shall know or understand any
frequenting either in privy conventicles, or else differing
in life or manners from the common conversation of
other catholic men, or else that hold any either heresies
or errors, or else that have any suspected books in the
English tongue, or that do receive any such persons
suspected of heresies and errors into their houses, or
that be favourers of them that are inhabitants in any
such place, or conversant with them, or else have any
recourse unto them ; they make certificates of those
persons in writing, with all the circumstances wherewith
they are suspected, to the said our suffragans or arch-
deacons, or to their commissaries, so soon, and with as
much speed as possibly they can ; and that the said
archdeacon, and every of their commissaries aforesaid,
do declare the names of all such persons denounced,
together with all the circumstances of them, the diocese
and places, and secretly under their seals do send over
unto us the same : and that the same diocesans effec-
tually direct forth lawful process against them, as the
quality of the cause rcquireth, and that with all dili-
gence they discern, define and execute the same.
" And if perhaps they leave not such persons convicted
unto the secular court, yet notwithstanding let them com-
mit them unto the perpetual or temporal prisons, as the
quality of the cause shall require, until the next convo-
cation of the prelates and clergy of our province of Can-
terbury, there personally to remain ; and that in the same
prisons they cause them to be kept according as the law
requires ; and that of all and singular the things afore-
said, that is, what inquisition they have made, and what
they have found, and how in the process they have be-
haved themselves, and what persons so convicted they have
caused to be put in safe keeping, with what diligence or
•' negligence of the commissaries aforesaid, with all and all
manner of other circumstances premised, and thereunto
in anywise appertaining, and especially of the abjurations,
if in the meantime they shall chance to abjure any heresies,
that then in the next convocation of the prelates and
clergy under the form aforesaid, they cause the same dis-
I tinctly and openly to be certified to us and our successors ;
; and that they deliver effectually to the official of our
court, the same process to remain with them, or else in
the register of our court of Canterbury, so that every
one, to whom such things appertain, for the further ex-
j ecution of the same process, may have recourse unto the
! same official with all effect.
; " We therefore command, that as touching the consti-
Itution brought unto your city and diocesan, you cause
I the same in convenient place and time to be published,
j and that in all points you both observe the same your-
I selves, and cause it also of others to be diligently ob-
j served ; commanding, furthermore, all and singular our
! fellow brethren and suffragans, that they in likewise
i caus.^ the same to be published throughout all their cities
and dioceses, and both diligently observe the same them-
I selves, and also cause all others to do the same ; and
i what thing soever you shall do in the premises, that you
1 certify us betwixt this and the feast cf St. Peter ad vin-
culo next coming, that you duly certify us of these things
by your letters patent, containing the same effect,
Beakd with your seals. Dated at our house in London,
the first day of July, A. D. 1416.''
During the time of this convocation, two priests were
presented and brought before the bishops, defamed for
heretics, one named John Barton, to whom it was ob-
jected by Philip, bishop of Lincoln, that he had been ex-
communicated about six or seven years before, upon
articles concerning religion, and yet neither would ap-
pear when cited, nor would seek to be reconciled again
to the church. Which things being so proved against
him, he was committed to the custody of Philip, bishop
of Lincoln, and to be holden in prison, till he should
hear further what should be done.
The other was Robert Chapel, otherwise named Hol-
bech, chaplain sometimes to the Lord Cobham ; to
whom likewise it was objected, that he being under the
sentence of excommunication about three or four years,
yet notwithstanding continued saying mass, and preach-
ing, and sought not to be reconciled ; Chapel denying
that he knew of any such excommunication given out
against him. Then was the copy of his excommunica-
tion first made by the bishop of Rochester, afterward de-
nounced by the bishop of London at St. Paul's cross,
brought and read before him ; and that being done, the
session brake up for that time, which was about the
latter end of May, A. D. 1416.
The twelfth day of the month of July next following.
Chapel appeared again before the archbishop and the
prelates ; and confessing and submitting himself, he
desired pardon. The bishop of Rochester putting in his
hands the decree of the canon law, made him abjure all
his former articles and opinions as heretical and schismati-
cal, never to hold the same again, according to the con-
tents of the canon. Upon which, Robert Chapel being
absolved by the authority of the archbishop, (save only
that he should not intermeddle with saying mass before
he had been dispensed from the pope himself for irregu-
larity), was enjoined by the archbishop himself for his-
penance, to stand at St. Paul's, and to publish these arti-
cles following unto the people, instead of his confessioai
given him to be read.
" 1. I confess that bishops, priests, and other ecclesi-
astical persons, having no other possession to Ihe con-
trary, may lawfully have, receive, and retain lands and
possessions temporal, to dispense and dispose the same-
and the rents thereof, to the behoof of themselves, or of
their church where they dwell, according as seemelh
good to them.
" 2. I confess that it were very unlawful, yea, rather
unjust, that temporal men upon any occasion soever,
should take away temporal lands and possessioas-froni
the church, either universal or particular, to which
they are given, the consideration of the abuse of
mortal prelates, priests, or other ministers in the-
church conversant (which are mixt- together good'
with bad) abusing the same, to the contrary notwith-
standing.
" ?i. I confess that pilgrimages to the relics of saints,
and to holy places, are not prohibited, nor to be con-
temned of any catholic, but are available to remission of
sins, and approved of holy, fathers, and worthy to be
commended.
"4. I confess that to worship the images of Christ or
of any other saints, being set up in the church or in any-
other place, is not forbidden ; neither does it conduce to
idolatry, being so used as the holy fathers do will them
to be worshipped ; but rather such images do profit
much to the health of christians, because they do put ua
in remembrance of the merits of those saints whom they
represent, and the sight of them doth move and stir up,,
the people to prayers and devotion.
"5. I confess that auricular' confession used in the;-
church is necessary for a sinner to the salvation of hia^
soul, and necessary, to be doae of such a, priest as is or-
dained by the church to hear the confession of the sin-
ner, and to enjoin him penance for the same ; without
which confession (if it may be had) there is noremissjoa
of sins to him that is in mortal sin.
" 6. I confess and firmly do hold, that although the
priest be in mortal sin, yet he »^»» make the body of'
322 PiiiRSECUTIONS IN ENGLAND, BY THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY, &c. [Book V.
Christ, and minister other sacraments and sacramentals,
which nevertheless are profitable to all the faithful,
whoever receives them in faith and devotion of the
church.
"7.1 confess that bishops in their own dioceses may
forbid, decree, or ordain upon reasonable causes, that
priests should not, without their special license, preach
the word of God, and that those that do against the same,
should suffer the ecclesiastical censures.
" 8. I confess that private religions, as well of monks,
canons, and others, as also of the begging friars, being
allowed by the church of Rome, are profitable to the
universal church, and in no means contrary to God's law,
but rather founded and authorised thereof.
"9. I promise and swear upon these holy evangelists,
which I hold here in my hands, that I will henceforth
never hold, affirm, nor by any means teach any thing
contrary unto the premises either openly or privately."
After the setting out of the constitution aforesaid, in
the days of Henry Chichesley, archbishop of Canterbury,
great inquisition followed in England, and many good
men, whose hearts began to be won to the gosi)el, were
brought to much vexation, and caused outwardly to
abjure.
Thus, while Christ had the inward hearts of men ;
yet the catholic antichrist would needs possess their out-
ward bodies, and make them sing after his song. In the
number of those who were compelled to al)jure, besides
the other aforesaid, was also John Taylor of the parish
of St. Michael's at Quern ; William James, master of
arts and physician, who had long remained in prison, and
at length, after abjuration, was licensed with his keeper
to practise his physic.
Also John Dwarf, so named for his low stature, who
was sent l)y the duke of Bedford to the aforesaid Chi-
chesley, and other bi-shops, to be examined before them
or the convocation ; there he at length revolting from
his doctrine, recanted and did ]ienance.
In like manner John Jourdelay of Lincolnshire, well
commended in the registers for his learning, accused by
the priests of Lincoln for a certain book, which he, con-
trary to the former decree of the bishops, concealed, and
did not exhibit to them, was therefore forced to ab-
jure. After whom was brought likewise before the bi-
shops one Katharine Dertford, a spinster, who being ac-
cused and examined upon these three articles concerning
the sacrament of the pope's altar, adoration of images,
and of pilgrimage, answered, that she was not able, be-
ing unlearned, to ansvver to such high matters, neither
had she any further skill, but only her creed and ten com-
mandments ; and so was she committed to the vicar
general of the bishop of Winchester (for she was of the
same diocese), to be kept, and further to be examined
■ of the same.
At the same sitting was also brought before the arch-
bishop and his fellow bishops, by the lieutenant of the
Tower, the parson of Heggeley in Lincolnshire, named
Master Robert, who being long kept in the Tower, at
length by the king's writ, was brought and examined the
■same time upon thelike articles, to wit, touching the sacra-
ment of their altar, pilgrimage, adoration of images, and
whether it was lawful for spiritual men to enjoy tem-
poral lordships, &c. To which articles he answered
(saith the register) doubly and mockingly, save oidy in
the sacrament he seemed something more conformable,
although not yet fully to their content. Wherefore, be-
ing committed to the custody and examination of Richard,
bishop of Lincoln, in the end he was also induced to
submit himself.
The same likewise did William Henry of Tenterden,
being suspected and arrested for keeping company wMtli
them whom the bishops called Lollards, and for having
suspected books.
Besides these, many others there were who in the
same convocation were assembled and revoked their
opinions, as John Galle, a priest of London, <'or having a
book in Enghsh, intitutled " A Book of tlie New Law.''
Richard Monk, vicar of Chesham in Lincolnshire, who
ubmitted himself likewise. In this race and number
followed moreover Bartholomew Commonger, Nicholas
Hoper, servant to the Lord Cobham ; Thomas Granter
with others, mentioned in the register.
Among the rest who were at this time troubled for
their faith, was one Radulph Mungin, priest, who for the
same doctrine was arrested and sent by the lord chan-
cellor of England to the archbishop, and by him com-
mitted to David Price, vicar-general to the bishop of
London ; where, after he had endured four months in
prison, he was presented to the convocation, against
whom divers articles were objected.
But for the better explaining of the matter, first here
is to be noted, that touching the time of this convocation
provincial. Pope Martin had sent down to the clergy of
England, for a subsidy to be gathered of the church, to
maintain the pope's war against the Lollards (so the
papists did term them) of Bohemia. Also another sub-
sidy was demanded to persecute one Peter Clerk, master
of arts of Oxford, who, flying out of England, was at the
council of Basil, dis])uting on the Bohemians' side. And
thirdly, another subsidy was also required to j)ersecute
Williani Russel, warden of the Gray Friars in London,
who the same time was fled from England to Rome, to
maintain his opinion before the pope, and there escaped
out of prison, &c. of whom we shall treat more largely
hereafter (Christ willing). In the meantime mark here
the petty shifts of the i)ope to hook in the English
money, by all manner of pretences possible.
Thus Ralph Mungin, appearing before the bishops in
the convocation, it was objected against him, first, that
he affirmed and held, that it was not lawful for any
christian to fight and make war against the heretics of
Bohemia.
Also, it was objected to him that he did hold and say
tliat it was not lawful for any man to have property of
goods, but that they should be common, which he ex-
pressly denied that ever he so said or affirmed. Whereby
we have to observe how the crafty malice of these adver-
saries use falsely to collect and surmise of men, what they
never spake, to oppress them wrongfully whom by plain
truth they cannot expugn.
Moreover they objected against him, that he kept
company with Master Clerk, and also that he dispersed
in the city of London certain books of John Wicklifl", and
of Peter Clerk, namely the book ' Trialogus,' and the gos-
gel of John Wickliff, &c. He was charged, moreover,
to have spoken against the pope's indulgences, affirming
that the pope had no more power to give indulgences
than he had.
Upon these and other such articles objected, Mungin
being asked if he would revoke, answered, "That it
seemed to him not just or meet so to do, who did not
know himself guilty of any heresy." Thus he being re-
spited for the time, was committed to prison till the next i
sitting, who then being called afterward before the hi- •
shops, after long inquisition and straight examination i'
made, also depositions brought in against him so much
as they could search out, he notwithstanding still denied
as before to recant. Wherefore the aforesaid Henry,
the archbishop, proceeding to his sentence definitiye,
condemned him to perpetual imprisonment.
After this followed the recantation of Richard Monk,
and Thomas Granter. Also of Edmund Frith who was ,
before butler to Sir John Oldcastle. j
Besides these, many are recorded in the register, who •]
for their faith and religion were greatly vexed and
troubled, esi)ecially in the diocese of Kent, in the towns
of Romney, Tenterden, Woodchurch, Cranbrook, Staple-
hurst, Benenden, Halden, Rolvenden, and others, >
where whole households, both man and wife, were driven !■
to forsake their houses and towns for danger of persecu- j
tion ; as sufficiently appears in the process of the arch- !
liishop Chichesley against those persons, and in the car- i
tificate of Burbath his official, wherein are named ths
following persons :
1. W.White, priest.
2. Thomas Grenested, priest.
3. Bartholomew Commonger,
4. John Wadnon. •
5. Joan his wife.
AD. 1418.] THE SECOND APPREHENSION AND MARTYRDOM OF LORD COBHAM.
323
G. Thomas Everden.
7. William Everden.
8. Stephen Robin,
y. W. Chiveling.
10. John Tame.
11. John Fowlin.
William Somen.
Marian his wife.
John Abraham.
Robert Miinden.
Laurence Coke.
These being cited up together by tlie bishop, would
not appear. Upon which great inquisition being made
for them by his officers, they were constrained to Hy their
houses and towns, and shift for themselves as secretly as
they could.
Concerning Sir John Oldcastle the Lord Cobham,
his first apprehension with his whole history and life,
has been sufficiently expressed before, and how being com-
mitted to the Tower, and condemned falsely of heresy,
he escaped afterwards out of the Tower, and was in
Wales tfbout the space of four years. In wliich time, a
great sum of money was promised by proclamation by
the king, to him that could take Sir John Oldcastle,
either alive or dead. About the end of which four
years the Lord Powis, whether for love and greedi-
ness of the money, or whether for hatred of the
true and sincere doctrine of Christ, seeking all manner
of ways how to play the part of Judas, at lei;gth ob-
tained his bloody purpose, and brought the Lord Cob-
ham bound up to London ; which was about A.D. 1417,
and about the month of December. At which time
there was a parliament assembled in London. I^he
records of which parliament do thus say : " That on Tues-
day the fourteenth day of December, and the nine-and-
twentietli day of the said parliament. Sir John Oldcastle
of Cowling, in the county of Kent, knight, being out-
lawed (as is before mentioned) in the king's bench, and
excommunicated before by the archbishop of Canterbury
for heresy, was brought before the lords, and having
heard his said convictions, answered not thereto in his
excuse. Upon which record and process it was adjudged
that he should be taken as a traitor to the king and the
realm ; that he should be carried to the Tower of Lon-
don, and from thence down through London, unto the
new gallows in St. Giles without Temple Bar, and there
to be hanged and burned hanging."
Thus, after long process, they condemned him again
for heresy and treason, by force of the aforenamed act ;
he rendering thanks unto God, that he had so appointed
him to suffer for his name's sake.
And, upon the day appointed, he was brought out of
the Tower with his arms bound behind him, having a very
cheerful countenance. Then was he laid upon a hurdle,
as though he had been a most heinous traitor to the
crown, and so drawn forth into St. Giles's-fields, where
they had set up a new pair of gallows. As he was
coming to the place of execution, and was taken from
the hurdle, he fell down devoutly upon his kness, de-
siring Almighty God to forgive his enemies. Then
he stood up and beheld the multitude, exhorting them,
in most godly manner, to follow the laws of God written
in the scriptures, and, in any wise, to beware of such
teachers as they see contrary to Christ in their conver-
sation and living ; with many other special counsels.
Then was he hanged up there by the middle, in chains
of iron, and so consumed alive in the fire, praising the
name of God, so long as his life lasted. In the end he
commended his soul into the hand of God, and so de-
parted hence most christianly, his body being resolved
into ashes. And this was done A. D. 1418, which was
the fifth year of the reign of King Henry V. ; the people
there present, shewing great sorrow. How the priests
that time fared, blasphemed, and accursed, requiring
the people not to pray for him, but to judge him damned
in hell because he departed not in the obedience of their
pope, it were too long to write.
This terrible kind of death, with gallows, chains, and
fire, appears not very precious in the eyes of men that
be carnal, no more than did the death of Christ, when
he was hanged up among thieves. " The righteous
seemeth to die," saith the wise man, " in the sight of
them which are unwise, and their end is taken for very
destruction. Ungodly souls think their lives very mad-
ness, and their passage hence without all honour ; but,
though they suffer pains before men," saith he, " yet is
their expectation full of immortality. They are ac-
counted for the children of God, and have their portion
among the saints. As gold in the furnace doth God try
his elect, and as a most pleasant burnt offering, receiveth
he them to rest." The more hard the passage be, the
more glorious shall they appear in the latter resurrection.
Not that the afflictions of this life are worthy of such a
glory, but that it is God's heavenly pleasure so to reward
them. Never are the judgments and ways of men like
unto the judgments and ways of God, but contrary ever-
more, unless they be taught of him. " In the latter
time," saith the Lord unto Daniel, "shall many be
chosen, proved, and purified by fire ; yet shall the un-
godly live wickedly still, and have no understanding that
is of faith." By an angel from heaven was John
earnestly commanded to write that "blessed are the
dead that die in the Lord." " Right dear," saith
David, "in the sight of God, is the death of his ser-
vants.''
Thus rested this valiant christian knight. Sir John
Oldcastle, under the altar of God, which is Jesus Christ,
among that godly company, who, in the kingdom of
patience, suffered great tribulation with the death of
their bodies, for his failhful word and testimony, abiding
there with them. He, fulfilling of their whole number
and the full restoration of his elect. The which he
grant, in effect, who is one God eternal ! Amen.
Thus have you heard the whole matter concerning the
martyrdom of the good Lord Cobham, as we have
gathered it partly out of the collections of John Bale
and others.
Moreover, in the records above mentioned, it follows
how in the parliament, after the martyrdom of this
valiant knight, a motion was made, that the Lord Powis
might be thanked and rewarded, according to the procla-
mation made for his great pains taken in the apprehen-
sion of " Sir John Oldcastle, knight, heretic." Thus
stand the words of the record. Where two things are
to be noted : first, how Sir John here in the record is
called not traitor, but heretic only. Secondly, mark
how this brother of Judas here craveth his reward for
betraying the innocent blood. Wherein it is not to be
doubted, but that his light fee, and " what will you give
me .•"' in this world, will have an heavy reward hereafter
in the world to come, unless he repented.
And now from our English matters, to return again to
the history of the Bohemians, from whence we have a
little digressed, When the news of the barbarous
cruelty exercised at Constance against John Huss and
Jerome of Prague, were noised in Bohemia, the nobles
and gentlemen of Moravia and Bohemia, such as favoured
the cause of John Huss, gathering themselves together
in the zeal of Christ ; first sent their letter to the coun-
cil ; expostulating with them for the injury done to those
godly men, as is before expressed. For which letter
they were all cited up to the council. To this letter
Sigismund the emperor makes answer in the name of the
whole council ; first, excusing himself of John Huss's
death, which, he said, was against his safe conduct, and
against his will : insomuch that he rose in anger from
the council, and departed out of Constance, as is before
remembered. Secondly, he requires them to be quiet,
and to conform themselves peaceably to the order of the
catholic church of Rome, &c.
Also the council hearing or fearing some stir to rise
among the Bohemians, did make several laws and
articles whereby to bridle them.
The Bohemians, however, notwithstanding these cruel
articles, contemning the vain devices of these prelates
and fathers of the council, ceased not to proceed in their
league and purpose, joining themselves more strongly
together.
In the meantime it happened, that during this council
324 ELECTION OF POPE MARTIN.-^DEATH OF WENCESLAUS.— HISTORY OF ZISCA. [Book V.
of Constance, after the deposing of Pope John, and
spoiling of his goods, which came to seventy five thou-
sand pounds of gold and silver, as is reported in the
history of St. Alban's ; Pope Martin, upon the day of
St. Martin, was elected to the pontifical chair. Con-
cerning his election great preparation was made before
by the council, so that beside the cardinals, five other
bishops of every nation should enter into the conclave,
who there together should be kept with thin diet, till
they had chosen a pope. At last, when they were to-
gether, they agreed upon this man, and not tarrying for
opening the door, like mad men, for haste they broke
open a hole in the wall, crying out, " We have Pope
Martin!" The emperor hearing thereof, came with
similar haste, and falling down kissed the new pope's
feet. Then they all went to the church together, and
sung Te Deum.
Tlie next day, this Martin was made priest (for before,
he was only a cardinal deacon) and the day after was
consecrated bishop, and sang his first mass, whereat
one hundred and forty mitred bishops were present.
After this, the new holy pope ordained a general pro-
cession, where a certain clerk was appointed to stand
with flax and fire, who, setting the flax on fire, thus said,
" Behold, holy father, thus the glory of this world
passeth away." Which done, the same day the holy
father was brought up to a high scaffold (saith the
history) I will not say to a high mountain, where was
offered to him all the glory of the world, &c. there to be
crowned for a triple king. This done, the same day
after dinner, the new crowned pope was with great
triumph brought through the midst of the city of Con-
stance, where all the bishops and abbots followed wear-
ing their mitres. The pope's horse was all in scarlet
trappings down to the ground. The cardinal's horses
were all in white silk ; the emperor on the right side,
and prince elector on the left, (playing both the pope's
footmen) went on foot, leading the pope's horse by the
bridle.
As this pageant, with the great giant, thus proceeded,
and came to the market place, there the Jews (according
to the manner) offered to him their law and ceremonies.
Which the pope receiving, cast behind him saying,
" Let old things pass away, all things are become new,''
&c. This was A. D. 1417. (Ex Hist. St. Alb. ex
paralip. Ursperg.)
Thus the pope, being now confirmed in his kingdom,
first begins to write his letters to the Bohemians,
wherein partly he moves them to catholic obedience,
partly he dissembles with them, jiretending that if it
were not for the emperor's request, he would enter pro-
cess against them. Thirdly, and finally, he threatens to
attempt the utmost against them, and with all force to
invade them, as well with the apostolic, as with the se-
cular arm, if they still persisted, as they began. How-
ever, these new threats of the new bishop did not move
the constant hearts of the Bohemians, whom the inward
zeal of Christ's word had before inflamed. And al-
though it had been to be wished such bloodshed and
wars had not followed ; yet, to say the truth, how could
these men greatly blame them herein, whom their
bloody tyranny had before provoked so unjustly, if now
with their glossing letters they could not so easily ap-
pease them again .■'
Wherefore, these Bohemians, partly for the love of
John Huss and Jerome their countrymen; partly for the
hatred of the malignant papistry, assembling together,
first agreed to celebrate a solemn memorial of the death
of John Huss and Jerome, decreeing the same to be
held and celebrated yearly. And, afterward, by means
of their friends, they obtained certain churches of the
king, wherein they might freely preach and minister the
sacraments to the congregation. This done, they suj)-
pressed several monasteries, pharisaical temples, and
idolatrous fanes, beginning first with the great monas-
tery of the Blackfriars, eiglic miles from Prague, driving
away the wicked and vicious priests and monks out of
them, or compelling them to a better order. And thuj i
their number more and more increasing under the safe
conduct of a certain nobleman, named Nicholas, they
went again to the king, requiring to have more and
ampler churches granted to them. The king seemed at
the first willingly and gently to give ear to Nicholas in-
treating for the people, and commanded them to come
again the next day.
When the people were departed, the king turning ;
himself to the nobleman Nicholas, who tarried stiU be* 1
hind, said, " Thou hast begun a web to put me out of '1
my kingdom, but 1 will make a rope of it, wherewithal I
will hang thee." Whereupon he immediately departed
out of the king's presence, and the king himself went
into the castle of Vissegrade, and soon after, into a new
castle, which he himself had built five stones' cast from
thence, and sent ambassadors to his brother to require
aid.
These protestants' being assembled in the town of
Prague, holding their meetings, the king sent his cham-
berlain with three hundred horsemen to fall upon them ;
but he fearing for his life, fled. When the news was
brought to the king, all that were about him being
amazed, utterly detested the act : but the king's cup.
bearer standing by, said, " I knew before, that these
things would thus come to pass." Whom the king
taking hold of in a rage, threw down before his feet,
and with his dagger would have slain him ; but being
prevented by such as were about him, with much per-
suasion he pardoned him his life. Immediately the king
being taken with a palsy, fell sick, and within eighteen
days after, when he had marked the names of such whom
he had appointed to be put to death, and was incessantly
calling for aid of his brother, and his other friends, he
departed this life before the princes whom he had sent
to, were come, when he had reigned five-and-fifty years,
and was about the age of seven-aud-fifty years.
The History of Zisca.
Immediately after the death of Wenceslaus, there arose
a certain nobleman named Zisca, born at Trosnovia,
who, from his youth upward, was brought up in the
king's court, and had lost one of his eyes in a battle,
where he had valiantly conducted himself. This man
being grieved for the death of John Huss, and Jerome
of Prague, and minding to revenge the injuries which
the council had done, greatly to the dishonour of the
kingdom of Bohemia, gathered together a number of
men of war, and pulled down the monasteries and idola-
trous temples, pulling down and breaking in pieces the
images and idols, driving away the priests and monks,
who he said were kept in their cloisters, like swine in
their styes, to be fatted. After this, his army being in-
creased, having gathered together about forty thousand
men, he attempted to take the castle of Vissegrade,
which was but slenderly defended. From thence Zisca
went speedily unto Pelzina, where he knew he had many
friends of his faction, and took the town into his power,
fortifying it very strongly, and those who tarried behind,
took the castlrf of Vissegrade.
Then the Queen Sophia sent letters and messengers
to the Emperor Sigismund and other nobles, requiring
aid and help : but the emperor made preparation against
the Turk, who had then lately won certain castles of
him. Upon which the queen, seeing all aid so far off,
together with Zenko Warterberge, gathered a host with
the king's treasure, and fortified the castle of Prague,
and the lesser city which joins to the castle, making
gates and towers of wood upon the bridge, that the pro-
testants should have no passage that way. Then it
happened that at the Isle of St. Benedict, one Peter
Steremberge fought an equal or indifferent battle with
them.
In the meantime, the number of the protestants being
increased in Prague, they fought for the bridge. In
which battle many were slain on both parts, but at
(!) Oil.- author is treatiiie of eventg ahout a century before tlio i who at that age were opposed to the papal system.
B«formali(»i, and he gives the appellation of yroUilaitta lu iIium niuiiy inch in all agas of the churrh. [J^U-J
Titers wer»
A.D. 1419.]
WAR BETWEEN ZISCA AND THE EMPEROR SIGISMUND.
325
leng-th the Hussites won the bridge and the lower part
of lesser Prague, the queen's party flying into the upper
part, where they, tul-ning again, fiercely renewed the
battle, and fought continually day and night for the
space of five days. Many were slain on both sides, and
goodly buildings were destroyed, and the council house,
which was iu a low place, was utterly defaced and
burned.
During the time of this troublous estate, the ambassa-
dors of the Emperor Sigismund were come, who, taking
upon them the rule and government of the realm, made
a truce with the city of Prague on this condition, that
the castle of Vissegrade being surrendered, it should be
lawful for them to send ambassadors to the Emperor
Sigismund to treat as to their estate, and that Zisca
should surrender Pilzina and Piesta with the other forts
which he had taken. These conditions thus agreed
upon and received, all the foreign protestants departed
out of the city, and the senate of the city began to
govern again according to their accustomed manner, and
all things were quieted. However, the papists, who
were gone out of the town, durst not return, but still
looked for the emperor, by whose presence they thought
they should have been safe. But this their hope was
frustrated by means of certain letters which were sent
from the emperor, that he would shortly come and rule
the kingdom, even after the same manner as his father
Charles had done before him. Upon which, the pro-
testants understood that their sect and religion should
be utterly banished.
About Christmas, the Emperor Sigismund came to
Brunna, a city of Moravia, and there he pardoned the
citizens of Prague, on condition that they would let
down the chains and bars of the city, and receive his
rulers and magistrates. The whole city obeyed, and
the magistrates, lifting up their hands to heaven, re-
joiced at the coming of the new king. But the emperor
turned another way, and went to Uratislavia, the head
city of Silesia, where a little before the commonalty of
the city had slain, in an insurrection, the magistrates,
which his brother Wenceslaus had set in authority ;
the leaders of which he beheaded. When the news of
this was reported at Prague, the citizens being terrified
by the example of the Uratislavians, distrusting their
pardon, rebelled, and having influenced Cencho to join
them, who had the government of the castle of Prague,
they sent letters into all the realm, that no man should
suffer the emperor to enter, as he was an enemy to
Bohemia, and sought nothing else but to destroy the
kingdom : he had also bound the ancient city of the
Prutenians under order, by pledges, and put the mar-
quess of Brandenburg from the Bohemian crown : and
had not only suff'ered John Huss and Jerome of Prague
to be burned at the council of Constance, but also pro-
cured the same, and with all his endeavours impugned
the doctrine and faith which they taught and followed.
While these things were thus done, Zisca, having given
over Pelzina by arrangement, was twice assaulted by his
enemies, but through skill he was always victor. The
places where they fought were rough and unknown, his
enemies were on horseback, and his soldiers on foot,
neither could there be any battle fought but on foot.
Whereupon, when his enemies were alighted from their
horses, Zisca commanded the women who usually
followed the host, to cast their kerchiefs upon the
ground, in which the horsemen being entangled by their
spurs, were slain before they could unloose their feet.
After this, he went unto Ausca, a town situate upon
the river Lucinitius, out of which town, Procopius and
Ulricius, two brethren papists, bad cast out many pro-
testants. This town Zisca took by force of arms the
first night of Lent, and set it on fire. He also took the
castle of Litius, which was a mile off, where Ulric was
fled, and put Ulric and all his family to the sword,
saving one only.
Then, as he had no walled or fenced town to inhabit,
he chose a certain place upon the river, which was
fenced by nature, about eight miles from the citv of
Ausca. This place he compassed with walls, and com-
maoded every mao to build bouses, where they had
pitched their tents, and named this city Tnbor, and the
inhabitants, his companions, Tal)oritfS, because their
city was buildrd ujion the top of some hill or mount.
This city, though it was fenced with high rocks and
cliffs, yet was compassed with a wall and ram))arts, and
the river of Lucinitius fences a great part of the town ;
the rest is com])assed in with a great brook, which, run-
ning straight into the river Lucinitius, is stopped by a
great rock, and driven back towards the right hand all
the length of the city, and at the further end it joineth
with the great river. The way unto it by land is scarce
thirty feet broad, for it is almost an island. In this
place there was a deep ditch ca.st, and a triple wall
made, of such thickness, that it could not be broken
with any engine. The wall was full of towers and forts
set in their convenient and meet places. Zisca was the
first that built the castle, and those that came after him
fortified it, every man according to his own device. At
that time the Taborites had no horsemen among them,
until such time as Nicholas, master of the mint (whom
the emperor had sent into Bohemia with a thousand
horsemen to set things in order, and to withstand the
Taborites, lodging all night in a village named Vogize)
was surprised by Zisca coming upon him suddenly in
the night, taking away all his horse and armour, and
setting fire to the village. Then Zisca taught his
soldiers to mount on horseback, to leap, to run, to turn,
and to cast a ring, so that after this he never led an
army without his wings of horsemen.
In the meantime, Sigismund, the emperor, gathering
together the nobles of Silesia, entered Bohemia, and
went into Grecium, and thence, with a great army,
to Cuthna, alluring Cencho with many great and large
promises to surrender the castle of Prague, and there
placed him to annoy the town. This Cencho, inflamed
with double treason, returned home. The citizens of
Prague sent for Zisca, who speeding himself thither with
the Taborites, received the city under his government.
In the Bohemian's host there were but only two barons,
Hilco Crusina of Lituburge ; and Hilco Waldestene ;
with a few other nobles ; all the rest were of the com-
mon people. They went first to subdue the castle,
which was by nature very strongly fenced, and could not
be won by any other means than with famine : where-
upon all the passages were stopped, that no victuals
should be carried in. But the emperor opened the
passages by dint of sword, and when he had given to the
besieged all things necessary, and sent for aid out of the
empire, he determined shortly after to besiege the city.
There were in the emperor's camp the duke of Saxony ;
the marquess of Brandenburg ; and his son-in-law,
Albert of Austria. The city was assaulted for the
space of si.x weeks. The Emperor Sigismund was
crowned in the metropolitan house in the castle; Conrad,
the archbishop, solemnizing the ceremonies of the coro-
nation. The city was straightway besieged. In the
meantime the captains, Rosenses and Chragery, who had
taken the tents of the Taborites, being overcome in
battle by Nicholas Huss, whom Zisca had sent with
part of his force, for that purpose, were driven out of
their tents, and Grecium, the queen's city, was also
taken.
There is also above the town of Prague a high hill,
which is called Videchon. On this hill had Zisca strong-
ly planted a garrison, that his enemies should not possess
it, with whom the marcjuis of Misnia skirmishing, lost
a great part of his soldiers. For when the Misnians
had got the top of the hill, being driven back into
a corner, which was broken and steep, and fiercely-
set upon, when they could no longer withstand the
violent force of their enemies, some of them were slain,
and some falling headlong from the hill, were destroyed.
Upon vi-hich the Emperor Sigismund raising his siege,
departed to Cuthna, and Zisca with his company de-
parted to Tabor, and subdued many ])laces ; among
which he subverted a town jiertaining to the captain of
Vissegrade. During this time the castle of Vissegrade
was strongly besieged, where, when other victuals failed,
they were compelled to eat horse-flesh. Last of all, un-
less the emperor aided them, by a certain day, they pro-
WAR BETWEEN ZISCA AND THE EMPEROR SIGISMUND.
[Book V.
mised to yield it up, but on this condition, that if the
emperor came, they within the castle should be no more
molested.
The emperor was present before the day, but being
ignorant of the truce taken, entering into a strait under-
neath the castle, was suddenly set upon by the soldiers
of Prague, where he liad a great overtlirow, and so
leaving his purpose uuperfornu>d, returned back again.
There were slain in that conflict fourteen noblemen of
the Moravians, and of the Hungarians, and others a
great number. The castle was delivered up to them.
While these things were in doing, Zis^a took Boslaus, a
captain, who was surnamed Cigneus, by force, in a very
strong town of his, and brought him to his religion.
Wiio, a few years after, leading the protestant army in
Austria, was wounded before Rhetium, and died. There
were in the territory of Pelzina many monasteries, of
which Zisca pulled down and burned five. And as the
monastery of at. Clare was the strongest, there he pitched
himself.
There also came the emperor with his army : but
when Zisca brought forth his forces against him, he
most cowardly fled, and not long after, he departed and
left Bohemia. Then Zisca went with his army to Pel-
zina ; but as he saw the city so fenced, that he was in
doubt of winning it, he went to Committavia, a famous
city, which he took by force, burning aU the priests
in it.
Afterwards, when as he lay before the town of Raby,
and strongly besieged it, he was struck with an arrow in
the eye, having only that one before to see with. From
thence he was carried to Prague by physicians, where he
was cured of his wound, and his life saved, altliougli he
lost his sight, and yet he would not forsake his army, but
Still took the charge of them.
After this the garrisons of Prague went to Verona,
■where there was a great garrison of the emperors, and
took it by force, many being slain on both sides. They
also took the town of Broda, in Germany, and slew the
garrison, and afterward took Cuthna, and many other
cities, by composition. Further, when they led their
army unto a town called Pons, which is inhabited by the
Misnians, the Saxons meeting them by the way, because
they durst not join battle, they returned back. After all
this, the emperor appointed the princes electors a day,
that they should with their army invade the west part of
Bohemia, and he, with an host of Hungarians, would
enter the east part. There came to his aid the arch-
bishop of Mentz, the county palatine of Rhein, the
dukes of Saxony, the marquis of Brandenburg, and many
other bishops out of Almaine ; all the rest sent their aids.
They encamped before the town of Sozius, a strong and
well fenced place, which they could by no means subdue.
The country was spoiled and wasted round about, and
the siege continued until the feast of St. Galle. Then it
was broken up, because the emperor was not come at his
day appointed : but he having gathered together a great
army of the Hungarians, and West Moravians, about
Christmas entered into Bohemia ; and took certain towns
by force, and Cuthna was yielded unto him. But when
Zisca (although he was blind) came towards him, and
set upon him, he being afraid, and many of his nobles
slain, fled. But first he burned Cuthna, which the
Taborites, by means of the silver mines, called the
Pouch of Antichrist. Zisca, pursuing the emperor a
day's journey, got great and rich spoil, and taking the
town of Broda by force, set it on fire, which afterward
almost by the space of fourteen years, remained unin-
habited. The emperor passed by a bridge over the
river of Iglaria. And Piso, a Florentine, who had
brought fifteen thousand horsemen out of Hungary to
these wars, passed over the ice ; which by the multitude
and number of his horsemen being broke, drowned and
destroyed a great number. Zisca having obtained this
victory, would not suffer any image or idol to be in the
churches, neither thought it tolerable that priests should
minister with copes or vestments: for which cause he
was much the more envied amongst the states of Bo-
hemia. And the consuls of Prague, being grieved at
the insolency of John Premonstratensis, called him and
nine others of his adherents, whom they supposed to be
the principals of this faction, into the council-house, as i
though they would confer with them as touching the il
commonwealth : and when they were come in, they slew ;
them, and afterward departed home every man to his
own house, thinking the city had been quiet, as though
nothing had been done. But their servants not being (
circumspect enough, washing down the court or yard, ,{
washed out also the blood of those that were slain >'
through the sinks or channels ; which being once seen,
the people understood what was done. By and by there
was a tumult ; the council-house was straightway over-
thrown, and eleven of the principal citizens who were
tliought to be the authors of it, were slain, and many
houses plundered.
About the same time, the castle of Purgel, wherein
the emperor had left a small garrison (whither also many
papists with their wives and children were fled) was,
through negligence, burned, and those who escaped out
of the fire went unto Pelzina. After this, many of the
Bohemian captains, and the senate of Prague, sent am-
bassadors to Yitold, duke of Lithuania, and made him
their king. This did Zisca and his adherents gainsay.
This Vitold sent Sigismund Coributus with two thousand
horsemen into Bohemia, who was honourably received
by the inhabitants of Prague. At his coming, they de-
termined to lay siege to a castle situate upon a hill,
which was called Chai'les' Stone.
Here Sigismund had left for a garrison four centu-
rions of soldiers. The tents were pitched in three
places. The siege continued six months, and the assault
never ceased day and night. Five great slings threw
continually great stones over the walls, and about two
thousand vessels, tubs, or baskets, filled with dead
carcases, and other excrements, were cast in amongst
those which were besieged : which thing did so infect
them with stench, that their teeth did either fall out, or
were all loose. Notwithstanding they bare it out with
stout courage, and continued their fight until the
winter.
In the mean time, Frederick the Elder, prince of
Brandenburg, entering into Bohemia with a great army,
caused them of Prague to raise the siege. And Vitold,
at the request of Uladislaus, king of Poland, which had
talked with the emperor on the borders of Hungary,
called Coributus, his uncle, with his whole army, out of
Bohemia. Whereupon the emperor, supposing that the
protestants, being destitute of foreign aid, would the
sooner do his commandment : but he was far deceived
therein ; for they, leading their armies out of Bohemia,
subdued the borderers thereupon adjoining. It is also
reported that Zisca went into Austria, and when the
husbandmen of the country had carried away a great
number of their cattle by water into an isle of the river
called Danube, and by chance had left certain calves and
swine in their villages behind them : Zisca drove them
to the river side, and kept them there so long, beating
them, and causing them to roar out and cry, until the
cattle feeding in the island, hearing the lowing and
grunting of the cattle on the other side the water, for
the desrire of their like, did swim over the river ; by
the means whereof he got and drove away a great
booty.
About the same time the Emperor Sigismund gave
unto his son-in-law, Albert, duke of Austria, the coun-
try of Moravia, because it should not want a ruler. At
the same time also, Eric, king of Denmark, and
Peter Infant, brother to the king of Portugal, and father
of James, cardinal of St. Eustace, came to the em-
peror, being both very expert men in the affairs of war,
which did augment the emperor's host with their aid and
power. Whereupon they straightway pitched their camp
before Lutemperge, a town of Moravia, and continued
the siege by the space of three months. There was at
that time a certain knight at Prague, surnamed Aqua,
which was very rich, and of great authority. This
man, forsomuch as he had no child of his own, adopted
his sister's son, named Procopius ; whom when he
was of mean nature and age, he carried with him into
France, Spain, and Italy, and unto Jerusalem, and at
A.D. 1421.]
DEATH OF Z ISC A— HIS EPITAPH.
327
Lis return caused him to be made priest. This man,
when the gospel began to flourish in Boliemia, took part
; with Zisca ; and as he was strong and valiant, and also
j painful, he was greatly esteemed.
i This Proeopius for his valiant acts was afterwards
called Proco])ius Magnus, and had committed unto him
the whole charge of the province of Moravia, and the
defence of the Lutemperges, who receiving a great
power by force, carried victuals into the town which was
besieged, and so frustrated the emperor's siege. The
emperor before this, had delivered to the marquises of
Misnia the bridjre and town of Ausca, ui)on the river
Elbe, that they should fortify them with tlu-ir garrisons.
VS'hereupon Zisca besieged Ausca; and Frederick, the
marquis of Misnia, with his brother the landgrave of
Turing, gathering together a great army out of Saxonia,
Turing, Misnia, and both the Lusaces, determined to
rescue and aid those which were besieged.
There was a great battle fought before the city, and
the victory was long uncertain, but at last it fell on the
protestants' part. There were slain in the battle, the
j burgraves of Misnia or Chyrpogenses, the barons of
I Glychen, and many other nobles, besides nine thousand
I common soldiers, and the town of Ausca was taken and
I utterly razed.
At last, dissension rising between Zisca and them of
j Prague, they of Prague prepared an army against him,
wherewith tie perceiving himself overmatched, fled to
I the river Elbe, and was almost taken, but that he had
I passage through the town of Poggiebras ; but they of
I Prague, pursuing the tail of the battle, slew many of his
I Taborites. At length they came to certain hills, where
I Zisca going into the valley, knowing the passes of the
I place, that his enemies could not spread their army, he
I commanded his standard to stand still, and exhorting
1 and encouraging his soldiers, he gave them battle.
This battle was very fierce and cruel ; but Zisca hav-
ing the upper hand, slew three thousand of them of
Prague, and put the rest to flight, and took the city of
Cuthna by force (which they of Prague had repaired)
and set it on fire : then with all speed he went with his
army to besiege Prague, and encamped within a bowshot
of the town. There were many both in the city, and
also in his host, who grudged sore at that siege ; some
accusing Zisca, others tliem of Prague. There were
great tumults in the camp, the soldiers saying that it
was not reasonable that the city should be suppressed,
which was both the head of the kingdom, and did not
dissent from them in opinion, saying, that the Bohe-
mians' power would soon decay, if their enemies should
know that they were divided within themselves : also
that they had sufficient wars against the emperor, and
that it was but a foolish device to move wars amongst
themselves. This talk came to the ear of Zisca, who,
calling together his army, standing upon a place to be
heard, spake in these words :
" Brethren, be ye not aggrieved against me, neither
accuse him who hath sought your health and safety.
The victories which ye have obtained under my conduct
are yet fresh in memory, neither have I brought you at
any time to any place, from whence you have not come
victors. You are become famous and rich, and 1 for
jour sake have lost my sight, and dwell in darkness.
Nothing have I gotten by all these fortunate battles, but
only a vain name. For you have I fought, and for you
have I vanquished ; neither do I repent me of my toil ;
neither is my blindness grievous to me, but only that I
cannot provide for you according to my accustomed
manner : neither do I persecute them of Prague for
mine own cause, for it is your blood that they thirst and
seek for, and not for mine. It were but small pleasure
for them to destroy me, being now an old man and
blind, it is your valiantness and stout courage which
they fear. Either you or they must perish, who while
they =?eein to lie in wait for me, seek after your lives.
\ou Diu.'it rather fear civil wars than foreign, and civil
^editioIl ought first to be avoided. We will subdue
Prague, asid banish the seditious citizens before the
emperor shall have any news of tlu« sedition. And then
having but a few of his faction left, we may with the
less fear look for it, better than if these doubtful citizens
of Prague were still in our camp. But because ye shall
accuse me no more,. 1 give you free liberty to do what
you will. If it i)lease you to suffer them of Prague to live
in quietness, 1 will not be against it, so that there be no
treason wrought. If you determine to have war, I am
also ready. Look which part you will incline to ; Zisca
will be your aid and helper."
When he had spoken these words, the soldiers' minds
were changed, and wholly determined to make war, so
that they ran by and by to take up their armour and wea-
pons, to run to the walls, to provoke their enemies to fight
for the gates of the city. Zisca, in the mean time, pre-
pared all things ready for the assault. There is near
Pelzina, a certain village named Rochezana. In this
place, there was a child born of poor and base parentage,
whose name was John ; he came to Prague, and got his
living there by begging, and learned grammar and logic.
When he came to man's estate, he became the school-
master of a nobleman's child ; and as he was of an ex-
cellent wit, and ready tongue, he was received into the
college of the poor : and last of all, being made priest,
he began to preach the word of God to the citizens of
Prague, and was named John of Rochezana, by the name
of the town where he was born. The man grew to be
of great name and authority in the town of Prague.
Upon which, when as Zisca besieged Prague, he by the
consent of the citizens, went out into the camp, and re-
conciled Zisca again to the city.
When the emperor perceived that all tilings came to
pass according to Zisca's will and mind, and that upon
him alone the whole state of Bohemia depended, he
sought privy means to reconcile and get Zisca into his
favour, promising him the government of the whole king-
dom, the guiding of all his hosts and armies, and great
yearly revenues, if he would proclaim him king, and
cause the cities to be sworn to him. Upon which con-
ditions, when Zisca, for the performance of the cove-
nants, went to the emperor, during his journey at the
castle of Priscovia, he was struck with sickness, and died.
It is reported, that when he was asked, while sick, in
what place he would be buried ; he commanded the skin
to be pulled off from his carcase, and the flesh to be cast
to the fowls and beasts, and that a drum should be made
of his skin, which they should use in their battles ,
affirming, that as soon as their enemies should hear the
sound of that drum, they would not abide, but take their
flight. The Taborites, despising all other images, yet
set up the picture of Zisca over the gates of the city.
The Epitaph of John Zisca, the valiant Captain of the
Bohemians.
"I, John Zisca, not inferior to an emperor, or captain
in warlike skill, a severe punisher of the pride and
avarice of the clergy, and a defender of my country, do
lie here. That which Appius Claudius, by giving good
counsel, and M. Furius Camillus by valiantness, did for
the Romans, the same, I being blind, have done for my
Bohemians. I never slacked opportunity of battle,
neither did fortune at any time fail me. I, being blind,
did foresee all opportunity of well ordering or doing my
business. Eleven times in joining battle I went victor
out of the field. I seemed to have worthily defended
the cause of the miserable and hungry against the deli-
cate, fat, and gluttonous priests, and for that cause to
have received help at the hands of God. If their envy
had not promoted it, without doubt I had deserved to be
numbered amongst the most famous men. Notwith-
standing my bones lie here in this hallowed place, even
in despite of the pope.
Signed "John Zisca, a Bohemian, enemy to all wicked
and covetous priests, but with a godly zeal."
And thus have you the acts and doings of this worthy
zisca, and other Bohemians, which for the more credit
we have drawn out of .Eneas Sylvius, only his railing
terms we have here suppressed.
328
BULL OF POPE MARTIN AGAINST THE FOLLOWERS OF WICKLIFF, &c. [Book V
An this while the emperor, with the whole power of
the Germans, were not so busy on the one side, but
Martin the pope was much occupied on the other side,
who about the same time directed down a terrible bull,
full of all poison, to all bishops and ardibishops, against
all such as took any part or side with M'ickliff, John
Huss, Jerome, or with their doctrine and opinions.
The copy of which bull, which I found in an old written
monument, I wish the reader thoroughly to peruse,
wherein he shall see the pope to pom- out at once all his
poison.
The Bull of Pope Martin directed forth against the
Followers of John Wickliff' of Enrjland, of John Huss
of Bohemia, and Jerome of Prague.
•' Martin, bishop, the servant of God's servants, to
our reverend brethren the archbishops of Salzeburg,
Gueznen, and Prague, and to the bishops of Olumzen,
Luthomuslen, Bambergen, Misnen, Patavien, Uratisla-
vien, Ratisponen, Cracovian, Posnamen, and Nitrien,
and also to our beloved children the inquisitors ap-
pointed of the prelates above recited, or where else so-
ever, unto whom these present letters shall come, greet-
ing, and apostolical benediction. Amongst all other
pastoral cares wherewith we are oppressed, this chiefly
and specially does enforce us, that heretics with their
false doctrine and errors, being utterly expelled from
amongst the company of christian men, and rooted
out (so far as God will make us able to do), the
right and catholic faith may remain sound and unde-
filed ; and that all christian people, immoveable and in-
violate, may stand and abide in the sincerity of the
same faith, the whole veil of security being removed.
But lately in divers places of the world, but especially
in Bohemia, and the dukedom of Moravia, and in the
straits adjoining thereunto, certain arch-heretics have
risen and sprung up, not against one only, but against
divers and sundry documents of the catholic faith, be-
ing land-lopers, schismatics, and seditious persons,
fraught with devilish pride, and wolfish madness, de-
ceived by the subtlety of Satan, and from one evil
vanity brought to a worse. Who although they rose up
and sprang in divers parts of the world, yet agreed they
all in one, havinsi their tails as it were knit together,
to wit. John Wicklilf of England, John Huss of Bohe-
mia, and Jerome of Prague, of d.'irnnable memory, who
draw with ttiem no small number to miserable ruin and
intidclity. For when as those and such like pestiferous
persons did in the beginning of their poisoned doctrine
obstinately sow and spread abroad perverse and false
opinions, the prelates who had the government and
the execution of the judicial power, like dumb dogs
not able to bark, neither yet revenging speedily with the
apostle all such disobedience, nor regarding to cast out of
the Lord's house (as they were enjoined by the canons)
those subtle and pestilent arch-heretics, and their wolf-
ish fury and cruelty, with all expedition, but suffering
their false and pernicious doctrine negligently, by their
over-long delays, to grow and wax strong ; a great mul-
titude of people, instead of true doctrine, received
those things, which they did long falsely, perniciously,
and damnably sow among them, and giving credit unto
them, fell from the right faith, and are entangled (the
more pity) in the foul errors of paganism.
" Insomuch, that these arch -heretics, and such as
spring of them, have infected the catholic flock of Christ
in divers climates of the world, and parts bordering
upon the same, and have caused them to putrify in the
filthy dunghill of their lies. Wherefore the general
synod of Constance was comjitUed with St. Augustine
to exclaim against so great and ruinous a plague of
faithful men, and of the sound and true faith itself, say-
ing, ' What shall the sovereign medicine of the church
do, with motherly love seeking the health of her sheep,
chafing as it were, amongst a coni])any of men frantic,
and having the disease of the lethargy ? What, shall
she desist and leave off her good juirpose ? No, not so.
But rather let her. if there be no remedy, be sharp to
both these sorts, which are the grievous cncaiies of her
body. For the physician is sharp unto the man dis.
tracted and raging in his frenzy, and yet he is a father
to his own rude and unmannerly son, in binding the
one, in beating the other, by shewing therein his great
love unto them both. But if they be negligent, and suf-
fer them to perish,' saith St. Augustine, ' this mansue.
tude is rather to be supposed false cruelty.'
" And therefore the foresaid synod, to the glon' ot
Almighty God, and preservation of his catholic faith,
and augmenting of cliristian religion, and for the salva-
tion of men's souls, hath corporally rejected and cast
forth of the household of God, the foresaid John Wick-
liff, John Huss, and Jerome, who amongst other things
did believe, i)reach, teach, and maintain, of the sacra-
ment of the altar, and other sacraments of the church,
and articles of the faith, contrary to that the holv
church of Rome believeth. holdeth, preacheth, and
teacheth, and have presumed obstinately to preach,
teach, hold, and believe many other things, to the dam-
nation of themselves and of others ; and the said synod
hath separated the same, as obstinate and malapert
heretics from the communion of the faithful ])eople, and
hath declared them to be spiritually thrown forth. And
many other things both wholesome and profitable hath
the same council, as touching the premises, established
and decreed, whereby they, which by the means of
those arch-heretics, and by their false doctrine, have
spiritually departed from the Lord's house, may by the
canonical rules be reduced to the straight path of truth
and verity.
" And moreover (as we to our great grief do hear)
not only in the kingdom of Bohemia, and dukedom of
Moravia, and other places above recited, but also in
certain parts and provinces near adjoining and border-
ing upon the same, there be many other of the sectaries
and followers of the foresaid arch-heretics and heretical
opinions ; casting behind their back as well the fear of
God as the shame of the world, neither receiving fruit
of conversion and repentance by the miserable destruc-
tion of the foresaid John Huss and Jerome, but as men
drowned in the dungeon of their sins, cease not to blas-
pheme the Lord God, taking his name in vain (whose
mi.ids the father of lies hath damnably blinded), and do
read and study the foresaid books or works, containing
heresies and errors, being lately by the foresaid synod
condemned to be burned ; also to the peril of themselves
and many otlier simple men, and against the statutes,
decrees, and ordinances in the synod aforesaid, and the
canonical sanctions, do presume to preach and teach the
same, to the great peril of souls, and derogation of the
catholic faith, and slander of many others besides, we
therefore considering, that error, where it is not re-
sisted, seemeth to be allowed and liked, and having a
desire to resist such evil and pernicious errors, and
utterly root them out from amongst the company of
faithful christians, especially from the afore-recited
places of Bohemia, Moravia, and other straits and
islands joining and bordering upon the same, lest they
should stretch out and enlarge their limits, we will and
command your discretions by our letters apostolical, the
holy council of Constance approving and allowing the
same, that you that are archbishops, bishops, and
other of the clergy, and every one of you by himself, or
by any other or others, being grave and fit persons to
have spiritual jurisdiction, do see that all and singular
persons, of what dignity, office, pre-eminence, state, or
condition soever they be, and by what name soever they
are known, which shall presume othei^wise to teach,
preach, or observe, touching the most high and excel-
lent, the most wholesome and superadmirable sacrament
of the blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, or else of the
sacrament of baptism, confession of sins, penance for
sins, and extreme unction, or else of any other sacra-
ments of the church, and the articles of the faith, than
that which the right holy and universal church of Roma
doth hold, teach, preach, and observe ; or else that shall
jiresume obstinately by any ways or means, privily or
openly, to hold, believe, and teach the articles, 'oooks,
or doctrine oi the foresaid arch-hcretics, John Wickliff,
John Huss, and Jerome of Prague, being by the fore-
A.D. 1422.] BULL OF POPE MARTIN AGAINST THE FOLLOWERS OF WICKLIFF, &c.
829
said synod of Constance with their authors (as is said")
damned and condemned, or dare presume publiclv or
privily to allow or commend in anywise the death and
end of the said arch-heretics, or of any other their re-
ceivers, aiders, and favourers, in the favour or support
of the foresaid errors, as also their believers and ad-
herents ;, that then as before, you see and cause them,
aad every of them to be most severely punished, and
that you judge and give sentence upon them as heretics,
aud that as arrant heretics you leave them to the secular
court or power. Let the receivers also and favourers
and defenders of such most pestiferous persons, not-
withstanding they neither believe, favour, nor have de-
votion towards their errors, but haply shall receive or
entertain such pestiferous persons because of earthly
affection or friendly love, besides the punishment due
unto them by both laws, over and above the same pun-
ishment by competent judges, be so afflicted, forsuch hein-
ous acts of theirs, and with so severe pain and punish-
ment excruciated, that the same may be to others in like
case offending, an example of terror ; that, at the least,
those whom the fear of God by no means may revoke
from such evil doing, yet the severity of this our disci-
pline may force and constrain.
" As touching the third sort, which shall be any man-
ner of ways infected with this damnable sect, and shall
after competent admonition repent and amend them-
selves of such errors and sects aforesaid, and will return
again into the lap and unity of our holy mother the
church, and fully acknowledge and confess the catholic
faith, towards them let the severity of justice, as the
quality of the fact shall require, be somewhat tempered
with a taste of mercy.
" And furthermore we will and command, that by
this our authority apostolical ye exhort and admonish
all the professors of the catholic faith, as emperors,
kings, dukes, princes, marquises, earls, barons, knights,
and other magistrates, rectors, consuls, proconsuls,
shires, countries, and universities of the kingdoms, pro-
vinces, cities, towns, castles, villages, their lands and
other places, and all other executing temporal juris-
diction, according to the form and exigence of the law,
that they expel out of their kingdoms, provinces, cities,
towns, castles, villages and lands, and otlier places, all
and all manner of such heretics, according to the effect
and tenor of the council of Lateran, beginning Stent ait
Ecclesia, i^-c, that those whom publicly and manifestly
by the evidence of their deeds shall be known to be such
as like sick and scabbed sheep infect the Lord's flock,
they expel and banish till such time as from us, or you,
or else other ecclesiastical judges or inquisitors, holding
the faith and communion of the holy church of Rome,
they shall receive other order and countermand ; and
that they suffer no such within their shires and circuits
to preach or to keep either house or family, either yet
to use any handicraft or occupations, or other trades of
merchandise, or else to solace themselves any ways, or
frequent the company of christian men.
" And furthermore, if such public and known heretics
shall chance to die (although not so denounced by the
church) , yet in this so great a crime let him and them
have no christian burial, and let no offerings or oblations
be made for them nor received. His goods and sub-
stance also from the time of his death, according to the
canonical sanctions being confiscate, let no such enjoy
them to whom they appertain, till that by the eccle-
siastical judges, having power and authority in this be-
half, sentence upon that his or their crime of heresy be
declared, and promulgated ; and let such owners as be
found suspected or noted with any such suspicion of
heresy, before a competent and ecclesiastical judge, ac-
cording to the consideration and exigence of that sus-
picion, and according to the quality of the person, by
the arbitrement of such a judge, shew and declare his
proper and own innocency with devotion, as beseemeth
in that behalf. And if in his purgation, being canoni-
cally interdicted, he do fail, or be not able canoiiically
to make his purgation, or that he refuse to lake his oath
by damnable obstinacy to make such purgation ; tlien let
him be condemned as aa heretic. But such as through
negligence or through slothfulness shall omit to shew
their said innocency, and to make such purgation, let
him be excommunicate, and so long i)ut out from the
company of christian men, till that they shall make con-
dign satisfaction ; so that if by the space of one whole
year they shall remain in such excommunication, then
let them as heretics be condemned.
" And further, if any shall be found culpable in any
point of the aforesaid pestiferous doctrine of the arch-
heretics aforesaid, or in any article thereof, whether it
be by the report of the seditious, or else well-disposed ;
let them yet be punished according to the report of the
canons. If only through infamy and suspicion of the
aforesaid articles, or any of them, any man shall be
suspected, and in his purgation canonical for this
thing being interdicted, shall fail ; let him be accounted
as a man convicted, and as a convicted person by the
canons let him be punished.
" And furthermore, we invocating and putting in exe-
cution the canon of our predecessor of happy memory,
Pope Boniface VIII., which beginneth thus, Ut inqui-
sitionis negotium, Hfc. In exhorting-wise require, and
also command all tem])oral potentates, lords and judges
before recited, by whatsoever dignities, offices and names
they are known, that as they desire to be had, esteemed,
and counted for the faithful members and children of
the church, and do rejoice in the name of Christ, so
likewise for defence of the same faith, they will obey,
attend, give their aid and favourable help to you that
are archbishops, bishops, and ecclesiastical men, inqui-
sitors of all heretical pravity, and other judges and eccle-
siastical persons by you hereunto, as aforesaid, appoint-
ed (holding the faith and communion of our holy mother
the church) for the searching out, taking, and safe cus-
tody of all the aforesaid heretics, their believers, their
favourers, their receivers, and their defenders, whenso-
ever they shall be thereunto required.
" And that they bring and cause to be brought (all
delay set apart) the aforesaid pestiferous persons so
seeking to destroy others with them, into such safe
keeping and prisons, as by you the archbishops, bishops,
clergy and inquisitors aforesaid, are to be appointed, or
else unto such other place or places, as either you or
they shall command within any of their dominions,
governments and rectories, where they by catholic men,
that is, by you the archbishops, bishops, the clergy and
inquisitors, or any other that shall be by you appointed,
or are already appointed by any of you, may be holden
and kept in safe keeping, putting them in fetters,
shackles, bolts, and manacles of iron, under most straight
custody for escaping away, till such time as all that
business, which belongeth unto them, be by the judg-
ment of the church finished and determined, and that of
such heresy, by a competent ecclesiastical judge (which
firmly holdeth the faith and communion of the aforesaid
holy church of Rome) they be condemned.
" The residue let the aforesaid temporal lords, rec-
tors, judges, or other their officers and pursuivants take
amongst them with condign deaths, without any delay
to punish. But fearing lest to the prejudice and slan-
der of the aforesaid catholic faith and religion, through
the pretext of ignorance, any man herein should be cir-
cumvented, or that any subtle and crafty men should
under the veil of frivolous excuse, cloke and dissemble
in this matter ; and that as touching the convincing or
apprehending of the aforesaid heretics, their receivers
and defenders, favourers, believers, and adherents ; and
also of such as are suspected of heresy, and with such
like perverse doctrine in any wise spotted, we might
give more perfect instruction ; therefore, as well to the
kingdom of Bohemia, and parts near adjoining to the
same, as all other where this superstitious doctnne
began to spread, we have thought it good to send the
articles hereunder written concerning the sect of those
arch-heretics, for the better direction of the aforesaid
catholic faith.
" Touching which articles, by virtue of holy obe-
dience, we charge and command you and all other arch-
bishops and bishops, all manner of commissaries and in-
quisitors, that every one of them within the dioc«se and
3?.0 ARTICLES OF HUSS ON WHICH THE SUSPECTED WERE TO BE EXAMINED. [Book V.
limits of their jurisdiction ; and also in the foresaid
kingdom and dukedom, and places near adjoining,
although the same places be beyond the same their
jurisdiction, in the favour of the catholic faith, do
give most diligent and vigilant care about the ex-
tirpation and correction of those errors, arch-here-
sies, and most pestiferous sect aforesaid ; and also
that they compef all defamed persons and suspected of
so pestiferous a contagion, whether it be under the pe-
nalty of the crime confessed, or of excommunication,
suspension, or interdict, or any other formidable pain
canoaical or legal, when and wheresoever it shall seem
good unto them, and as the quality of the act requireth,
by an oath corporally taken, either upon the holy Evan-
gelists, or upon the relics of saints, or upon the image
of the crucifix, according to the observances of certain
places, and according to the interrogatories, to make
convenient answer to every article therein written. For
we intend against all and singular archbishops, bishops,
ecclesiastical persons, or inquisitors which shall show
themselves negligent and remiss in the extirpation of the
leaven of this heretical pravity, and purging their terri-
tories, dioceses, and places to them appointed, of such
evil and wicked men, to proceed and cause to be pro-
ceeded unto the deprivation and deposition of their pon-
tifical dignities, and shall substitute such other in
their places, which can and may be able to confound
the said heretical pravity, and proceed to further pains
against such by the laws limited, and to others yet more
grievous, (if need require) we ourselves will proceed
and cause to be proceeded, according as the party, his
act, and filthiness of his crime committed, shall deserve.
The tenor of those articles whereof we have made men-
tion in this our own writing is in words as follow : —
The Articles of John Huss to be inquired iipon.
1. There is one only universal church, which is the
university of the predestinate, as shall after be declared.
2. The universal church is only one ; and there is
one university of those that are predestinate.
3. Paul was never a member of the devil, although he
did certain acts like unto the acts of the church malig-
nant.
4. The reprobate are not parts of the church, for that
no part of the same finally falleth from her, because that
the charity of predestination, which bindeth the same
church together, never faileth.
5. The two natures (that is) the Divinity and the
humanity, be one Christ.
6. The reprobate, although he be sometime in grace
according to present justice, yet is he never a part of the
holy church ; and the predestinate is ever a member of
the church, although sometime he fall from grace adven-
titial but not from grace of predestination ; ever taking
the church for the convocation of the predestinate, whe-
ther they be in grace or not, according to present jus-
tice. And after this sort the church is an artii'le of our
belief.
7. Peter is not, nor never was the head of the holy
catholic church.
8. Priests living viciously do defile the authority of
priesthood, and so, as unfaithful children, do unfaithfully
believe of the seven sacraments, of the keys of the church,
of offices, of censures, of ceremonies, of the worship-
ping of relics, indulgences, orders, and other holy
things of the church.
9. The papal dignity came and grew from the em-
peror ; and his government and institution sprang
from the emperor's government.
10. No man can reasonably affirm either of himself or
other, that he Is the head of any particular church, or
that the bishop of Rome is head of the church of Rome.
11. A man ought not to believe that he who is bishop
of Rome is the head of every particular church, unless
God have predestinated him.
12. None is the vicar of Christ, or else of Peter, un-
less he follow him in manners and conditions, seeing
that there is no other following more pertinent, nor
otherwise apt to receive of God this power procuratory.
For unto the office of a vicegerent of Christ is required
the conformity of manners, and the authority of the in*
stitutor.
i;5. The pope is not the manifest and true successor
of Peter the prince of apostles, if he live in manners
contrary to Peter ; and if he hunt after avarice, then is
he the vicar of Judas Iscariot. And likewise the cardi-
nals be not the true and manifest successors of the
college of the other apostles of Christ, unless they live
according to the manner of the apostles, keeping the
commandments and councils of our Lord Jesus Christ.
14. The doctors alleging that a man, who will not
be amended by ecclesiastical censures, is to be delivered
to the secular powers, do follow in this point the
bishops, scribes and pharisees, that delivered Christ
to the secular power, saying, it is not lawful for us to
kill any man, because he would not obey them ia
all things ; and that such be greater homicides than
Pilate.
1.5. The ecclesiastical obedience is such an obedience
as the priests of the church have found out, besides the
express authority of the scripture. The immediate divi-
sion of human works, is, that they be either virtuous or
vicious : and if a man be vicious and doeth any thing,
then he does it viciously ; and if he be virtuous, and
doeth any thing, then he does it virtuously. For like as
vice, which is called a great offence or mortal sin, doth
stain all the doings of a vicious man, so virtue doth
quicken all the doings of a virtuous man.
16". A priest of God living after his law, and having
a knowledge of the Scripture, and a desire to edify the
people, ought to preach, notwithstanding any excom-
munication pretended of the pope. And further, if the
pope, or any other magistrate, doth forbid a priest so
disposed to preach, he ought not to be obedient unto
him. For every one who taketh upon himself the order
of priesthood, receiveth in charge the office of a preacher ;
and of that burden ought he well to discharge himself,
any excommunication against him pretended in any wise
notwithstanding.
17. By the censures ecclesiastical, as of excommuni-
cation, suspending and interdict, the clergy to their own
advancement cause the lay people to aid them ; they
multiply their avarice, they defend their malice, and
prepare the way to antichrist. And it is an evident
sign that such censures proceed from antichrist, which
in their process they call fulminations ; that is, their
thunderbolts wherewith the clergy principally proceedeth
against those that declare the wickedness of antichrist,
who so greatly for his own commodity hath abused them.
18. If the pope be evil, especially if he be a repro-
bate, then is he with Judas a very devil, a thief, and the
son of perdition, and is not the head of the holy church
militant, nor any member of the same-
19. The grace of predestination is the band wherewith
the body of the church and every member of the same
is indissolubly joined to their head Christ.
20. The pope or prelate that is evil and reprobate, is
a pastor in name, and not in deed, yea he is a thief and
a robber in very deed.
21. The pope ought not to be called the most holy
one for his office sake, for then ought the king to be
called by his office the most holy one ; and the hangman,
with other such officers also, were to be called holy ; yea,
the devil himself ought to be called holy, for as much
as he is God's officer.
22. If the pope live contrary to Christ, although he
climb up by the right and lawful election, according to
the common custom of men ; yet notwithstanding, should
he otherwise climb than by Christ ; yea, though we ad-
mit that he should enter by the election princijially
made by God. For Judas Iscariot was lawfully elect of
God Christ Jesus to his bishoprick, and yet came not he
the same way he ought to do unto the sheepfold. .
%\. The condemnation of the forty-five articles of John
Wickliff made by the doctors is unreasonable, wicked,
and nought, and the cause by them alleged is feigned —
that is, that none of them are catholic, but every one
of them heretical, erroneous, or slanderous.
24. Not for that the electors or the most part of them
A. D. U.'2.] ARTICLES OF HUSS ON WHICH THE SUSPECTED WERE TO BE EXAMINED. 331
have consented together with lively voice, according to
the custom of men upon the person of any, therefore
that person is lawfully elect, or therefore is the true and
manifest successor and vicar of Peter the Apostle, or of
any other the apostles in the ecclesiastical office.
Wherefore, whether the electors have either well or evil
made their election, it behoveth us to believe the same
by the works of him that is elected. For in that that every
one that worketh more meritoriously to the profit of the
church, he hath so much the more authority from
God.
25. There is not so much as one spark of apjiearance,
that there ought to be one head, ruling and governing
the church in spiritual causes, which shoidd always be
conversant in the church militant ; for Christ without
any such monstrous lieads, by his true disciples dispersed
through the whole world, could better a great deal rule
hi» church.
20". The apostles and faithful priests of God have
right worthily, in all tilings necessary to salvation, go-
verned tlie cluuch before the pope's office took place,
and so might they do again, by like possibility until Christ
came to judgment, if the office should fail.
Let every one that is suspected in the foresaid articles,
or else otherwise found with the assertion of them, be
examined in manner and form as tolloweth : —
1. Whether he knew John WicklifT of England, John
Huss of Bohemia, and Jerome of Prague, or any of them,
and how he came by the knowledge of them ; whether
that during the lives of them, or any of them, they had
been conversant with them, or found any friendship at
their hands ?
2. Whether he knowing them, or any of them, to be
excommunicate, did willingly participate with them ;
esteeming and affirming the same their participation to
be no sill .'
3. Whether that after their deaths, he ever prayed for
tnem, or any of them, openly or privily, doing any
work of mercy for them, affirming them to be either
saints, or else to be saved ?
4. Wliether he thought them, or any of them to be
saints, or whether that ever he spake such words, and
whether ever he did exhibit any worship to them as to
saints ?
5. Whether he believe, hold, and affirm, that every
general council, as also the council of Constance, repre-
sents the universal church ?
6. Whether he believes that that which the holy council
of Constance, representing the universal church, hath
and doth allow in the favour of the faith, and salvation
of souls, is to be approved and allowed of all the faithful
christians ; and that whatsoever the same council hath con-
demned and doth condemn to be contrary both to faith
and to all good men, is to be believed, holden, and
affirmed for condemned, or not ?
7. Whether he believes that the condemnations of
John Huss, John WicklifF, and Jerome of Prague, made
as well upon their persons as their books and doctrine-
by the holy general council of Constance be rightly and
justly made, and of every good Catholic man are so to be
holden or affirmed or not ?
8. Whether he believe, hold, and affirm, that John
Wicklift' of England, John Huss of Bohemia, and Jerome
of Prague, were heretics or not, and for heretics to be
nominated and preached, yea or not ; and whether their
books and doctrines were and be perverse or not ; for
the which, together with their pertinancy, they were con-
demned by the holy sacred council of Constance for
heretics .'
y. Whether be have in his custody any treatises,
small works, epistles, or other writings in what language
or tongue soever, set forth and translated by any of these
heretics, John WicklifT, John Huss, and Jerome, or any
other of their false disciples and followers, that he may
deliver them to the ordinaries of that place, or his com-
missary, or to the inquisicors upon his oath ? And if he
saj that be hath no such writing about him, but that
they are in some other place, that then you swear him
to bring the same before his ordinary, or other afore-
named, within a certain time to him prefixed.
10. Whether he knows any that has the treatises,
works, epistles, or any other writings of the aforesaid
John Wicklitf, John Huss, and Jerome, in whatever
tongue they are made or translated, and that he detect
and manifest the same, for the purgation of their faith
and execution of justice.
11. Especially let the learned be examined, whether
he believes that the sentence of the holy council of Con-
stance upon the forty-five articles of John WicklifF, and
the thirty articles of John Huss be not Catholic ; which
saith that some of them are notorious and heretical, some
erroneous, others blasphemous, some slanderous, some
rash and seditious, some offensive to godly ears .'
12. Whether he believes and affirms that in no case
it is lawful for a man to swear .'
13. Whether he believes that at the commandment of
a judge or any other it is lawful to take an oath to tell
the truth in any convenient cause, although it be but
purging of infamy or not ?
14. Whether he believes that perjury wittingly com-
mitted, upon what cause soever, whether it be for the
safeguard of his own life, or of any other man's life, (yea
although it be in the cause and defence of the faith), be
a sin or not .'
15. Whether a man contemning pui-posely the rites of
the church, and the ceremonies of exorcism, of cate-
chism, and the consecration of the water of baptism be
in deadly sin or not ?
16. Whether he believe, that after the consecration of
the priest, in the sacrament of the altar, under the figure
of bread and wine be no material bread and w'ne ; but
in all points the same very Christ which was crucified
upon the cross, and sitteth upon the right hand of the
father ?
17. Whether he believe, that after the consecration
made by the priest, under the only form of bread, and
besides the form of wine, be the very flesh of Christ and
his blood, his soul and his deity, and so whole Christ as
he is ; and in likewise, whether under the form of wine,
without the form of bread, be the very flesh of Christ
and his very blood, his soul and deity, and so whole
Christ, and the same body absolutely under every one of
those kinds severally ?
18. Whether he doth believe, that the custom of ad-
ministering to the lay people under the form of bread
only, observed of the universal church, and allowed by
the only council of Constance, be to be used, and not
without the authority of the church at men's pleasures
to be altered, and that they that obstinately affirm the
contrary to this are to be punished as heretics, or not ?
ly. Whether he believe that those which contemn the
receiving of the sacraments of confirmation, or extreme
unction ; or else the solemnization of matrimony, com-
mit deadly sin or not ?
20. Whether he believe that a christian man, over
and besides the contrition of heart, being licensed of a
convenient priest, is bound to confess liimself only to a
priest, and not to any layman, be he never so devout or
good, upon the necessity of salvation .'
21. Whether he believe, that in cases before put, a
priest may absolve a sinner confessing himself, and being
contrite, from all sins, and enjoin him penance for the
same ?
22. Whether he believe, that an evil priest, with due
manner and form, with the intention of doing, does verily
consecrate, verily absolve, verily baptize, ar.d -verily dis-
pose all other sacraments even as the church does .'
2;J. Wliether he believe that St. Peter was the
vicar of Christ, having power to bind and loose upon the
earth .'
24. "Whether he beUeve that the pope being canonically
elect, which for the time shall be, by that name expressly
be the successor of Peter or not, having supreme autho-
rity in the church of God .'
25. Whether he believe, that the authority or juris-
diction of the pope, an archbishop or a bishop, in biudiiyr
332 THE ARTICLES FOR EXAMINATION, &c. IN THE BULL OF POPE MARTIN. [Book V.
or loosing, be more than the authority of a simple priest
or not, although he have charge of souls ?
26". Whether he beheve, that the pope may, upon a
just and good cause give indulgences and remission ot
sins to all christian men, being verily contrite and con-
fessed, especially to those that go on pilgrimage to holy
places and good deeds ?
21. Whether he believe, that by such grant the pil-
grims tliat visit those churches, and give them any thing,
may obtain remission of sins or not ?
28. Whether he believe that all bishops may grant
unto their subjects, according as the holy canons do
limit, sucli indulgences, or not ?
2y. Whether he believe and affirm, that it is lawful
for faithful christians to worship images and the relics of
saints, or not ?
30. Whether he believe that those religions, which the
church hath allowed, were lawfully and reasonably
brought in of the holy fathers, or not ?
31. Whether he believe that the pope, or any other
prelate for the time being, or their vicars, may excom-
municate their subject ecclesiastical or secular for dis-
obedience or contumacy, so that such an one is to be
held and taken for excommunicated, or not ?
32. Whether he believe, that for the disobedience and
contumacy of persons excommunicated, increasing, the
prelates or their vicars in spiritual things have power to
aggravate and to reaggravate, to put upon men the inter-
dict, and to call for the secular arm ; and that the same
secular arm or power ought to be obedient to the cen-
sures, by their inferiors called for ?
33. Whether he believe that the pope and other pre-
lates, or else their vicars, have power in spiritual things
to excommunicate priests and laymen that are stubborn
and disobedient, from their office, benefice, or entrance
into the church, and from the administration of the
sacraments of the church, also to suspend them ?
34. Whether he believe that it is lawful for ecclesias-
tical persons, without committing sin, to have any pos-
sessions and temporal goods ; and whether he beheve
that it is not lawful for laymen to take away the same
from them by their authority : but rather that such
takers away and encroachers upon ecclesiastical goods
are to be punished as committers of sacrilege, yea,
although such ecclesiastical persons live naughtily that
have such goods ?
4.T. Whether any such taking away or encroaching
upon any priest rashly or violently made, although the
priest be an evil liver, be sacrilege, or not ?
36. Whether he believe that it is lawful for the laity
whether men or women, to preach the word of God, or
not?
37. Whether he believe that it is lawful to all priests
freely to preach the word of God wherever, whenever,
and to whoever it shall please them, although they be
not sent at all ?
38. Whether he believe that all mortal sins, and
especially such as be manifest and public, are to be cor-
rected and to be extirpated, or not .■'
" Furthermore, we will, command, and decree, that if
any by secret information, by you or any other to be re-
ceived, shall be found either infamed or suspected of any
kind of the pestiferous sect, heresy, and doctrine of the
most pestilent men, John Wickliff, John Huss, and
Jerome of Prague, the arch-heretics aforesaid, or of
favouring, receiving, or defending tho aforesaid damned
men whilst they lived on the earth, their false followers
and disciples, or any that believeth their errors, or any
that after their death pray for them or any nf them, or
that nominateth them to be amongst the number of
catholic men, or that defendeth them to be placed
amongst the number of the saints, either by their preach-
ing, worshipping, or other ways, wherein they deserve
to be suspected ; that then they by you or some of you
may be cited personally to appear before you or some of
you, without either proctor or doctor to answer for
them, an oath being openly taken by them as is afore-
said, to speak the plain and mere verity of the articles
»bove written, and every of them, or other opportune, as
case and circumstance shall require, according to your
discretion, as you or any of you shall see expedient to
proceed against them, or any of them, according to these
presents, or otherwise cauonically, as you shall thinl
good.
" Also that you do publish solemnly, and cause to be
published these present letters, omitting the articles and
interrogatories herein contained, in the cities and other
places of your diocese, where conveniently you may,
under our authority, and there to denounce and cause to
be denounced all and singular such heretics, with their
abettors and favourers of their heresies and errors ; of
what sex or kind soever, that do hold and defend the
said errors, or do participate any manner of way with
heretics, privily or openly ; of what state, dignity, or
condition soever he or they be, patriarch, archbishop,
king, queen, duke, or of what other dignity either eccle-
siastical or secular he be ; also with their advocates and
jirocurators whosoever, which are believers, followers,
favourers, defenders, or receivers of such heretics, or
suspected to be believers, followers, favourers, defenders,
or receivers of them, to be excommunicate every Sunday
and festival day, in the presence of the people.
" Furthermore, that you diligently cause to be in-
quired, by the said our authority, upon all and singular
such persons both men and women, that maintain,
approve, defend, and teach such errors, or that be
favourers, receivers and defenders of them, whether ex-
empt or not exempt, of what dignity, state, pre-emi-
nence, degree, order, or condition soever. And such as
you shall find in the said your inquisition, either by their
own confession, or by any other means to be defamed,
or otherwise infected with the spot of such heresy or
error, you through the sentence of excommunication,
susjiension, interdict, and privation of their dignities,
parsonages, offices, or other benefices of the church, and
fees which they hold of any church, monastery, and other
ecclesiastical places, also of honours and secular dignities
and degrees of sciences, or other faculties, as also by other
pains and censures of the church, or by any ways and means
whatsoever that shall seem to you expedient, by taking
and imprisoning their bodies, and other corporal punish-
ments wherewith heretics are punished, or are wont,
and are commanded by canonical sanctions to be used ;
and if they be clerks, by degradation, do correct and
punish, and cause them to be corrected and punished
with all diligence.
" Furthermore, that you do rise up stoutly and cou-
rageously against such heretics, and the goods as well of
them, as of the laymen, according to the canonical sanc-
tion made against heretics and their followers, under
which we will and command them and their partakers to
be subject. And also such persons as shall be infamed
of the heresies or errors aforesaid, or any of the pre-
mises, shall be l)ound to purge themselves at your arbi-
tration ; but the others, who either by witnesses, or by
their own confessions, or other allegations or probations,
shall be convicted of the aforesaid heresies or articles, or
of any the premises, they shall be compelled to revoke
and abjure publicly and solemnly the said articles and
errors, and to suffer condign penance and punishment,
yea, even to perpetual imprisonment (if need be) for the
same.
" And to the intent that they shall not nourish any
kind of heresies hereafter, either in word, deed or ges-
ture, or shall induce other either in word or deed,
privily or openly, directly or indirectly to believe the
same, they shall be forced to put in sufficient surety.
Who, if it so clianoe that they will not publicly and
solemnly renounce and abjure their articles and errors,
and take at your liands condign penanre, though it bft to
perpetual or temporal p\inishnient according to your dis-
cretion, neither will be contented to put in sufficient
surety that they will not hereafter hold or nourish these
errors and heresies, neither will induce other by word or
deed privily or openly, directly or indirectly, or by any
other manner of colour to believe the same, that then
you shall proceed against them, according to the quality
of their errors and demerits ; yea, and if you see it so
expedient, as against heretics, and as infected with
A. D. 1422.] AN EXHORTATION OF THE BOHEMIANS TO KINGS AND PRINCES.
S33
heresy, by our authority, according- to the canonical
sanctions ' summarily, and simply and plainly, Sine
strepitu etfigiirajudic'ii, and of office, all appellation or
appellations whatsoever ceasing, and that you punish
the same, according to the sanctions and traditions
canonical, yea if need be, in leaving and committing
thera to the secular power ; and against such as be supe-
riors or learned doctors, laying the censures of eccle-
siastical excommunication, all appellation set aside, also
invocating, if need shall require, aid of the secular arm ;
the constitution as well of our predecessor Pope Boni-
face VIII. of blessed memory, wherein is decreed that
no man without his city or diocese (except in certain
cases) or in places being one day's journey distant from
thence where he iuhabiteth, shall be called into judg
ment, and that no man do presume to depute judges
from the see apostolic, without the city and diocese
where they are deputed to proceed against any ; and do
presume to commit their authority to any other person
or persons, or to fetch and remove any man beyond one
day's journey from out his diocese where he dwelleth, or
at most two days' journey, if it be in a general council ;
as also all other constitutions of any bishop of Rome,
touching as well judges delegate, as persons not be called
to judgment beyond a certain number ; or else any other
edict, indulgence, privilege, or exemption general or spe-
cial, granted from the apostolic see, for any jierson or
persons not to be interdicted, suspended, or excommu-
nicated, or cited up to judgment without the compass
(if certain limits, or else whatsoever thing otherwise
may hinder, stop, or impeach your jurisdiction, power,
and free proceeding herein by any means to tiie con-
trary notwithstanding. Given at Constance the first year
of our popedom."
This bloody and abominable commission of Pope
Martin, which I have copied out of a certain old monu-
ment, remaining in the hands of Master Hackluyt, stu-
dent, in the Temple, seems to be directed and given
out to the public destruction of all faithful christian
men, about the latter end and breaking up of the coun-
cil of Constance, (A. D. 1418.) By the which the
prudent reader may note and consider, what labour,
what policy, what counsel, and what laws have been set,
what ways have been taken, what severity has been
shewed, how men's power, wit, and authority of the
whole world have conspired together from time to time,
continually by all manner of means to subvert and sup-
plant the word and way of the Lord ; and yet notwith-
standing man has not prevailed, but all his force and
devised polices hath been overthrown, dispatched, and
with the counsel of Ahithophel and Ammon, have been
brought to nought, and contrary to the fury of the
world, the gospel of Christ has still increased. Neither
yet for all this will the pope cease to spurn and rebel
still against the kingdom of Christ and his gospel, against
which neither he, nor yet the gates of hell shall ever
prevail. The Lord of hosts be merciful to his poor per-
secuted flock ! Amen.
Against this pestilent bull and inquisition of Pope
Martin the great, antichrist, I thought good here to
annex another contrary writing of the Bohemians,
bearing the name and subscription of Procopius, Conrad,
and other captains of the Bohemians ; which seems to
have been written not long after the death of Zisca,
against the pestiferous see of Rome, the tenor whereof
here followeth.
A fruitful and Christian Exhortation of the Bohemians
to kings and princes, to stir them vp to the zeal of the
Gospel.
" May the Almighty God the Father, by his well-be-
loved Son Jesus Christ, and by his Holy Spirit, open the
understanding both of you and of all christians, and
lighten your hearts with the light of his doctrine of right-
eousness, and make you to continue therein surely
established to the end. This we desire of you for your
salvation, all ye honourable, wise, and honest noblemen,
anil all the commonalty, yea rich and poor, hear and
consider with diligent heed the words of this jiresent
letter, which is sent unto you from the country of the
Bohemians. It is manifest and well known to you and
many other cities, kings, princes, and lords, that now for
a certain number of years there hath been great discord
betwixt us and you ; and there have been some which
have moved you by letters, and provoked you to make
war against us, and to destroy us. And as well on your
part as ours many men, as well noble as unnoble, have
foolishly lost their lives. Yet never hitherto have ye in
any part understood our faith by our own confession,
neither whether we be able to prove the same out of the
scriptures, or not ; and yet in the mean time kings,
princes, lords, and cities, have sustained great damage.
And hereof we greatly marvel that you do so much trust
and believe the pope and his priests, which give you
drink full of poison, and such comfort as no man can
understand, in that they say that they will give you for-
giveness of all your sins, and great grace and paidon, to
this end tliat you should war upon us and destroy us ;
whereas their graces and pardons are none other tiian
great lies, and a great seducing of the body and soul of
all them that believe them, and put their trust in them.
This we would prove to them, and convince them by the
holy scripture ; and we would suffer, that whoever is
desirous to hear, the same should hear it. For the pope
and all his priests herein deal with you as the devil
would have done with our Lord Jesus Christ. Of whom
Luke writes in his fourth chapter, that he brought him
upon an high hill, and shewed unto him in the twinkling
of an eye, all the kingdoms that are in the compass of
the earth, and said unto him, ' I will give thee,' &c.
So the devil deceiveth the pope, and all the priests, with
the riches of the world, and worldly power ; and they
think they can give grace and pardon when they will ;
and they themselves shall never find favour before Al-
mighty God, except they repent and make amends,
because of their great deceiving of Christendom. And
how can they give that to others, which they themselves
have not ? So did the devil, who was rich in promising,
and poor in giving. And like as the devil is not ashamed
to tell a lie, so all they are not ashamed to speak that
which shall never be found true, nor be proved by the
holy scriptures, because for no cause they stir up kings,
princes, lords, and citizens, to make war against us, not
to the end that the christian faith should thereby be
defended, but because they fear that their secret vices
and heresies shall be disclosed and made manifest. For
if they had a true cause, and a godly love to the christian
faith, they would then take the books of the holy scrip-
ture, and would come to us, and confute us with the
weapons of God's word, and that is our chief desire.
For so did the ajjostles of our Lord Jesus Christ, who
came to the Pagans and Jews, and brought them from
their infidelity to the true faith of our Lord Jesus Christ;
and this they did in the spirit of meekness, as the apostle
Paul w-rites in the sixth chapter of the Galatians, ' Bre-
thren, if any man be grieved,' &c. So ought they also
to do, if tliey perceived that they were just and we un-
just. And if we would not abide instruction, then they
might take to them kings, princes, lords, and imperial
cities, and resist us according to the commandments of
the holy scripture. But this is the subtle defence of all
the bishops and priests, that they say that Master Huss
and Jerome, which were burnt at Constance, were con-
futed by the holy father the pope, and by the whole
council. For ye must understand that they were not
overcome by the Holy Ghost, but unjustly, with wrong-
ful violence, which God may yet hereafter grievously
punish in all them that gave their counsel and aid
thereto. And they say it ought not to be suffered, that
we should be heard in confessing our faith. How may
that be proved by the holy scripture, since Christ heard
the devil, as it is written in the fourth chapter of Mat-
thew ? And they are not better thnn Christ, nor we
worse than the devil. If they be just and have the
truth with them (as they say they have) and we be un-
righteous, why do they fear, since the truth ought not to
be afraid of falsehood, as Esdras writeth in his second
book, the third chapter? Zorobabel declareth that
334
DIVISION IN THE BOHEMIAN ARMY ON CHOOSING A CAPTAIN.
FBooK V
truth is of all things the most mighty, and overcometh
all things. For Christ is the truth, John xiv. ' I am the
way, the truth,' &c. And the devil is the father of lies,
John viii. ' He is a liar from the beginning, and never
abode in the truth, and there is no truth in him.' There-
fore, if the pope and his priests have the truth, let them
overcome us with the word of God. But if they have
lies, then they cannot long abide in their presumption.
Wherefore, we exhort and beseech all the imperial cities,
all kings, princes, noblemen, rich and poor, for God's
sake, and for his righteousness, that one of them write
hereof to another, and that there may be some means
made, how we may commune with you safely and friendly,
at some such place as shall be tit both for you and us, and
bring with you your bishops and teachers, and let them
and our teachers fight together with the word of God,
and let us hear them, and let not the one overcome the
other by violence or false subtlety, but only by the word
of God. And if your bishops and teachers liave better
proofs of their faith out of the holy scripture than we,
and our faith be found untrue, we will receive penance
and satisfaction, according to the gospel. But if your
bishops and teachers be overcome of ours by the holy
scripture, then do ye repent and hearken to us, and hold
with us. And if your bishops and teachers will cease
from their spiritual pride, and repent and make satisfac-
tion ; then we will help you according to our power, and
will compel them, either to join with us, or else we will
expel them out of Christendom. And if your bishops and
teachers will say that it is not lawful for laymen to hear
such reasoning, or to be present at it ; that you may un-
derstand to tend to no other end, but that tiiey fear they
should be overcome and put to shame in the sight of you.
For if they knew that they should overcome therein, out
( f doubt they would desire that every man should hear
it, and thereby their glory should become the greater,
and their fame and praises should be increased upon the
earth. And if your bishops and teachers counsel you to
come to no hearing with us, then do it whether they will
r- no, and suffer not yourselves at any time to be so
foolishly seduced with their foolish pardons, but tarry at
home in your houses with your wives and children. And
let the pope of Rome come to us with all his cardinals
and bisiiops, and with all his priests, with his own per-
son and power, to war wich us, and let tliemselves de-
serve the absolution of sins, grace and jiardon, which
they preach to you (for they have great need of forgive-
ness of sins, grace, and pardon,) and by the grace of
God, we will give them pardon enough as they shall
need. But their subtle excuse is this, they say that it
belongs not to priests to fight with bodily weapons : and
true it is that it belongs not to them ; but it belongs as
little to them to stir up, to counsel, and to fortify others
thereto. For Paul saith in the first chapter of the
Romans, and in the fifth of the Galatians, ' That all
that do such things are worthy of everlasting death.'
" And if ye will not determine to do any other thing
than to fight against us, then will we take the Lord to
our help and his truth, and we will defend it to the
death, and we will not be afraid for the excommunica-
tion or curse of the pope, or his cardinals, or of the
bishops, because we know that the pope is not God,
as he maketh himself, that he can curse and excommu-
nicate when he will, or bless when he will ; who has now
these many years cursed and excommunicated us, and
■ yet notwithstanding, God and his gracious blessing hath
been our help. But peradventure ye will say, that though
we see that bishops and priests be evil and wicked, yet we
cannot do without them ; for who should baptize our
child.-en, who should hear confessions, and minister the
holy sacraments .' and then also we should be within
the excommunication of the pope, and of his bishops.
AVell-beloved, ye need to take no care for these matters.
The excommunicating of the pope liurts you nothing.
Fear ye the excommunicating of God, and the Lord will
provide for those things well enough. If ye would
banish evil bishops and priests, ye should have good
pnests who should baptize your children, hear confes-
sions, and minister the holy mysteries, because when
tbe devil is banished, then place is made for the Holy
Ghost : so when ill bishops and priests shall be banished
then place shall be made for good priests and bishops.
Also, your bishops and priests say, that we are mis.
creants and heretics, and that we believe not on purgs.
tory, upon the Virgin Mary, nor upon the saints-
wherein they say ill, for we will prove by the holy scrip,
ture, tliat we know better by God's grace how we ou^ht
to believe u;>on jnirgatory, and upon Mary tlie mother
of our Lord, and ui)on his well-beloved saints, than
they can tell us. Also they say, that we will not be
obedient unto the pope. Truly when he shall become
holy and just, then we know well that we ought to be
obedient to him in all things, and not before. They say
also, that we destroy God's holy service, in that we de-
stroy monasteries, banishing thence the wicked monks
and nuns. Truly we did it, thinking on(;e that they
were holy, that they did the reverend service of God •
but after that we well perceived and considered their life
and works, then we perceived that they were false lowly
hypocrites, and wicked builders on high, and sellers of
pardons and masses for the dead, and such as devoured
in tliemselves the sins of the people. And whereas they
said that they rise at midnight when other men sleep,
and pray for the sins of the people ; forasmuch as their
selling of their prayers and masses for the dead for gifts,
is no better than hypocrisy and heresy ; therefore, if we
do speak against them and destroy their monasteries,
we do not tlierein destroy the service of God, but rather
the service of the devil, and the schools of heretics. And
if ye knew them as we know them, ye would as dili-
gently destroy them as we do. For Christ our Lord did
not ordain any sucli order, and therefore it must needs
come to pass that shortly it shall be destroyed, as our
Ijord said in the gospel of St. Matthew, chap. xv.
Every plant which my Father hath not planted, shall be
rooted up."
[Here are added sixteen articles against the Romish
priests, which we omit.]
(Signed) Procopius, Smahors, Conrad, Samssmo-
lich ; captains of Bohemia.
Now to return to the wars of the Bohemians again.
After Zisca was dead, there was great fear, sorrow, and
lamentation in the army, the soldiers accusing fortune
which gave over such an invincible captain to be over-
come with deatli. Immediately there was a division in
the host, the one part choosing Procopius Magnus to be
tlieir captain, tlie otlier part saying, that there was none
could be found worthy to succeed Zisca, whereupon they
choosing out certain to serve the wars, named themselves
orphans.
Thus the Taborites being divided into two armies,
the one part retained their old and accustomed name,
and the other, by reason of the death of their captain,
named themselves orphans. And although often there
was dissension between them, yet whenever any foreign
power came towards them, they joined their powers toge-
ther in one camp, and defended themselves. They
seldom went to any fenced towns, except it were to buy
necessaries, but lived with their wives and children in
their camp and tents. They had amongst them many
cars, which they used as a bulwark ; for whenever
they went unto battle, they made two wings of them,
which closed in the footmen. The wings of the horse«
men were on the outside, and when they saw their time
to join battle, the waggon-men which led the wings, going
forth to the emperor's standard, and compassing in such
part of their enemies as they would, did close themselves
in together, whereby the enemies being enclosed, so that
they could not be rescued, they were partly by the foot-
men, and partly by the men that were in the cars, with
their darts, slain. The horsemen fought without the for-
tification ; and if it happened that they were oppressed,
or put to flight, by and by the cars opening themselves,
received them as it were into a fenced city ; and by this
means they got many victories, forsomuch as their
enemies were ignorant of their policies.
These two armies went forth, the one into Silesia, and
the other into Moravia, and returned again with great
prey, before their enemies knew of their coming. After
|ioIjcinia-f illing Ultii anb Mmmh
Page 335.
A.D. 1422.]
WAR BETWEEN THE POPE AND THE B0J5EMIANS.
335
tliis they besieged the town of Swietla in Austria, where
theTaborites and the Orphans during two nights, continu-
ally assaulted the walls without ceasing ; but Albert, duke
ot Austria, coming with his host to aid the citizens, they
foui'-ht for the space of almost four hours, the valiantest
r warriors being slain on both parts. At length the battle
, -was broken off, and the Taborites lost their cars, and
t Albert was put out of his camp and tents. Within
i awhile after, Procopius INIagnus came again and enclosed
i the city of llhetium in Austria with a notable siege.
I They of Prague were in his army, and Boslaus Cygnens,
' of whom we spake before, was slain there with a dart,
: and the city of Rhetium was taken by force, sacked and
I burnt. The burgrave of Malderburg, lord of the town,
was also taken and carried unto Prague, where also he
died in prison.
These things being done, the emperor sent for the no-
bles of Bohemia, who went to him to a town of Hungary,
cdled Posonium, in the borders of Austria, upon the
ban.ks of the river Danube ; but they would not enter
into the. town, but remained without the town in their
tents ; whither, the emperor going out unto them,
communed much with them, as touching his right and
title, and the recovering of his father's kingdom, pro-
mising if there were any cause, which did alienate the
Bohemians' minds from him, that he would take away all
the occasion thereof : they made answer, that he had
made war upon them without cause, and that he had
suffered their countrymen, contrary to his promise, to be
burnt at Constance not being heard, and the kingdom to
be contumeliously interdicted, and the nobles of Bohemia
to be condemned by the church of Rome as heretics ;
and that he should think the force and power of the Bo-
hemians not to be so small, but that they would provide
for their own honour. Whereto the emperor answered
very gently, and offered them a general council, wherein
they might declare their innocency, if they would sub-
mit themselves to the judgment of the universal church ;
but the Bohemians, who were become valiant victors in
arms, would not be overcome with words ; and so nothing
being finally concluded, the emperor returned home.
Then Pope Martin, perceiving the gospel to increase
daily more and more, sent the cardinal of Winchester,
an Englishman, born of a noble house, into Germany, to
move them to war against the Bohemians. The emperor
also assisted him.
There were three armies provided. In the first army
were the dukes of Saxony, and the lower cities. The
second army, which was gathered of the Franconians,
was under the conduct of the marquis of Brandenburg.
The third army was led by Otho, the archbishop of
Treves, whom the Rhenenses,. the Bavarians, and the
imperial cities of Swevia followed. These armies entering
into Bohemia in three several parts, after they were
passed the wood, joined together and pitched before
Misna. This town a certain learned and eloquent pro-
testant, named Prichicho, the night before had won
from the papists ; wherefore the army was determined
first to recover that city, before they would go any fur-
ther. But when news came to the host, how the protes-
tants had gathered an army, and came with all speed
towards them, they fled before they saw their enemies,
and went to Tacovia, leaving behind them their warlike
engines with a great prey. The cardinal was not yet
come to the camp, but meeting them in their flight at
Tacovia, he marvelled at the cowardly flight of so many
noble and valiant men, desiring them that they would
turn again to their enemies, which, he said, were far
weaker than they. Which thing, when he had long la-
boured about in vain, he was fain to be a companion with
them in their flight. They were scarcely entered the
wood, when the Bohemians coming upon them, set upon
the rearward. Then was their flight much more disor-
dered and fearful than before, neither did they leave fly-
ing before the Bohemians left following. Then all im-
pediment or hindrance being taken away, they vanquished
Tacovia ; and having obtained great store of warlike en-
gines, they destroyed Misna. And when they would
have returned home by Franconia, they had great sums
of money sent unto them, that they should not waste
or destroy the countries of Bamberg and Noremberg ;
whereby the host of the Bohemians was greatly en-
riched.
Sigismund, the emperor, having news of these things,
went straight unto Noremberg, and gathered there fresh
aid and help. Also Pope Martin sent Julian, the cardi-
nal of St. Angelo, into Germany, with his ambassage, to
make war against the Bohemians, and that he should in
the council of Basil, which would now shortly draw on, be
president in the pope's name. He, entering into Germany,
went straight to Noremberg to the emperor, where many
of the nobles of Germany were assembled.
There was a new expedition decreed against the
Bohemians, against the eighth of the kalends of July,
and Frederick, marquis of Brandenburg, ajipointed
general of that war, who should follow the cardinal.
He entered into Bohemia by the way that leadeth unto
Thopa, and Albert, prince of Austria, was appointed
to bring his army through Moravia.
In this expedition were Albert and Christopher of
Bavaria, and Frederick, dukes of Saxony, John and Al-
bert i)rinces of Brandenburg, with their father, who
was general of those wars. Also the bishops of Hyper-
bolis, Bamberge, and Eysten. Also the company of
the Swevians, which they called the company of St.
George, and the magistrates of the imperial cities, the
bishop of Mentz, Treves, and Cologne, sent their aids,
and with them the chieftains of their provinces. It is
said that the number of their horsemen were above
forty thousand, but their footmen were not full so many,
for the Germans for the most part fight their battles on
horseback.
Also Rhenatus, prince of Lorraine, promised to come
to these wars ; but being hindered by his civil wars, forso-
much as he went about to vanquish the earl of Vandome,
he could not keep his promise, and the county palatine
of Rheine, who did aid and succour the earl of Van-
dome, could not go against the Bohemians. The
cardinal, st^jiag for them, deferred his journey until the
kalends of August. In the meantime Albert, leading his
army out of Austria, understanding that the cardinal
was not present at the day appointed, and seeing himself
unable to encounter with the Bohemian power, he re-
turned back again. After this the cardinal entered into
Bohemia with a huge army, and destroyed many of the
protestants' towns, killing men, women, and children,
sparing neither old nor young ; notwithstanding this, his
tyranny was exercised in the uttermost borders of Bohe-
mia, for his captains feared to enter far into the land.
The Bohemians, as soon as they had heard that their
enemy was come, made ready and gathered their host
with all speed, and laid siege to a tower called Stiltiverge,
and brought it under subjection.
In the meantime there fell such a marvellous sudden
fear amongst the papists throughout the whole camp,
that they began most shamefully to run away before any
enemy came in sight. The cardinal Julian, marvelling
at this most sudden fear, and what should move so great
an army to flee, went about to the captains, exhorting
them to put on armour, to order their battles, and cour-
ageously to abide their enemies, saying they did not
fight for the glory of their kingdom, or for the possession
of lands, but for their lives, honour, and religion of
Christ, and for the salvation of souls. How ignominious
a thing is it (said he) for the Germans to flee in battle,
whose courage and vallantness all the world doth extol .'
It were much better to die, than to give place to any
enemies before they were seen ; for they can by no means
live in safety within the walls, who give place unto their
enemy in the field ; for it is the weapon that defends a
man and not the walls, and except they would even pre-
sently defend their liberty with the sword, they should
shortly be in greater bondage, more miserable than any
death. But this exhortation was all in vain, for fear had
put away all boldness ; for the ensigns were snatched up,
and as though there had been no captain in the host,
every man run headlong away. No man regarded any
commandment, neither once took his leave of his cap-
tain, but casting away their armour with speedy flight,
they ran away, as though their enemy had been at their
336 THE BOHEMIANS SEND REPRESENTATIVES TO THE COUNCIL OF BASIL. [Book V.
bac".:s. The cardinal also, although it were against his
will, was forcfd to 'lo the like.
Thus the protestants, by the fear of their enemies, made
the more bold and oourageous, pursued them through
the woods, and had a great prey and spoil of them. Not-
withstanding, Albert, when he heard that the cardinal
was entered into Bohemia, with all speed came again
out of Austria with his army, and besieged the strong
town of Prezorabia ; but when he understood how the
cardinal was fled, he left off his purpose, and returned
through Moravia, which was not yet subject to him, and
destroyed above fifty towns with fire and sword, took
many of their cities by force, and spoiled them, commit-
ting great murder and slaughter, and so afflicted them
that they took upon them his yoke, and promised to be
subject and obedient to him under this condition, that as
touching religion he would be bound to do that which
the council of Basil should determine.
Then was there an ambassage sent out of Bohemia
unto Basil, where Sigismund held the council, who,
during the time of the wars had kept himself at Norem-
berg. When he should take his journey unto Rome to
be crowned emperor, he wrote letters unto the nobles of
Bohemia, wherein was contained, how that he was a
Bohemian born, and how he was not more attached to
any nation than to his own, and that he went to
Rome for none other cause but to be crowned, which
honour should also be a renown to the Bohemi-
ans, to advance whom had been always his especial
care.
Also, how that through his endeavour the council
was begun at Basil, exhorting all such as were desirous
to be heard as touching religion, that they should come
thither, and that they would not maintain any quarrel
contrary to the holy mother the church ; that the
council would lovingly and gently hear their reasons ;
that they should only endeavour themselves to agree
with the synod as touching religion, and reserve and
keep a quiet and peaceable kingdom for him, against his
return : neither should the Bohemians think to refuse
his government, whose brother, father, and uncle had
reigned over them, and that he would reign over them,
after no other mean or sort than other christian kings
used to do.
The council of Basil also wrote their letter to the Bo-
liemians, that they should send their ambassadors who
should shew a reason of their faith, promising safe con-
duct to go and come, and free liberty to speak what
they would. The Bohemians on this point, were of two
opinions ; for the protestants, and almost all the com-
mon people Slid, it was not good to go, alleging the
examples of John Huss, and Jerome of Prague, who
going unto Constance, under the safe conduct of the em
peror, were there openly burned. But the nobility, fol-
lowing the mind of Maynard, prince of the new house,
said, that they ought to go to the council, and that they
are not to be suffered who had invented those new and
strange opinions of faith, and new kind of religion, ex-
cept they would render account of their doings and
sayings before the universal church, and defend those
things which they had openly taught before learned men.
This opinion prevailed, and an ambassage of three
hundred horse was sent to Basil. The chief whereof
were William Cosca, a valiant knight, and Procopius,
surnamed Magnus, a man of worthy fame for his mani-
fold victories, Jolm Rochezana, preacher of Prague,
Nicholas Galecus, minister of the Taborites, and one
Peter, an Englishman, of excellent, prompt and pregnant
wit. The people came in great numbers out of the town,
and many out of the synod and council, attending before
the gates to see the coming of this valiant and famous
people ; others gathered together, in great numbers into
the streets where they should pass through. The ma-
trons, maids, and children filled the windows and houses
to behold and see, and to marvel at their strange kind of
apparel, and stout courageous countenances, saying, that
it was not untrue which was reported of them : not-
withstanding all men beheld Procopiuni, saying, this is
Le who has overthrown the papists in so many battles,
who has subverted so many towns, and slain so many
men, whom both his enemies, and also his own soldiers
do fear and reverence ; also, that he was a bold, valiant
and invincible captain, who could not be overcome with'
any terror, labour, or travail.
These Bohemian ambassadors were gently received. The
next day after. Cardinal Julian, sending for them to
the council-house, made a gentle, long, and eloquent
oration to them, exhorting them to unity and peace
saying, that the church was the spouse of our Sanour
Christ, and the mother of all faithful, that it hath the
keys of binding and loosing, and also that it is white and
fair, witliout spot or wrinkle, and cannot err in those
points that are necessary to salvation, and that he who
contemns the same church is to be counted as a pro-
fane lieathen and publican, neither can this church be
represented better by any means than in this council.
He exhorts them also to receive the decrees of the coun-
cil, and to give no less credit to the council than to the
gospel, by whose authority the scriptures themselves are
received and allowed. Also that the Bohemians, who
call themselves the children of tlie church, ought to hear
the voice of their mother, who is never unmindful of
her children ; how that now of late they have lived apart
from their mother ; although (said he) that is no new
or strange thing, for there have been many in times
past who have forsaken their mother, and yet seek-
ing after salvation have returned to her again ; that in
the time of Noah's flood, as many as were without the
ark perished ; that the Lord's passover was to be eaten
in one house ; that there is no salvation to be sought
for out of the church, and that this is the garden and
famous fountain of water, whereof whosoever shall drink,
shall not thirst everlastingly ; that the Bohemians have
done as they ought, in that they have sought the foun-
tains of this water at the council, and have determined
now at length to give ear unto their mother. Now all
hatred ought to cease, all armour and weapon to be laid
apart, and all occasion of war utterly to be rejected.
For the fathers would lovingly and gently hear whatever
they would say in their own cause or quarrel, requiring
only that they would willingly receive and embrace the
good counsels and determinations of the sacred synod ;
whereto not only the Bohemians, but also all other faith-
ful christians, ought to consent and agree, if they will
be partakers of eternal life.
This oration of the cardinal was heard and very well
approved by the fathers. Whereto the Bohemians an-
swered in a few words, that they neither had contemned
the church nor the council ; that the sentence given at
Constance, against those who were unheard, doth dimi-
nish nothing of the christian religion ; that the authority
of the fathers hath always remained amongst them in-
violate ; and that whatever the Bohemians have taught,
was confirmed by the scriptures and gospel ; and that
they are now come to manifest their innocency before
the whole church, and to require open audience, where
the laity may also be present. Their request was
granted them ; and being further demanded in what
points they did disagree from the church of Rome, they
propounded four articles.
First. They affirmed, that all such as would be saved,
ought of necessity to receive the communion of the last
supper under both kinds of bread and wine.
The second article. They affirmed aU civil rule and
dominion to be forbidden to the clergy by the law of
God.
The third article. That the preaching of the word of
God is free for all men, and in all places.
The fourth article. As touching open crimes and of-
fences which are in nowise to be suffered for the avoiding
of greater evil.
These were the only propositions which they pro-
pounded before the council in tlie name of the whole
realm. Then another ambassador affirmed, that he had
heard of the Bohemiams very many things offensive to
christian ears, amongst which this was one point, that
they had preached that the invention of the order of
begging friars was diabolical.
Then Procopius, rising up, said, " Nor is it untrue ;
for if neither Moses, neither before him the patriarchs,
A.D. 1422.] DEATH OF HENRY V. ORDER OF THE ARCHBISHOPS OF CANTERBURY. 337
1 neither after him the prophets, neither in the new law
Christ and his apostles did institute the order of begging
friars, who does doubt but that it was an invention of
the devil, and a work of darkness ?"
' This answer of Procopius was derided by them all.
And cardinal Julian went about to prove, that not only
the decrees of the patriarchs and prophets, and those
things which Christ and his apostles had instituted, were
of God, but also that all such decrees as the church
j should ordain, being guided through the Holy Ghost, be
I the works of God. Although, as he said, the order of
begging friars might seem to be taken out of some part
of the gospel.
The Bohemians chose out four divines who should de-
clare their articles to be taken out of the scriptures.
Likewise on the contrary part there were four appointed
by the council. This disputation continued fifty days,
where many things were alleged on either part, whereof,
as place shall serve, more hereafter (by the grace of Christ)
shall be said, when we come to the time of that council.
In the meantime, while the Bohemians were thus in
Jong conflicts with Sigismund the emperor and the pope,
fighting for their religion, to whom, notwithstanding all
the fulness of the pope's power was bent against them,
God of his goodness had given such noble victories, as is
ibove expressed, and ever did prosper them so long as
they could agree among themselves ; as these things (I
say) were doing in Bohemia, King Henry V. of England,
fighting likewise in France, although for no like matter
of religion, fell sick at Blois and died, after he had
reigned nine years, five months, three weeks, and odd
days from his coronation. This king in life, and in all
his doings, was so devout and serviceable to the pope and
his chaplains, that he was called by many the prince of
priests, he left behind him a son being yet an infant,
nine months and fifteen days of age, whom he had by
Queen Katharine, daughter to the French king, who was
married to him about two or three years before. The
name of which prince, succeeding after his father, was
Henry VI., left under the government and protection of
his uncle, named Humphrey, duke of Gloucester.
TAe names of the Archbishops of Canterbury contained
in this Fifth Book.
55. Simon Islepe.
56. Simon Langham.
57. WiUiam Witlesey
58. Simon Sudbury.
59. William Courtney
60. Thomas Arundel
61. Henry Chichesle
THE END OF THE FIFTH BOOK.
4CTS AND MONUMENTJ?
^ O O K VT,
PERTAINING TO
THE TA«'T iflREE rlUNDRED YEARS, FROM THE LOOSING OUT OF SATAN.
EFACE lO THE READEI
According to tne nve different periods and states of
the church, so have I divided hitherto the order of this
present church history into five principal parts, every
part containing three hundred years. So that nov»r
coming to the last three hundred years, that is, to the
last times of the church, counting from the time of Wick-
liiF: forasmuch as in the compass of the said last three
hundred years are contained great troubles and pertur-
bations of the church, with the marvellous reformation
of the same through the wondrous operation of the Al-
mighty ; all which things cannot be comprehended in
one book ; I have therefore disposed the later three
hundred years into several books, beginning now with
the sixth book, at the reign of King Henry VI. In
which book, beside the many and grievous persecutions
raised up by antichrist, herein is also to be observed,
that whereas it has of long time been received and
thought of the common people, that this religion now
generally used, has sprung up and risen but of late, even
by the space (as many do think) of twenty or thirty
years, it may now manifestly appear, not only by the
acts and monuments heretofore passed, but also by the
histories hereafter following, how this profession of
Christ's religion has been spread abroad in England, of
old and ancient time, not only for the space of these two
hundred late years, from the time of Wickliff, but has
continually from time to time sparkled abroad, although
the flames thereof have never so perfectly burst out, as
they have done within these hundred years and more ;
as by these histories here collected and gathered out of
registers, especially of the diocese of Norwich, shall ma-
nifestly appear ; wherein may be seen what men, and
how manybothmenand women within the diocese of Nor-
wich there have been, who have defended the same doc-
trine which now is received by us in the church. Which
persons, although then they were not so strongly armed
in their cause and quarrel as of late years they have been,
yet were they warriors in Christ's church, and fought to
their power in the same cause. And although they gave
back through tyranny, yet judge thou the best, good
reader, and refer the cause thereof to God, who reveals
all things according to his determinate will and appointed
time.
ITiis young prince being under the age of one year,
after the death of his father, succeeded to the throne and
kingdom of England (A. D. 1422), and in the eighth
year was crowned at Westminster ; and the second year
after was crowned also at Paris, Henry, bishop of Win-
chester, cardinal, being present at them both, he reisrned
thirty-eight years, and then was deposed by Edward IV.
as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared in his
time. In the first year of his reign was burned the con-
stant witness-bearer of Christ's doctrine, William Tailor,
a priest, under Henry Chinhesley, archbishop of Canter-
bury. Of this William Tailor I read, that in the days
of Thomas Arundel hewasfirst apprehended, and abjured.
Afterwards in the days of Henry Chichesley, about A.D.
1J21, which was a year before his burning, William
Tailor appeared again in the convocation' before the
archbishop, being brought by the bishop of Worcester,
being complained of as having taught at Bristol, these
BTticles following :
First, That whoever hangs any scripture about his
neck, takes away the honour due only to God, and gives
it to the devil.
Secondly, That no human person is to be worshipped,
but only God is to be adored.
Thirdly, that the saints are not to be worshipped
nor invoked.
Upon these articles W^illiam Tailor being examined,
denied that he did preach or hold them in way of de- ,
fending them, but only did commune and talk upon the ij
same, especially upon the second and third articleSi w
only in way of reasoning, and for argument sake. And ij
to justify his opinion to be true in what he held, h« Ij
brought out of his bosom a paper, wherein were con-
tained certain articles, with the testimonies of the doc-
tors alleged, and exhibited the same to the nrrlibishop.
Who then being bid to stand aside, the archbishop con-
sulting together with the bishops and other jirelates
what was to be done in the matter delivered the writ j
A. D. 1123—1424.] MARTYRDOM OF WILLIAM TAILOR.— PERSECUTION IN NORWICH.
ings to Master John Castle, and John Rikinghale, the
two vice-cliancellors of Oxford, and Cambridge, and to
John Langdon, monk of Canterbury, who, advisinsr with
themselves, and with other divines, about the articles and
allegations, on the Monday following presented the arti-
cles of William Tailor to the archbishops and prelates.
as erroneous and heretical. Upon which, William Tailor
being called before them, in conclusion was contented
to revoke the same, and for his penance was by them
condemned to perpetual prison.
Notwithstanding, through favour, they were con-
tented that he should be released from his incarceration,
in case he would put in sufficient surety in the king's
chancery, and swear that he shall never hold nor favour
such opinions hereafter. And thus William Tailor, ap-
pointed to appear the next Wednesday at Lambeth, be-
fore the archbishop, to take his absolution from his long
excommunication during the time from Thomas Arundel,
appeared again before him, where he, laying aside his
cloak, his cap, and stripped to his doublet, kneeled at
the feet of the archbishop, who, then standing up, and
having a rod in his hand, began the psalm Miserere, i(c.
His chaplains answering the second verse. After that
was said, the collect, Dens cui proprinm, i^'c. with cer-
tain other prayer.s. And so taking an oath of him, the
archbishop committed him to the custody of the bishop
of Worcester, to whom power and authority was per-
mitted to release him upon those conditions. And thus
was William Tailor for that time absolved, being en-
joined notwithstanding to appear at the next convoca-
tion, whenever it should be, before the archbishop or his
successor that should follow him.
In the meantime, while William Tailor was thus in
the custody of the bishop of Worcester, there passed
certain writings between him and one Thomas Smith,
priest at Bristol, in the which writings William Tailor re-
plied against Thomas, concerning the question of worship-
ping of saints. Upon the occasion of which reply, being
brought to the hands of the bishop of Worcester, Wil-
liam Tailor began anew to be troubled, and was brought
again before the public convocation of the clergy by
the said bishop of Worcester, to answer unto his
writings. This was the eleventh day of February,
A. D. 1422. To which convocation William being pre-
sented, his writings were read to him ; which he would
not, nor could not, deny to be of his own hand-writing.
The tenor and effect of whose writing only tended
to prove, that every petition and prayer for any super-
natural gift ought to be directed to God alone, and to
no creature. Although in his writing he did not
utterly deny that it was lawful in any respect to pray
to saints (and brings for the same Thomas Aquinas), but
only in respect of that worship which is called latria ;
and he seems little or nothing to differ from the super-
stition of the papists. And yet the writing, being de-
livered by the archbishop to the four orders of friars
of London to be examined, was found erroneous and
heretical in these points : —
1. That every prayer, which is a petition of some
supernatural gift or free gift, is to be directed only to
God.
2. That prayer is to be directed to God alone.
3. To pray to 'any creature is to commit idolatry.
4. Also, another opinion there was, much like to the
other, to make up the fourth ; — hereupon came down
a writ from the king, directed to the lord mayor and
sheriffs of London, " De hcerefico comdnrendo," i. e.
" the writ for burning a heretic," dated the first day
of March, the first year of his reign. Upon which,
William Tailor, condemned as a relapse, was first de-
graded, and then sentenced to be burned, and so was
committed to the secular power ; then being brought to
Smithfield, the first day of March, with christian con-
stancy, after long imprisonment, he there consum-
mated his martyrdom, (A. D. 1422.)
The manner of his degrading was all one with the de-
grading of John Huss before, for the papists use but one
form for all men First, Degrading them from priest-
hood, by taking from them the chalice and patine.
From deaconship, b taking from them the gospel-book
339
and tunicle. From sub-deaconship, by taking from
them the e])istle-book and tunicle. From acoluteshi)),
by taking from them the cruet and candlestick. From
an exorcist, by taking away the book of exorcisms or
gradual. From the sextonship, by taking away the
church-door-key and surplice. And likewise from
benedict, in taking away the surplice, and first tonsure,
^:c. All which they in due order accomplished upon
this godly martyr, before his burning.
Jo/m Florence, a Turner.
John Florence, a turner, dwelling in Shelton, in the
diocese of Norwich, was attached, because he held and
taught these heresies here underwritten (as they called
them) contrary to the determination of the church of
Rome.
That the pope and cardinals have no power to make
or constitute any laws.
That there is no day to be kept holy, but only the
Sunday which Uod has hallowed.
That images are not to be worshipped, neither that
the people ought to set up any lights before them in the
churches, neither to go on pilgrimage, neither to offer
for the dead.
That curates should not take the tithes of their
parishioners, but that such tithes should be divided
amongst the ])Oor parishioners.
That all such as swear by their life or power, shall be
damned, except they repent.
On the second of August, in the year 1424, John
Florence personally appeared before William Bernam,
chancellor to William, bishop of Norwich, where, being
threatened by the judge, he acknowledged that he had
erred, and submitted himself to the correction of the
church, and abjured, taking an oath that from that
time forward he would not hold, teach, preach or will-
ingly defend any error or heresy contrary to the deter-
mination of the church of Rome, neither maintain, help,
or aid any that shall teach or hold any such errors or
heresies, either privily or publicly ; and for his offence
he was enjoined this penance following : —
That for three Sundays, in a solemn procession in the
cathedral church of Norwich, he should be disciplined, e. e.
have a rod or scourge laid on him before all the people.
The same also should be done around his parish-church
of Shelton, three other several Sundays, he being bare-
headed, bare-footed, and bare-necked, after the manner
of a public penitent, his body being covered with a
canvass shirt, and canvass breeches, carrying in his
hand a taper of a pound weight ; and that done he was
dismissed.
Richard Behcard of Ersham.
Richard Belward of Ersham, in the diocese of Nor-
wich, was accused of holding and teaching these errors
and opinions here under-written, contrary to the de-
termination of the church of Rome.
That ecclesiastical ministers have no power to excom-
municate. And that if a bishop excommunicate any
man, God absolves him.
That he held the erroneous opinions that Sir John
Oldcastle held when he was in prison, and affirmed that
Sir John Oldcastle was a true catholic man, and falsely
condemned and put to death without reasonable
cause.
That such as go on pilgrimage, offering to images
made of wood and stone, ai-e excommunicated, because
they ought to offer to the living, and not to the dead ;
and that the curates sell God upon Easter-day, when
they receive offerings of such as communicate, before
they minister the sacrament to them.
That he counselled women, that they should not offer
in the church for the dead.
That the saints who are in heaven ought in no case to
be prayed to, but God only.
The fifth day of July (A. D. 1424), Richard Belward was
broup-ht before John, bishop of Norwich, when articlea
340
PERSECUTION IN THE DIOCESE OF NORWICH.
•^.BooK VI.
were objected against him, -which he there denied ; there-
fore the bishop appointed him another day ; upon
which he appeared again before the bishop, and brought
with him nine of his neighbours to purge him upon
those articles, and there did solemnly purge himself.
And afterwards, the bishop commanded him to swear
upon the evangebsts. That from that day forward he
should not wittingly preach, teach, or defend any error
or heresy, contrary to the church of Rome ; neither aid,
assist, favour, or maintain, privily or openly, any
manner of person or persons, that should hold or main-
tain the said errors or heresies.
In like manner John Goddesel, of Dichingham, was
accused upon the same articles, and brought before the
bishop, where he denying tbem, purged himself by his
neighbours, as Richard Belward before had done, being
sworn also in like manner as he was, and so was dismissed
and set at liberty, until the year 1428, when he was
again apprehended, accused, and abjured, as shall be
more at large declared in the history when we come to
that year. Sir Hugh Pie also, chaplain of Ludney, in
the diocese of Norwich, was likewise accused and
brought before the bishop of Norwich the fifth day of
July, (A. D. 1424,) for holding these opinions fol
lowing : —
That the people ought not to go on pilgrimage.
That the people ought not to give alms, but only to
such as beg at their doors.
That the image of the cross and other images are not
to be worshipped. And that the said Hugh had cast the
cross of Bromehold into the fire to be burned, which he
took from one John Welgate, of Ludney. Which
articles being objected against him, he utterly denied ;
whereupon he had a day appointed to purge himself by
the witness of three laymen and three priests. That so
done, he was sworn as the other before, and so dis-
missed.
After this, (A. D. 1428,) King Henry TI. ?ent down
most cruel letters of commission unto John Exeter and
Jacolet Germain, keeper of the castle of Colchester, for
the apprehending of Sir William White, priest ; and
others, suspected of heresies, the tenour whereof here
ensues.
The Copy of the King's Letters directed to John Exeter
and Jacolet Germain, keeper of the Castle of Col-
chester, for the apprehending of Sir William White,
priest : and other {as theij called them) Lollards.
" Henry, by the grace of God, king of England and
of France, lord of Ireland, to his well-beloved John
Exeter, and Jacolet Germain, keeper of the castle of
Colchester, health ;
" Ye shall understand that we, fully trusting unto
your fidelity and circumspections, have appointed you
jointly and severally to take and arrest William White,
priest ; and Thomas, late chaplain of Setling, in the
county of Norfolk ; and William Northampton, priest ;
and all others, whatsoever they be, that are suspected of
heresy or LcUardy, wheresoever they may be found,
within the liberties or without ; and straightway being so
taken, to send them unto our next gaol or prison, until
such time as we shall have taken other order for their
delivery: and therefore we straightly command you, that
ye diligently attend about the premises, and fulfil the
same in form aforesaid. Also we charge and command
all and singular justices of peace, mayors, sheriffs,
bailiffs, constables, and all other our faithful officers, by
the tenour of these presents, That they do assist, aid,
and counsel you and every of you, in the execution of
the premises, as it shall be comely for them. In wit-
ness whereof we have caused these our letters patent to
be made.
" Witness my.self at Westminster, the sixth of July,
the sixth of our reign."
By virtue of which commission we find in old monu-
ments, that within a short time after, John Exeter, who
ipsa appointed one of the <"/>mmis*ioners, uttached six
persons in the town of Bungay, in the diocese of Nor-
wich, and committed them to be sent within ten days
following, under safe custody, unto the castle of Nor.
wich.
Besides these, we also find in the said old monuments
within the diocese of Norfolk and Suffolk, specially in
the towns of Beccles, Ersham, and Ludney, a great
number both of men and women to have been vexed and
cast into jirison, and after their abjuration brought to
0])en shame in churches and markets, by the bishop of
the diocese, called William, and his chancellor William
Bernham, John Exeter being the registrar ; so that
within the space of three or four years, that is, from the
year 1428 to the year 14.'51, about the number of one
hundred and twenty men and women were examined,
and sustained great vexation for the profession of the
christian faith, of whom some were only taken upon
suspicion, for eating meats prohibited upon vigil days,
who, upon their purgation made, escaped more easily
away, and with less punishment.
Others were more cruelly handled, and some of them
were put to death and burned, among whom we do spe-
cially find mention made of these three : —
Father Abraham of Colchester.
William White, priest.
John Waddon, priest.
A great number of good men and women, seventy-
eight in all, were forced to abjure, sustaining such cruel
penance as the bishop and his chancellor pleased to lay
upon them.
These soldiers of Christ, being much beaten with the
cares and troubles of those days, although they were
constrained to relent and abjure, that is, to protest
otherwise with their tongues than their hearts did think,
partly through correction, and partly through infirmity
(being as yet but new trained soldiers in God's field),
yet for the good-will they bare to the truth, although
with their tongues they durst not express it, we have
thought good to mention them here ; for this cause,
either to stop the mouths of malignant adversaries, or to
answer to their ignorance, who following rather blind
prejudice, than the true knowledge of history, for lack
of knowledge, blame what they know not, accusing the
true doctrine of the word of God as a novelty, and carping
at the teachers thereof as new made brethren. Who should
understand by these histories, how this doctrine of the
grace of God, lacking no antiquity, has from time to
time continually sought to burst out, and in some
places has prevailed, although in most places, through
tyranny and the malice of men, Christ's proceedings
have been suppressed and kept under from rising, so
much as men's power and strength joined with craft and
subtlety could labour to keep it down ; as here by these
good men of Norfolk and Suffolk may well appear. For
if the knowledge and the goodness of those men had had
the same liberty of time, with the help of the same au-
thority, as we have now, and had not been restrained
through the iniquity of the times and the tyranny of
prelates, it had well appeared how old this doctrine
would have been, which now they contemn and reject
for its newness : neither needed Bonner to have asked
of Thomas Hawks, and such others, where their church
was forty years ago, inasmuch as for forty years ago,
and more, within the country of Norfolk and Suffolk,
was then found such plenty of persons of the same pro-
fession and the like doctrine which we now profess.
And thus much for the number of these persons.
Now as touching their articles which they maintained
and defended :
Concerning the articles, many of them either were
falsely objected against them , or not truly reported, accord-
ing to the common manner of these adversaries. The
notaries reported them erroneously, either mistaking thut
which they said, or misunderstanding that which tl)ey
meant, especially in these two articles concerning bap-
tism and paying of tithes. For, when speaking agninst
the ceremonial and superfluous traditions then used in
baptism, as salt, oil, spittle, taper, light, chrisomes, ex-
orcising of the water, with such other, they accounted
A.D. 1424—1428.] ARTICLES OBJECTED AGAINST WILLIAM WHITE AND OTHERS. 341
them as no material thing in the holy institution of bap-
tism, the notaries slanderously depraving this assertion,
to make it more odious to the ears of the people, so
gave out the article, as if they held that the sacrament
of baptism used in the church by water is but a light
matter and of small effect.
Again, in speaking against women christening new-
born infants in private houses, against the opinion of
such as think children damned who depart before they
come to their baptism, they are falsely reported, as if
they said, that christian people are sufficiently baptized
in the blood of Christ, and need no water, and that in-
fants are sufficiently baptized, if their parents be bap-
tized before them.
Moreover they thought, or said, perhaps, that in cer-
tain cases tithes might be withheld from wicked priests
sometimes, and be conferred to better uses to the bene-
fits of the poor : therefore they are falsely slandered, as
saying and affirming, that no tithes were to be given to
the ministers and curates of the churches.
And likewise for matrimony, wherein they are re-
ported to hold and affirm, as if it consisted only in the
mutual consent betwixt the man and the woman, need-
ing no other solemnizing in the public church, and all
because they denied it to be a sacrament. Other arti-
cles were objected against them, as these which here-
after follow : —
That auricular confession is not to be made to a priest,
but to God only ; because no priest has any power to
absolve a sinner from his sin.
That no priest has power to make the body of Christ
in the sacrament of the altar ; but that, after the sacra-
mental words, there remains pure material bread as
before.
That every true christian man is a priest to God.
That no man is bound under pain of damnation to
observe Lent, or any other days prohibited by the church
of Rome.
That the pope is antichrist, and his prelates the dis-
ciples of antichrist, and the pope has no power to bind
and loose upon earth.
That it is lawful for every christian to do any bodily
work (sin only except) upon holy days.
That it is lawful for priests to have wives.
That excommunications and ecclesiastical censures
given out by the prelates, are not to be regarded.
It is not lawful to swear in private cases.
That men ought not to go on pilgrimages.
That there is no honour to be given to the images of
the crucifix, of our lady, or any other saint.
That the holy water, hallowed in the church by the
priest, is not holier or of more virtue than other running
or well-water, because the Lord blessed all waters in
their first creation.
That the death of Tliomas Becket was neither holy
nor meritorious.
That the relics, as dead men's bones, ought not to be
worshipped or digged out of their graves, or set up in
shrines.
That prayers made in all places are acceptable unto
God.
That men ought not to pray to any saint, but only to
God.
That the bellis and ringing in the church was ordained
for no other purpose, but to fill the priests' purses.
That it is no sin to withstand the ecclesiastical
precepts.
That the catholic church is only the congregation of
elect.
These were the articles which were generally objected
against them all, wherein they did so agree in one imi-
form faith, that whatever one held, all the others main-
tained and held the same. By which their consent and
doctrine it appears, that they all received it of some one
instructor, who was William White, who being a scho-
lar and follower of John Wickliff, resorted afterwards
into this country of Norfolk, and there instructed these
men in the light of the gospel. Now it remains to speak
of their troubles, how they were handled, beginning with
William White.
William White, Priest.
This William White, being a follower of John Wick-
liff, and a priest, not after the common sort of priests,
but rather reputed amongst the number of them of
whom the wise man speaketh, " He was as the morning
star in the midst of a cloud," &c. This man was well-
learned, upright, and a well-spoken priest. He gave
over his priesthood and benefice, and took him a godly
young woman to his wife, notwithstanding he did not
therefore cease from his former office and duty, but
continually laboured to the glory and praise of the
spouse of Christ, by reading, writing, preaching. The
principal points of his doctrine were these, which he
was forced to recant at Canterbury.
That men should seek for the forgiveness of their sins
only at the hands of God.
That the wicked living of the pope, and his holiness,
is nothing else but a devilish estate and heavy yoke of
antichrist, and therefore he is an enemy unto Christ's
truth.
That men ought not to worship images, or other ido-
latrous paintings.
That men ought not to worship the holy men which
are dead.
That the Romish church is the fig-tree which the
Lord Christ hath accursed, because it hath brought
forth no fruit of the true belief.
That such as wear cowls, or be anointed or shorn, are
the lance-knights and soldiers of Lucifer ; and that they
all, because their lamps are not burning, shall be shut
out when the Lord shall come.
Upon which articles he being attached at Canterbury
under the archbishop Henry Chichesley (A. D. 1424),
there for a certain space, stoutly and manfully wit-
nessed the truth which he had preached ; but as there he lost
his courage and strength, so afterwards he became again
much stouter and stronger in Jesus Christ, and con-
fessed his own error and offence. For after this, going
into Norfolk with his wife, and there occupying himself
busily in teaching and converting the people to the true
doctrine of Christ, at the last, by the means of the
king's letters sent down for that intent and purpose, he
was apprehended and brought before William, bishop of
Norwich, by whom he was convicted and condemned of
thirty articles, and there was burned in Norwich, in the
month of September, A.D. 1424.
This William White and his wife lived much with one
Thomas Moon of Ludney. This man was of so devout
and holy life, that all the people had him in great re-
verence", and desired him to pray for them ; so that one
Margaret Wright confessed, that if any saints were to be
prayed to, she would rather pray to him than any other.
When he was come to the stake, thinking to open his
mouth to speak to tlie people, to exhort and confirm
them in the truth, one of the bishop's servants struck
him on the mouth, to force him to keep silence. And
thus this good man, receiving the crown of martyrdom,
ended this mortal life to the great sorrow and grief of
all the good men of Norfolk. His wife, following her
husband's footsteps according to her power, teaching
and sowing abroad the same doctrine, confirmed many
men in God's truth : she suffered much trouble and
punishment the same year at the hands of the bishop.
About the same time also was burned Father Abra-
ham of Colchester, and John Waddon, priest, for the like
articles.
Concerning them which abjured, how and by whom
they were examined, what depositions came in against
them, and what was the order and manner of the penance
enjoined them, here it might be set out at large ; but for
avoiding of prolixity, it shall be sufficient briefly to
touch certain of the principals, whereby the better un-
derstanding may be given to the reader, after what man-
ner and order all the other were entreated.
First, amongst those who were arrested and forced
to abjure (A.D. 1428), were Thomas Pie, and John
Mend'ham, who, being convicted upon the articles before-
mentioned, were enjoined penance in their own parish
LETTER OF THE BISHOP OF NORWICH ENJOINING PENANCE.
342
church, as by the bishop's letter directed to the dean of
Rhodenhall, and the parish priest of Aldborough, more
at large appears.
The copy of the Bishop of Norwich's Letter.
William, by the sufferance of God, bishop of Norwich,
to our well-beloved sons in Clirist, the dean of Rhoden-
hall of our diocese, and to the jjarisli priest of the parish
church of Aldborough of the same our diocese, health,
grace, and benediction. Forasmuch as we, according
to our office, lawfully proceeding to the correction and
amendment of the souls of Thomas Pie and John Mend-
ham of Aldborough, of the diocese aforesaid, because
they have held, believed and affirmed divers and many
errors and heresies, contrary to the determination of the
holy church of Rome, and the universal church and
catholic faith, have enjoined the said Thomas and John,
apjiearing before us personally, and confessing before us
judicially that they have holden, believed, and affirmed
divers and many errors and heresies, this penance
hereunder written, for their offences to be done and ful-
hlled in manner, form, and time hereunder written, ac-
cording as justice doth require, that is to say, six whip-
pings, or disciplinings about the parish church of Aldbo-
rough aforesaid, before a solemn ])rocession six several
Sundays, and three disciplinings about the market-place
of Kerelstone, of our said diocese, three principal mar-
ket days, bare neck, head, legs, and feet, their bodies
being covered only with their shirts and breeches, each
of them carrying a tajier in his hand of a pound weight, as
well round about the church, as about the market-place,
in each of the aforesaid appointed days ; which tajiers,
the last Sunday after the penance finished, we will that
the said John and Thomas do humbly and devoutly
offer unto the high altar of the parish church of Aldbo-
rough. at the time of the offertory of the high mass the
same day, and that either of them, going about the mar-
ket-place aforesaid, shall make four several pauses and
stays, and at every of those same pauses humbly and
devoutly receive at your hands three disciplinings.
Therefore we straightly charge and command you, and
either of you, jointly and severally by virtue of your obe-
dience, that every Sunday and market-day, after the
receipt of our present commandment, you do effectually
admonish and bring forth the said Thomas Pie and John
Mendham to begin and accomplish their said penance,
and so successfully to finish the same in manner and
form afore-appointed. But if they will not obey your
monitions, or, rather our commandments, in this behalf,
and begin and finish their said penance effectually, you, or
one of you, shall cite them peremptorily, that they, or
either of them, appear before us, or our commissary, in
the chapel of our palace at Norwich, the twelfth day after
the citation so made, if it be a court day, or else the
next court day following, to declare if they, or any of
them, have any cause why they should not be excom-
municated for their manifest offence in this behalf com-
mitted, according to the form and order of law, and fur-
ther to receive such punishment as justice shall provide
in that behalf. And what you have done in the pre-
mises, whether the said Thomas and John have obeyed
your admonitions, and performed the same penance or
no, we will that you, or one of you, which have received
our said commandment for the execution thereof, do dis-
tinctly certify us between this and the last day of Novem-
ber next coming. Dated at our palace of Norwich, un-
der our commissary's seal, the eighth day of October,
A.D. 1428."
This, gentle reader, was for the most part, the order
of their whole penance : however some were more
cruelly handled ; and after their penance they were ba-
nished out of the diocese, and others more straightly
used by longer imprisonment, whereof we will briefly
rehearse one or two for example.
John Beverly, alias Battild.
John Beverly alias Battild. a labourer, was attached
[Book YL
by the vicar of Southcreke, the parish priest of Water-
den, and a lawyer, and so delivered unto Master William
Barnham the bishop's commissary, who sent him to the
castle of Norwich there to be kept in irons : afterward
being brought before the commissary, and having no-
thing proved against him, he took an oath, that every
year afterward he should confess his sins once a-year to
his curate, and receive the sacrament at Easter, as other
christians did ; and for his offence was enjoined that the
Friday and Saturday next after he should fast on bread and
water, and upon the Saturday to be whipped from the
palace of Norwich, going round about by Tomblands,
and by St. Michael's church, by Cottlerew, and about
the market, having in his hand a wax candle of two-
pence, to offer to the image of the Trinity after he had
done his penance. And forsomuch as he confessed
that he had eaten flesh upon Easter-day, and was not
shriven in all Lent, nor received upon Easter-day, the
judge enjoined him that he should fast Tuesday, Wed-
nesday, and Friday in Whitsun-week, having but one
meal a-day of fish and other white meats, and after this
penance he should depart out of the diocese, and never
come there any more.
John Skilley of Flixon, Miller.
John Skilley of Flixon, miller, being apprehended and
brought before the bishop of Norwich, the fourteenth day
of March, A.D. 1428, for holding and maintaining the ar-
ticles above-written, was thereupon convicted and forced
to abjure ; and after this abjuration solemnly made, he
had a most sharp sentence of penance pronounced
against him ; that forsomuch as he was convicted by his
own confession, for holding and maintaining the articles
before-written, and for receiving certain good and godly
!nen into his house, as Sir William White, priest, and
John Wadden, whom they called famous, notorious,
and damnable heretics, and had now abjured the same,
being first absolved from the sentence of excommunica-
tion which he had incurred by means of his opinions, he
was enjoined for penance seven years' imprisonment in
the monastery of Langly, in the diocese of Norwich.
And as in times past he used upon the Fridays to eat
flesh, he was enjoined to fast on bread and water every
Friday, for the space of that seven years to come ; and
that for the space of two years next immediately after the
seven years expired, every Wednesday in the beginning
of Lent, and evexy Maundy Thursday, he should appear
before the bishop, or his successor, or commissary for
the time being, in the cathedral church of Norwich, to-
gether with the other penitents, to do open penance for
his offences.
Besides these there were others of the same company,
who in the same year were forced to similar abjuration
and penance. And so to proceed to the next year fol-
lowing, which was A.D. 1429, there ensues a great
number in the same register, who were examined, and did
penance also to the number of sixteen or seventeen. In
the number of whom was John Baker, otherwise called
Usher Tonstal, who for having a book with the Lord's
Prayer, the Ave and Creed in English, and for certain
other articles of fasting, confession, and invocation,
contrary to the determination of the Romish church, after
much vexation, was caused to abjure and sustain such
penance, as others before him had done.
The History of Margery Backsier.
Another was Margery Backster, against whom one
Joan, wife of Cliffland, was brought in by the bishop, and
compelled to depose.
First, that the said Margery Backster did inform this
deponent, that she should in no case swear, saying to
her in English : " Dame, beware of the bee, for every hee
will sting, and therefore take heed you swear not, neither
by God, neither by our lady, neither by any other saint ;
and if ye do contrary, the bee will sting your tongue and
venom your soul."
Also, this deponent being demanded by Margery,
what she did every day at church ; she answered, " That
A. D. 142S— 1430.] PERSECUTION IN NORWICH.— MARGERY BACKSTER, &c.
343
she kneeled down and said five Pater Nosters, in wor-
ship of the crucifix, and as many Ave Maries in worship
of our lady." Whom Margery rebuked, saying, "You do
evil to kneel or pray to such images in the churches, for
God dwelleth not in such churches, neither shall come
down out of heaven, and will give you no more reward
for such prayer, than a candle lighted, and set under tl-.e
cover of tiie font, will give light by night to those which
are in the church." Saying, moreover, in English ;
** Ignorant workmen hew and form such crosses and
images, and after that, ignorant painters gloss them with
colours. And if you desire so much to see the true
cross of Christ, I will shew it you at home in your own
house." Which tliis deponent being desirous to see,
Margery, stretching out her arms abroad, said to this
deponent, " This is the true cross of Christ, and this
cross thou oughtest and mayest every day behold and
worship in thine own house, and therefore it is but vain
to run to the church to worship dead crosses and
images."
Also, this deponent being asked by Margery how she
believed touching the sacrament of the altar, said, " That
she believed tlie sacrament of the altar, after the conse-
cration, to be the very body of Christ in form of bread."
To whom Margery said, " Your belief is wrong ; for if
every such sacrament were God, and the very body of
Christ, there would be an infinite number of gods, be-
cause that a thousand priests and more do every day
make a thousand such gods, and afterwards eat them.
And therefore know for certainty, that by the grace of
God it shall never be my God, because it is falsely and
deceitfully ordained by the priests in the church, to in-
duce the simple people to idolatry ; for it is only mate-
rial bread."
Moreover Margery said to this deponent, " That
Thomas of Canterbury, whom the people called St.
Thomas, was a false traitor, and damned in hell, because
he injuriously endowed the churches with possessions,
and raised up many heresies in the church, which seduce
the simple people ; and therefore if God be blessed,
Thomas is accursed ; and those false priests that say that
he suffered his death patiently before the altar, do lie ;
for as a cowardly traitor he was slain in the church door,
as he was flying away."
Moreover, this deponent saith, that Margery told her
that the cursed pope, cardinals, archbishop, and bishops,
and especially the bishop of Norwich and others that
support and maintain heresies and idolatry, reigning
and ruling over the people, shall shortly have the very
same or worse mischief fall upon them, than that cursed
man Thomas of Canterbury had. For they falsely and
cursedly deceive the people, to extort money from the
simple folk to sustain their pride, riot and idleness. And
know assuredly that the vengeance of God will speedily
come upon them, who have most cruelly slain the chil-
dren of God, father Abraham, and William White, a true
preacher of the law of God, and John Wadden, with
many other godly men ; which vengeance had come upon
the said Caiaphas, the bishop of Norwich and his minis-
ters, who are members of the devil, before this time, if the
pojie had not sent over these false pardons to those parties,
which the said Caiaphas had falsely obtained, to induce
the people to make procession for the state of them and
of the church. Which pardons brought the simple
people to cursed idolatry.
Also Margery said to this deponent, that every faithful
man and woman is not bound to fast in Lent, or other
days appointed for fasting by the church, and that every
man may lawfully eat flesh and all other meats upon
those days and times : and that it were better to eat the
fragments left upon Thursday at night on the fasting
days, than to go to the market to bring themselves in
debt to buy fish : and that Pope Silvester made the
Lent.
Also Margery said to this deponent, that William
White was falsely condemned for an heretic, and that he
was a good and holy man, and that he desired her to
follow him to the place of execution, where she saw that
when he would have opened his mouth to speak to the
(leople to instruct thetu, but a devil, one of Bishop
Caiaphas's servants, struck him on the lips, and stopped
his mouth, that he could in no case declare the will of
God.
This deponent saith, that Margery taught her that she
should not go on pilgrimage, neither to our lady of Wal-
singham, nor to any other saint or place.
Also this deponent saith, that Margery desired her
that she and Joan her maid would come secretly in the
night to her chamber, and there she should hear her
husband read the law of Christ to them ; which law wa«
written in a book that her husband was wont to read to
her by night, and that her husband is well learned in the
christian verity.
Tliat Margery said to this deponent, that the people
worshijiped devils which fell from heaven with Lucifer,
which devils in their fall to the earth, entered into
the images which stand in the churches, and have long
lurked and dwelled in them ; so that the people, wor-
shipping those imagesjcommit idolatry.
Slie said also to this deponent, that holy bread and
holy water were but trifles of no effect or force, and that
the bells are to be cast out of the church, and that they
are excommunicated which first ordained them.
Moreover, that she should not be burned, although
she were convicted of Lollardy, for that she had a charter
of salvation in her body.
Also the said deponent saith, that Agnes Berthem her
servant, being sent to the house of the said Margery the
Saturday after Ash-Wednesday, the said Margery not
being within, found a brass pot standing over the fire,
with a piece of bacon and oatmeal seething in it, as the
said Agnes reported to this deponent.
There were also, besides this deponent, others sworn
and examined against the said Margery, as John Grim-
ley and Agnes Berthem, servants to William Clifland,
who altogether confirmed the former depositions.
Thus much we have thought good to note as concern-
ing Margery Backster. But what became of her after
this her accusation, because we find no mention made in
the registers, we are not able to declare.
The same year also were the like depositions made by
one William Wright against divers good men, as here
foUoweth.
First, this deponent saith, that William Taylor told
John Piry of Ludney, in the house of John Bungay of
Beghton, in the presence of John Bungay, Robert
Grigges, wright of Martham, and John Usher, that all
the good men of Martham who were favourers and
helpers to that good man William White, are evil trou-
bled now-a-days, and that William White was a good
and holy doctor ; and that the best doctor after him was
William Everden, who wrought with WiUiam Taylor of
Ludney, for the space of one month, and that the first
Sunday of the month, William Everden did sit all day
upon the table at work, saying to William Taylor, that
he would not go to church to shew himself a scribe or a
pharisee ; and the second Sunday he put on gentleman's
apparel, and went to Norwich to hearken how the bishop
and his ministers used the poor christians there in
prison.
Also the said William Wright deposed, that William
Taylor of Ludney was one of the sect, and went to Lon-
don with Sir Hugh Pie, and had conversation oftentimes
with Sir William White, having often conference upon
the Lollards' doctrine.
Also that Anise, wife of Thomas Moon, is of the same
sect, and favoured them, and receives them often, and
also the daughter of Thomas Moon is partly of the same
sect, and can read English.
Also that Richard Fletcher of Beckles is a most per-
fect doctor in that sect, and can very well and perfectly
expound the holy scriptures, and has a book of the nevf
law in English, which was Sir Hugh Pie's first.
Also that Nicholas Belward, son of John Belward,
dwelling in the parish of Southelem, is one of the same
sect, and has a new testament which he bought at Lon-
don for four marks and forty pence, and taught the said
William Wright and Margery his wife, and wrought with
them continually by the space of one year, and studied
diligently upon the New Testament.
m
PERSECUTION IN NORWICH.— EX.VMINATION OF NICOLAS, CANON. [Boox VI.
That Thomas Gremner, turner, of Dychingliam, is
perfect ill that sect and law.
John Clark the younger, of Bergh, had the bedding
and apparel of William Everden in his custody, after the
return of William WTiite from Bergh, and is of the same
sect.
Also William Bate, tailor, of Sething, and his wife,
nnd his son, who can read English very well, are of the
same sect.
Also William Skirving of Sething, received Joan the
wife of William White into his house, being brought
thither by William Everden, after their departure from
Martliain.
Also William Osbourn of Sething, John Reve, glover,
and Bavvdwin Cooper of Beckles, are of the same sect.
Al.-^o John Pert, late servant of Thomas Moon, is of
the same sect, and can read well, and did read in the
presence of William White, and was the first that
brought Sir Hugh Pie into the company of the Lollards,
who assembled oftentimes together at the house of
Thomas Moon, and there conferred upon their doctrine.
Also Sir Hugh Pie bequeathed to Alice, servant to
William W^hite, a New Testament, which they then
called the book of the new law, and was in the custody
of Oswald Godfrey of Colchester.
John Perker, mercer, of a village by Ipswich, is a
famous doctor of that sect. Also he said, that father
Abraham of Colchester is a good man.
Also the said William Wright deposes, that it is read
in the prophecies amongst the Lollards, that the sect of
the Lollards shall be in a manner destroyed ; notwith-
standing at length the Lollards shall prevail and have the
victory against all their enemies.
Also he said that Tucke knows aU of that sect in
Suffolk, Norfolk, and Essex.
Besides these, there were many others the same year,
whose names being before expressed in the table of
Norfolk men, here for brevity's sake we omit to treat
of, passing over to the next year, which was 1430.
[Ex Regist. Norw.]
John Burrel, servant to Thomas Moon of Ludney, in
the diocese of Norwich, was apprehended and arrested
for heresy, the ninth day of September, in this year
(A.D. 1430,) and examined by Mr. William Bernham,
the bishop's commissary, upon the articles before men-
tioned, and others.
That the catholic church is the soul of every good
christian man.
That no man is bound to fast in Lent or other fast-
ing days appointed by the church, for they were not ap-
pointed by God, but ordained by the priests ; and that
every man may eat flesh or fish upon the same days
indifferently, according to his own will, and every Friday
is a free day to eat both flesh and fish indifferently.
That pilgrimage ought not to be made, but only to the
poor.
That it is not lawful to swear, but in case of life and
death.
That masses and prayers for the dead are but vain ;
for the souls of the dead are either in heaven or hell :
and there is none other place of purgatory but this
world. Upon which articles he being convicted, was
forced to abjure, and suffered a similar penance as the
others before had done.
Thomas Moon of Ludney was apprehended and at-
tached for suspicion of heresy, against whom were ob-
jected by the bishop the articles before written, but
especially this article, that he had familiarity and com-
munication with several heretics, and had received, com-
forted, supported, and maintained several of them, as
Sir William White, Sir Hugh Pie, Thomas Pet, and
William Callis, priests, with many more ; upon which
articles he being convicted before the bishop was forced
to abjure, and received the penance, in like manner as
before.
In like manner, Robert Grigges of Martham was
brought before the bishop the seventeenth day of Fe-
bruary, in the year aforesaid, for holding and affirming
the aforesaid articles, but especially these hereafter
following.
That the sacrament of confirmation, ministered by the-
bishop did avail nothing to salvation.
Thit it was no sin to withstand the ordinances of the
church of Rome.
That holy bread and holy water were but trifles, and
that the bread and water were the worse for the conjura-
tions and characters which the priests made over thijiu.
Upon which articles he being convicted, was forced to
abjure, and received penance in manner and form as the
others had done before him.
The like also (though somewhat more sharp') happened
unto John Finch of Colchester, the twentieth day of Sep.
tember, who although he was of the diocese of London,
being suspected of heresy, was attached in Ipswich in
tlie diocese of Norwich, and brought before the bishop
there, before whom he being convicted of the articles, as
all the others before him, was enjoined penance, three
disciplinings in solemn procession about the cathedral
church of Norwich, three several Sundays, and three
disciplinings about the market-place of Norwich, three
principal market-days, his head and neck and feet being
bare, and his body covered only with a short shirt or
vesture, having in his hand a taper of wax of a pound
weight, which, the next Sunday after his penance, he
should offer to the Trinity ; and that for the space of
three years after, every Ash-Wednesday and Maunday-
Thursday, he should appear in the cathedral church at
Norwich, before the bishop or his vicegerent, to do
open penance amongst the other penitentiaries for his
offences.
About the same time, even the same year, 1430, shortly
after the solemn coronation of King Henry VI., a certain
man named Richard Hoveden, a wool-winder, and
citizen of London, received the crown of martyrdom.
Which man when he could by no persuasions be with-
drawn or plucked back from the opinions of Wickliff, he
was by the rulers of the church condemned for heresy :
and as Fabian writes, burned hard by the Tower of
London.
Nicolas, Canon qfEyt.
Now to proceed in our account of the persecution of
Norfolk and Suffolk, we find that in the year 1431,
Nicolas, canon of Eye, was brought before the bishop of
Norwich for suspicion of heresy, with witnesses sworn to
depose against him, which witnesses appointed one Wil-
liam Christopher to speak, and he deposed as follows :
First, that on Easter-day, when all the parishioners
went about the church of Eye solemnly in procession,
as the manner was, this Nicolas Canon, as it were,
mocking and deriding the other parishioners, went
about the church the contrary way, and met the pro-
cession.
This article he confessed, and aflSrmed that he thought
he did well in so doing.
Again, Nicolas asked of Master John Colman, of Eye,
this question, " Master Colman, what think you of the
sacrament of the altar ?" Colman answered, " I think
that the sacrament of the altar is very God, and very
man, the very flesh and very blood of our Lord Jesus
Christ under the form of bread and wine." To whom
Nicolas in derision said, " Truly, if the sacrament of the
altar be very God and very man, and the very body and
blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, then very God and very
man may be put in a small space ; as when it is in the
priest's mouth. And why may not we laymen as well
eat flesh upon Fridays, and all other prohibited days, as
the priest to eat the flesh and drink the blood of our Lord
every day indifferently ?" Nicolas thought he had
spoken well in that matter.
Also, that on Corpus Christi dav, at the elevation of
high mass, when all the parishioners and strangers
kneeled down, holding up their hands, and doing rever-
ence to the sacrament, Nicolas went behind a pillar of th6
church, and turning his face from the high altar,
mocked them that did reverence to the sacrament.
,\.D. 1430—1431.] THE HISTORY OF THOMAS RHEDON, A CARMELITE FRIAR,
345
This article he also acknowledging affirmed that he be-
j lieveth himself to do well in so doing.
Also, when his mother would have him to lift up his
I right hand, and cross himself from the crafts and assaults
of the devil, when he deferred doing so, his mother took
np his right hand, and crossed him, saying, " In the
name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. Amen ;"
and then Nicolas immediately deriding his mother's
blessing, took up his right hand of his own accord, and
. blessed himself otherwise. This article Nicolas acknow-
ledged to be true.
Also, that upon AUhallows-day, in the time of eleva-
: tion of high mass, when many of the parishioners of
Eye lighted many torches, and carried them up to the
high altar, kneeling down there in reverence and honour
of the sacrament, Nicolas carrying a torch went up to the
high altar, and standing behind the priest's back, saying
mass, at the time of the elevation stood upright upon his
feet, turning his back to the priest, and his face toward
the people, and would do no reverence to the sacrament.
This article he acknowledged, affirming that he thought
he had done well in that behalf. All which articles
the bishop's commissary caused to be copied out, word
for word, and sent to Master William Worsted, prior of
the cathedral church of Norwich, and to other doctors
of divinity, that they might deliberate upon them, and
shew their minds between that and Thursday next
following. Upon which Thursday, Nicolas was again
examined upon two other articles, that he doubted whe-
ther in the sacrament of the altar were the very body of
Christ or no. This article he confessed before the com-
missary to be true.
Also, that he believed that a man ought not to confess
his sins to a priest. This article he also confessed that
i he doubted upon.
I Now remains to declare what these doctors concluded
I upon the articles ; whose answer was this.
First of all, as to the first article, they said that the ar-
ticle in tlie terms as it was propounded, is not simply an
, heresy, but an error.
Also, as to the second article, the doctors agree as in
, the first.
Also, as to the third article, they affirm that it is an heresy.
To the fourth article, they answered as to the first and
I second.
] Also, the doctors affirm the fifth article to be an heresy.
] Also, as to the sixth article, the doctors conclude, that
I if the said Nicolas, being of perfect mind and remem-
[ brance, did doubt whether the sacrament of the altar
I were the very perfect body of Christ or no, then the ar-
I tide is simply an heresy.
Upon this, the commissary declared and pronounced
I Nicolas to be an heretic, and forced him to abjure ; and
! enjoined Nicolas penance for his offences, three disci-
plinings about the cloister of the cathedral church of Nor-
; wich, before a solemn procession, bare-headed and bare-
I foot, carrying a taper of half-a-pound in his hand.
Thomas Bagley, priest.
I find in Fabian's chronicles, that in the same year
(A. D. 1431), Thomas Bagley, a priest, vicar of Mo-
nenden, beside Maiden, being a valiant disciple, and
adherent of Wickliff, was condemned by the bishops of
heresy at London, about the midst of Lent, and was
degraded and burned in Smithfield.
Paul Craw, a Bohemian.
The same year also, was Paul Craw, a Bohemian,
taken at St. Andrews, by the bishop Henry, and deli-
vered over to the secular power to be burnt, for holding
opinions contrary to the church of Rome, touching
the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, the worshipping
of saints, auricular confession, with other of WicklifTs
opinions.
The History of Thomas Rhedon, a Frenchman, and a Car-
melite Friar, burnt in Italy for the profession of Christ.
We have before declared how this cruel storm of per-
I secution, which first began in England after it had long
raged here against many good and godly men, brake out
and passed into Bohemia, and after a short time, in-
creasing by little and little, invaded Scotland, and now,
with greater force and violence, this furious devouring
flame entered Italy, and suffered not any part of the
world to be free from the murder and slaughter of good
and godly men. It happened about this time that one
Thomas Rhedon, a Carmelite friar, came with the Ve-
netian ambassadors into Italy. This man, although he
was a Carmelite, yet understood theword of God, judging
that God ought not to be worshipped neither in that
mount, nor at Jerusalem only, but in spirit and truth.
This man being a true Carmelite, prepared himself to go
into Italy, trusting that he should find there some by
whose good life he might be edified and instructed. For
where ought more abundance of virtue to be, than in
that place which is counted to be the fountain of all re-
ligion ? And how could it otherwise be, but that where
so great holiness is professed, where all men's eyes are
bent as upon a stage, where St. Peter's seat is, and which
is thought to be the ruler and governor of all the church,
all things should flourish and abound worthy of so great
a place ? This holy man, having these things before his
eyes, forsook his own country, and went to Rome, con-
ceiving a firm and sure hope that, by the example of so
many notable and worthy men, he should greatly profit
in godliness and learning : but the success of the matter
utterly frustrated his hope, for all things were clean con-
trary. W^hatever 1ip. saw was nothing else but mere
dissimulation and hypocrisy. Instead of heavenly
gifts, there reigned among them the pomp and pride of
the world : in place of godliness, riot : instead of learn-
ing and study, slothfulness and superstition. Tyranny
and haughtiness of mind had possessed the place of
apostolic simplicity : that now there remained no more
any place or liberty for a man to learn that which he
knew not, or to teach that which he perfectly understood.
Finally, all things were reversed — all things happened
contrary to his expectation. But nothing so much of-
fended this good man's mind, as the intolerable ambition
and pompous pride in them, whom an example of hu-
mility should especially commend and praise to the
whole world. And, although he saw nothing which ac-
corded with the rule of the apostles, yet these things so
much passed all measure and patience, that he could by
no means refrain his tongue in so much abuse and cor-
ruption of the church, seeing such ambitious pride in
their buildings, apparel, in their palaces, in their dainty
fare, in their great trains of servants, in their horse and
armour, and finally in all things. Which things, so far
as they differed from the prescribed rule of the gospel,
so much the more was this good man forced to speak ;
although he well understood how little he should prevail
by speaking : for if admonition would profit any thing at
all, the books of Wickliff, and others were not wanting.
The famous testimonies of John Huss, and of Jerome of
Prague, and their blood shed for the same, was yet pre-
sent before their eyes : at whose most effectual exhorta-
tions, they were so little corrected and- amended, that
they seemed twice more cruel than they were before.
Yet all this could not terrify this good man. So by this
means, he who came to be a scholar to others, was now
forced to be their teacher : and he who determined to
follow other men's lives and manners, had now, on the
other hand, set before them his life to be marked and
followed. For he lived so among them, that his life
might be a rule to them all, and so taught, as he might
also be their schoolmaster. For even as Paul had fore-
shewn to such as desired to live godly in Christ, that
they should suffer persecution, such reward happened to
this man. He gave to them the fruit of godliness,
which they should follow : they again set upon his head
the diadem of martyrdom. He shewed them the way of
salvation ; and they for the benefit of life, rewarded him
with death : and whereas no rewards had been worthy of
his great labours and troubles, they with most extreme
ignominy persecuted him even unto the fire. For when
by continual preaching he had gotten great envy and
hatred, the rulers began to consult together by what
346
THE HISTORY OF THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.
[Book VI.
means they might circumvent this man's life. Here
they had recourse to their accustomed remedies : for it
was a peculiar and continual custom among the prelates
of the church, that if any man did displease them, or
that liis talk was not according to their mind, or by any
means hurtful, or a hindrance to their lucre and gain, by
and by they frame out articles of some heresy, which
they charge' him withal. And like as every living thing
has his peculiar and proper weapon to defend himself
from harm, as nature hath armed the boar with his
tusks, the hedgehog with his prickles, as the lion is feared
for his claws, the dog for his biting, the bull fights
with his horns, neither doth the ass lack his hoofs to
strike withal ; even so this is the only armour of the
bishops, to strangle a man with heresy, if he once go
about to mutter against their will and ambition ; which
thing may be easily perceived and seen in this most holy
man, beside a great number of others. Who when he
began to wax grievous unto them, and could no longer
be suffered, what did they do ? .Straightways flew to
their old devices, and as they had done with Huss, and
Jerome of Prague, even so they went about to practise
against this man. They overwhelm him with suspicion,
they seek to entangle him with questions, they examine
him in judgment, they compile articles against him, and
lay heresy to his charge, they condemn him as an here-
tic, and l)eing so condemned, they destroy and kill him !
This was their godliness : this was the peaceable order
of those Carmelites. Whose religion was to wear no
sword nor shield, yet they bore in their hearts malice,
rancour, vengeance, poison, craft, and deceit, sharper
than any sword. With how great care and policy is it
provided by law, that none of these clergymen should
light with sword in the streets .' when in judgment and
accusations there is no murderer who has more ready
vengeance, or that does more vilely esteem his brother's
soul than they. They shed no blood themselves, they
strike not, nor kill, but they deliver them over to others
to be slain ! What difference is there I pray you, but
that they are the authors, and the other are but the
ministers of the cruel act ? they kill no man as mur-
derers do. How then ? Although not after the same
sort, yet they do it by other means.
The articles which they falsely gathered against this
man, are affirmed by some to be these : —
That the church lacks reformation, and that it shall
be punished and reformed.
That infidels, Jews, Turks, and Moors, shall be con-
verted to Christ in the latter days.
That abominations are used at Rome.
That the unjust excommunication of the pope is not
to be feared ; and those which do not observe the same,
do not sin or offend.
But yet there lacked a minister for these articles ;
however he could not long be wanting at Rome, where
all things are to be sold, even men's souls. For this
office and ministry there was no man thought more
meet than William of Rouen, cardinal of St. Martin's in
the mount, vice-chancellor of the court of Rome. Eu-
genius at that time was pope, who had a little before
succeeded Pope Martin above mentioned. Before
which Eugenius, this godly Rhedon the Frenchman
was brought, and from thence sent unto prison. And
again after his imprisonment, and divers and sundry
grievous torments, he was brought before the judges.
The wolf sat in judgment, the lamb was accused. Why ?
Because he had troubled the spring. But here need not
many words. This good Thomas not being able to re-
sist the malice of these mighty potentates, had offended
enough, and was easily convicted and condemned to be
burned, but not before he was deprived of all such de-
grees of priesthood as he had taken.
After the death of Pope Martin, who reigned fourteen
years, Eugenius IV. succeeded, about the year A.D.
14;il. Of whom Antonius thus writes, that he was
much given to wars, as his conflicts and fighting with
the Romans may declare ; also the battles between the
Venetians and the Florentines.
This pope began first to celebrate thecouncil of Basil,
which council Martin his predecessor had before in-
tended to assemble, according to <.he direction of the
council of Constance. Eugenius, however, perceiving
afterward that this council of Basil would not favour
him and his doings, and fearing some injury, afterwards
laboured by all subtle practice to dissolve and interrupt
the council, and to translate it first from Basil to Fer-
rara, then to Florence, nearer to his own see of Rome.
Concerning which council of Basil, as we have begun
here to make mention, it will be no great digression to
discourse something more at large, so much as shall
seem sufficient or necessary to be known.
THE ORDER AND MANNER OF THE COUNCIL OF BASIL,
TVith the principal matters concluded iJterein, briefly
collected and abridged here in this present book.
In the thirty-ninth session of the council of Con-
stance, it was decreed and provided concerning such
general councils as should hereafter follow : — That the
first that should ensue, should be assembled the fifth
year after the council of Constance : that the second
should be held the seventh year after that, and so all
others to follow successively every tenth year. Where-
fore, according to this decree, there followed a general
council five years after the council of Constance, cele-
brated and held at Siene, under Pope Martin, A.D. 1424,
but it soon broke up. After which council, the term of
seven years being expired, another council was held
at Basil, A.D. 1431, which council is noted to have
been the most troublesome, and to have endured longer
than any other council before celebrated and held in the
church. This council continued almost the space of
seventeen years, wherein it was concluded, as in the
council of Constance, that the general councils were
above the pope, and both of these two councils attri.
buted to the general council the chief authority in decree-
ing, and determining, which is the reason that the oppo-
site party derogate so much from the authority of this
council.
When Pope Martin V. had appointed Julian cardinal
and deacon of St. Angelo, his legate, to celebrate and
hold a general council at Basil, for the reformation of
the church, and rooting out of heresies, within a short
space afterwards Pope Martin died. Eugenius IV. suc-
ceeded, and confirmed to Cardinal Julian the same au-
thority which his predecessor had given him. To this
council of Basil came the Emperor Sigismund, who
during his life, with his presence and authority, pro-
tected and defended the synod. After the emperor's
death, Pope Eugenius altering his mind and purpose,
wished to remove the council to Bononia, and thus
check the council of Basil. And first he held an oppo-
sition council at Ferrara, and afterwards at Florence,
For, after the death of the Emperor Sigismund, there
were no princes nor noblemen that had any care or re-
gard for the council. Eugenius cited Cardinal Ju-
lian, and the fathers of the council, to Bononia, under a
great penalty. They again cited the pope, that either
he should come himself to the council, or send ambas-
sadors under the like penalty. For this cause the am-
bassadors of Albert king of the Romans, and of the
other princes of Germany, assembled together first at
Nuremburg ; and when they could determine nothing
there, they assembled again at Frankfort to ajipease the
dissension between the council and the pope : for it was
thought that the electors of the empire could best as-
semble and meet in that place : in the meantime the em-
peror's ambassadors, and the ambassadors of the elec-
tors went to Basil, and having conference with the am-
bassadors of the othe*- princes who were there, they ear-
nestly exhorted the fathers of the council, that they
would embrace the unity which they would offer. The
request of the princes was, that the fathers would tran-
s])ort the council, and go unto another place ; which was
the very thing Pope Eugenius seemed always to seek
and desire, that he might either divide the fathers of the
council, or take away their liberty.
This sacred synod, however, thought good neither to
deny the princes' request, nor to grant what Pope Euge«
A.D. 1431.]
COUNCIL OF BASIL. THE POPE DECLARED A HERETIC.
347
tiius required. During this doubt, the emperor's am-
bassadors, the bishops of Patavia and Augusta, ap-
pointed a noble and valiant baron called Conrad Wein-
sperge, by the king's command to be protector and de-
fender of the council and the fathers, liy which the
enemies perceived the emperor to be alienated from the
pope, and the fathers of the council understood his
good-will towards them, as he would not have sent them
a protector if he had not judged it a lawful council ;
neither would he have judged it a council in Basil, if he
had given credit to Pope Eugenius. But owing to a
great pestilence which began to spread there, the assem-
bly that should have been held at Frankfort was tran-
sported unto Mentz.
The assembly was very famous, for there were present
the archbishops of Mentz, Cologne, and Treves, electors
of the sacred empire, and all the ambassadors of the
other electors. The archbishop of Cologne was the chief
favourer of t^e council in this assembly, who with all his
labour and diligence went about to bring the matter
unto a good end. Rabanus, the archbishop of Treves,
shewed himself somewhat more rough. The sacred
synod also thought good to send their ambassadors, and
appointed the patriarch of Aquileia, the bishop of Vi-
cene, and the bishop of Argen ; divines, John Segovius,
and Thomas de Corcellis, with others. There was no
man there present who would name himself the ambas-
sador of Eugenius, although there were many of his
favourers and friends, both from the council, and also
out of Florence, who although they had sworn to the
contrary, yet favoured Eugenius more than the council.
But the chief Hercules of all the Eugenians was Nicolas
Cusan, a man singularly well learned, and of great ex-
perience. After several consultations, the electors of the
empire, and the ambassadors of the other princes of Ger-
many, gave command throughout their whole nation and
country, that the decrees of the council of Basil should
be received and observed.
Whilst these things were thus debated at Mentz, there
sprang a certain very doubtful question among the di-
vines who remained at Basil, whether Eugenius might
be called an heretic, who had so rebelUously contemned
the commandments of the church. They gathered
themselves together, disputing long among themselves,
some affirming, and others holding the negative part.
Upon this there arose three several opinions, some af-
firming that he was an heretic ; others, not only an
heretic, but also a relapse. The third sort would
neither grant him to be an heretic nor a relapse.
Among these divines, the chief and principal both in
learning and authority, was the bishop of Ebrun, am-
bassador of the king of Castile, and a certain Scottish
abbot, who, as two most valiant champions, subdued all
their enemies, so that all the rest either consented to
their arguments, or gave place to them, and so their de-
termination took place, and Eugenius was pronounced
both an heretic and relapse. Eight conclusions were
there determined and allowed amongst the divines, which
they called verities, a copy of which they published
j throughout all Christendom.
When the ambassadors of the council were returned
from Mentz, by the commandment of the deputies, all
the masters, and doctors, and clergy were called toge-
I ther, with all the other prelates, into the chapter of the
I great church, there openly to dispute and discuss Euge-
I nius' heresy. This disputation continued sbc days,
both forenoon and afternoon, among whom Cardinal
! Lewis, archbishop of Arelata, was appointed judge and
arbiter, who, besides many other notable virtues, was
I both valiant and constant. Nicholas Amici, who was also
a protector of the faith, a famous man among the divines
of Paris, demanded of every man what their opinion was.
John Deinletist, public notary, wrote every man's sen-
tence and judgment. The conclusions of the divines,
which were the ground and foundation of their disputa-
tion, were these here following : —
1. It is a verity of the catholic faith, that the sacred
general council hath )0wer ver the pope, or any other
prelate.
2. The pope cannot by his own authority, either dis-
solve, transport, or prorogue the general councd being
lawfully congregated, without the whole consent of the
council, and this is of like verity.
3. He who doth obstinately resist these verities, Ls
to be counted an heretic.
4. Pope Eugenius IV. hath resisted these veiities,
when at the first, by the fulness of his apostolic power,
he attempted to dissolve or to transport the council of
Basil.
."). Eugenius being admonished by the sacred council,
did recant the errors repugnant to these verities.
(). The dissolution or translation of the council, at-
tempted the second time by Eugenius, is against the
aforesaid verities, and containeth an inexcusable error
touching the faith.
7. Eugenius, in going about to dissolve and transport
the council again, is fallen into his before revoked
errors.
8. Eugenius being warned by the synod that he
should revoke the dissolution or translation the second
time attempted, after that his contumacy was declared,
persevering in his rebellion, and erecting a council at
Ferraria, shewed himself thereby obstinate.
These were the conclusions which were read in the
chapterhouse before the fathers of the council. Upon
which, when they were desired to speak their minds,
they all in a manner confirmed and allowed them.
Archbishop Panormitan, however, disputed much against
them. Also the bishop of Burgen, the king of Arra-
gon's almoner. Yet they did not oppose the first three
conclusions, but only those in which Pope Eugenius was
touched. This Panormitan, as he was subtle, so did
he subtlely dispute against the late conclusions, endea-
vouring himself to declare that Eugenius was not re-
lapsed, and he had great contention with the bishop of
Argens, John Segovius, and Francis de Fuxe, divines.
The oration of Panormitan was more praised than al-
lowed of men. Yet it wrought this effect, that after-
wards this word " relapse" was taken out of the conclu-
sions, and the word " prolapse" put in. Neither durst
Panormitan himself altogether excuse Eugenius of
heresy, but defended more the first dissolution than the
second, yet he departed not without answer, for John
Segovius, an expert divine, rising up, answered him re-
verently, as was comely for such a prelate.
Segovius could scarcely finish his oration without in-
terruption ; for Panormitan, often interrupting him,
went to confute now this, and now that reason. Where-
upon the bishop of Argens rising up, a man not only
eloquent, but also of a stout courage, assailed Panormi-
tan in his reasons and arguments, and put him from his
purpose ; yet they proceeded so far, that they did not
abstain from opprobrious taunts.
When the bishop of Argens chanced to say that the
bishop of Rome ought to be the minister of the church,
Panormitan could not suffer that : insomuch that he so
forgot himself, and his knowledge (which otherwise was
great) so failed him, that he was not ashamed to say
that the pope was lord over the church. Segovius
answered, " Mark (saith he) O Panormitan, what thou
sayest ; for this is the most honourable title of the
bishop of Rome, wherein he calleth himself the ' ser-
vant of the servants of God.' Which is gathered upon
this point, when as Christ said unto his disciples, when
they demanded of him which of them was the greatest,
you know he answered them, ' The princes of the
Gentiles have rule and dominion over them, but
amongst you it is not so,' &c. Wherein he utterly pro-
hibits lordship and dominion ; and Peter, who was the
first vicar of Christ, said, ' Feed the flock of Christ
which is committed unto you, providing for them not by
compulsion, but willingly;' and immediately after he
said, ' not as lords over God's heritage.' For if Christ, the
Son of God, came not to be ministered unto, but to
minister and to serve, how then can his vicar have any
dominion, or be called lord, as you Panormitan will
affirm ? the disciple is not above his Master, nor the
servant above his Lord. And the Lord himself gaith.
348
COUNCIL OF BASIL— GREAT CONCORD THEREIN.
[Book VI.
' Neither be ye called masters : for one is your Master,
even Christ. But he that is greatest among you shall
be your servant.'" Panormitan, being somewhat dis-
quieted with this answer, the council brake up and de-
parted.
The next day there was a general congregation, and
they returned all again to the chapterhouse after dinner,
where the archbisliop of Lyons, the king's orator, being
required to speak his mind, after he had proved Eugenius
to be a heretic, he bitterly complained of those that had
preferred such a man unto the papacy, and so moved all
their hearts who were present, that they altogether with
him bewailed the calamities of the universal church.
Then the bishop of Burgen, the ambassador of S])ain,
divided the conclusions into two parts ; some he called
general, and others personal, disputing very excellently
as to the three first conclusions, affirming, that he did in
no point doubt of them, but only, that the addition,
which made mention of the faith, seemed to be doubtful
to him. But upon this point he stayed much, to prove
that the council was above the pope. Which, after he
had sufficiently proved, both by God's law and man's
law, he taught it also by physical reason, alleging
Aristotle for witness. He said, " That in every well
ordered kingdom it ought esj)ecially to be desired, tiiat
the whole realm should be of more authority than tlie
king; which, if it happened otherwise, it should not be
called a kingdom but a tyranny : so likewise he thinks of
the church, that it ought to be of more authority than
the prince thereof; that is to say, the pope." His ora-
tion he uttered so eloquently, learned, and truly, that all
men depended on him, and desired to have him continue
his oration.
But when he entered into the other conclusions, he
seemed to have forgotten himself, and to be no more the
same man that he was ; for neither was tjiere the same
eloquence in his words, neither gravity in oration, or
cheerfulness of countenance ; so that if he could have
seen himself, he would peradventure greatly have mar-
velled at himself. Every man might well see and per-
ceive then the power and force of the truth, which mi-
nistered matter to him, so long as he spake in the de-
fence thereof. But when he began once to speak against
her, she took away even his natural eloquence from him.
After this there were long and heated debates about
the authority of councils, and about Pope Eugenius, and
about the sessions of the council, and certain conclu-
sions which were proposed, these discussions continued
for many days ; and it happened in them, even as in
warlike affairs ; for, as there, such as are most valiant
and strong, and do most worthy feats, obtain most fame,
as in the battle of Troy, Achilles and Hector were the
heroes : so in these spiritual wars and contentions, those
who most excel in learning and eloquence, and do more
than others, should be most renowned and named : for, on
the one part, Panormitan was prince and captain ; on the
other, Arelatensis : and when all was finally determined,
the protector also desired the sacred council, that none
should be suffered to bring any weapon to the session
which was to be held next day, as he was ready to en-
force the safe conduct of the emperor ; and, together
with the senate of the city, to prohibit all quarrels that
would lead to injury.
When the sixteenth day of May was come, all they
whom the session pleased assembled. The ambassa-
dors also of the princes were come together into the
quire of the church, to attempt further what they could
do ; and sending the bishop of Lubeck and Concense,
and the dean of Turnon, an excellent learned man, they
offered themselves to be present at the session, if the
deposing of Pope Eugenius would be deferred four
months. Who, when they had received a gentle answer
of Arelatensis and the other principals, returning again
to the ambassadors, they would only have the first con-
clusion decreed, and thereupon sent again to Arelatensis:
answer was made, " That the chief force did consist in
the two otfier conclusions, and that the council would
specially determine upon them. If the ambassadors
would not be present, they should understand, that the
coiiLord was broken by them, who would not observe
what they had ofTered." With wnich answer they de-
parted, and the session began to be celebrated. "There
was no prelate of Aragon present at it, neither out of
Spain, nor out of Italy, only the bishop of Grossetane,
and the abbot of Dona, who, for their constancy and
steadfast good will toward the universal church, could
not be changed from their purpose ; but of doctors and
other inferiors, there were a great number of Aragons,
and almost all the inferiors of Spain and Italy (for the
inferiors feared not the jirinces, as the bishops did), and
then the worthy stoutness of the Aragons and Castilians
appeared in the inferior sort, who would not shrink away
in the necessity of the church. Of the two other
nations there were only j)resent twenty bishops. The
rest lurked in their lodgings, professing the faith in their
hearts, but not in their mouths. Arelatensis seeing be-
forehand what would come to pass, caused prayers to be
made, and after j)rayers to Almiglity God, with tears
and lamentation, that he would send them his Holy
Spirit to aid and assist them, they were greatly com-
forted and encouraged. This congregation was famous,
and although tliere were not many bishops present, yet
all the seats were filled with the bishops, proctors, arch-
deacons, presidents, jiriors, priests, and doctors of both
laws, which were about the number of. four hundred or
more : amongst whom there was no noise, no chiding,
no opprobrious words or contention, but one exhorted
another to tiie profession of the faith, and there ap-
peared a full and whole consent of them all to defend
the church. The bishop of Massilia, a nobleman, read
the decree, which was attentively hearkened to, and not
one word interrupted. When it was ended, " Te Deum
laudamus" was sung with great joy and gladness, and so
the session dissolved, which was in number the thirty-
third session, and amongst all the preceding ones the
most quiet and peaceable.
The day following, being the 22d of May, the prince's
ambassadors, against all men's expectation, came to the
general! congregation, by so doing, at the least giving
their assent to the session before passed. In celebra-
ting which, if the fathers had erred, it had not been law-
ful for the princes and ambassadors to have held the
council with those fathers. But it was thought that
they were touched with remorse of conscience, and
even now detested and abhorred what they had done ; as
it was not hidden to the ambassadors of the empire and
France. For the bishop of Lubeck said, " That the
cause of his absence was, that he was appointed by the
emperor's commandment to treat for a peace : wherefore
it was not comely for him to be present at any business,
whereby he should be vexed or troubled, with whom the
peace should be treated." Notwithstanding, he did
much commend the session before held, and believed
the decree therein promulgated to be most good and
holy, and the verities therein contained to be un-
doubted; and said, " That he would stick thereto both
now and ever, even to the death." But the bishop of
Tournon, a man both learned and eloquent, speaking for
him ^d his fellows, said, " That he heard how they
were evil spoken of, in that they had not honoured their
king in that most sacred session, whom it becomes
specially to exalt and defend the faith ; who also for that
cause above all other kings was named mott christian,
notwithstanding," he said, " that they had a lawful ex-
cuse, in that it was convenient that they, who were sent
to treat peace, should do nothing whereby their ambas-
sage should be stopped or hindered."
After the bishop of Tournon had made an end, Cardi-
nal Arelatensis gave thanks unto God, who had so de-
fended his church, and after great storms and clouds had
sent fair and clear weather ; and commending the good
will of the emperor and the king of France toward the
church, he also praised the bishops of Lubeck, and Tour-
non, for that often in the council, and also of late at
Mentz, they had defended the authority of the council.
But especially he commended their present doings, that
they had openly confessed the truth, and had not sepa-
rated themselves from the faith of the church.
Afterward, entering into the declaration of the matter,
he said, that he was at Pisa and at Constance, and
A.D. 1431—1439.] COUNCIL OF BASIL.— A TERRIBLE PESTILENCE IN THE CITY.
349
never saw a more quiet or devout session than this ;
affirming that tliis decree was most necessary, to repress
the ambition of the bishops of Rome, who. exalting
themselves above the universal church, thought it lawful
to do all things after their own pleasure, and also affirm-
in"' that no one man should transport the council from
one place to another, as Eugenius attemi>ted to do, now
to Bononia, now to Florentia, then again to Bononia,
after to Ferrara, and after that again to Florentia ; and
that hereafter the bishops should withdraw their minds
from the carefulness of temporal goods ; and therefore
by how much this session was most holy and necessary, by
so much more the assent of the am))assadors was most
laudable and acceptable to all the fathers. These words thus
spoken, he rose up, and the congregation was dissolved.
Now after Pope Eugenius was deposed from the
bishopric of Rome, the principal fathers of the council,
being called together in the chapter-house of the
great church, consulted together, whether it were
expedient that a new bishop should be created at
once, or deferred for a time. Such as thought good
that the election should be done with speed, shewed
how dangerous a thing it was for such a congregation to
be without a head ; also what a pestiferous sickness was
in all the city, which not only consumed young men and
children, but also men of middle age, and old men in
like manner ; and that this plague came first by strangers
to the poor of the city, and so infected the rich, and now
was come to the fathers of the council ; exaggerating
and making the thing worse than it was. The other
party which thought that there should be a delay, said,
that the council wanted no head, for Christ was the head
thereof ; neither did lack a ruler, for it was governed by
the presidents and other officers ; and that no mention
should be made of any pestilence in such case, seeing
that to stout and strong men, death is not to be feared,
neither can any thing daunt or fear them who contend
for the christian faith. The matter being thus dis-
cussed amongst them (although there were as many
minds as there were mn), yet it seemed to them all,
that it was most profitable to choose the bishop by and
by, but most honest to defer it.
Hereupon John Segovius, a man of excellent learning,
said, " Most reverend fathers, I am drawn by various
reasons to this side and to that. But as I weigh the
matter more deeply in my mind, this is my opinion, that
to come to a speedy election seems good, to speak after
man's judgment ; but to delay it for two months, to
speak after God's judgment, seems much better. I
judge that not only the words, but also the meaning of
our decree, ought to be observed. Wherefore, if ye will
give any credit to me, follow rather dangerous honesty,
than secure utility ; although indeed utility cannot be
discerned from honesty." "This opinion of delay took
place among the fathers, and they determined to stay for
the space of two months.
In the mean time messengers were sent unto the
princes, to declare the deposition of Eugenius by the
synod, and publish it abroad.
During this time, the corrupt air was not at all
purged, but the mortality daily increasing, many died
and were sick. Whereupon a sudden fear came upon
the fathers. Nor were they sufficiently advised what
they ought to do ; for they thought it not to be without
danger, either to depart or tarry. However they
thought it good to tarry, that since they had over-
come famine, and the assaults of their enemies on
earth, they would not seem to shrink for the persecu-
tion of any plague. When the dog-days were come,
and that all herbs withered with heat, the pestilence
daily increased more and more, that it is incredible
how many died. It was horrible to see the corpses
hourly carried through the streets, when on every side
there was weeping, wailing and sighing. There was no
house void of mourning ; no mirth or laughter in any
place, but matrons bewailing their husbands, and the
husbands their wives. Men and women went through
the streets, and durst not speak one to another. Some
tarried at home, and others that went abroad had per-
fumes to smell, to preserve them against the plague.
The common people died without number ; and as in
the cold autumn the leaves of the trees do fall, e\en so
did the youths of the city consume and fall away. The
violence of the disease was such, that you might have met
a man merry in the street now, and within ten hours
heard that he had been buried. The number of the
dead corpses was such also, that they lacked place to
bury them in ; insomuch that all the church-yards were
digged up, and filled with dead corpses, and great holes
made in the parish churches, where a great number of
corpses being thrust in together, they covered them over
with earth. For which cause the fathers were so afraid,
that there appeared no blood in their faces ; and espe-
cially the sudden death of Lewis the prothonotary made
all men afraid, for he was a strong man, and flourishing
in age, and singularly learned in both laws, whom the
same envious and raging sickness took away in a few
hours. By and by, after died Lewis the patriarch of
Aquileia, a man of great age, and brought up always in
troubles and adversity, neither could he see the day of
the pope's election which he had long wished for. How-
ever, he took partly a consolation, in that he had seen
Eugenius deposed before his death. This man's death
was regretted by all the fathers ; for now they said, that
two pillars of the council were decayed and overthrown,
meaning the prothonotary and the patriarch, whereof the
one by the law, and the other with his deeds, defended
the verity of the council.
Likewise a great number of the registers and doctors
died ; and of such as fell into that disease, few or none
escaped. One among all the rest, ^neas Sylvius, being
stricken with this disease, by God's help escaped. This
man lay three days even at the point of death, all men
being in despair of him ; notwithstanding it pleased God
to grant him longer life. When the pestilence was most
fervent and hot, and that daily there died about one
hundred, there was great entreaty made to Cardinal Arela-
tensis, that he would go to some other town or village near
hand ; for these were the words of all his friends and
household, "What do you, most reverend father? At
the least avoid this wane of the moon and save yourself;
who being safe, all we shall also be safe ; if you die, we
all perish. If the plague oppress you, unto whom shall
we fly ? Who shall rule us ? Or who shall be the
guide of this most faithful flock .' The infection hath
already invaded your chamber. Your secretary and
chamberlain are already dead. Consider the great
danger, and save both yourself and us." But neither
the entreaty of his household, neither the corpses of those
which were dead could move him, he being willing rather
to preserve the council with peril of his life, than to save
his life with peril of the council ; for he knew, that if he
should depart, few would have tarried behind, and thai
deceit would have been wrought in his absence.
Wherefore, as in war the soldiers fear no danger,
when they see their captain in the midst of their ene-
mies : so the fathers of the council were ashamed to fly
from this pestilence, seeing their president to remain
with them in the midst of all dangers. Which utterly
subverted the opinion of them, who babbled abroad, that
the fathers tarried in Basil, to seek their own profit and
not the verity of the faith ; for there is no commodity
upon earth which men would change for their lives ; for
all such as serve the world, prefer it before all other
things. But these our fathers, shewing themselves an
invincible wall for the house of God, overcoming all dif-
ficulties, which this most cruel and pestiferous year
brought upon them, at length all desire of life also being
set apart, they overcame all dangers, and did not hesitate
with most constant minds to defend the verity of the
council, even to this present.
The time of the decree being passed, after the deposi-
tion of the pope, it seemed good to the fathers to pro-
ceed to the election of another bishop. And first ot all,
they nominated those that together with the cardinals,
should elect the pope. The first and principal of the
electors, was the Cardinal Arelatensis, a man of invinci-
ble constancy, and incomparable wisdom ; to whose vir-
tue may justly be ascribed whatever was done in the
council ; for without him, the prelates had not perse-
350 COUNCIL OF BASIL.— ELECTION OF POPE IN THE ROOM OF EUGENIUS. [Book VI.
vered in their purpose, neither could the shadow of any
prince have so defended them. Tliis man came not to
the election by any favour or denomination, but by his
own proper right. The rest of the electors were chosen
out of the Italian, French, German, and Spanish nations,
and their cells and chambers appointed to them by lots,
without respect of dignity or person, and as the lots
fell, so were they placed ; whereby it chanced a doctor
to have the highest place, and a bishop the last.
The next day after there was a session held ; Marcus a
famous divine, made an oration to the electors ; he reck-
oned up the manifold crimes of Pope Eu^^nius, who wis
deposed. He endeavoured to persuade the electors u)
choose such a man, as should in all points be contrary
to Eugenius, and eschew all his vices; that as he, through
his manifold reproaches, was hurtful to all men, so
be who should be chosen, should shew himself acceptable
to ail men.
There was so great a number of people gathered toge-
ther to behold this matter, that neither in the church,
nor in the streets, could any man pass. There was pre-
sent, John earl of Dierstein, who supplied the place of
the emperor's protector ; also the senators of the city,
■with many other noblemen, to behold the same. The
citizens were without in arms, to take care that there
should be no uproar. The electors received the commu-
nion together, and afterwards they received their oath ;
and the Cardinal Arelatensis, opening the book of de-
crees, read the form of the oath in the audience of all
men, and first of all, he taking the oath himself, began
in this manner :
" Most reverend fathers, I promise, swear, and vow
before my Lord Jesus Christ (whose most blessed body
I unworthy sinner have received, unto whom in the last
judgment, I shall give an account of all my deeds) that
in tliis business of election, whereto now by the will of
the council we are sent, I will seek nothing else, but only
tlie salvation of the christian jieople, and the profit of
the universal church. This shall be my whole care and
study, that the authority of the general councils be not
contemned, that the catholic faitli be not impugned, and
that the fatliers who remain in the council be not op-
pressed. «il'his will I seek for : this shall be my care ; to
this, with all my whole force and power, will I bend ray-
self ; neither will I respect any thing in this point,
either for mine own cause, or for any friend, but only
God, and the profit of the church. With this mind and
intent, and with this heart, will I take mine oath before
the council."
His words were lively and fearful. After him all the
other electors in their order, did swear and take their
oath : then they went with great solemnity unto the
conclave, where they remained seven days. The manner
of their election was in this sort. Before the cardinals'
seat was set a desk, whereupon there stood a bason of
silver, into the which bason all the electors did cast their
schedules ; which the cardinal receiving, read one by
one, and four other of the electors wrote as he read
them.
The tenor of the schedules was in this manner : " I
George, bishop of Vicenza, do choose such a man, or
sucii a man for bishop of Rome," and peradventure named
one or two ; every one of the electors subscribed his
name to the schedule, that he might thereby knov/ his own,
and say nay, if it were contrary to that which was spoken ;
wliercby all deceit was utterly excluded. The first scru-
tiny thus ended, it was found that there were many named
to the papacy ; yet none had sufficieiit voices, for that
day there were seventeen of different nations nominated.
Notwithstanding, Amedeus duke of Savoy, a man of sin-
gular virtue, surmounted them all ; for in the first scru-
tiny he had the voice of sixteen electors, which judged
him worthy to govern the church.
After this, tliere was a diligent incpiisition had in the
council touching those who were named of the electors,
and as every man's opinion served him, he either praised
or discommended those who were nominated. But
there was such report made of Amedeus, that in the next
scrutiny, which was held in the nones of November,
Amedeus had Iwenty-oue voices, and in the third and
fourth scrutiny, twenty-one voices. And as there was
none found in all the scrutiny to have two parts, all the
other schedules were burnt. And as there lacked but
only one voice to the election of the high bishop, they
fell to prayer, desiring God that he would vouchsafe to
direct their minds to an unity and concord, worthily to
elect and choose him who should take the charge over
the flock of God. As Amedeus seemed to be nearer
unto the papacy than all others, there was great commu-
nication had among them, touching his life and disposi-
tion. Some said that a layman ought not so suddenly
♦:o be chosen ; for it would seem a strange tiling, for a
secu.a." prince to be called to the bishopric of Rome ;
which would also too much derogate from the ecclesias-
tical state, as though there were none therein meet or
worthy for that dignity. Others said. That a man
who was married and had children, was unmeet for such
a charge. Others again affirmed, that the bishop of
Rome ought to be a doctor of law, and an excellent
learned man. "*p
When these words were spoken, others rising up,
spake far otherwise ; that although Amedeus was no
doctor, yet was he learned and wise, as all his whole
youth he had bestowed in learning and study, and liad
sought not the name, but even the ground of learning.
Then said another, " If ye be desirous to be instructed
further of this prince's life, I pray you give ear to me,
who know him thoroughly. Truly this man from liis
youth upward, and even from his young and tender
years, has lived more religiously than secularly, being
always obedient to his parents and masters, and being
always indued with the fear of God, never given to any
vanity or wantonness ; neither has there at any time
been any child of the house of Savoy, in whom lias ap-
peared greater wit or towardness ; whereby all those
who did behold and know this man, judged and foresaw
some great matter in him ; neither were they deceived.
For if ye desire to know his rule and government, what
and how noble it has been ; first, know ye this, that this
man has reigned since his father's decease, about forty
years.
" During whose time, justice, the lady and queen of
all other virtues, has always flourished: for he, hearing
his subjects himself, would never suffer the poor to be
opyiressed, or the weak to be deceived. He was the
defender of the fatherless, the advocate of the widows,
and protector of the poor. There was no rapine or
robbery in all his territory. The poor and rich lived all
under one law, neither was he burthenous to his sub-
jects, or importune against strangers throughout all bis
country ; there were no grievous exactions of money
throughout all his dominion. He thought himself rich
enough, if the inhabitants of his dominions did abound
and were rich ; knowing that it was the point of a good
shepherd to shear his sheep, and not to devour them.
In this also was his chief study and care, that his sub-
jects might live in peace, and such as bordered upon
him, might have no occasion of grudge.
" By which policies he did not only quietly govern his
father's dominions, but also augmented the same by
others, who willingly submitted themselves unto him.
He never made war upon any, but resisting against such
as made war upon him, he studied rather to make peace
than to seek any revenge, desiring rather to overcome
his enemies with benefits, than vrith the sword. He
married only one wife, who was a noble maiden, and of
singular beauty and virtue. He would have all his
family to live virtuously, and throughout all his house,
honesty and integrity of manners was observed. When
his wife had departed this life, and he perceived his
duchy to be established, and that it would come without
any controversy to his posterity, he declared his mind,
which was always religious, and dedicated to God, and
shewed what will and affection he had long borne in his
lieart. For he contemning the pomp and state of this
world, calling to him his dear friends, departed and
went into a wilderness ; where building a goodly abbey,
he addicted himself wholly to the service of God, and
taking his cross upon him, followed Christ. In which
place he being conversant by the space of many years,
A. D. 1439.] AMEDEUS, DUKE OF SAVOY, ELECTED POPE UNDER THE NAME OF FELIX V. 351
shewed forth great examples of holiness, wearing no
other garments but such as could withstand the cold,
neither using any kind of dainty fare, but only to resist
hunger, watching and praying the most part of tlie
night. Wherefore this prince is not newly come to the
church (as some suppose), but being a christian, born of
proo'enitors who have been christians a thousand years
and^more, doth now serve God in a monastery.
" But as to that which is spoken concerning a wife, I
do not regard it ; when not he only who has had a wife,
but he also who has a wife may be elected and chosen
pope. For why do the doctors dispute, whether a mar-
ried man chosen pope, ought to continue to live with
his wife, but only because a married man might be re-
ceived and chosen ? For as you know well enough,
there were many popes that had wives ; and Peter also
was not without a wife. But what do we stand about
this ? For peradventure, it had been better that more
priests had been married ; for many would be saved
through marriage, who are now damned through their
single life. But hereof we will speak in another
place. I pray you, choose this man. He will augment
the faith, he will reform manners, and preseiTe the
authority of the church. Have ye not heard these
troubles of the church to have been before spoken of,
and that the time now present should be an end of all
troubles ? Have ye not heard that about this time there
should a pope be chosen which should comfort Zion,
and set all things in peace ? And who, I pray you,
should he be that could fulfil these things except we
choose this man ? Believe me, these sayings must be
fulfilled, and I tnist that God will move your minds
thereto. Notwithstanding, do whatever you shall think
most good and holy."
WTien he had spoken these words, the greatest num-
ber of the electors seemed to consent to him, and his
words took such effect, that in the next scrutiny the
matter was finished and ended, and when the scrutiny
was opened, it was found that Amedeus, the most de-
vout duke of Savoy, according to the decree of the
council, was chosen pope. Wherefore suddenly there
was great joy and gladness among them, and all men
highly commended their doings. Then the Cardinal Arela-
tensis published the name of the elect bishop. After
this all the prelates in their pontifical robes and mitres,
and all the clergy of the city coming unto the conclave,
the electors being likewise adorned, they brought him to
the great church, where after great thanks given to God,
and the election again declared to the people, a hymn
being sung for joy, the congregation was dissolved.
This Amedeus was a man of reverend age, of comely
stature, of grave and discreet behaviour ; also before
married. Who thus being elected pope about November,
was called Felix V., and was crowned in the city of
Basil, in the month of July. There was present at his
coronation, Levris, duke of Savoy ; Philip, Earl Gebe-
nensis ; Lewis, marquis of Salutz ; the marquis of
Rotelen ; Conrad of Winsperg, chamberlain of the
empire ; the earl of Dierstein ; the ambassadors of the
cities of Strasburgh, Berne, Friburgh, Solatorn, with a
great multitude of others beside, to the number of fifty
thousand persons. At this coronation, the pope's two
sons served and ministered to their father. Lewis,
cardinal of Hostia, set on his head the pontifical dia-
dem, which was esteemed at thirty thousand crowns.
It were too long here to recite the whole order and solem-
nity of the procession of the pope's riding about the
city. First proceeded the pope under his canopy of
cloth of gold, having on his head a triple crown, and
blessing the people as he went. By him went the mar-
quis of Rotelen and Conrad of Winsperg, leading his horse
by the bridle. The procession finished, they went to
dinner, which lasted four full hours, being excessively
sumptuous ; where the pope's two sons were butlers to
his cup ; the marquis of Salutz was the steward, &c.
Of this Felix, Volaterane in his third book thus writes,
that he being asked by certain of the ambassadors, if
he had any dogs or hounds, to shew them ; he desired
them the next day to repair unto him, and he would
shew them such as he had. When the ambassadorg,
according to the appointment were come, he shewed to
them a great number of poor peojile and beggars sitting
at his tables at meat, declaring that those were his
hounds, which he every day used to feed, hunting with
them (he trusted) for the glory of heaven to come.
And thus you have heard the state of this council
hitherto, which council endured a long season, the space
of seventeen years.
About the sixth year of the council, Sigismund the
emperor died, leaving but one daughter to succeed him
in his kingdoms, whom he had married to Albert, the
second duke of Austria, who first succeeded in the
kingdoms of Hungary and Bohemia, a sore adversary to
the Boliemians, and afterwards was made emperor,
A. D. 14.'58, and reigned emperor but two years, leaving
his wife, who was Sigismund's daughter, great w^ith
child. After which Albert, his brother Frederick, the
third duke of Austria, succeeded in the empire, &c.
And having thus far proceeded in the matters of this
council, until the election of Amedeus, called pope
Felix v., before we prosecute the rest, order requires to
intermix the matters concluded between this council and
the Bohemians.
The Bohemians then were invited to Basil, where the
council was appointed ; and having, after much delay,
and some treaty, procured a safe conduct from the coun-
cil, from the princes, and from the city of Basil, they
appeared by their ambassadors, and addressed the
council.
Then Rochezanus made an oration, requiring to have
a day appointed when they should be heard, which was
appointed the sixteenth day of the same month. Upon
which day John Rochezanus, having made his preface,
began to propound the first article, touching the com-
munion to be ministered vmder both kinds, and disputed
upon the same for the space of three days always before
noon. Then Wenceslaus, the Taborite, disputed upon
the second article, touching the correction and punish-
ing of sin, for the space of two days. After whom Ulde-
ric, priest of the Orphans, propounded and disputed
upon the third article, for the space of two days, touch-
ing the free preaching of the word of God.
Last of all, Peter Pain, an Englishman, disputed three
days upon the fourth article, touching the civil dominion
of the clergy, arid afterward gave copies cf their disputa-
tions in writing to the council, with hearty thanks that
they were heard. The three last did somewhat inveigh
against the council for condemning John Huss and John
Wickliff" for their doctrine. Whereupon John de Ra-
gusso, a divine, rising up, desired that he might have
leave to answer in his own name, to the first article of
the Bohemians. The council consented, so that for the
space of eight days in the forenoon, he disputed there-
upon. But before he began to answer, John, the Abbot
of Sistertia, made an oration to the Bohemians, that
they should submit themselves to the determination of
the holy church, which this council represents. This
matter did not a little offend the Bohemians. John
Ragusinus, a divine, after scholars' fashion, in his an-
swer spake often of heresies and heretics. Procopius
could not suffer it, but rising up with an angry spirit,
complained openly to the council of this injury. " This
our countryman, (saith he,) does us great injury, calling
us oftentimes heretics." Ragusinus answered: "As I
am your countryman both by tongue and nation, I do the
more desire to reduce you again unto the church." It
came almost to this point, that through this offence the
Bohemians would depart from Basil, and could scarcely
be appeased. Certain of the Bohemians would not hear
Ragusinus finish his disputation.
After him a famous divine, one Egidius Carlerius,
dean of the church of Cambray, answered to the second
article, for the space of four days. To the third article
answered one Henry, three days together. Last of all,
one John Polomarius answered to the fourth article,
likewise for the space of three days, so that the long
time which they used in disputations seemed tedious to
the Bohemians. Notwithstanding this answer, the Bo-
hemians still defended their articles, and especially the
A A
352
COUNCIL OF BASIL.— ON THE COMMUNION.
rBooK VI.
first, insomuch as John Rochezanus did strongly im-
pugn Ragusinus's answer, for the space of six days. But
as one disputation bred another, and it was perceived
how that by this means no concord could be made ; the
Prince William, duke of Bavaria, protector of the
council, attempted another remedy, that all disputations
being set aside, the matter should be friendly debated.
There were certain appointed on either part to treat
upon the concord, who coining together the eleventh day
of March, those who were appointed for the council,
were demanded to say their minds. " It seemed good,"
said they, " if these men would be united unto us, arid
be made one body with us, that this body might then ac-
cord, and declare and determine all manner of diversities
of opinions and sects, what is to be believed or done in
them."
The Bohemians, when they had a while paused, said,
" This way seems not apt enough, except first of all
the four articles were exactly discussed, so that either
we should agree with them, or they with us : for other-
wise it would be but a frivolous matter, if they being
now united, again disagree in the deciding of the arti-
cles." Here answer was made to the Bohemians,
" That if they were rightly united, and the aid of the
Holy Ghost called for, they would not err in the decid-
ing of the matter, as every christian ought to believe
that determination, which, if they would do, it would
breed a most firm and strong concord and amity on
either part." But this answer satisfied them not, so
that the other three rose up, and disputed against the
answers which were given. At that time Cardinal
Julian, president of the council, made this oration unto
the Bohemian ambassadors.
"This sacred synod,'' said he, "has now for the
space of ten days patiently heard the propositions of
your four articles." And afterward he annexed, "You
have propounded," saith he, " four articles, but we un-
derstand that, beside these four, you have many other
strange doctrines, wherein ye dissent from us. Where-
fore it is necessary, if a perfect unity and fraternity shall
follow between us, that all these things be declared in
the council, to the end that by the grace of the Holy
Ghost, which is the author of peace and truth, due pro-
vision may be made therein. Wherefore we desire you,
that you will certify us upon these and certain other
points, what you do believe, or what credit you give to
them. But we do not require, that you should now
declare your reasons, but it shall satisfy us, if you will
answer unto every article by this word : ' We believe
or believe not.' Which if you will do (as we trust you
will) then we shall perceive that you desire that we
should conceive a good estimation of you. If there be
any thing whereof you would be certified by us, ask it
boldly, and we will give you an answer out of hand ;
for we are ready, according to the doctrine of St. Peter,
to render account unto every man which shall require it,
touching the faith which we hold." Hereto the Bohe-
mian ambassadors answered in few words, " That they
came only to propound those four articles, not in their
own name, but in the name of the whole kingdom of
Bohemia," and spake no more. Whereupon William,
the noble protector of the council, calling upon four
men on either part, treated touching the pacifying the
matter, by whose advice the council decreed to send a
famous amhassage with the Bohemian ambassadors, to
Prague, where the people should assemble upon Sunday.
But they would not receive these conditions of peace
which were offered, but made haste to depart. Where-
upon on the fourteenth day of April, there were ten
chosen out of the council, to go with the Bohemian am-
bassadors unto Prague.
After the coming of those ambassadors, much conten-
tion began to rise between the parties. First began John
Rochezanus, who speaking in the public person of the
commonalty, laboured to commend and prefer the four
verities of the Bohemians before propounded ; charging
also the prelates and priests for their slanderous and un-
deserved contumelies wherewith they did defame the
noble kingdom of Bohemia, complaining also that they
would not receive those christian verities, left and
allowed by their king. Wenceslaus, now departed.
Wherefore he required them in the behalf of the whole
nation, that they would leave off hereafter to oppress
them in such sort, that they would restore to them again
their Joseph's vesture, that is, the ornament of their
good fiime and name, whereof their brethren, their
enemies, had spoiled them, &c.
To this Polomar makes answer again, with a long and
curious oration, exhorting them to peace and unity of
the church, which, if they would embrace, all other ob.
stacles and impediments (said he) should be soon re-
moved, promising also, that this their vesture of honour
and fame should be amply restored again ; and after-
ward, if there were any doubtful matters, they might
and should be the better discussed.
But all this pleased not the Bohemians, unless they
might first have a declaration of their four articles,
which, if they might obtain, they promised then to em-
brace peace and concord. Which peace (said they) be-
gan first to be broken by themselves, in that the council
of Constance, by their unjust condemnation, burned
John Huss, and Jerome of Prague ; and also by their
cruel bulls and censures, raised up first excommunica-
tion, then war against the whole kingdom of Bohemia.
When the ambassadors saw the matter could not
otherwise be settled, they required to have those articles
delivered to them in a certain form, which they sent to
the council by three Bohemian ambassadors.
Afterward the council sent a declaration into Bohemia,
to be published by the ambassadors, which were com-
manded to report unto the Bohemians, in the name of
the council, that if they would receive the declaration of
those three articles, and the unity of the church, there
should be a means found whereby the matter touching
the fourth article, of the communion under both kinds,
should be passed with peace and quietness.
After the Bohemians had taken deliberation, they
said, " That they would give no answer before they un-
derstood what should be offered them as touching the
communion." Wherefore, it was necessary to declare
the matter, as it was written in form following : —
" In the name of God and our Saviour Jesus Christ,
upon the sacrament of whose most blessed last supper
we shall treat, that he who hath instituted this most
blessed sacrament of unity and peace, will vouchsafe to
work this effect in us, and to make us that we may be
one in the Lord Jesus our Head, and that he will sub-
vert all the subtleties of the devil, who, through his en-
vious craftiness, hath made the sacrament of peace and
unity an occasion of war and discord ; that, while chris-
tians do contend, touching the manner of communicat-
ing, they be not deprived of the fruit of communion.
This was thought good above all things to be premised,
that the general custom of the church, which your
fathers and you also in times past have observed, hath a
long time had and still useth, that they who do not con-
secrate, communicate only under the kind of bread.
Which custom being lawfully brought in by the church
and holy fathers, and now a long time observed, it is
not lawful to reject, or to change at your will and plea-
sure, without the authority of the church. Therefore, to
change the custom of the church, and to take in hand to
communicate unto the people under both kinds, without
the authority of holy church, is altogether unlawful.
For holy church, upon reasonable occasions, may grant
liberty unto the people to communicate under both
kinds. And every communion, which, being attempted
without the authority and license of the church, should
be unlawful ; when it is done with the authority of holy
church, shall be lawful, if other things prevent it not ;
because, as the apostle saith, ' He that eateth and drink -
eth unworthily, eateth and drinketh his own damnation. '
" Moreover, doctors do say, that the custom of com-
municating to the people, only under the kind of bread,
was reasonably introduced by the church and holy
fathers, for reasonable causes, specially for the avoiding
of two perils — of error and irreverence. Of error, as to
think that the one part of Christ's body were in the
bread, and the other part in the cup, which were a great
A. D. 1439.]
COUNCIL OF BASIL.- PETITIONS OF THE BOHEMIANS.
;«5
error. Of irreverence, as many things may happen, as
well on the part of the minister, as on the part of the re-
ceiver : as it is said, that it happened when a certain
priest carried the sacrament of the cup unto a sick man,
when he should have ministered, he found nothiiiG; in the
cup, being all spilt by the way, with many other such
like chances. We have heard, moreover, that it hath
often happened that the sacrament consecrated in the
cup has not been sufficient for the number of conimuni-
cants, whereby a new consecration must be made, which
ii not agreeable to the doctrine of tlie holy fathers, and
also that oftentimes they minister wine unconsecrated for
consecrated wine, which is a great peril. By this means,
when it shall be brought to pass, that if you will effec-
tually receive the unity and peace of the church in all
other things besides the use of the communion under
both kinds, conforming yourselves to the faith and order
of the universal church, you that have that use and
custom shall comraiinicate still by the authority of the
church under both kinds, and this article shall be dis-
cussed fully in the sacred council, where you shall see
what as touching this article, is to be holden as a uni-
versal verity, and is to be done for the profit and salva-
tion of the christian people, and all things being thus
thoroughly handed, then if you persevere in your desire,
and that your ambassadors do require it, the sacred
council will grant licence in the Lord to your ministers,
to communicate to the people under both kinds, that is
to say, to such as be of lawful years and discretion, and
shall reverently and devoutly require the same ; this al-
ways observed, that the ministers shall say to those
who shall communicate, that they ought firmly to be-
lieve, ' not the flesh only to be contained under the
form of bread, and the blood only under the wine, but
under each kind to be whole and perfect Christ.' "
Thus, hitherto we have declared the decree of the
council. As to the other questions, a concord and unity
was concluded and confirmed by setting to their hands.
The Bohemians jiromised to receive the peace and unity
of the church, and the declaration of the three articles.
This was done in the year 1438.
At the last the concord was confirmed by writing with
their seals at Inglavia, a city of Moravia, the fifth day
of July, in the presence of the emperor.
Certain petitions which the Bohemians put up last of all
in the sacred council of Basil, A. D. 1438, m the
month of November.
•• To the most reverend fathers in Christ, and our
most gracious lords : we the ambassadors of the king-
dom of Bohemia do most humbly and heartUy require
you that for the perpetual preservation of peace and
concord, and for the firm preservation of all things
contained in the composition, you will vouchsafe of your
clemency to give and grant uuto us all and singular our
requests here underwritten, with eflFectual execution of
the same.
" First, and above all things we desire and require
you, for the extirpation of divers dissensions and con-
troversies which will undoubtedly follow amongst our
people under the diversity of the communion, and for
the abolishing of infinite evils which we are not able to
express as we have conceived them, that you wiU gently
vouchsafe of your goodness and liberality to give, grant,
and command, unto our kingdom of Bohemia, and mar-
quisdom of Moravia, one uniform order of the commu-
nion unto all men, under both kinds, that is to say, unto
the archbishop of Prague, the bishop of Luthonus, 01-
mutz, and other prelates of the kingdom and marquis-
dom, having charge of souls, and to their vicars, and
also to their flocks and subjects, and that according to
those things which are contained in the bull of the am-
bassadors, and in the compositions made in the name of
the whole council, written in the chapter, pro firmitate,
where it is thus said, ' And all other things shall be
done, which shall be meet and necessary for the preser-
Tation of the peace and unitv.' For this done, by your
benefit the whole kingdom shall be comforted above
measure, and established in brotherly love ; whereby an
uniform subjection and obedience shall be perpetually
attributed unto the holy church.
" Also, we require and desire (as before) that for the
avoiding of all suspicion and doubtfulness of many, who
su])pose that the sacred council hfs granted the commu-
nion under both kinds to us but for a time, as neither
profitable nor wholesome, but as the writing of divorce-
ment ; that you will vouchsafe, wholesomely and speedily
to provide for our saft-ty. and with your grant in this be-
half, and with the bulls in your letters, to confirm that
chapter, together with the other pertaining to the office
of your ambassadors.
" Also, we beseech you (as before) that for the con-
firmation of obedience, and for the discipline of all the
clergy, and for the final defence and observation of all
things determined and agreed upon, and for the good
order in spiritualties, ye will vouchsafe effectually to
provide for us a good and lawful pastor, archbishops and
bishops, who shall seem to us most meet and acceptable
for our kingdom, to execute those offices and duties.
" Also, we require you that your fatherly reverences
wUI vouchsafe, for the defence of the worthy fame of the
kingdom and marquisdom, to declare and shew our inno-
cency, in that they have communicated, do, and here-
after shall communicate under both kinds ; to give out,
ordain, and direct the letters of the sacred council, in
manner and form most apt and meet for such declara-
tion, to all princes, as well secular as spiritual, cities and
commonalties, according to the compositions, and as the
lords the ambassadors are bound to us to do.
" Also, we desire you that in the discussing of the
matter for the communion under both kinds, and of the
commandment given to aU faithful, ye will not proceed
otherwise than according to the Concordatum agreed
upon in Egra : that is to say, according to the law of
God, the order of Christ, and his apostles, the general
councils, and the minds of the holy doctors, truly
grounded upon the law of God.
" Also, we desire that your fatherly reverences, con-
sidering the great affection of our people, will give us-
the desired liberty to communicate to the younger sort
the sacrament of the supper. For if this use of commu-
nicating should be taken away, which our kingdom being
godly, moved by the writings of most great and holy
doctors, and brought in by example, has received as
catholic, and exercised now a long time ; verily it would
raise \ip an intolerable offence among the people, and
their minds would be grievously vexed and troubled.
" Also, we require you (as before) that for like causes
your fatherly reverences would vouchsafe to permit, at
the least the gospels, epistles, and creed, to be sung and
read in the church in our vulgar tongue, before the
people, to move them to devotion ; for in our language
it has been used of old in the church, and likewise in
our kingdom.
" Also, we require you in the name of the said king-
dom, and of the famous university of Prague, that your
fatherly reverences would vouchsafe to shew such dili-
gence and care toward the desired reformation of that
university, that according to the manner and form of
other universities reformed by the church, prebends and
collations of certain benefices of cathedral and parish
churches may be annexed and incorporated into the said
university, that thereby it may be increased and pre-
ferred.
" Also, we desire you (as before) as heartily as we
may, and also (saving always your fatherly reverences)
require you, and by the former compositions we most
instantly admonish you; that with your whole minds and
endeavours, and with all care and study, your reverences-
will watch and seek for that long desired and most
necessary reformation of the church and christian reli-
gion, and effectually labour for the rooting out of all
public evils, as well in the head as in the members, as
you have often promised to do in our kingdom, in the
compositions, and as our fourth article, touching tiia
avoiding of all Tjublic evib exacts and requires."
^M
COUNCIL OF BASIL DISSOLVED.— EPISTLE OF yENEAS SYLVIUS.
LBooK VL
Tliere were certain answers provided by the council to
these petitions of the Bohemians, which were not de-
livered to them, but kept back, for what purpose and
intent we know not. Wherefore because we thought
thern not greatly necessary for this place, and also to
avoid prolixity, we have judged it meet to omit them.
Thus have ye heard compendiously the chief and prin-
cipal matters treated of and done in this famous council
of Basil.
Concerning the authority of this general council of
Basil, what is to be thought of it, may be learned by all
good men by the acts and fruits of it. Neither was it
doubted by any man in the beginning, so long as the pope
agreed and consented to it. But after the pope began
to draw back, many others followed, especially of the
richer sort of prelates, who had anything to lose. In
the number of those inconstant prelates was Cardinal
Julian, the first collector of this council, and vicar-
general of the pope, as by his fervent and vehement let-
ter, written to Pope Eugenius in defence of this council
appears. In it he most earnestly expostulates with Pope
Eugenius, for seeking to dissolve the council, and de-
clares many causes, why he should rather rejoice, and
give God thanks for the godly proceedings and joyful
agreement between the council and the Bohemians, and
so exhorts him with many persuasions to resort to the
council himself, and not to seek its dissolution.
In like manner ^neas Sylvius also, with his own
hand-writing, not only gave testimony to the authority
of this council, but also bestowed his labour and pains
in setting forth the whole history of it. Notwithstand-
ing Sylvius afterward being made pope, with his new
honour, altered and changed his old opinion. His
epistle, touching the commendation of the council, be-
cause it is but short, I thought here, for satisfying the
reader's mind, to insert : —
An Epistle of ^neas St/lrius to the Rector of the
University of Cologne.
" To a christian man, which will be a true christian
indeed, nothing ought to be more desired, than that the
sincerity and pureness of faith, given to us of Christ by
our forefathers, be kept of all men immaculate. And if
at any time anything be wrought or attempted against
the true doctrine of the gospel, the people ought with
one consent to provide lawful remedy, and eveiy man
to bring with him some water to quench the general
fire ; neither must we fear how we be hated or envied, so
we bring the truth. We must resist every man to his
face, whether he be Paul or Peter, if he walk not di-
rectly to the truth of the gospel. Which thing I am
glad, and so are we all, to hear that your university
has done in this council of Basil. For a certain treatise
of yours is brought here to us, wherein you reprehend
the rudeness, or rather the rashness of such, as deny the
bishop of Rome, and the consistory of his judgment,
to be subject to the general council ; and that the su-
preme tribunal seat of judgment stands in the church,
and in no one bishop. Such men as deny this, you so
confound with lively reasons and truth of the scriptures,
that they are neither able to slide away like slippery
eels, neither to cavil or bring any objection against
you."
The deposed Pope Eugenius, not acknowledging the
acts of deposition, called a council at Florence, and in
the meantime prevailed on the French king to make war
on the council of Basil. The dauphin was defeated, but
the council was at last dissolved.
As these things were doing at Basil, Pope Eugenius
brought to pass in his convocation at Florence, that
the emperor and tlie patriarch of Constantinople, with
the rest of the Greeks there present, were persuaded to
receive the sentence of the church of Rome, concerning
the proceeding of the Holy Ghost ; also to receive the
communion in unleavened bread, to admit purgatory,
and to yield themselves to the authority of the Romish
bishop. To which, however, the churches of Greece
would in no wise assent at their coming home, so that
with a public anathema they condemned all those le-
gates who had consented to these articles, that none of
them should be buried in christian burial. (A.D. 1439.)
And thus endeth the history, both of the council of 'j
Basil and of the council of Florence, also of the emperor
Sigismund, and of the schism between Pope Eugenius
and Pope FeUx, (who was induced to resign the popedom
to the successor of Eugenius,) and also of the Bohe-
mians. The Bohemians, notwithstanding all these
troubles and tumults, did right well, and were strong
enough against all their enemies, till at length through
discord, partly between the two preachers of the old
and new city of Prague, partly also through the discord
of the messengers and captains taking sides one against
the other, they made their enemies strong, and en-
feebled themselves. However they so defended the
cause of their religion, not by sword, but by argument
and disputation, that the bishop of Rome could never, nor
yet to this day remove the Taborites and city of Prague
from the communion of both kinds, nor could ever
cause them to keep the conditions, which in the be-
ginning of the council were enjoined their priests to
observe.
During this business beyond the sea, our bishops here
in England were not unoccuined. Whether it be the na-
ture of the country, or the great livings and wealthy pro-
motions of the clergy that influences them, it is certain
that in TSngland there is more burning and slaying for re-
ligion, and for all other matters more bloodsned among
us, than in any other land or nation in Christendom be-
sides. After the burning of Richard Hoveden, of Nicho-
las Canon, and of Thomas Bagley, priest, above re-
corded, whom the bishops condemned to death (A.D,
1431), not long after, about A.D. 1439, which was
the seventeenth of the reign of King Henry VI., they had
another poor man, named Richard Wiche, priest, who
was first degraded, then burnt at Tower-hill for heresy.
After the burning of this man, a convocation was,
called by Henry, archbishop of Canterbury, wherein waa
propounded among the clergy, to consult what way were'
best for the removing away the law of Premuniri facias s
for so were the hearts then of the temporalty set against'
the ecclesiastical sort, that where any vantage might be
given them by the law, they did spare nothing ; by rea-
son of which the churchmen at that time were greatly;
molested by the law of Premuniri, and by the king's
writs, and other indictments. By long consultation and
good advisement, at last this way was taken, that a peti-
tion or supplication should be drawn and presented to
the king, for the abolishing of the law of Premuniri
facias, and also for the restraining of other briefs, writs,
and indictments, which seemed then to lie heavy upon
the clergy. This bill or supplication being contrived and
exhibited by the archbishops of Canterbury and of York
to the king, when he was standing in need of a subsidy to
be collected of the clergy ; this answer was given to their
supplication, on the king's behalf ; that forsomuch as
the time of Christmas drew near, whereby he had as
yet no sufficient leisure to advise upon the matter, he
would take therein a farther pause. In the meantime,
as one tendering their quiet, he would send to all his of-
ficers and ministers within his realm, that no such brief
of Preyminiri should pass against them, or any of them,
from the said time of Christmas, till the next parliament,
A.D. 1439.
The Invention of Printing.
In following the course of years, we find this year of
our Lord, 14.')0, to be famous and memorable, for the
divine and miraculous inventing of printing. Naucle-
rius, and Wymselingus following him, refer the inven-
tion to A. D. 1440. " Others refer it to A.D. 144(;, and
1450. The first inventor is thought to be a German,
dwelling first in Strasburg, afterwards citizen of Mentz,
named John Faustus, a goldsmith. The occasion of tl.is
invention was by engraving the letters of the alphabet
in metal, then laying black ink uponthe metal, it gave
the form of letters in paper. The man being industri-
ous and active, thought to proceed further, and to trj
A.D. 1440.J
THE INVENTION OF THE ART OF PRINTING.
355
whether it would frame as well in words, and in whole
sentences, as it did in letters : and when he perceived it
did so, he acquainted one John Guttemberg, and Peter
Schafferd, binding them by their oath to keep silence
for a season. After ten years, John Guttemberg, co-
partner with Faustus, began then first to broach the
matter at Strasburg. The art, being yet but rude, in
process of time was advanced by various men of inven-
tive genius, adding more and more to the perfection of
it. In the number of whom, John Mentel, John Pruss,
Adolphus Ruschius, were great helpers. Ulricus Han,
in Latin called Gallus, first brought it to Rome.
However, whatever man was the instrument, with-
out all doubt God himself was the ord;iiner and disposer
thereof, no otherwise, than he was of the gift of tongues,
and that for a similar purpose. And well may this
gift of printing be resembled to the gift of tongues ; for
as God then spake with many tongues, and yet all that
would not turn the Jews ; so now, when the Holy Ghost
speaks to the adversaries in innumerable sorts of books,
yet they will not be converted, nor turn to the gospel.
Now to consider to what end and purpose the Lord
hath given this gift of printing to the earth, and to what
great utility and necessity it serves, is not hard to
judge.
And first, touching the time of this invention being
given to man, this is to be observed, that when the
bishop of Rome, with all the whole and full consent of the
cardinals, patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors,
lawyers, doctors, provosts, deans, archdeacons, assem-
bled together in the council of Constance, had con-
demned poor John Huss and Jerome of Prague to death
for heresy, though they were no heretics, and after they
had subdued the Bohemians and all the whole world
under the supreme authority of the Romish see ; and had
made all christian people obedient and vassals, having,
as one would say, all the world at their will, so that the
matter now was past,not only the power of all men, but the
hope also of any man to be recovered : in this very time
so dangerous and desperate, where man's power could
do no more, then the blessed wisdom and omnipotent
power of the Lord began to work for his church, not
with sword and target to subdue his exalted adversary,
but with printing, writing, and reading to convince
darkness by light, error by truth, ignorance by learning.
So that by this means of printing, the secret operation
of God has heaped upon that proud kingdom a double
confusion. For, whereas the bishop of Rome had
burned John Huss before, and Jerome of Prague, who
neither denied his transubstantiation, nor his supremacy,
nor yet his popish mass, but said mass, and heard mass
themselves, neither spake against his purgatory, nor any
other great matter of his popish doctrine, but only ex-
claimed against his excessive and pompous pride, his
unchristian or rather antichristian abomination of life :
thus while he could not abide his wickedness of life
.|& be touched, but made it heresy, or, at least matter of
death, whatever was spoken against his detestable conver-
sation and manners, God of his secret judgment, seeing
time to help his church, has found a way by this art of
printing, not only to confound his life and conversation,
which before he could not abide to be toi'ched, but also
to cast down the foundation of his sfai^ding, that is, to
examine, confute, and detect his toost detestable doc-
. trine, laws, and institutions in such sort, that though his
life were never so pure, yet his doctrine standing as it
does, no man is so blind but he may see, that either the
pope is antichrist, or else that antichrist is near cousin
to the pope ; and all this does and will hereafter more
and more appear by printing.
The reason whereof is this : Hereby tongues are
known, knowledge grows, judgment increases, books
are dispersed, the scripture is seen, the doctors are read,
histories opened, times compared, truth discerned, false-
hood detected, and all, as I said, through the benefit of
printing. Wherefore, I suppose, that either the pope
must abolish printing, or he must seek a new world to
reign over ; for else, as this world stands, printing
doubtless will abolish him. But the pope, and all his
college of cardinals, must understand this, that through
the light of printing the world begins now to have eyes
to see, and heads to judge : he cannot walk so invisible
in a net, but he will be spied. And although through
might he stopped the mouth of John Huss before, and of
Jerome, that they might not preach, thinking to make
his kingdom sure ; yet, instead of John Huss and others,
God hath opened the press to preach, whose voice the
pope is never able to stop with all the puissance of his
triple crown. By this printing, as by the gift of tongues,
and as by the singular organ of the Holy Ghost, the
doctrine of the gospel sounds to all nations and coun-
tries under heaven, and what God reveals to one man, is
dispersed to many, and what is known in one nation is
opened to all.
The first and best were for the bishop of Rome, by the
benefit of printing, to learn and know the truth. If he
will not, let him well understand that printing is not set
up for nought. To strive against the stream will not
avail. What the pope has lost, since printing and the
press began to preach, let him cast his counters. First,
when Erasmus wrote, and Frobenius printed, what a
blow thereby was given to all friars and monks in the
world ? And who sees not that the pen of Luther fol-
lowing after Erasmus, and set forward by printing, has
set the triple crown so awry on the pope's head, that it
is like never to be set straight again .'
Briefly, if there were no demonstration to lead, yet by
this one argument of printing, the bishop of Rome might
understand the counsel and purpose of the Lord to work
against him, having provided such a way in earth, that
almost as many printing presses as there be in the world,
so many bulwarks there are against the high castle of
St. Angelo, so that either the pope must abolish know-
ledge and printing, or printing at length will root him
out. As nothing made the pope strong in time past
but lack of knowledge and ignorance of simple chris-
tians : so contrariwise, now nothing debilitates and
shakes the high spire of his papacy so much as reading,
preaching, knowledge and judgment, that is to say, the
fruit of printing ; whereof some experience we see al-
ready, and more is likely (by the Lord's blessing) to fol-
low. For although, through outward force and violent
cruelty tongues dare not speak, yet the hearts of men
daily, no doubt, are instructed through the benefit of
printing. And though the pope hath now by cruelty,
and in times past by ignorance, had all under his posses-
sion ; yet neither must he think, that violence will al-
ways continue, neither must he hope for that now which
he had then. In former days books were scarce, and o)
such excessive price that few could attain to the buying,
and still fewer to the reading and studying of them,
which books now by the means of this art, are made acces-
sible to all men. Ye heard before how Nicholas Belward
bought a New Testament in those days for four marka
and forty pence, whereas now the same price will well
serve forty persons with so many books 1
Moreover, it was before noted and declared by the
testimony of Armachanus, how for defect of books and
good authors, both universities were decayed and good
men kept in ignorance, while begging friars, scraping all
the wealth from other priests, heaped up all books that
could be gotten, into their own libraries, where either
they did not diligently apply them, or else did not
rightly use them, or at least kept them from such as
more fruitfully would have perused them. Wherefore
Almighty God of his merciful Providence, seeing both
what lacked in the church, and how also to remedy the
same, for the advancement of his glory, gave the under-
standing of this excellent art or science of printing,
whereby three singular benefits at one time came to
the world. First, the price of all books is diminished.
Secondly, the speedy help of reading furthered. And
thirdly, the plenty of all good authors enlarged.
By reason of which, as printing of books ministered
matter of reading, so reading brought learning, learning
shewed light, by the brightness of which blind ignorance
was suppressed, error detected, and finally God's ^ory
with truth of his word advanced.
35 fJ
THE LOSING OF CONSTANTINOPLE.— HISTORY OF REYNOLD PEACOCK. [Book VI.
The lamentable losing of Constantinople.
A.D. 14o:i, Constantinus Paleologus, being emperor
of Constantinople, on the twenty-nintjj day of May, the
great city of Constantinople was taken by the Turk
Mahomet, after a siege of fifty-four days, which siege
began in the beginning of April. Within the city, be-
side the citizens, there were only six thousand rescuers of
the Greeks ; alid three thousand of the Venetians and
Genoese. Against these Mahomet brought an army of
four hundred thousand, collected out of the countries and
places adjoining near about, as out of Grecia, lUyrica,
Wallaohia, Dardanis, Triballis, Bulgaria, out of Bithynia,
Galatia, Lydia, Sicily, and such other, which places had
the name yet of Christians. Thus one neighbour for
lucre's sake helped to destroy another.
Tiie city was compassed by the Turks both by the sea
and land. Mahomet, the Turk, divided his army into
three sundry parts, which in three parts of the city so
beat the walls and brake them down, that they attempted
by the breaches thereof to enter the city. But the va-
liantness of the christians therein won much commenda-
tion, whose duke was called John Justinian of Genoa.
But as the assaults were great, and the number of the
christian soldiers daily decreased, fighting both at the
walls and at the haven against such a multitude of the
Turks, they were not able long to hold out. Beside the
armies which lay battering at tlie walls, the Turk had
upon the sea his navy of two hundred and fifty sail, lying
upon the haven of the city, reaching from the one side of
the haven's mouth to the other, as if abridge should be
made from the one bank to the otiier. Which haven by
the citizens was barred with iron chains, whereby the
Turks were kept out a certain space. Against which
navy there were seven ships of Genoa within the haven,
and three of Crete, and certain of Chios, which stood
against them. Also the soldiers issuing out of the city,
as occasion would serve, did manfully withstand them,
and with wild-fire set their ships on fire, that a certain
ejiace they could serve to uo use. At length the chains
being broken, and a way made, the Turk's navy entered
the haven, and assaulted the city, whereby the Turk began
to conceive great hope, and was in forwardness to obtain
the city. The assault and skirmish then waxing more
hot, Mahomet the tyrant stood by upon a hill, with his
warriors about him, crying and howling out to them
to scale the walls and enter the town, otherwise, if any
recoiled, he threatened to kill them, and so he did.
M'^herefore a great number of his soldiers, in their re-
pulse and retreat, were slain by the Turk's men, being
sent by his commandment to slay them, and so they
were justly served, and well paid their hire.
Although this was some comfort to the christians to
see and behold out of the city the Turk's retinue so con-
sumed, yet that hope lasted not long. Shortly after by
the rage of war, it happened that one Justinian, the duke
above-named, was wounded ; who, notwithstanding that
he was earnestly desired by Paleologus the emperor, not
to leave the tower which he had to keep, seeing his wound
was not deadly dangerous ; yet could he not be entreated
to tarry, but left his standing and his fort undefended,
setting none in his place to guard the same. And so
this doughty duke hurt more with his false heart than
with force of weapon, gave over and fled to Chio, where
shortly after for sorrow, rather than for soreness of his
wound, he died. Many of his soldiers, seeing their
captain flee, followed after, leaving their fort utterly de-
stitute without defence. The Turks, understanding that
vantage, soon burst into the city. The Emperor Paleo-
logus, seeing no other way but to fly, making toward the
gate, either was slain, or else trodden down with the
multitude. In the which gate, eight hundred dead
men's bodies were found and taken up.
The city of Constantinople thus being got, the Turks
sacking and ranging about the streets, houses, and
corners, did put to the sword most unmercifully whom-
soever they found, both aged and young, matrons,
maidens, children, and infants, sparing none ; the noble
•atroas and maidens were horribly insulted ; the goods
of the city, the treasuries in houses, the ornaments in
churches were all sacked and spoiled ; the pictures of
Christ opprobriously handled in hatred of Christ. The
spoil and havock of the city lasted three days together,
while the barbarous soldiers murdered and rifled what
they liked.
These thing.s being done, and the tumult ceased, after
three days Mahomet the Turk entered the city, and first
calling for the heads and ancients of the city, such as he
found alive he commanded to be mangled and cut in
pieces. It is also (saith my author) reported, that in
the feasts of the Turks, all such as were of the king's
stock, after other barbarities, were hewn and cut in
pieces for their sjjort.
And this was the end of that princely and famous city
of Constantinople, beginning first by a Constantine, and
ending also with a Constantine, which for its princely
royalty was named and ever honoured, from the time of
the first Constantine, equally with the city of Rome, and
called also by the name thereof New Rome, and also
continued the space of 1123 years. I pray God that
Old Rome may learn of New Rome, to take heed and
beware betime.
This terrible destruction of the city of Constantinople,
the queen of cities, I thought here to describe, not so
much to set forth the barbarous cruelty of these filthy and
merciless murderers ; as specially for this, that we being
admonished by the doleful ruin and misery of these our
fellow christians, mr.y call to mind the deserved plagues
and miseries which seem to hang no less over our
own heads, and thereby may learn betime to invoke and
call more earnestly upon the name of our terrible and
merciful God, that he for his Son's sake will keep us,
and preserve his church among us, and mitigate those
plagues and sorrows, which we no less have deserved,
than these above minded have done before us. Christ
grant it, Amen.
The history of Reynold Peacock bishop of Chichester,
afflicted and imprisoned for the gospel of Christ.
After the death of Henry Chichesley before men-
tioned, next succeeded John Stafford (A. D. 144;")),
who continued eight years. After him came John
Kemp (A. D. 1453), who sat but three years. Then
succeeded Thomas Burschere. In the time of which
archbishop, Reynold Peacock, bishop of Chichester,
was afflicted by the pope's prelate for his faith and pro-
fession of the gospel. This man (saith Hall) began to
move questions not privately, but openly in the univer-
sities, concerning the Annates, Peter-pence, and other
jurisdictions, and authorities pertaining to the see of
Rome, and not only put forth the questions, but declared
his mind and opinion in the same ; wherefore he was for
this cause abjured at Paul's Cross." This bishop, first
of St. Asaph, then of Chichester, so long as Duke
Humfrey lived, (by whom he was promoted and much
made of) was quiet and safe, and also bold to dispute
and to write his mind, and wrote several books and
treatises. But after that good duke was made away,
this good man was open to his enemies, and matter soon
found against him. Being complained of, and accused
to the archbishop, letters were directed down from the
archbishop, to cite all men to appear that could say any
thing against him.
This citation being thus issued, the bishop came
before the judges and bishops to Lambeth, where
Thomas the archbishop, with his doctors and lawyers,
were gathered together in the archbishop's court. The
duke of Buckingham was present, accompanied with the
bishops of Rochester, and of Lincoln. What were the
opinions and articles objected against him, shall be spe-
cified in his revocation. In his answering for himself,
in such a com])any of the po])e's friends, although he
could not prevail ; yet stoutly defending himself, he
declared many things wortiiy great commendation of
learning, if learning could have prevailed against power.
But tliey on the contrary part, with all labour ami
diligence exerted themselves, either to reduce him, or
eUe to confound him. Briefly, uo stone was left ua«
A. D. 1440—1457. RECANTATION OF REYNOLD PEACOCK.- POPE PIUS II.
357
turned, no ways unproved, either by fair means to
entreat him, or by terrible menaces to terrify his mind,
till at length, he being vanquished and overcome by the
bishops, began to faint, and gave over. Whereupon, by
and by, a recantation was put unto him by the bishops,
which he should declare before the people. The copy of
which recantation here follows :
" In the name of God, Amen. Before you tlie most
reverend father in Christ and Lord, the Lord Thomas,
by the grace of God, archbishop of Canterbury, primate
of all England and legate of the apostolic see, I Reynold
Peacock, unworthy bishop of Chichester, do purely,
willingly, simply, and absolutely confess and acknow-
ledge, that I in times past, that is to say, by the space
of these twenty years last past and more, have otherwise
conceived, holden, taught and written, as touching the
sacraments, and the articles of the faith, than the holy
church of Rome, and universal church ; and also that I
have made, written, published, and set forth many and
divers pernicious doctrines, books, works, writings,
heresies, contrary and against the true catholic and
apostolic faith, containing in them errors contrary to the
catholic faith, and especially these errors and heresies
hereunder written.
1. First of all, that we are not bound, by the neces-
sity of faith, to believe that our Lord Jesus Christ after
his death descended into hell.
2. That it is not necessary to salvation to believe in
the holy catholic church.
3. That it is not necessary to salvation to believe the
communion of saints.
4. That it is not necessary to salvation to affirm the
body material in the sacrament.
5. That the universal church may err in matters
which pertain unto faith.
6. That it is not necessary unto salvation to believe
that which every general council doth universally ordain,
approve, or determine, should necessarily for the help
©f our faith, and the salvation of souls, be approved and
holden of all faithful christians.
" Wherefore I, Reynold Peacock, wretched sinner,
who have long walked in darkness, and now by the mer-
ciful disposition and ordinance of God, am reduced and
brought again unto the light and way of truth, and
restored to the unity of our holy mother the church,
renounce and forsake all errors and heresies afore-
said."
It is probable that this bishop repented afterward of
his recantation ; which may easily be supposed, because
he was committed again to prison, and detained captive,
where it is uncertain whether he was oppressed with
privy and secret tyranny, and there obtained the crown
of martyrdom, or no.
From the persecutions and burnings in England we
will now digress a little, to speak of foreign matters of
the church of Rome.
Pope Nicholas, to get and gather great sums of money,
appointed a jubilee A. D. 1450, at which time there
resorted a greater number of people to Rome, than had
at any time before been seen. At which time we read
in the history of Platina, that to have happened, which I
thought here not unworthy to be noted for the example
of the thing. As there was a great concourse of people
resorting to the mount Vatican to behold the image of
our Saviour, which they had there to shew to the pil-
grims, the people being thick going to and fro between
the mount and the city, by chance a certain mule of the
cardinals of St. Mark, came by the way, by which the
people not being able to avoid the way, one or two fall-
ing upon the mule, there was such a throng upon that
occasion on the bridge, that to the number of two hun-
dred bodies of men, and three horses were there stran-
gled, and on each side of the bridge many besides fell
over into the water, and were drowned.
In the time of this pope one Matthew Palmerius
wrote a book On Angels, for defending which he was
condemned by the pope, and burned at Coma.
After him succeeded Calixtus III., who among divers
other things ordained, both at noon and evening the bell
to toll the Ave>i, as it was used in the popisli time, to
help the .soldiers that fought against the Turks ; for
which cause also he ordained the feast of the transfigura-
tion of the liord, solemnizing it with like pardons and
indulgencies, as was Corpus Christi day.
Also this pope, proceeding contrary to the councils of
Constance and Basil, decreed that no man should ap-
I)eal from the ])ope to any council. By whom also St.
Edmund of Canterbury, with divers othei s, were made
saints.
Next after this Calixtus succeeded Pius II., otherwise
called Apneas Sylvius, who wrote the two books of com-
mentaries upon the council of Basil before mentioned.
This Apneas, at the time of the writing of those books,
seemed to be a man of tolerable judgment and doctrine,
from which he afterward, being pope, seemed to de-
cline and swerve, seeking by all means possible how to
deface and abolish the books which he had written.
Sentences attributed unto this Pius.
" The divine nature of God may rather be compre-
hended by faith than by disputation.
" Christian faith is to be considered, not by what
reason it is proved, but from whom it proceeds.
" Neither can a covetous man be satisfied with
money, nor a learned man with knowledge.
" Learning ought to be to poor men instead of silver,
to noblemen instead of gold, and to princes instead of
precious stones.
" An artificial oration moves fools, but not wise
men.
" Suitors in the law are as birds; the court is the
bait ; the judges are the nets ; and the lawyers are the
fowlers.
" Men are to be given to dignities, and not dignities
to men.
" The office of a bishop is heavy, but it is blessed to
him tRat doth well bear it.
" A bishop without learning may be likened to an ass.
" An evil physician destroyeth bodies, but an un-
learned priest destroyeth souls.
" Marriage was taken from priests not without great
reason ; but with much greater reason it ought to be re-
stored again."
The like sentence to this he utters in his second book
of the council of Basil, saying, " Peradventure it were
not the worst, that the most part of priests had their
wives ; for many should be saved in priestly marriage,
which now in unmarried priesthood are damned." The
same Pius also, as Celius reports, dissolved certain
orders of nuns, of the orders of St. Bridget and St.
Clare, bidding tlunn to depart out, that they should no
more disgrace the profession of religion.
This Pius, if he had brought so much piety and godli-
ness as he brought learning unto his popedom, had ex-
celled many popes that went before him.
Before his elevation he preferred general councils be-
fore the pope, now being pope, he decreed tliat no man
should appeal from the high bishop of Rome to any
general council. And likewise for priests' marriage,
whereas, before he thought it best to have their wives
restored, yet afterward he altered liis mind.
After this Pius II. succeeded Paul 11., a pope wholly
set upon his own gratification and ambition, and not so
much void of all learning, as the hater of learned men.
After this Paul came Sixtus IV. This pope, amongst
his other acts, reduced the year of jubilee from th".
fiftieth to the twenty-fifth. He also instituted the feast
of the Conception, and the presentation of Mary and of
Anna her mother, and Joseph. Also he canonized Bo-
naventure and St. Francis for saints. By this Sixtus
also were beads brought in, and instituted to make our
lady's Psalter. This pope made two-and-thirty cardi-
nals in his time.
Next after this Sixtus came Innocent, as rude, and as
far from all learning, as his predecessor was before him.
Amongst the noble acts of this pope this was one, that
358
DEPOSITION OF HENRY VI.— SUCCEEDED BY EDWARD IV.
[Book VI.
in the town of Polus apud Equicolos, he caused eight
men and six women, with the lord of the place, to be
apprehended and taken, and judged for heretics, because
they said none of them was the vicar of Christ who
come after Peter, but they only who followed the poverty
of Christ. Also he condemned of heresy, George the
king of Bohemia, and deprived him of his dignity and
also of his iiingdom, and jjrocured his whole stock to be
utterly rejected and jiut down, giving his kingdom to
Matthias king of Pannonia.
Now, from the popes let us descend to other estates,
beginning with our troubles here at home, pertaining to
the overthrow of King Henry VI. and his seat. Here is
to be remembered, how, after the death of the duke of
Glocester, mischiefs came in by heaps ujjon the king
and his realm. For, after the giving away of Anjou
and Maine to the Frenchmen, by the unfortunate mar-
riage of Queen Margaret above mentioned, the French-
men, perceiving now by the death of the duke of Glo-
lester, the stay and pillar of this commonwealth to be
decayed, and seeing, moreover, the hearts of the nobility
amongst themselves to be divided, lost no time, having
Buch an open way into Normandy, and in a short time
t'.iey recovered the same, and also got Gascony, so that
no more now remained to England of all the parts be-
yond the sea, but only Calais. Neither yet did the
calamity of the realm only rest in this : for the king now
having lost his friendly uncle, as the stay and staft' of his
age, who had brought him up so faithfully from his
youth, was now thereby the more open to his enemies,
and they more emboldened to set upon him ; as appeared
first by Jack Cade the Kentish captain, who, encamping
first on Blackheath, afterward aspired to London, and
had the spoil thereof, the king being driven into War-
wickshire (A.D. 1450.) Not long after the suppression
of Cade's insurrection, the duke of York, accompanied
by three earls, set upon the king near to St. Alban's,
where the king was taken captive, and the duke of York
was by parliament declared protector in the same year
1455. After this followed long division and mortal war
between the two houses of Lancaster and York, con-
tinuing many years. At length, in the year 1450, the
duke of York was slain in battle by the queen near to
the town of Wakefield, and witli him also his son, the
earl of Rutland. The queen, also, shortly after, dis-
comfited the earl of Warwick, and the duke of Norfolk,
to whom the keeping of the king had been committed
by the duke of York; and so the queen again delivered
her husband.
After these victories, the northern men, advanc-
ing not a little in pride and courage, began to take
upon them great attempts, not only to spoil and rob
churches, and religious houses, and villages, but also
fully intending, partly by themselves, partly by the in-
ducement of their lords and captains, to sack, waste,
and utterly to subvert the city of London, and to take
the spoil thereof; and no doubt (saith my history)
would have proceeded in their conceived greedy intent,
had not the opportune favour of God provided a speedy
rsmedy. For as these mischiefs were in brewing, sud-
denly the noble Prince Edward came to London with a
mighty army, on the twenty-seventh of February, (1461,)
he was the son and heir to the duke of York above
mentioned, and was accompanied by the earl of War-
wick, and divers more. King Henry, in the meantime,
with his victory, went up to York ; when Edward being
at Loudon, caused there to be proclaimed certain arti-
cles concerning his title to the crown of England, on the
second of March ; and then on the fourth, accompanied
with the lords spiritual and temporal, and with much
concourse of people, he rode to Westminster-hall, and
there, by the full consent, as well of the lords, as also by
the voice oif all the commons, took his possession of the
crown, and was called King Edward IV.
These things thus accomplished at London, the king
proceeded northward against Henry, when, with his army
he had passed over the river of Trent, and was come
near to Ferrybridge, where the army of King Henry was
not far off, upon Palm Sunday, between Ferrybridge and
Tadcaster, both the armies of the southern and northern
men joined together in battle. And although at the be-
ginning, some liorsemen of King Edward's side turned
their backs, yet the courageous prince, with his captams,
little discouraged, fiercely and manfully set on their ad-
versaries. The battle was so cruelly fought on both
sides, that in the conflict there were slain to the
number, as is reported, beside men of name, thirty-six
thousand of the poor commons. Notwithstanding, the ■
conquest fell on King Edward's part, so that King i
Henry having lost all, was forced to fly into Scotland,
where he gave up to the Scots the town of Berwick,
after he had reigned eight-and-thirty years and a half.
KING EDWARD THE FOURTH.
King Edward, after his conquest and victory achieved
against King Henry, returned again to London, where,
upon the vigil of St. Peter and Paul, (A.D. 14(;i.) be-
ing on Sunday, he was crowned king of England, and
reigned twenty-two years.
When it was proposed that the king should marry,
several alliances were suggested ; and first, the Lady
Margaret, sister to James IV. king of Scots, wag
thought of ; afterward the Lady Elizabeth, sister to Henry
king of Castile, but she being under age, the earl of
Warwick turned to the French king Lewis XL, to ob-
tain Lady Bona, daughter of the duke of Savoy, and
sister to the French queen, and obtained consent.
Meanwhile the king was pleased with Elizabeth Grey,
widovc of Sir John Grey, knight, slain before in the bat-
tle of St. Albans, daughter to the duchess of Bedford,
and Lord Rivers, and first endeavoured to have her as
his mistress. But she being unworthy (as she said)
to be the wife of such an high personage, and thinking
herself to be too good to be his mistress, so won the king's
heart, that before the return of the earl of Warwick, he
married her ; at which marriage only the duchess of Bed-
ford, two gentlewomen, the priest and clerk, were present.
Upon this so hasty and unlucky marriage ensued no little
trouble to the king, much bloodshed to the realm, un-
doing almost to all her kindred, and finally confusion to
King Edward's two sons, which both were declared af-
ti^'ward to be illegitimate, and also deprived of their
lives. For the earl of Warwick, who had been the
faithful friend and chief maintainer before of the king,
at the hearing of this marriage, was so angry, that he
ever afterwards endeavoured to work displeasure to the
king. And although for a time he dissembled his
wrathful mood, till he might find a time convenient, and
a world to set forward his purpose, at last finding occa-
sion sen'ing to his mind, he made known his purpose to
his two brethren, to wit, the Lord Mountecute, or Mon-
tague, and the archbishop of York, conspiring with them
how to bring it about. Then he also thought to find
out the mind of the duke of Clarence, King Edward's
brother, and he likewise obtained him on his side, giving
him his daughter in marriage.
This matter being thus prepared against the king, the
first flame of his conspiracy began to appear in the
north country ; where the northern men in a short
space gathering themselves in an open rebellion, and
finding captains of their wicked purpose, came down
from York toward London. Against whom was ap-
pointed by the king, William Lord Herbert earl of Pem-
broke, with the Lord Staftord, and certain other cap-
tains to encounter. The Yorkshiremen giving the over-
throw first to the Lord Staff'ord, then to the earl of
Pembroke, and his company of Welshmen at Banbury
Field, at last joining together with the army of the earl
of Warwick, and the duke of Clarence, in the dead of
the night secretly stealing on the king's field at Wolney
by Warwick, killed the watch, and took the king pri-
soner, who first being in the castle of Warwick, then
was conveyed by night to Middleham castle in York-
shire, under the custody of the archbishop of York,
where he having loose keeping, and liberty to go on
hunting, meeting with Sir William Stanley, Sir Thomas
of Borough, and other friends, was too good for hia
keepers, and escaped the hands of his enemies and so
came to York, where he was well received ; from theace
A. D. 1457—1471.] KING HENRY RESTORED AGAIN TO HIS KINGCOM.
to Lancaster, where he met with the Lord Hasting his
chamberliia, well accompanied, by whose help he came
safe to London.
After tiiis tumult, when reconciliation could not come
to perfect peace and unity, although much labour was
made by tlie nobility, the earl of Warwick raises up a
new war in Lincolnshire, the captain whereof was Sir
Robert Wells, knight, who shortly after, being taken in
battle with his father and Sir Thomas Duncock, they were
beheaded, the rest casting away their coats ran away
and fled, giving the name of the field called Losecoat
Field. The earl of Warwick, after this, put out of com-
fort and hope to prevail at home, fled out of England,
A.D. 1470, first to Calais, then to Lewis the French
king, accompanied by the duke of Clarence. The
fame of the earl of Warwick, and of his famous acts,
was at that time in great admiration above measure, and
so highly favoured, that both in England and in France
all men were glad to behold his person. W^herefore
the coming of this earl, and of the duke of Clarence,
was not a little grateful to the French king, and no less
opportune to Queen Margaret, King Henry's wife, and
Prince Edward her son, who also came to the French
court to meet and confer together touching their affairs ;
where a league was concluded between them, and more-
over a marriage between Edward prince of Wales, and
Anne the second daughter of the earl of Warwick was
wrought. Thus all things falling luckily upon the earl's
part, beside the large off"ers and great promises made by
the French king, that he would do his best to set forward
their purpose, the earl having also intelligence by letters,
that the hearts almost of all men went with him, and
longed sore for his presence, so that there now lacked
only haste to return with aU speed possible ; he, with
the duke of Clarence, well fortified with the French
navy, set forward towards England ; for so was it be-
fore decreed between them, that they two should prove
the first venture, and then Queen Margaret, with Prince
Edward her son, should follow after. The arrival of the
earl was no sooner heard of at Dartmouth in Devonshire,
but great concourse of people by thousands went to him
from all quarters to receive and welcome him ; who im-
mediately made proclamation in the name of King
Henry VI., charging all men, able to bear armour, to
prepare themselves to fight against Edward duke of
York, usurper of the crown. There lacked no friends,
strength of men, furniture, nor policy convenient for
such a matter.
When King Edward (who was passing the time in
hunting, in hawking, in all pleasure and dalliance), had
knowledge what great resort of multitudes incessantly
repaired more and more daily about the earl and the
duke, he began now to provide for remedy when it was
too late. Who trusting too much to his friends, and
fortune before, did now right well perceive what a va-
riable and inconstant thing the people is, and especially
the people of England, whose nature is never to be content
long with the present state, but always delighting in
news, seek new variety of changes, either envying that
which standeth, or else pitying that which is fallen.
Which inconstant mutability of the light people, chang-
ing with the wind, and wavering with the reed, did well
appear in the course of this king's story. For he,
through the favour of the people, when he was down,
was exalted ; now being exalted by them, was forsaken :
in which this is to be noted by all princes, that as
there is nothing in this mutable world firm and stable,
80 there is no trust nor assurance to be made, but only
in the favour of God, and in the promises of his word,
only in Clirist his Son, whose kingdom alone shall
never end, and never change.
While these things were passing on in England, King
Edward, accompanied by the duke of Gloucester his
brother, and the Lord Hastings, who had married the
earl of Warwick's sister, and yet was ever true to the
king ; and the Lord Scales, brother to the queen, sent
abroad to all his friends for able soldiers to withstand his
enemies. When he could obtain but little assistance, the
king departed into Lincolnshire, where, perceiving his
enemiee daily increasing, and all the country in disturb-
ance, making fires, and singing songs, crying, " King
Henry, King Henry I a Warwick, a Warwick!" and
hearing that his enemies the Lancastrians were within
half a day's journey of him, he was advised to fly over
the sea to the duke of Burgundy, who not long before
had married King Edward's sister.
Charles, duke of Burgundy, at hearing of the condition
of King Edward his brother-in-law, was greatly amazed
and perplexed, doubting what he should do. For beingthen
at war with the French king, he could not well provoke the
English nation against him, nor could he, without great
shame, leave King Edward in that necessity. So he
demeaned himself through fair speech, pretending to the
Englishmen to join part with the house of Lancaster,
being himself partly descended of the same family by his
grandmother's side ; so that he was his own friend openly,
and the king's friend covertly, pretending what he did
not, and doing what he pretended not.
When tidings were spread in England of King Ed-
ward's flying, innumerable people resorted to the earl of
Warwick, to take his part against King Edward, and a
few only of his constant friends took sanctuary. Among
whom was Elizabeth his wife, who, in despair almost of
all comfort, took sanctuary at Westminster, where in
great penury she was delivered of a fair son called
Edward, who was baptized without any pomp, like any
poor woman's child, the godfathers being the abbot and
prior of Westminster, the godmother was the lady
Scroope.
To make the story short, the earl of W^arwick having
now brought all things to his wishes, upon the r2th of
Oct. rode to the Tower, which was then delivered to
him, and there took King Henry out of the ward, and
placed him in the king's lodging. The 25th of the same
month, the duke of Clarence, accompanied by the earls
of Warwick, Shrewsbury, and the Lord Stanley, with a
great company, brought him in a long gown of blue
velvet through the high streets of London, first to Paul'g
church, then to the bishop's palace of London, and
there he resumed again the royal crown, (A. D. 1470.)
After this followed a parliament, in which King Edward
with all his partakers were judged traitors. King Ed-
ward made urgent and successful suit to Duke Charles
his brother, to rescue him with such forces as he could
give him ; for he was fully resolved to protract the time
no longer.
The duke secretly gave to him 50,000 florins, and
further caused four great ships to be appointed for him
in a haven in Zealand, where it was free for all men to
come. Also the duke had hired for him fourteen ships
of the Easterlings well appointed, taking security from
them to serve him faithfully till he were landed in Eng-
land, and fifteen days after.
Thus King Edward with only two thousand men of
war, took his voyage into England, and landed at Ra.
venspur in Yorkshire. Dissembling his purpose, he
pretended not to claim the crown and kingdom, but only
to claim the duchy of York, which was his own title, and
caused the same to be published. This being notified
to the people, that he desired no more than only his
just patrimony and lineal inheritance, they began to be
moved with mercy and compassion towards him, either
to favour him or not to resist him ; and so journeying
toward York, he came to Beverley. He then proceeded
to York without resistance, where he required of the
citizens to be admitted into their city. They durst not
grant it to him, but on the contrary sent him word to
approach no nearer, as he loved his own safety. The
desolate king was here driven to a narrow strait, he
could not retire, for in the opinion of the country it
would be the loss of his cause ; neither could he advance,
for the present danger of the city. So using policy as
before, with loving words and gentle speech, he desired
the messengers to declare to the citizens, that his coming
was not to demand the realm of England, but only the
duchy of York, his old inheritance ; and therefore had
determined to set forward, neither with army nor weapon.
The messengers were no sooner within the gates, than ho
was there as soon.
The citizens hearing his courteous answer, and that bt
3€0
THE REACCESSION OF EDWARD IV. AND THE DEATH OF HENRY VI. [Book VI.
intended nothing to the prejudice of the king, nor of the
realm, were somewhat softened toward him, and began
to parley with him from the walls, desiring him to with-
draw his soldiers to some other place, and that they
should be the more ready to aid him, at least he should
have no damage by them.
However, he again used such lowly language, and de-
livered so fair speech to them, treating them so oour-
teously, and saluting the aldermen by their names, re-
quiring at their hands no more but only his own town,
whereof he had the name and title, that at length the
citizens, after long talk and debating upon the matter,
partly also enticed with fair and large promises, agreed
that if he would swear to be true to King Henry, and
gentle in entertaining his citizens, they would receive
him into the city.
This being concluded, the next morning at the enter-
ing of the gate, a priest was ready to say mass, in the
which after the receiving of the sacrament, the king
received a solemn oath to observe the two articles afore
agreed. By which he obtained the city of York. Where,
in sho»t time forgetting his oath, he set garrisons of
armed soldiers. King Edward, being soon more fully
furnished at all points, by the accession of his friends,
came to the town of Leicester, and there hearing that
the eirl of Warwick, with the earl of Oxford were at
Warwick, with a great army, he marched his army,
ho])ing to give battle to the earl. The duke of Clarence
in the meantime, had levied a great host and was coming
toward the earl of Warwick. But when the earl saw
the duke delay the time, he began to suspect that he
was altered to his brother's party. When the armies of
the two brothers. King Edward and the duke of Cla-
rence, were in sight of the other, Richard, duke of Glo-
cester, brother to them both, as arbiter between them,
first rode to the one, then to the other. Whether all
this was for appearances, is uncertain. But hereby both
the brothers, laying all army and weapons aside, first
lovingly and familiarly communed ; after that, brotherly
and naturally joined together. And that fraternal amity
was ratified by proclamation, and thereby put out of all
suspicion.
Then it was agreed between the three brothers to
attemj)! the earl of Warwick, if he likewise would be
reconciled ; but he crying out shame upon the duke of
Clarence, stood in utter defiance. From thence King
Edward so strongly supported, and daily increasing,
takes his way to London. Where after it was known
that the duke of Clarence had joined him, much fear fell
upon the Londoners, as to what was best to be done.
Ho the citizens consulting with themselves, having no
walls to defend them, thought best to take that way
whicli seemed to them most sure and safe, and therefore
they concluded to take part with King Edward. This
was no sooner known abroad, than the commonalty ran
out by heaps to meet King Edward, and to salute him
as their king. The duke of Somerset, with others of
King Henry's council, hearing of this, and wondering at
the sudden change in the world, fled away and left King
Henry alone.
The earl had now passed a great part of his journey
to London, when hearing the news how affairs were
changed, and that King Henry was a prisoner in the
Tower, was not a little appalled ; so he stayed with his
army at St. Albans, to see what course to take. And
then removed to Barnet, ten miles from St. Albans.
Against liim King Edward set forth with a strong
army of picked and able jiersons, with artillery and every
requisite ; bringing with him also his prisoner King
Henry. On Easter even he came to Barnet, and there
he entrenched himself. In the morning upon Easter-
day the battle began, and fiercely continued almost till
noon, with murder on each side, till both parts were
almost weary with fighting and murdering. King Ed-
ward then, with a great body of fresh soldiers set upon
his wearied enemies. Where the earl's men, encouraged
with words of their captain, stoutly fought, but they
being already wounded and wearied, could not long hold
out. The earl, rushing into the midst of his enemies,
ventured so far, that he could not be rescued ; where he
was stricken down and slain (April 14, 1471.) The Mar-
quis Mountecute tliinking to succour his brother, whom he
saw to be in great jeopardy, was likewise overthrown and
slain. After Richard Nevil, earl of Warwick, and his bro-
ther were gone, the rest fled, and many were taken.
In the same year, and about the same time, u))on the
Ascension-even, king Henry, being prisoner in the
Tower, departed, after he had reigned in all thirty-eight
years and six months. Polydore, and Hall fdilo^viag
liim, affirm that he was slain with a dag^.r, by l\,ii;iiard,
duke of Gloucester, for the more quiet and safeguard of
his brother King Edward.
Polydore, after he had described the virtues of this
king, records, that King Henry VII. afterward removed
his corpse from Chertsey, where he was buried, to
Windsor, and adds, that certain miracles were wrought
by him. For which cause King Henry VII. saith he, la-
l)oured with Pope Julius, to have him canonised for a
saint, but the death of the king prevented the matter
proceeding. Edward Hall, writing of this matter, adds,
declaring the cause why King Henry's sainting was not
completed, to be this : that the fees for canonizing of a
king were so great at Rome, (more than of bishop or
prelate) that the king thought it better to keep the
money in his chests, than to buy so dear, and pay so
much for a new holy-day of St. Henry in the Calendar.
During the time of these doings, about A. D. 14(i.5,
there was in England a Carmelite friar, who preached at
St. Paul's, in London, that our Lord Jesus Christ, wliile
here in this world, was in poverty, and did beg. To
this doctrine, the provincial of that order seemed also to
incline, defending it both in his reading and preaching,
with other doctors and brethren of the same order ; also
certain of the Jacobites. On the contrary side, many
doctors and also lawyers, both in their public lectures
and preaching, withstood their assertion, as most pesti-
ferous in the church. Such a bitter contention was
among them, that the defendant part was driven for a
while to keep silence. This question of the begging-
friars, whether Christ did beg or no, went so far, that at
length it came to the ears of Pope Paul II., who was no
beggar ye may be sure. After the fame of this doctrine,
mounting over the Alps, came flying to the court of
Rome, A. D. Htio, it brought with it such an evil smell
to the fine noses there, that there was no need to bid
them to stir, for begging to them was worse than high
heresy. Wherefore the holy father. Pope Paul II., to
repress the sparkles of this doctrine, which otherwise,
perhaps, might have set his whole kitchen on fire, takes
the matter in hand, and directs his bull into England,
insinuating to the prelates here, that this heresy, which
pestiferously affirms that Christ did openly beg, was
condemned of old time by the bishops of Rome, and his
councils, and that the same ought to be declared in all
places for a damned doctrine, and worthy to be trodden
down under all men's feet, &c.
As to the rest of the affairs of this king, (who had van-
quished in nine battles, himself being present) how after-
ward he, through the incitement of Charles, duke of
Burgundy, his brother-in-law, ventured into France
with a puissant army, and how the duke failed him in his
promise ; also how peace between these two kings was
at length concluded in a solemn meeting of both kings
together (which meeting is notified in histories, by a white
dove sitting the same day of meeting upon the top of
King Edward's tent) also of the marriage promised
between the young dauphin and Elizabeth, King Edward's
eldest daughter, but afterwards broken off on the French
king's part ; moreover, as touching the death of the
duke of Burgundy, slain in war, and of his daughter
Mary, niece to King Edward, spoiled of her lands and
possessions wrongfully by Lewis, the French king, and
married after to Maximilian ; furthermore, as touching
the expedition of King Edward into Scotland, by reason
of King James breaking promise in marrying with Cicely,
the second daughter of King Edward, and of driving out
his brother, and how the matter was composed there,
and of the recovery again of Berwick ; of these, I say,
and such other things more, partly because they are de-
scribed sufficiently in our common English histories.
A. D. 1471—1473.] BURNING OF JOHN GOOSE.— EMPERORS OF AUSTRIA.
361
part'iV also because they are matters not greatly pertain-
ing to the church, ! omit to spenk, making of them a
supersedeas. Two things I find here, among many
other, specially to be remembered,
Tlie first is, concerning a godly and constant servant
of Christ, named John Goose, who in the time of this
king, was unjustly condemned and burnt at the Tower-
hill, A. D. 1473, in the month of August. Thus had
England also its John Huss, (Huss signifies a goose) as
well as Boiiemia. Wherein this is to be noted, that
since the time of King Richard II., there is no reign of
any king in which some good man or other has not suf-
fered the pains of fire for the religion and true testimony
of Christ Jesus. Of this John Goose, or John Huss, I
find it recorded, that being delivered to one of the
sheriffs, to see him burnt in the afternoon ; the siieritf,
like a charitable man, brought him home to his house,
and there exhorted him to deny his alleged errors. But
the godly man, after long exhortation, desired the
sheriff to be content, for he was satisfied in his consci-
ence. However, this he desired of the sheriff, for God's
sake to give him some meat, saying, that he was very
sore hungered. Then the sheriff commanded him meat ;
whereof he took, and did eat, as if he had been in no
manner of danger, and said to such as stood about him,
" I eat now a good and competent dinner, for I shall
pass a little sharp shower ere I go to supper." And
when he had dined, he gave thanks, and required that he
might shortly be led to the place where he should yield
up his spirit unto God.
The second thing herein to be noted, is the death of
George, duke of Clarence, the king's second brother ;
of whom relation was made before, how he assisted
King Edward his brother, against the earl of Warwick,
at Barnet Field, and helped him to the crown ; i.nd now,
after all these benefits, was at length thus requited, that
(for what cause it is uncertain) he was apprehended and
cast into the Tower, where he being adjudged for a
traitor, was privily drowned in a butt of malmsey.
What the true cause was of his death it cannot certainly
be affirmed.
Now having long tarried at home in describing the
tumults and troubles within our own land, we will
proceed more at large, to consider the afflictions and
perturbations of other parties and places also of Christ's
church, as well here in Europe, under the pope, as in
the eastern parts under the Turk, first beginning our
history from the time of Sigisuiund, which Sigismund, as
it is above recorded, was so engaged in the council of
Constance against John Huss, and Jerome of Prague.
This emperor ever had evil luck fighting against the
Turks. Twice he warred against them, and in both the
battles was discomfited and put to flight ; once, about the
city of Mysia, fighting against Eajazet, the Great Turk,
A. D. VMa, the second time fighting against Celebinus,
the son of Bajazet, about the town called Columbacium.
But especially after the council of Constance, wherein
were condemned and burned these two godly martyrs,
more unprosperous results followed him fighting against
his own subjects, the Bohemians, A. D. 1420, by whom
he was repulsed in so many battles, to his great dis-
honour, during all the life of Zisca, and of Procopius,
as is before more at large expressed ; he was so beaten
by the Turks, and at home by his own people, that he
never encountered the Turks afterwards. Then followed
the council of Basil, after the beginning of which this
Sigismund, who was emperor, king of Hungary, and
king of Bohemia, died in Moravia, A. D. 1437.
THE EMPEROR ALBERT.
This Sigismund left behind him only one daughter,
Ehzabeth, who was married to Albert, duke of Austria,
by which he was advanced to the empire, and so was both
duke of Austria, emperor, king of Hungary, and also
king of Bohemia. This Albert, being an enemy and a
disquieter to the Bohemians, and especially to the good
men of Tabor, as he was preparing and setting forth
against the Turks, died in the second year of his reign,
A. D. 1439, leaving his wife great with child; who being
then in Hungary, and believing that she should bear
a dau'j;hter, called to her the princes and the chieftains of
the realms, declaring to them that she was but a woman,
and insufficient to the government of such a state ; and
moreover, how she thought herself to be with child of a
daughter ; and therefore required them to provide
among them such a prince and governor, (reserving the
right of the kingdom to herself) as were fit and ablo
under her, to have the management of the empire com-
mitted to. The Turk, in the meanwhile, being elevated
and encouraged with his victories against Sigismund,
began more fiercely to invade Hungary, and those parts
of Christendom. Wherefore the Hungarians, making
the more haste, consulted among themselves to make
Duke Uladislaus, brother to Casimir, king of Poland,
their king.
But while this was in progress between the Hunga-
rians and Uladislaus, in the mean space Elizabeth
brought forth a son called Ladislaus, who being the law-
ful heir of the kingdom, the queen called back again
her former word, minding to reserve the kingdom for her
son, being the true heir, and therefore refused marriage
with Uladislaus, which she had before designed. But
Uladislaus joining with a great part of the Hungarians,
persisting still in the condition before granted, would not
give over ; by which great contention and division
kindling among the people of Hungary, Amurath, the
Great Turk, taking his advantage of their discord, and
partly elated with pride at his former success against
Sigismund, with his whole main and force invaded the
realm of Hungary; where Huniades, sirnamed Vainoda,
prince of Transilvania, joining with the new king Ula-
dislaus, both together set against the Turk, A. D. 1444,
and there Uladislaus, the new king of Hungary, the
fourth year of his kingdom, was slain. Elizabeth, with
her son, fled in the meanwhile to Frederic the emperor.
Of Huniades Vainoda, the noble captain, and of his acts,
and also of Ladislaus CChrist willing) more shall be said
hereafter, in his time and place.
FREDERIC III., EMPEROR,
After the decease of Albert, Frederic III., duke of Aus-
tria, succeeded in the empire, A. D. 1440. By whom
it was procured (as we have before signified) that Pope
Felix, elected by the council of Basil, resigneti his pope
dom to Pope Nicholas V. ; upon this condition, that
Pope Nicholas should ratify the acts decreed in the coun-
cil of Basil. In the days of this emperor much war and
dissension raged almost through all christian realms, in
Austria, Hungary, Poland, in France, in Burgundy, and
also here in England, between King Henry VI. and
King Edward IV., so that it might have been easy for
the Turk to have overrun all t-he christian realms in
Europe, had not the providence of our merciful Lord
otherwise provided to keep Amurath the Turk occupied
in other civil wars at home in the meanwhile. To this
Frederic came Elizabeth, with Ladislaus her son, by
whom he was nourished and entertained a certain space,
till at length, after the death of Uladislaus, king of
Hungary, the men of Austria, through the instigation of
Ulric Eizingerus, and of Ulric, earl of Cilicia, rising in
arms, required Frederic the emperor, either to give
them their young king, or else to stand to his own
defence.
When Frederic heard this, he would neither render
a sudden answer, neither would he abide any longer
delay ; and so the matter going to war, the new city was
besieged, where many were slain, and much harm done.
At length the emperor's part being the weaker, the em-
peror, through the intervention of certain nobles of Ger-
many, restored Ladislaus to their hands, who being yet
under age, committed his three kingdoms to three go-
vernors. John Huniades, the worthy captain above-
mentioned, had the ruling of Hungary ; George Pogie-
bracius had Bohemia ; and Ulric, the earl of Cilicia,
had Austria. Which Ulric, having the chief custody of
the king, had the greatest authority ; a man as full of
ambition and tyranny, as he was hated almost by all the
Austriaus, and shortly after, by means of Eizingerus^
382
LADISLAUS THE YOUNG KING OF BOHEMIA.
[Book VI.
was excluded also from the king and the court, but after-
ward restoredagain, and Eizingerus thrust out. Suchisthe
unstable condition of those who are in place about princes.
Not long after, Ladislaus, tlie young king, went to
Bohemia to be crowned there, where George Pogiebra-
cius had the government. But Ladislaus during all the
time of liis being there, though being much requested,
yet would neither enter into the churches, nor hear the
service of those who followed the doctrine of IIuss. So
that when a certain priest, in the high tower of Prague,
was appointed and addressed, after the manner of priests,
to say service before the king, being known to hold with
John Huss and Rochezana, the king disdaining him,
commanded him to give place and depart, or else he
would send him headlong from the rock of the tower ;
and so the good minister repulsed by the king, departed.
Also, another time, Ladislaus seeing the sacrament car-
ried by a minister of that side, whom they called then
Hussites, would pay no reverence to it.
At length the abode of the king, although it was not
very long, yet seemed to the godly-disposed to be longer
than they wished ; and that was not unknovni to the
king, which made him make the more haste away ; but
before he departed, he thought first to visit the noble
city Uratislavia, in Silesia ; in which city Ladislaus
being there in the high church at service, many great
princes were about him ; among whom was also George
Pogiebracius, who then stood nearest to the king, to
whom one Chilian, playing the parasite about the king,
(as the fashion is of such as feign themselves fools, to
make other men as very fools as they) spake as follows :
" With what countenance you behold this our service I
see right well, but your heart I do not see. Say, then,
doth not the order of this our religion seem unto you
decent and comely .' Do you not see how many and
how great princes, yea, the king himself, follow one
order and uniformity ? And why do you then follow
rather your preacher Rochezana than these.' Do you
think a few Bohemians more wise than all the church of
Christ besides .' Why then do you not forsake that
rude and rustic people, and join to these nobles, as you
are a nobleman yourself?"
To whom thus Pogiebracius sagely answered, " If you
speak these words of yourself, you are not the man
whom you feign yourself to be ; and so I answer to you
not as to a fool. But if you speak this by the sugges-
tion of others, then must I satisfy them. Hear, there-
fore : As to the ceremonies of the church, every man has
a conscience of his own to follow. As for us, we use such
ceremonies as we trust please God : neither is it for
our choice to believe what we will ourselves. The mind
of man, being persuaded with great reasons, is captivated
whether he will or no ; and as nature is instructed and
taught, so is she drawn, in some one way, and in some
another. As for myself, I am fully persuaded in the re-
ligion of my preachers. If I should follow thy religion,
1 might perchance deceive men, going contrary to mine
own conscience, but I cannot deceive God, who seeth
the hearts of all ; neither shall it become me to frame
myself to thy disposition. That which is meet for a
jester, is not likewise convenient for a nobleman. And
these words either take to thyself as spoken to thee, if
thou be a wise man, or else I refer them to those who set
thee on work."
After the king was returned from the Bohemians
again to Austria, the Hungarians likewise made their
petitions to the king, that he would come to them. The
governor of Hungary was John Iluniades, whose vic-
torious acts against the Turks are famous. Against this
Huniades, wicked Ulric, earl of Cilicia, did all he could
with the king to bring him to destruction, and therefore
caused the king to send for him to Vienna, and there
privily to work his death. But Huniades having intel-
ligence, offers himself in Hungary, to serve his prince to
all affairs. Out of the land where he was, it was neither
best, said he, for the king, nor safest for himself to
come. The earl being so disappointed, came down with
certain nobles of the court to the borders of Hungary,
thinking either to apprehend him and bring him to
Vieaaa, or there to despatch him. Huniades, said he,
would commune with him in the open fields, but within the
town he should not be brought. After tliat another
train also was laid for him, that under pretence of the
king's safe conduct, he should meet the king in
the broad fields of Vienna. But Huniades, suspecting
deceit, came indeed to the place appointed, where he
neither seeing the king to come, nor the earl to have any
safe conduct for him, was moved (and not without
cause) against the earl, declaring how it was in his
power there to slay him, who went about to seek his
blood, but for his reverence to the king he would spare
him, and let him go.
Not long after this, the Turk, with a great army of
fighting men, to the number of one hundred and fifteen
thousand, arrived in Hungary, where he laid siege to the
city Alba. But through the merciful hand of God, John
Huniades, and Capistranus, a certain Minorite, with a
small garrison of chnstian soldiers, gave him the repulse,
and put him to flight, with all his mighty host. Huni-
ades shortly after this victory, died ; of whose death when
the king and the earl were informed, they came the more
boldly into Hungary, where being received by Ladis-
laus Huniades' son into the town of Alba, there viewed
the place where the Turks before had pitched their tents.
When this Ladislaus heard that the king was coming first
toward the town, he obediently opened to him the gates.
He prevented four thousand armed soldiers from en-
tering the city.
In the mean time, while the king was resident in the
city, the earl, with other nobles, sat in council, requiring
Ladislaus also to resort to them ; who first doubting
with himself what he might do, at length put on secret
armour, and came to them. Whether the earl first
began with him, or he with the earl, is not known. The
opinion of some is, that Ulric first called him traitor, for
shutting the gates against the king's soldiers. However
the occasion began, this is undoubted, that Ulric, taking
his sword from his page, struck at his head. To break
the blow, some putting up their hands had their fingers
cut off. The Hungarians, hearing a noise and tumult
within the chamber, brake it open, and there instantly
slew Ulric the earl, wounding and cutting him almost all
to pieces. The king hearing thereof, although he was
not a little discontented at it in his mind ; yet seeing there
was then no other remedy, dissembled his grief for a time.
From thence the king took his journey again to Buda,
accompanied with Ladislaus ; passing by the town where,:
the wife of Huniades was mourning for the death of her r
husband, he seemed with many fair words to comfort,!
her, and after he had there sufficiently refreshed himself, ,
with such pretence of dissembled love, and feigned favour, ,
that they were without all suspicion and fear, he set !
forward from thence in his journey, taking with him the '
two sons of Huniades, Ladislaus and Matthias, who were
right ready to wait upon him. The king being come to
Buda, (whether of his own head, or by sinister counsel
set on) when he had them at a vantage, caused them both
to be seized. And first, Ladislaus, the elder son,
was brought forth to the place of execution, there to
be beheaded, where he meekly suffered, being charged
with no other crime but this, published by tlie voice of I
the cryer, saying, ' ' Thus are they to be chastened who are
rebels against their lord." Peucer, writing of his death,
adds, that after the hangman had struck three blows at
his neck, yet Ladislaus, having his hands bound behind
him, after the third stroke, rose upright upon his feet,
and looking up to heaven, called upon the Lord, and
protested his innocency in that behalf; and so laying
down his neck again, at the fourth blow was dispatched.
Matthias, the other brother, was led captive with the
king into Austria. The rest of the captives brake the
prison, and escaped.
It was not long after this act of cruelty, the king being
about the age of twenty- two years, that talk was made oi
the king's marriage with Magdalen, daughter to the
French king. The place of the marriage was appointed
at Prague, where was great preparation for the matter.
At the first entrance of the king into the city of Prague,
Rochezana, with a company of ministers, such as
were favourers of John Huss, and of sincere ie>
A. D. 14rj— 1475.] DEATH OF LADISLAUS.— WAR THROUGHOUT EUROPE.
363
ligion, came with all solemnity to receive the king, ,
making there his oration to congratulate the king's most
joyful and prosperous access into his own realm and
country of Bohemia. After he had ended his oration, the
king would scarcely open his mouth to give thanks to him,
or any cheerful countenance to liis company, but fiercely
seemed to frown upon them. In the next pageant after
these came forth the priests of the high minister, after
the most popish manner, meeting him with procession,
and with the sacrament of the altar. For as a panacea
among physicians serves for all diseases, so the sacra-
ment of the pope's altar serves for all pomps and pa-
geants. First it must lie upon the altar, then it must
be held up with hands, then it must hang in the pix, it
must serve for the living, it must also help the dead, it
must visit the sick, it must walk about the churchyard,
it must go about the streets, it must be carried about
the fields to make the grass to grow, it must be had to
the battle, it must ride on horseback before the pope.
And finally it must welcome kings into cities. These
catholic fathers do seem somewhat to forget themselves.
For if the pope, being inferior to the sacrament of the
altar, sit still, while the kings come and kiss his feet,
what reason is it that the sacrament of the altar, which
is above the pope, should meet kings by the way, and
welcome them to the town ? But this by the way of
parenthesis. Let us now continue the text.
When this catholic king, Ladislaus, who had shewed
himself before so stout and stern against Rochezana and
his company, had seen these catholic priests with their
procession, and especially with their blessed sacrament,
to come with all reverence and much devotion he lighted
down from his horse, he embraced the cross and kissed
it, and with cheerful countenance saluted the priests in
order. All this while his young wife was not yet come
out of France, but legates were sent in the most sump-
tuous way to conduct her. Other legates also were sent
at the same time to the Emperor Frederick for conclu-
sion of peace. The third legacy was directed likewise
to Pope CalLxtus about religion, hov/ to reduce the Bo-
hemians to the church of Rome. The author of this
history (which was Pope Pius himself) declares further
the opinion of some to be, that King Ladislaus the same
time had intended to make a final end and destruction
of all that sect in Bohemia, who held with the doctrine
of John Huss and Jerome, by the assembly and con-
course of the catholic princes, and popish prelates, who
were appointed there to meet together at that marriage
in Prague. For there were to have been first the Emperor
Frederick, Elizabeth the king's mother, and his sisters
Elizabeth and Anna, the princes of Saxony, Bajoria,
Silesia, Franconia, the Palatine, and other princes of the
Rhine. Many eJso of the lords of France, besides the
pope's cardinals, legates, prelates, and other potentates
of the pope's church, who if they had assembled alto-
gether in Bohemia, no doubt but some great mischief
had been wrought there against the Hussites ; but when
man has purposed, yet God disposes as pleaselh him.
And, therefore, it is truly written by iEneas Sylvius,
in the same place, saying, " De refflmine civitatum, de
mutatione regnorum, de orbis imperio, minimum est
quod homines possiut (tum vero de religionis constitutione
multo minus) magna magnus disponit Deus." That
\s, in the government of cities, in alteration of kingdoms,
in ruling and governing the world, it is less than nothing
that man can do ; it is the high God that ruleth high
things. Whereunto then I may well add this moreover,
and say, that if the governance of worldly kingdoms
standeth not in man's power, but in the disposition of
God, much less is it then that man's power can do in
the ordering and governing of religion. Example
whereof in this purposed device of princes doth evi-
dently appear. For as this great preparation and
solemnity of marriage was in progress, and the princes
ready to set it forth, with a little turn of God's holy
hand, all these great purposes were suddenly turned and
dashed. For in the midst of this business, about the
twenty-first day of November, A.D. 1461, this great ad-
versary of Christ's people, King Ladislaus, king of
Bohemia, of Hungary, and prince of Austria sickened,
and within six and thirty hours died. As it came not
without the just judgment of God, revenging the inno-
cent blood of Ladislaus Huniades' son, so by the ojjpor-
tune death of this king the poor churches of Bohemia
were graciously delivered. And this was the end of
Ladislaus, one of the mightiest princes at that time in
all Europe, in whom three mighty kingdoms were con-
joined and combined together, Austria, Hungary, and
Bohemia.
After the death of Ladislaus, the kingdom of Bohe-
mia fell to George Pogiebracius, whom Pope Innocent
VIII. excommunicated and deposed for his religion.
The kingdom of Hungary was given to Matthias, son
of Huniades, who was in captivity (as is said) under
King Ladislaus, and would have been put to death after
his brother had not the king been overtaken by death.
The noble acts of John Huniades, and of this Mat-
thias his son, were not only great stays to Hungary, but
almost to all Christendom, in repelling the Turk. For
beside the other victories of John Huniades the father,
this Matthias his son succeeding no less in valiantness
than in the name of his father, so recovered Sirmiura,
and the confines of lUyrica, from the hand of the Turks,
and so vanquished their power, that both Mahomet and
also Bajazet his son were forced to seek for truce.
Matthias, conducting his army into Bosnia, recovered
again Jaitza, the principal town of that kingdom,
from the Turks' possession, and if other christian
princes had joined their help withal, he would have
proceeded farther into Thrace. But behold here the
malicious subtlety of Satan, working by the pope ; for
while Matthias was thus occupied in this expedition
against the Turks, wherein he should have been set
forward and aided by christian princes and bishops, the
bishop of Rome wickedly and sinfully ministers matter
of civil discord between him and Pogiebracius, in re-
moving him from the right of his kingdom, and trans-
ferring it to Matthias ; by which not only the tide of
victory against the Turks was stopped, but also great war
and bloodshed followed in christian realms, as wellbetween
this Matthias and Pogiebracius, with his two sons Vic-
torinus and Henry, as also between Casimir Uladislaus,
and Matthias warring about Uratislavia, till at length
the matter was taken up by the princes of Germany.
Notwithstanding all the execrable excommunication
of the pope against Pogiebracius, a great part of Bohe-
mia would not be removed from the obedience of their
king, whom the pope had cursed and deposed ; yet
Matthias took from him Moravia, and a great portion of
Silesia, and adjoined it to his kingdom of Hungary,
A.D. 1474.
Where this by the way is to be noted, that the re-
ligion in Bohemia, planted by John Huss, could not be
extinguished or suppressed with all the power of four
mighty princes, Vinceslaus, Sigismund, Albert, and
Ladislaus, although with the popes they did all they
possibly could ; but still the Lord maintained the sanje,
as we see by this Pogiebracius, king of Bohemia, whom the
pope could not remove out of the kingdom of Bohemia.
This Matthias, beside his other memorable acts of
chivalry, is no less also commended for his singular
knowledge and love of learning and of learned men,
whom he with great salaries brought into Pannonia,
where by the means of good letters, and supplies of
learned men, he reduced in a short tim6 the barbarous
rudeness of that country into a flourishing common-
wealth. Moreover, he there erected such a library, and
replenished it with all kinds of authors, sciences, and
histories, which he caused to be translated out of Greek
into Latin, that its equal is not to be found next to
Italy, in all Europe beside.
Immediately after this there was contention and war
in every part of Europe ; almost no angle or portion of
all Christendom (whether we consider the church, or
civil government) was free from discord, tumults, and
dissensions. This cankered worm of ambition so migh-
tily creeps, and every where prevails in these later ends
of the world, that it suffers neither rest in common-
wealths, nor peace in the church, nor scarcely any
spark of charity to remain in the life of men. And wlu^
364 THE AVARICE OF THE SEE OF ROME.— JOHN OF FRANCONIA A MARTYR. [Book VI.
marvel then, if the Lord seeing us so far to degenerate,
not oiilv f.oin his precepts and counsels, but almost from
the sense and bond of nature, that brother with brother,
uncle with nephew, blood with blood, cannot agree, in
striving, killing, and fighting, for worldly dominions,
do send tliese cruel Turks upon us, to scourge and de-
vour us ? of whose bloody tyranny and daily spilling of
christian blood hereafter (by the grace of Christ) we
will discourse more at large, when we come to the pecu-
liar consideration of the Turkish histories. In the
meantime this shall be for us to note and observe, not
so much the scourge how grievous it is ; but rather to
behold the causes which bring the whip upon us, which
is our own miserable ambition and wretched wars among
ourselves.
'And yet if this christian peace and love, left and com-
mended so heartily unto us by the mouth of the Son of
God, being now banished out of christian realms, and
civil governance, might at last find some refuge in the
church, or take sanctuary among men professing nothing
but religion, and we should have less cause to mourn.
Now. however, we see little peace and amity among civil
potentates ; so we find less in the spiritual sort of them,
who chiefly take upon them the administration of Christ's
church. So that it may well be doubted whether the
scourge of the Turk, or the civil sword of princes have
slain more in the fields, or the pope's keys have burnt
more in towns and cities. And although such as are
professed to the church do not fight with sword and
target for dominions and revenues, as warlike princes
do ; yet this ambition, pride and avarice, appears in
them "nothing inferior to otherworldly potentates ; espe-
cially if we behold the doings and insatiable desifes of
the court of Rome. Great arguments and proof hereof
are neither hard to be found, nor far to be sought ; what
realm almost through all Christendom has not only seen
with their eyes, but have felt in their purses the intoler-
able ambition and insatiable avarice of that devouring
church, and also have complained of the grievance, but
never could obtain redress ! What exactions and extor-
tions have been here in England out of bishopricks,
monasteries, benefices, deaneries, archdeaconries, and
all other offices of the church, to fill the pope's coffers I
and when they had done all, yet every year brought al-
most some new invention from Rome to fetch in our
English money ; and if all the floods in England (yea in
all Europe) run into the see of Rome, yet were that
ocean never able to be satisfied.
In Francs likewise what floods of money were swal-
lowed up into this see of Rome 1 It was openly com-
plained of in the council of Basil, as is testified by
Henry Token, canon and ambassador of the archbishop
of Maidenburg, that in the council of Basil, A. D.
1436, the archbishop of Lyons declared that in the time
of Pope Martin, there came out of France to the court
of Rome, nine millions of gold, which was gathered by
the bishops and prelates, besides those which could not
be counted of the inferior clergy, who daily without
number ran to the court of Rome, carrying with them
all their whole substance. The archbishop of Tours
said also at Basil, A. D. 1439, that three millions of
gold came to Rome in his time, within the space of
fourteen years, from the prelates and prelacies, besides
the inferior clergy who daily ran to that court.
And what made Pope Pius II. labour so earnestly to
Lewis XI. the French king, that he should promise to
abolish and utterly extinguish the constitution establish-
ed at the council of Bourges, by King Charles VII. his
predecessor, called the Pragmatic Sanction ; but only
the ambition of that see, which had no measure, and
their avarice which had no end ? The story is this :
Kin" Charles VII. willing to obey and follow the council
of B^asil, summoned a parliament at Bourges ; where by
the full consent of all the states in France, both spiritual
and temporal, a certain constitution was decreed and
published, called the Pragmatic Sanction ; wherein was
comprehended briefly the pith and effect of all the
canons and decrees concluded in the council of Basil.
Which constitution King Charles commanded through
all his realm to be observed inviolably and ratified for
the honour and increase of christian religion for ever.
This was A. U. 14:58.
It followed thai after the decease of Charles, succeed-
ed King Lewis XI. who had promised before, while he
was dauphin, to Pope Pius, that if he ever came to the
crown, the pragmatic sanction should be abolished.
Pius hearing of his being crowned, sent to him John
Balveus, a cardinal, with his letters patent, desiring
him to be mindful of his promise. The king, either
willing, or else pretending a will to perform and accom-
plish what he had promised, directed the pope's letters
patent, with the cardinal, to the council of Paris, re-
quiring them to consult upon the cause.
Thus the matter being brought and proposed in the
parliament, the king's attorney named John Roinane, a
man well spoken, singularly witted, and well reasoned,
stepping forth, with great eloquence, and no less bold-
ness, proved the sanction to be profitable, hojy, and
necessary for the wealth of the realm, and in no case to
be abolished. To whose sentence the university of
Paris adjoining their consent, aj)pealed from the at-
tempts of the pope to the next general council. The
cardinal understanding this, was not a little indignant
at it, fretting and fuming, and threatening many terrible
things against them ; but notwithstanding all his threat-
ening words, he returned again to the king, not having
obtained his purpose, A. D. 1438.
Thus the pope's purpose in France was disappointed,
which also in Germany had come to the like eftect, if
Frederick the emperor had there done his part toward
the Germans ; they, bewailing their miserable estate,
went with humble suit to persuade the emperor, that he
should no longer be under the subjection of the j)opes of
Rome, unless they first obtained certain things as touching
the charter of appeals ; declaring their state to be far
worse than the French or Italians. The nobles and
commonalty of Germany intreat with most weighty
reasons, to have the emperor's aid and help as he was
bound to them by an oath ; alleging also the great dis-
honour and ignominy in that they alone had not the use
of their own laws, declaring how the French nation had
not made their suit to their king in vain against the
exactions of popes. The emperor being moved, and
partly overcome by their persuasions, promised that he
would provide no less for them than the king of France
had done for the French, and to make decrees in that
behalf. But the grave authority of jEneas Sylvius, as
Platina writes in the history of Pius II. brake off the
matter ; who by his subtle and pestiferous persuasions,
so bewitched the emperor, that he, contemning the
equal, just and necessary requests of his subjects, chose
^'Eneas to be his ambassador to Calixtus, the newly
chosen pope, to swear to him in his name, and to pro-
mise the absolute obedience of all Germany.
And here ceasing with the history of Frederick, we
will now proceed to the reign of Maximilian, his son.
I must not pass over such christians as were con-
demned, and suffered the pains of fire for the testimony
of Christ and his truth. Of whom one was John, a
pastor or a neat-herd, who was a keeper of cattle : the
other was John de Wesalia, although not burned, yet
persecuted near to death, under the reign of this em-
peror, Frederick III.
And first, touching this John the neat-herd, thu»
writes Munster, that the bishop of Herbipolis con-
demned and burned for an heretick one John, who was
a keeper of cattle at a town called Nicholas Hausen in
Franconia, because he taught and held that the life of
the clergy was ignominious and abominable before God.
The other was doctor John de Wesalia, who was com-
plained of to Dietherus the archbishop of Mentz, by the
Thomists, upon cetain articles and opinions gathered
out of his books. Wherefore Dietherus directs com-
missions to the universities of Heidelburgh and Cologne,
to take the matter in examination ; who called this
Doctor de Wesalia before them, making him to swear
that he should present and give up all his treatises,
works and writings, whatever he had made or preached ;
that being done, they divided his books among them-
selves, severally, every man to find out what heresies
A.D. H75— 1479.]
THE EXAMINATION OF JOHN DE WESALIA.
3(5
and errors they could. His articles and opinions are
these :
" That all men be saved freely, and through mere grace
by faith in Chrbt. Free will to be nothing. Tliat we
should only believe the word of God, and not the gloss
of any man, or the fathers. That tlie word of God is to
De expounded by the collating one place with anotlier.
That prelates have no authority to make laws, nor to
expound thw scriptures, by any peculiar right given to
them more than to another. That nien"s traditions, as
fastings, pardons, feasts, long prayers, pilgrimages,
and sucii hke, are to be rejected. Extreme unction and
confirmation to be reproved ; confession and satisfaction
to be reprehended. The primacy of the pope also he
affirmed to be nothing."
Certain other articles also were gathered out of his
books by his adversaries, but in such sort, that they
may seem rather to follow their own malicious gather-
ing, than the true intention of his mind.
I Thus when Wesalia was commanded to appear, there
1 was the archbishop, the inquisitor, the doctors of Cologne,
'. and the doctors of Heidelburgh, with the masters of
I the same, and the rector of the university of Mentz, the
, dean of faculties, bachelors of divinity, and many other
masters of the same university, canons, doctors, with
: the bishop's chancellor, and his counsellors, besides
many religious prelates, scholars, with a doctor of Frank-
fort, the somner and beadles, who all met together in
the great hall of the minorites, for the examination of
, this John de Wesalia.
' Friar Elton, the inquisitor, first sits in the highest
place, then after him, others according to their degree.
i In the beginning of the examination, first the inquisitor
I begins widi these words, " Most reverend fathers and
I honourable doctors, &c. Our reverend father and prince
i elector has caused this present convocation to be called,
I to hear the examination of Master Joim de VV^esalia, in
I certain suspected articles concerning the catholic faith.
, But something I will say before, that may do him good,
I and desire that two or three of them that favour him, or
■ some other, will rise up and give him counsel to forsake
I and leave his errors, to acknowledge himself, and to ask
I pardon ; which, if he will do, he shall have pardon ; if he
I will not, we will proceed against him without pardon.''
I And thus Wesalia being cited, and brought in the midst
j betwLxt two minorites, being very aged, and having a
j staff in his hand, was set before the inquisitor. Begin-
1 ning to answer for himself with a long protestation, he
I was not sulfjred to go on with his oration, but was
] cut oft', and required briefly to make an end, and to tell
, them in a few words, whether he would stand to his
opinions, or to the determination of the church. To
I tliis he answered, that he never spake any thing
against the determination of the church, but said,
I " That he h td written several treatises, in which, if he
I had erred, or were found to say otherwise than well, he
, was contented to revoke and call back the same, and do
jail things that were requisite." Then said the inquisi-
I tor, " L)o you ask then pardon ?" The other answered,
j " Why should 1 ask pardon, when I know no crime or
'error committed?" The inquisitor said, "Well, we
] will call you to the remembrance thereof, and proceed to
I the examination."
I In the mean time, others called upon him instantly to
: ask pardon. Then said Wesalia, " I ask pardon."
Notwithstanding which, the inquisitor proceeded to the
I examination, reading there two instruments, declaring
that he had authority from the apostolic see ; after this,
I he cited John to appear to his examination. Thirdly,
i he commanded him under pain of disobedience, in the
; virtue of the Holy Ghost, and under pain of excommu-
nication of the greater curse (from which no man could
absolve him, but only the pope, or the inquisitor, ex-
cept only at the point of death), to tell plainly the truth
upon such things as should be demanded of him con-
cerning his faith, without doubts and sophistication of
words. And so being demanded first whether he be-
lieved upon his oath, that he was bound to tell the truth.
altliough it were against himself or any other ; to this he
answered, " I know it." Then the inquisitor bid him
say, " J believe it." To which he answered again,
" VV'hat need I say that I helieve the thing which 1
Anotr i"' There the inquisitor, something stiired with
the matter, cried witli a loud voice, " Master John,
Master John, Master John, say I believe, say I be-
lieve ;" then he answered, " I believe."
Many other interrogatories were ministered unto him,
whereof some were vain, some false.
Being demanded whether he was a favourer of tha
Bohemians, he said he was not. Also, being de-
manded concerning the sacrament of the holy body and
blood of our Lord, whether he thought Christ there to
be contained really, or only spiritually, and whether he
believed that in the sacrament, the substance of bread
remained, or only the form of it ; to this he answered,
not denying but the body of Christ was there really con-
tained, and also that with the body of Christ the sub-
stance of bread remained.
After this, he was demanded his opinion concerning
religious persons, as monks and nuns, whether he
thought them to be bound to the vow of chastity, or to
the keeping of any other vow, and whether he said to
the friars Minorites any such word in effect, " I cannot
save you in this your state and order." This he con-
fessed that he had said, " how that not your religion
saveth you, but the grace of God," &c. not denying but
they might be saved.
Being required whether he believed, or had written,
that tliere is no mortal sin, but which is expressed to be
mortal in the canon of the holy Bible ; to this he
answered, " that he did so believe as he hath written,
till he was better informed." Likewise, being required
what he thought of the vicar of Christ in earth, he
answered, " "That he believed that Christ left no vicar
in earth ;" for the confirmation of which he alleged and
said, " That Christ ascending up to heaven, said, ' Be-
hold I am with you,' &c. In which words he plainlj
declared, that he would substitute under him no vicai
here in earth ;" and said, moreover, " if a vicar signi-
fied any man who in the absence of the principal hath
to do the works of the principal, then Christ hath no
vicar here in earth."
In like manner, concerning indulgences and pardons,
they demanded of him, whether they had any efficacy,
and what he thought of them ; he answered, " That he
had written a certain treatise of that matter, and what
he had written in that treatise he would persist therein,
which was thus, ' That he believed that the treasure-
box of the merits of saints could not be distributed by
the pope to others, because that treasure is not left here
in earth, for so it is written in the book of Revelations,
' their works follow them ;' and that their merits could
not be applied to other men, for the satisfaction of their
pain due unto them ; and therefore that the pope and
other prelates cannot distribute that treasure to men."
Also, being demanded what he thought of the hallow-
ing and blessing of altars, chalices, vestments, wax-
candles, palms, herbs, holy-water, and other divine
things, &c.; be answered, " That they had no spiritual
virtue and power in them to drive away devils, and that
holy-water has no more efficacy than other water not
hallowed, as concerning remission of venial sins, and
driving away devils, and other effects, which the school
doctors attribute to it."
He believed, " That God may give grace to a man,
having the use of reason, without all motion of free
will." Also, he thought- " that St. Paul, in his con-
version, did nothing of his own free will for his conver-
sion." He believed, moreover, " That God may give
such grace to a man having the use of reason, not doing
that which is in him."
He affirmed, " That nothing is to be believed which
is not contained in the canon of the Bible."
Also, " That the elect are saved only by the grace of
God."
This examination being ended, and the articles con
demned by the inquisitor and his assistants, then he said
after this manner : *' As you do with me, if Christ bim«
see
RECANTATION OF JOHN DE WESALIA.— KING EDWARD V.
[Book VI.
self were here, he might be condemned as a heretic."
After this they sent several to him to have communica-
tion with him, and to persuade him ; at length, within
three or four days after, he was content to yield to
them, and to submit himself to their holy mother
church, and the information of the doctors.
Although this aged and feeble old man, by weakness
was constrained to give over to the Romish clergy, by
outward profession of his mouth, yet, notwithstanding,
his opinions and doctrine declared his inward heart, of
what judgment he was, if fear of present death had not
forced him to say otherwise than he thought.
In the year 1484, in the Emperor Maximilian's time,
died Pope Sixtus IV., who was rather a monster of nature
than a prelate of the church. Of him Platina writes,
that he unjustly vexed all Italy with war and dissension
and openly countenanced and encouraged gross vice and
immorality.
Of the said pope it is recorded, that he was a special
patron and tutor to all begging friars, granting them to
have and enjoy revenues in this world, and in the world
to come everlasting life. Among which friars there was
one named Alanus de Rupe, a black friar, who made the
rosary of our lady's psalter.
Concerning the institution of this rosary, there was a
book set forth (about A. D. 1480). In the beginning
whereof is declared, " That the blessed virgin entered
into the cell of this Alanus, and espoused him to herself
as her husband." For the truth of which story Alanus
did swear deeply, cursing himself, if it were not even as
he had made relation !
But leaving here Pope Sixtus with his vices, let us
now proceed to the history of Maximilian, keeping
also the order of our kings here in England. For a
little before the reign of Maximilian, King Edward IV.
died (A. D. 1483), after he had reigned twenty-two
years.
KING EDWARD V.
This King Edward left behind him by his wife Eliza-
oeth, two sons, Edward and Richard, and two daughters,
Elizabeth and Cecilia. Which two sons, Edward and
Richard, as they were under age, and not ripe to govern, a
consultation was called among the peers, to debate whether
the aforesaid young prince and king, should bo under the
government of his mother, or else that Richard, duke
of Gloeester, brother to King Edward IV., and uncle to
the child, should be governor of the king, and protector
of the realm. There was then among otlier noble peers
of the realm, the duke of Buckingham, a man of great
authority, who had married King Edward's wife's sister.
Because the duke being so near allied to the king, had
been unkindly, as he thought, treated by the king, hav-
ing no advancement by him, nor any great friendship
shewed to him, he took part with Richard, duke of Glo-
cester, both against the queen and her children, to make
the duke the chief governor and protector. Which be-
ing brought to pass, by the aid, assistance, and working
of the duke of Buckingham, the queen took sanctuary
with her younger son ; the elder brother, who was the
king, remaining in the custody of the duke of Glocester,
his uncle, who, being now in a good towardness to ob-
tain that which he had long looked for, sought all the
means, and soon compassed the matter, by false colour of
dissembled words, by perjury, and the labour of friends,
namely of the duke of Buckingham, and the cardinal
archbishop of Canterbury, that the other brother also
should be committed to his care. Thus the ambitious
protector and unnatural uncle, having the possession of
his two nephews, and innocent babes, thought himself
almost up the wheel where he would climb, although he
could not walk in such mists and clouds, but his pur-
poses began to be seen, which caused him more secretly
to remove from him all suspicion, and to blind the peo-
ple's eyes. But before he could accomplish his execra-
ble enterprise, there were some whom he thought must
first be rid out of the way, namely the Lord Ilastings,
and the Lord Stanley, who as they were sitting together
in council within the Tower, the protector suddenly
rushed in among them, and after a few words there
communed, he suddenly hasted out again, his mind
being full of mischief and fury, and within the f|)ace
of an hour he returned again into the chamber, with
a stern countenance and a frowning look, and so sat
down in his place. Shortly afterwards he charged them
as traitors, and had them both arrested without any
cause whatever.
The Lord Hastings was commanded to speed and
confess his sins apace, for before dinner the protector
sware by St. Paul that he should die ; and so without fur-
ther judgment, his head was struck off.
After this tyrannous murder, the mischievous pro-
tector aspiring still to the crown, to set his devices for-
ward, first through gifts and fair promises, suborned
Doctor Shaw, a famous preacher then in London, at St.
Paul's Cross, to insinuate to the people, that neither
King Edward with his sons, nor the duke of Clarence,
were the lawful children of the duke of York, but that
they were the children of the duchess their mother, by
some other person, and that he alone was the true and
only lawful heir of the duke of York. Moreover, to de-
clare and to signify to the audience that King Edward
was never lawfully married to the queen, but his wife
before was dame Elizabeth Lucy, and that so the two
children of King Edward were illegitimate, and therefore
the title of the crown most rightly pertained to the lord
protector. Thus this false flatterer, and loud lying |
preacher, to serve the protector's humour, was not I
ashamed most impudently to abuse that holy place, that
reverend auditory, and the sacred word of God, where-
upon such disdain of the people' followed him, that for
shame of the people crying out against him, in a few
days after he pined away.
When this sermon would take no effect with the peo-
ple, the protector, unmercifully drowned in ambition,
rested not thus, but within a few days after excited the
duke of Buckingham, first to break the matter in private
talk to the mayor and certain heads of the city picked
out for the purjjose ; that done, to come to the Guild-
hall, to move the people by all flattering and lying per-
suasions to the same, which shameless Shaw before had
preached at St. Paul's Cross. Which the duke, with all
diligence and helps of eloquence, being a man both
learned and well spoken, endeavoured to accomplish,
making to the people a long and artificial oration, sup-
j)osing no less, but that the people, allured by his crafty
insinuations, would cry. King Richard, King Richard I
But there was no King Richard in their mouths, less in
their hearts. Whereupon the duke looking to the lord
mayor, and asking what this silence meant, contrary tO
the promise of the one, and the expectation of the other,
it was then answered of the mayor, that the people per-
adventure understood him not ; wherefore the duke, re ■
iterating his narration in other words, declared again
what he had done before. Likewise the third time he
repeated his oration again and again. Then the com-
mons who before stood mute, being now in amaze, seeing
this opportunity, began to mutter softly among them-
selves, but yet no king Richard could sound in their lips,
save only that in the nether end of the hall, certain of
the duke's servants, with one Nashfield, and other be-
longing to the protector, thrusting into the hall among
the press, began suddenly to cry King Richard, King
Richard 1 throwing up their caps, whereat the citizens
turning back their heads, marvelled not a little, but said
nothing.
The duke and lord mayor taking this for sufficient tes-
timony, came to the protector, who was then at Baynard's
castle. Where the matter being arranged before, was
now so contrived, that humble petition was made in the
name of the whole commons, to the protector, that he,
although it was utterly against his will to take it, yet
would of his humility stoop so low as to receive the
heavy kingdom of England upon his shoulders. At this
their tender request and suit of the lords and commons
made, the mild duke, seeing no other remedy, was con-
tented at length to yield, although sore against his will
(ye must so imagine), and to submit himself so low, as
of a protector to be made king ; not much herein unlike
A.D. 1483-1485.] RICHARD III. THE USURPER.-BATTLE OF BOSWORTH FIELD.
to our prelates in the popish church, who when they
have before well compounded for the pope's bulls, vet
must they for manner sake make courtesy, and thrice
deny that for which they so long before have gaped, and
so sweetly have paid for.
KING RICHARD III. USURPER.
And thus Richard duke of Glocester took upon him
to be made and proclaimed king of England, in the
month of June, A.D. 148,5.
The triumph and solemnity of his usurped coronation
being finished, this unquiet tyrant yet could not think
himself safe, so long as young Edward the right king
and his brother were alive ; wherefore the next enter-
prise which he did set upon was this, how to rid those
innocent babes out of the way, that he might reign king
alone.
In the meantime, while all this ruffling was in hand,
what dread and sorrow the tender hearts of these father-
less and friendless children were in, what little joy of
themselves, what small joy of life they had, it is not so
hard as grievous for tender hearts to understand. As
the younger brother lingered in thought and heaviness,
so the prince, who was eleven years old, was so out of
heart, and so fraught with fear, that he never tied his
points, nor enjoyed good day, till the traitorous impiety of
their cruel uncle had delivered them of their wretched-
ness. After King Edward their uncle had first attempted
to compass his devilish device by Robert Brakenbury,
constable of the Tower, and could not win him to such a
cruel act, then he got one James Tyril, and with him
John Dighton, and Miles Forrest, to perpetrate this
heinous murder. Dighton and Forrest, about midnight
entering into the princes' chamber, so wrapped and en-
tangled them amongst the clothes, keeping down the
feather-bed and pillows hard to their mouths, that within
a while they smothered and stifled them in their bed.
And thus these two young princes ended their lives,
through the wretched cruelty of these tormentors, who,
for their detestable and bloody murder, escaped not long
unpunished by the just hand of God. For first Miles
Forrest miserably rotted away by piece-meal. John
Dighton lived at Calais long after, so disdained and hated,
that he was pointed at by all men, and died there in great
misery. Sir James Tyril was beheaded at Tower Hill for
treason. Also King Richard himself, within a year and
half after, was slain in the field, hacked and hewed by
his enemies' hands.
Furthermore, the justice of God's hand let not the
duke of Buckmgham escape free ; for within less than a
year after God so wrought, that he was beheaded for
treason by the king, whom he so unjustly before had ad-
vanced.
Doctor Morton, bishop of Ely, had devised bringing
Henry, earl of Richmond, to England, and marrying him
to Ehzabeth, King Edward's daughter, thereby joining
the two houses of Yoi-k and Lancaster together. This
device was first broken to the duke of Buckingham,
which soon after cost him his life. But that bishop,
more crafty to save himself, fled into Britany ; the
device however once being broached, was so plausible
and took such effect, that a message was sent over
the sea to Henry, earl of Richmond, by his mother,
and by the queen, mother to the Lady Elizabeth, that
tll^^'^'f ,'^''^^. ¥' '■^*''™' ^"'^ P'-o'^i^e to marry
with the Lady Elizabeth, King Edward's daughter, he
should be received.
Embracing this offer, the earl of Richmond takes the
seas at Harfleur, in the month of August (A D 1485")
accompanied only with two thousand men, and" a small
number of ships, arrived at Milford Haven, in Wales
and first came to Dale, then to Harford West, where he
was joyfully received, and also by the coming in of
Arnold Butler, and the Pembroke men, was increased in
power. From thence he removing by Cardigan to
Shrewsbury, and then to Newport, and so to Stafford,
In !"f 'a Lichfield, his army stiU more and more
augmented. As a great flood, by coming in of many
£67
small rivers, gathers more abundance of water ; so to
this earl, many noble captains and men of power joined
themselves, as Richard Griffith, John Morgan, Rice ap
Thomas ; then Sir George Talbot, with the young earl of
Shrewsbury, his ward ; Sir William Stanley ; Sir
Thomas Burchier ; and Sir Walter Hungerford, knights.
At last tlie earl, hearing of the king's coming, conducted
his whole army to Tamworth.
King Richard, hearing of the arrival of the Earl
Henry in the parts of Wales with so small a force,
gave little or no regard to it. But understanding that
he was come to Lichfield, without resistance or incum-
brance, lie was sore moved, cursing and crying out
against them who had so deceived him, and in all speed
sent for John duke of Norfolk, Henry earl of Northum-
berland, Thomas earl of Surrey, with other friends of
special trust. Robert Brakenbury also, lieutenant of
the Tower, was sent for, with Sir Thomas Burchier, and
Sir Walter Hungerford, with certain other knights and
esquires, whom he partly misdoubted. Thus, King
Richard, well fortified and accompanied, leaving nothing
undone that diligence could require, set forward toward
his enemies. The earl by this time was come to Tam-
worth, to whom secretly in the evening, resorted Sir
John Savage, Sir Bryan Sanford, Sir Simon Digby, and
many others, forsaking the part of King Richard, whom
all good men hated, as he indeed deserved. The king,
having perfect knowledge of the eari being encamped
at Tamworth, embattled himself in a place near a village
called Bosworth, not far from Leicester, determining
there to encounter his adversaries. Here the matter
lay in great doubt and suspense concerning the Lord
Stanley, (who was the earl's father-in-law, and had
married his mother) to whose part he would incline.
For although his heart went (no doubt) with the earl,
and lie had secret conference with him the night before,
yet because of his son and heir, George Lord Strange,
being then in the hands of King Richard, lest the king
should attempt any thing against him, he durst not be
seen openly to go that way where in heart he favoured,
and therefore, closely kept himself between both, till
the push came that his help might be of signal service.
The number of the earl's party was not more than
one half of the side of King Richard. When the time
and place was appointed, where the two battles should
encounter and join together, sore stripes and great
blows were given on both sides, and many slain. If
number and multitude might govern the success of
battle, King Richard had double the eari. But it is
God, not man, that giveth victory, by what means it
seemeth best to his divine providence. In what order,
and by what occasion this field was won and lost, the
certain intelligence we possess not, only the history of
Polydore Virgil, whom Sir Thomas More follows word
for word. In which history it ap^iears, that as these
two armies were coupling together. King Richard un-
derstanding by his spies where the eari of Richmond
was, and how he was but slenderly accompanied, and
seeing him approach more near to him, rather carried
with courage, than ruled with reason, set spurs to his
horse, and ranging out of the compass of his ranks, pres-
sed toward the eari, and set upon him so sharply, that
first he killed Sir William Brandon, the earl's standard-
bearer, father to the Lord Charies Brandon, duke of
Suffolk, then after overthrew Sir John Cheinie, thinking
likewise to oppress the eari. But as the Lord by his
secret providence disposeth the event of all things, as
the earl with his men about him, being overmatched,
began to despair of victory, suddenly and opportunely
came Sir William Stanley, with three thousand well-
appointed able men, whereby King Richard's men were
driven back, and he himself, cruelly fighting in the
thick of his enemies, was slain, and brought to his
confusion and death, which he worthily deserved.
In the meantime, the earl of Oxford, who had the
guiding of the forward, discomfited the forefront of King
Richard's host, and put them to flight, in which chase
many were slain, of noblemen especially above others,
John duke of Norfolk, Lord Ferrers, Sir Richard Had-
369 DEATH OP KING RICHARD HI.— HENRY Vll.— THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN. [Book VI.
cliff, and Robert Brankenbury, lieutenant of the Tower.
&c. Lord Thomas Haward, earl of Surrey, there sub-
mitted himself, and although he was not received at first
to grace, but remained long in the Tower, yet at length,
for his fidelity, he was delivered and advanced to his
recovered honour and dignity again.
This King Richard had but one son, who, shortly
after the cruel murder of King Edward's sons, was
taken with sickness and died.
Moreover, as to the Lord Stanley, thus reports the
history, that King Richard being in Bosworth field, sent
for Lord Stanley by a pursuivant, to advance with his
conii)any, otherwise he sware by Christ's passion, that
he would strike off his son's head before dinner. Tlie
Lord Stanley sent word again, that if he did, he had
more sons alive. The king immediately commanded
the Lord Strange to be beheaded ; at the very time
when both the armies were within sight, and were ready
to join together. Wherefore the king's councillors,
pondering the time and the case, persuaded the king
that it was now time to fight, and not to do execution,
advising him to delay the matter till the battle was
ended. And so (as God would) King Richard breaking
his oath, or rather keeping his oath, for he himself was
fdain before dinner, the Lord Strange was committed to
be kept prisoner within the king's tent ; who then, after
the victory was gotten, was sought out and brought to his
joyful father. And thus you have the tragical life and
end of this wretched King Richard.
Henry, the earl of Richmond, after hearty thanks
given to Abnighty God for his glorious victory, pro-
ceeded to the town of Leicester, where the crown was
brought to him by the Lord Strange, and put on the
earl's head.
In the meantime the dead corpse of King Richard was
shamefully carried to tlie town of I/cicester, being naked
and despoiled to the skin ; and being trussed behind a
pursuivant of arms, was carried like a hog or a dog,
having his head and arms hanging on the one side of
the horse, and the legs on the other side, all sprinkled
with mire and blood. And thus ended the usurped
reign of King Richard, who reigned two years and two
months.
KING HESRT the seventh.
When King Henry, by the providence of God, had
obtained this triumphant victory and diadem of the
realm, first sending for Edward Plantagenet, earl of War-
wick, son to George duke of Clarence, and committing
him to safe custody within the Tower, from Leicester he
removed to London, and not long after, according to
his oath and promise made before, he espoused the
young Lady Elizabeth, heir of the house of York ;
whereby both the houses of York and Lancaster were
joined together, to the no little rejoicing of all Eng-
lish hearts, and no less quiet unto the realm, which was
A. D. 1485. This king reigned twenty-three years and
eight months, and being a prince of great policy, justice,
and temperance, kept his realm in good tolerable rule
and order. And here, interrupting a little the course of
our English matters, we will now (the Lord willing)
enter the history above promised, of Maximilian the
emperor, and matters of the empire, especially such as
pertain to the church.
MAXIMILIAN THE EMPEROR.
So happy was the education of this emperor in good
letters, so expert he was in languages and sciences, but
especially such was his dexterity and promptness in the
Latin tongues, that he, imitating the exami)lo of Julius
Ciesar, did write and comprehend in Latin histories his
own acts and feats. Moreover, as he was learned liim-
self, so he was a singular patron and advancer of learned
students, as may well appear by the erecting and setting
up the university of Wittenburgh. By this emperor
many in those days were excited to embrace as weU
other libera' arts, as also the searching out of old his-
tories, by which several persons were induced to exer-
cise their diligence in collecting and exjjlaining matters
pertaining to the knowledge of history, as well of ancien*
as also of later times, as Cuspinianus, Nauclerus, Con-
radus, Peutingerus, Manlius, and others.
Here now it began to appear, what great benefit was
conferred on the world by the art and faculty of printing.
Through means of which the church and commonwealth
of Christ began now to be replenished with learned
men.
Among the many learned men of this time, must be
numbered Weselus Groningensis, otherwise named
Basilius. He was so notable and worthy a man, that the
people called him " The Light of the World."
Concerning his doctrine, he reprehended the opinion
of the ])apists, as touching re])entance, which they
divided into three parts, of which three parts, satisfac-
tion and confession he disallowed. Likewise purgatory
and supererogation of works and pardons he disproved,
both lit Rome and at Paris. He spake against the
pope's indulgences, by occasion of which several of the
jiope's court, being persuaded by him, began to sjieak
more freely against the matter than he himself had
done.
The abuses of masses, and praying for the dead he
disallowed ; and likewise the supremacy of the pope he
utterly rejected, denying utterly that any supreme head
or governor ought to be in the world over all other ;
affirming also, and saying many times, " That the pope
had no authority to do any thing by commandment, but
by truth, that is, so far as truth goes with him, so far
his sentence to stand ; neither that he ought to prevail
by commanding, but only by teaching, as every true
christian bishop may prevail over another." Also in
some places in his writings he denies not, " but that
pope's and their spiritual prelates, proceeding against
Christ's doctrine, are plain antichrists.*'
Also, Weselus witnesses that the fathers who were
before Albert and Thomas did resist and withstand the
pope's indulgences, calling them in their writings plain
idolatry, mere fraud and error ; adding moreover, that
unless the severity of some good divines had withstood
these pardons and indulgences of the pope, innumerable
errors had overflown the chiirch.
By this it may be seen and noted, how, by the grace
of God and gift of printing, first came forth learning, and
by learning came light to judge and discern the errors
of the pope from the truth of God's word.
About the very same time, whenthe gospel began thus
to branch and spring in Germany, the host of Christ's
church began also to muster and to multiply here in
England. For not long after the death of this Weselus,
A.D. 1494, and in the ninth year of the reign of Henry
VII., on the twenty-eighth of April, a very old woman
named Joan Boughton, widow, and mother to the Lady
Young, was burned, which lady was also suspected to be
of that opinion which her mother was. Her mother was
fourscore years of age or more, and held eight of Wick-
liff's opinions (which opinions my author does not shew)
for which she was burnt in Smithfield. Our author
says she was a disciple of Wickliff, whom she accounted
for a saint, and held so fast and firmly eight of his ten
opinions, that all the doctors of London could not turn
her from one of them ; and when it was told her that she
should be burnt for her obstinacy and false belief, she
set nothing by their menacing words, but defied them ;
for she said she was so beloved of God, and his holy
angels, that she cared not for the fire, and in the midst
thereof she cried to God to take her soul into his holy
hands. The night following that on which she was
burnt, the most part of her ashes were taken away by
such as had a love to the doctrine that she died for.
Shortly after the martyrdom of this godly aged mo-
ther, on the seventeenth of January, A.D. 1497, being
Sunday, two men, the one called Richard Milderale,
and the other James Sturdy, performed the penance of
carrying fagots before the procession of St. Paul's, and
1485—1499.] MARTYRDOM OF JEROME SAVANAROLA, UNDER POPE ALEXANDER VI. 369
afterwards stood before the preacher in the time of his
sermon. And upon the Sunday following two other men
stood at Paul's Cross all the sermon time ; the one gar-
nished with painted and written papers, the other hav-
ing a fagot on his neck. After that in Lent season,
upon Passion Sunday, one Hugh Glover bore a fagot
before the procession of St. Paul's, and after with
the fagot stood before the preacher all the sermon
time at Paul's Cross. And on the Sunday next follow-
ing four men stood, and did their open penance at
Paul's Cross in the sermon time, and many of their
books were burnt before them at the cross.
The next year following, which was in the beginning
of May, A.D. 1498, the king then being at Canterbury,
a priest was burnt, who was so strong in his opinion
that all the clerks and doctors then there being could
not remove him from his faith. Whereof the king
being informed, he caused the priest to be brought be-
fore his presence, who by his persuasion caused him to
revoke, but still he was burnt immediately.
In the same year above mentioned, which was A.D.
1498, after the beheading of Edward Plantagenet, earl
of Warwick, and son to the duke of Clarence, the king
and queen being removed to Calais, a certain godly man
and a constant martyr of Christ, named Babram, in
Norfolk, was burnt in the month of July.
About which year likewise, or in the year next fol-
lowing, the twentieth day of July, was an old man burnt
in Smithfield.
In the year 1499, the martyrdom and burning
of Jerome Savanarola took place, a man no less
godly in heart than constant in his profession. Who
being a monk in Italy, and singularly well learned,
preached against the evil living of the spiritualty, and
especially of his own order, complaining against them as
the springs and authors of all mischiefs and wickedness.
Whereupon, by the help of certain learned men, he be-
gan to seek reformation in his own order. The pope
perceiving this, and fearing that Jerome, who was now
in great reputation among all men, should diminish or
overthrow his authority, he ordained his vicar or pro-
vincial to see reformation of these matters, which vicar
with great superstition began to reform things ; but Je-
rome always withstood him, whereupon he was com-
plained of to the pope, and because contrary to the
pope's commandment he withstood his vicar, he was
accursed. But for all that Jerome left not off preach-
ing, but threatened Italy with the wrath and indignation
of God, and prophesied to them, that the land should
be overthrown for the pride and wickedness of the
people, and for the untruth, hypocrisy, and falsehood of
the clergy, which God would not leave unrevenged, as
it afterwards came to pass, when King Charles came
into Italy and to Rome, and so straightly beset Pope
Alexander, that he was forced to make composition
with the king.
Now as Jerome would not leave off preaching, he was
commanded to appear before the pope, to give account
of his new learning (for so then they called the truth of
the gospel), but he made his excuse that he could not
come. Then he was again forbidden by the pope to
preach, and his learning pronounced and condemned as
pernicious, false, and seditious.
This Jerome, as a man worldly wise, foreseeing the
great perils and dangers that migljt come unto him, for
fear left off preaching ; but when the people, who sore
hungered and longed for God's word, were urgent on
him that he would preach again, he began again to
preach A.D. 1496, in the city of Florence ; and although
many counselled him that he should not do so without
the pope's commandment, yet he did not regard it, but
went forward freely of his own good-will. When the
pope and his shavelings heard news of this they were
grievously incensed and inflamed against him, and now
again cursed him, as an obstinate and stiff-necked here-
tic. But for all that, Jerome proceeded in teaching
and instructing the people, saying that men ought not
to regard such curses, which are against the true doc-
trine and the common advantage, whereby the people
should be taught and amended, Christ's kingdom en-
large'I, and the kingdom of the devil utterly overthrown.
In all his preaching he desired to teach no other
thing than only the pure and simple word of God, mak-
irig often protestation that all men should certify him if
*,bey had heard him teach or preach anything contrary
thereto, for upon his own conscience he knew not that
he had taught anything but the pure word of God.
What his doctrine was all men may easily judge by his
books that he has written.
After this (A.D. 1498,) he was taken and brought out
of St. Mark's cloister, and two other friars with him,
named Dominic and Sylvester, who favoured his learn-
ing, and was carried into prison, where he wrote a
godly meditation upon that most comfortable thirty-first
Psalm : " In thee, O Lord, do I put my trust, let me
never be ashamed : deliver me in thy righteousness."
Wherein he doth excellently describe and set forth the
continual strife between the flesh and the spirit.
After this the pope's legates came to Florence, and
called forth these three good men, threatening them
marvellously ; but they continued still constant. Then
came the chief counsellors of the city, with the pope's
commissioners, who had gathered out certain articles
against these men, whereupon they were condemned to
death ; the tenour of which articles hereafter ensue : —
1 . The first article was as touching our free justifica •
tion through faith in Christ.
2. That the communion ought to hp ministered under
both kinds.
3. That the indulgences and pardons of the pope were
of no effect.
4. For preaching against the filthy and wicked living
of the cardinals and clergy.
5. For denying the pope's supremacy.
6. Also that he had affirmed that the keys were not
given to Peter alone, but unto the universal church.
7. Also, that the pope did neither follow the life nor
doctrine of Christ, for that he attributed more to his
own pardons and traditions, than to Christ's merits, and
therefore he was antichrist.
8. Also, that the pope's excommunications are not to
be feared, and that he who doth fear or flee them is ex-
communicated of God.
9. That auricular confession is not necessary.
10. That he had moved the citizens to uproar and
sedition.
11. That he had neglected and condemned the pope's
citation.
12. That he had shamefully spoken against and slan-
dered the pope.
13. That he had taken Christ to witness of his naugh-
tiness and heresy.
14. Also, that Italy must be cleansed through God's
scourge, for the manifold wickedness of the princes and
clergy.
These and such other articles were laid against them i
and read before them. Then they demanded of Jerome
and his companions, whether they would recant and give,
over their opinions. They answered, that through God's-
help they would steadfastly continue in the manifest
truth, and not depart from the same. Then were they
degraded one after another by the bishop of Vasion, and
so delivered over to the secular rulers of Florence, with
commandment to carry them forth, and handle them as
obstinate and stiff-necked heretics.
Thus was this worthy witness of Christ, with the other
two, first hanged up openly in the market-place, anrf
afterward burnt to ashes, and the ashes gathered up, an
cast into the river of Arum, the 24th of May, A. D. 1499.
This Savanarola suffered under Pope Alexander VI.
Now to return to the order of popes, where we left off
with Innocent VIII. After Innocent succeeded Pope
Alexander VI. In Alexander, among other horrible
things, this is to be noted, that when Gemes, bro-
ther to Bajazet the great Turk, was committed by the
Rhodians to the safe custody, first of Pope Innocent,
then of Alexander VI., (for whose keeping, the pope
B b2
:i:o
INFAMOUS DOINGS OF ALEXANDER VI. AND PIUS III.
[Book VI.
received every year forty thousand crowns) ; yet, when
Pope Alexander was compelled to send Gemes to Charles
VIII., the French king, as a pledge, he, being hired by
the Turk, caused Gemes to be poisoned at Terracina.
Moreover, it appears that this Alexander taking
displeasure with Charles the French king, about the
winning of Naples, sent to Bajazet the Turk, to fight
against Charles.
Munsterus declaring the history of Gemes some-
thing otherwise, saith that he was first committed by
the Rhodians to the French king. And when Alexander
the pope, through his fraudulent flattery, got him out of
the hands of the French king into his own, then by his
means Gemes afterward was poisoned, as is before ex-
pressed.
To these poisoning acts of the pope, let us also add his
malicious wickedness, with like fury exercised upon
Antonius Mancinellus, a man of excellent learning,
because he wrote an eloquent oration against his wicked
manners and filthy life, with other vices ; he therefore
commanded both his hands and his tongue to be cut off,
playing with him, as M. Antonius the tyrant before did
with M.Cicero, for writing against his horrible life. At
length, as one poison requires another, this poisoning pope,
as he was sittingwith his cardinals, and other rich senators
of Rome at dinner, his servants unawares brought to him
a wrong bottle, by which he was poisoned, and some of
his cardinals who were about him.
In the time of this Pope Alexander also it happened,
that the angel, which stood in the high top of the pope's
church, was beaten down with terrible thunder. After
this pope, succeeded Pius III., (A. D. lyOii.) After
whom came Julius II., a man so far passing all other in
iniquity, that Wigelius, and such other of his own
friends, are compelled to say of him, " that he was more
given to war and battle, than to Christ." Concerning
the madness of this man, it is most certainly known,
that when he was going to war, he cast the keys of St.
Peter into the river Tiber, saying, that as the keys of
St. Peter would not serve him to his purpose, he would
betake himself to the sword of St. Paul.
Of this Julius it is certainly reported, that partly with
his wars, and partly with his cursings, in the space of
seven years, as good as two hundred thousand christians
were destroyed. P"irst, he besieged Ravenna against the
Venetians, then Servia, Imolia, Faventia, Forolivium,
Bononia, and other cities, which he got out of princes'
hands, not without much bloodshed. The chronicles of
John Sleidan make mention, that when this Julius was
made pope, he took an oath, promising to have a council
within two years ; but when he had no leisure, being
occupied with his wars in Italy among the Venetians,
and with the French king, and in Ferraria, and in other
countries, nine of his cardinals departing from him,
came into Milan, and there appointed a council at the
city of Pisa ; among whom, the chief were Bernard,
Cruceius, William Prenestinus, Francis, Constantine,
with others ; to whom also were added, the proctors of
Maximilian the emperor, and of Charles the French
king. So the council was appointed (A. D. 1511) to
begin in tlie kalends of September. The cause why they
called this council was, that the pope having broken his
oath, gave no hope of having any council ; and also
because there were other crimes of which they had to
accuse. Their purpose was to remove him out of his
seat, which he had procured through bribes and ambition.
Julius hearing tliis, conimaiuls, under great penalties,
that no man should obey tiicni, and himself calls another
council against the next year, to be begun the nineteentli
day of April. The French king understanding that Pope
Julius had joined with the Venetians, to take their part
against him, assembled a council at Turin, in the montli
of September ; in which council these questions were
pro)iosed.
Whether it was lawful for the pope to wage war
against any prince without cause .*
Whether any prince in defending himself, might invade
his adversary, and deny his obedience ?
To which questions it was answered, that the bishop
ought not to invade, and also that it was lawful for the
king to defend himself. Moreover, that the pragmatical
sanction was to be observed through the realm of France
and that excommunications ought not to be feared, if
they were found to be unjust. After this the king sent to
Julius the answer of his council, requiring him either to
agree to peace, or to appoint a general council some-
where else, where this matter might be more fully de-
cided. Julius would do neither of these, but forthwith
accursed Charles, the French king, with all his kingdom.
At length at Ravenna, in a great battle, he was overcome
by the French king, and at last, after much slaughter,
and great bloodshed, and mortal war, this pope died
the twenty-first day of February, A. D. 1.513.
If it were not that I am afraid of filling this vo-
lume with foreign histories, when I have professed
chiefly to treat of Acts and Monuments done here at
home, I would add after these popes something also of
the Turks' history, of their rise and cruel persecution of
the saints of God, to the great peril of Christendom ;
yet there are certain causes which necessarily require
their wicked proceedings, their cruel tyranny, and
bloody victories, the ruin and subversion of so many
christian churches, with the horrible murders and cap-
tivity of infinite christians, to be made known, as well to
this our country of England, as also to other nations.
The great victories of tlie Turks, and the want of
success of our men fighting against them, may ad-
monish and teach us, following the example of the old
Israelites, how to seek for greater strength to encounter
with these enemies of Christ than hitherto we have
done. First, we must consider that the whole power of
Satan, the prince of this world, goes with the Turks, to
resist which no strength of man's arm is sufficient, but
only the name, spirit, and power of our Lord Jesus the
Son of God going with us in our battles, as among the
old Israelites the ark of God's covenant and promise
went with them also fighting against the enemies of
God. For so are we taught in the scripture, that we
christian men have no strength but in Christ only.
Whether we war against the devil, or against the Turk,
it is true what the scripture saith, " without me you can
do nothing." There is no power to stand against the
devil, or to conquer the world, unless our faith only, to
which all the promises of God (touching salvation) are
annexed, beyond which promises we must not go, for
the word must be our rule. He that presumes beyond
the promises in the word expressed, goes not, but wan-
ders, he cannot tell whither. Neither must we appoint
God how to save the world, but must take that way
which he hath appointed. Let us not set God to
school, nor comprehend his Holy Spirit within our
knowledge. He that made us without our counsel, did also
redeem us as pleased him. If he be merciful, let us be
thankful. And if his mercies surmount our capacity,
let us therefore not resist but search his word, and
thereto apply our will, which if we will do, all our con-
tentions will be soon at a point. Let us, therefore,
search the will of our God in his word ; and if he wills
his salvation to stand free to all nations, why do we
make merchandise thereof ? If he has graciously of-
fered his waters to us, without money, or money's
worth, let us not hedge in the plenteous springs of liis
grace so freely given us.
And if God has determined his own Son to stand
alone, let us not presume to mix with his majesty any
of our trumjiery. He that brings St. George or St.
Dennis as patrons to the field to fight against the Turk,
leaves Christ (no doubt) at home. Now how we have
fought these many years against the Turk, though his-
tory keeps silence, yet the success declares. 'We fight
against a jiersecutor, being no less persecutors ourselves.
We wrestle against a bloody tyrant, and o\u- hands are
as full of blood as his. He kills Christ's peojile with
the sword, and we burn them with fire. He observing
tlie works of the law, seeks his justification by the
same, the like also do we. But neither he nor we seek
our justification as we should, that is, only by faith in
the Son of God.
And what. marvel then, our doctrine being almost as
corrupt as his, and our conversation worse, if Cijrist
A.D. 1499.]
HISTORY OF THE TURKS.— MAHOMET.— THE ALKORAN.
S7l
fight not with us, fighting against the Turk ? The Turk
hath prevailed so mightily, not because Christ is weak,
but because Christians are wicked, and their doctrine
impure. Our temples are polluted with images, and
our hearts with idolatry; our priests sin before God
in adultery, being restrained from lawful matrimony.
The name of God is in our mouths, but his fear is not
in our hearts. We war against the Turk with our
works, masses, traditions, and ceremonies, but we fight
not against him with Christ, and with the power of his
glorjs which if we did the field were won.
I do believe, that when the churcU of Christ with the
sacraments thereof shall be so reformed, tliat Christ
alone shall be received to be our justifier, all other re-
ligions, merits, traditions, images, patrons and advo-
cates set apart, the sword of the christians, with the
strength of Christ, shall soon vanquish the Turks' pride
and fury. But of this I will treat more largely in the
process of this history.
As to the time when this sect of Mahomet first began,
history does not fully consent, but it is generally rec-
koned from his flight from Mecca (A.D. C>22), which
they call the Hegyra, and in the eleventh year of Heraclius
the emperor of Constantinople.
In this all writers agree, that this damnable Mahomet
was born in the country of Arabia, bordering on the
east part of Judea, (A.D. 571.) His father was an
Arabian of the tribe of Koreish, and his mother
was an Ishmaelite, which Ishmaelites being a people
of Arabia, were called the Hagarens, which term
Mahomet afterwards turned to the name of Saracens.
Of this wretched Mahomet mention was made be-
fore, where we shewed, how he making himself the
highest prophet of all other, yet denies not Christ to be
an holy prophet, and next to him, and Moses also to
be another. Moreover, he denies not Mary the mother
of Christ to be a virgin, and to have conceived Christ
by the Holy Ghost : affirming farther, that Christ in his
own person was not crucified, but another called Judas
for him. He greatly commends John the son of Za-
chary for a chaste man, when he himself permits a man to
have four wives, and as many concubines as he is able to
find, and saith that whereas Christ and other prophets
had tlie gift given them to work miracles, he was
sent by force of the sword, to compel men to his
religion.
The prodigious vanities, lies, and blasphemies con-
tained in his law, called The Alkoran, are rather to be
laughed at than recited.
it is thought that Sergius, a Nestorian, assisted Ma-
homet, in contriving this Alkoran, and so it appears by
the scope, which especially tends to this end, to take the
divinity from the person of Christ, whom he grants
notwithstanding to be a most holy man, and also that
he is received up to God, and shall come again to kill
antichrist, &c.
Moreover, this ridiculous Alkoran is so intermingled
with mixtures of the Christian, Jewish, and the Gentile
laws, giving such liberty to all the lusts of the flesh,
setting up circumcision, abstaining from swine's flesh,
and Jewish washings, and so much stands upon father
Abraham, that it is supposed by some that this filthy
Alkoran was set out in the days of Mahomet, but that
certain Jews had some handling also in the matter, and
put it out after his death.
After Mahomet had thus seduced the people, teaching
them that he came not by miracles, but by the sword to
give his law, and that they who will not obey it must
either be put to death, or else pay tribute (for so are the
words of the Alkoran) ; and after he had gathered the
strength of the Arabians about him, which Arabians
l.ad then occasion to rebel against the emperor, because
their stipends were not paid them by the emperor's ofii-
cers, he began to range with force and violence in parts
of Syria, and subdued Mecca, then Damascus, and
further increasing in power he entered Egypt, and sub-
dued the same. From thence he turned ugainst the
Persians. Chosroes, the king of Persia, encountered him
with a powerful army, and overthrew the Saracens, and
put Mahomet to flight. Of these Persians came the
Turks, who afterward joining with the Saracens, main-
tained them against the christians.
After the death of this beast (A.D. G:'2), who, as
some sav, was i)oisoned in his house, he was succeeded
by his f;ither-in-law, Abubeker, who took upon him the
government of their followers, and got tlie city Gaza,
and besieged also Jerusalem. He reigned two years at
Damascus.
After him followed Omar, who conquered a great part
of Syria, Egyjit, and Persia.
The fourth king of the Saracens, after Mahomet, was
Otman, tlien followed Ali the son-in-law of Mahomet,
and after him Mahuvias, or Moawiyah, who, after a siege
of seven years, obtained the christian city of Cesarea ;
also overcame the Persians, and subdued that country to
his law.
Thus the wicked Saracens, in the space of thirty
years, subdued Arabia, got Palestine, Phoenicia, Syria,
Egypt, and Persia.
Not long after Heraclius, emperor of Constantinople,
succeeded Constans his nephew, who, in the sixteenth
vear of his empire, fighting unluckily against the Sara-
cens in Lycia, was overthrown by Mahuvias, A.D. 657.
The Saracens after this victory spoiled all Rhodes.
These cursed Saracens, in these great victories and
conquests, were not without domestic sedition and di-
visions, yet the j)rinces of the Saracens, then called
Sultans, had in their possession the government of
Syria, Egypt, Africa, and of a great part of Asia, about
four hundred years, till at length the Saracerf king who
ruled in Persia, fighting against the Saracen of Babylon,
sousrht aid of the Turks to fight with him against the
sultan of Babylon. The Turks Iiy little and little sur-
prised the sultan of Persia, and not long after usurped
the kinsdom of Persia ; and this is the first beginning of
the Turkish dominion.
These Turks, after they had thus overcome many
countries and provinces, and made their power large
and mighty both in Asia and Europe, began to divide
their kingdoms and countries among themselves. But
when they could not agree, but with deadly war contended
for the bounds of those kingdoms and dominions, four
of the principal families conquering and subduing all the
rest, parted the whole empire among themselves. And
yet they also were not contented, but fell to such cruel
hatred, contention, war, and slaughter (no doubt by the
just judgment of God against his blasphemous enemies),
that there was no end of it, until the remnant of the an-
cient Turks was utterly rooted out.
These four families, with their captains and armies,
about A.D. 1330, went raging throughout all Asia and
Europe, and every one of them conquered some part of
the countries where they passed.
The causes of these great invasions and victories,
were the dissension and discord, falsehood, idleness, un-
constancy, greedy avarice, lack of truth and fidelity
among christian men of all states and degrees, both high
and low. For by the wilful defection and backsliding of
the christians, the Turkish power exceedingly increased,
in that many desiring the licentious life and liberty of
war, and allured with the prosperous success of things,
forsook the church of God, and made themselves bond-
slaves to Mahomet and his deviUsh sect, both because
liberty is delightful to all men, and partly also because as
fortune favours, so commonly the wills of men incline.
And again, such as are profane and without the fear of
God (of whom there is an infinite number in the church)
in all ages are wont commonly to judge of religion, ac-
cording to the success of realms and kingdoms. For
many, not only for the variety of opinions, but also for
the diversity of events and fortune among men, have in-
quired, and do inquire whether there is any church of
God distinct from other nations, what it is, and where
it is ; especially as the greatest part of men, both in the
old time when the four monarchies flourished, was igno-
rant of this doctrine, which is peculiar to the church
alone, and now also the barbarity of Mahomet prevails
and reigns in the most part of the world. And ho^
372 OTTOMAN EMPIRE.— OTHMAN OR OTTOMAN.— ORCHANES.—AMURATH. [Book VI.
stands this with man's reason, that a small number, both
miserable and also feeble and broken with many battles,
should be regarded and loved of God, and the other
flourishing in all wealth, prosperity, victory, authority,
and power, should be rejected and despised of God,
seeing there is no power and authority, but by the ordi-
nance of God ? Although therefore the power of the
Turks has been, for these two hundred years, of greater
force than any other monarchy of the world besides, yet
is thsre no imjierial dignity to be regarded in that
Turkish tyranny, but among those nations only, where
the heavenly doctrine of the gospel is preached, and
other disciplines necessary for the church of God, and
the common life of man maintained and regarded, where
the laws of God, and other honest and civil ordinances
agreeable to the same, flourish and reign ; where lawful
judgment is exercised ; where virtue is honoured and re-
warded ; where sin and wickedness is punished ; where
honest families are maintained and defended.
These things are not regarded among the Turks, the
enemies of the Son of God, and all lawful empires, be-
cause they dissolve and reject all godly societies, honest
discipline, good laws, politics, righteous judgment, the
ordinance of matrimony, and godly families. For what
has the empire of the Turks been hitherto, but most
deadly, cruel, and perpetual war, to work all mischief,
destruction, and desolation ? To subvert good laws,
cities, kingdoms, policies, and to enlarge their cruel
power and dominion .' The stay and strength whereof is
not love and favour proceeding of virtue and justice, as
In lawful and well governed empires ; but fear, violence,
oppression, swarms and infinite thousands of barbarous
and most wicked peo])le, ministers of Satan's malice and
fury. Which kind of dominion and tyranny has been
condemned by the voice of God many years ago ; the
testimonies whereof the Lord would have to remain in
the church, lest the godly, being moved with the power
and success thereof, should fall awav and forsake the Son
of God.
Wherefore, let us not seek for any imperial state in
that barbarity ; but let us be thankful, and acknowledge
the great benefit of God, that he hath reserved to us
certain remnants of the Roman empire ; and let us call
upon him daily with hearty petitions and groans, and
with zeal and love to the house of God, that this Turkish
power joined with the malice of Satan against the Son
of God, prevail not against the poor congregations and
little remnant of his church, as it has hitherto done
against those strong and noble christian kingdoms and
churches, where now we see the Turkish tyranny to
reign, and Satan to have taken full possession. Whose
state was once far better than ours is now, and more likely
to continue without such horrible overthrows and deso-
lation. O that we might foresee a little the great dan-
ger that hangs over our heads ! For though the Turk
seems to be far off, yet do we nourish within our breasts
at home, that which may soon cause us to feel his cruel
hand and worse, if worse may be ; to overrun us ; to lay
our land waste ; to scatter us among the infidels, the
enemies and blasphemers of the Son of God.
Now, although these four families above-mentioned
long continued togetlier in bloody wars, deadly hatred,
yet one of them passed the rest in all cruelty and
tyranny, and subduing the other three families, took upon
him the government alone, and so became the first mo-
narch, or emperor, that reigned amongst tliem, called
Ottoman, of whom all that reigned after him were called
Ottomans, who succeeding in the order of his line, have
occupied the same dominion and seat of the Turks,
from A. D. l^iOO, to this present time, to the number
of twelve, of which twelve, in such order as they lived
and reigned, I intend (Christ so permitting) seve-
rally and compendiously shortly to treat, briefly ab-
stracting, out of prolix and tedious writers, such parti-
culars as for us christians shall be briefly requisite to be
known,
THE TWELVE GREAT EMPERORS OF THE TURKS.
I. Ottoman. — This man was at first of poor estate,
and obscure among the common sort of men, coming of
a base progeny, and of rustic parents ; but through his
valiantness and activity in war, he got him a great name
among the Turks. For he being a man of fierce courage,
refusing no labour, delighting in war, and gathering toge-
ther by great subtlety a multitude of common soldiers,
began to make war, and by conquest and victories to ad-
vance himself and his family. First, he began to rob and
spoil with a great band of rovers, and afterward he at-
tempted to set upon all men. Neither did he vex and
destroy the christians only, but set upon his own nation
also, and sought all occasion to subdue them wholly to
him. For now the'princes and captains of the Turks,
inflamed with ambition and desire of rule, began to fall
out and contend among themselves, insomuch that they
fell to domestic war, with all the power they could.
Ottoman considering this occasion very fit and meet to
accomplish that which he had long sought for, gathered
to him all such as he thought given to robbing and
spoiling, and set them upon mischief, and in a short time
he began to grow in authority, and set upon certain towns,
as he saw opportunity. Of which towns some he took by
force, some by surrender, others he spoiled and overthrew
to terrify the rest, thus laying the first foundation of his
rising. In the meantime, the discord which was among
the christians was no small advantage to this Ottoman,
by occasion whereof, he within ten years' space subdued
Bithynia, and all the provinces about Pontus ; also
Natolia, which comprehends all the dominion of the
Greeks within Asia ; Ancyra, a city in Phrygia ; Synope,
a city in Galatia ; and Sebastia, a city in Cappadocia :
and thus still prevailing, he increased in a short time to a
mighty power, either through the secret judgment of
God against that nation, or else because God would have
them so far and so cruelly to prevail, for the punishment
of the sins of other nations.
This Ottoman, after he had reigned twenty-eight
years, died A. D. 1328, leaving behind him three sons,
of whom Orchanes, being the youngest, killed his two
brethren, whilst they were at variance between them-
selves.
II. Orchanes after he had slain his two brethren,
took the government of the Turks after his father, who,
after he had drawn to him the hearts of the multitude,
such as had their dispositions set upon the licentious life
of war, applied his power further to enlarge his father's
dominion, winning and subduing Mysia,Lydia, Lycaonia,
Phrygia, and Caria ; all which countries, being within
the compass of Asia, to the seaside of Hellespont, and
the Euxine sea, he added to the Turkish empire. Also
he won Prusa, which was the metropolitan city of
Bithynia, which then he made the chief seat of the Turks'
empire. Besides these, he conquered Nice, and got
Nicomedia ; all which were before christian cities and
regions. And yet all this could not make the christian
princes in Greece to cease their civU wars, and to join
and accord among themselves. By reason of which the
Turk's aid was sent for out of Asia to help our christians
one to kill another, and at length to get all those parts
of Europe from them both. Orchanes, after these vic-
tories, when he had reigned two-and-thirty years, was
struck, some say, with a dart in the shoulder, at the
siege of Prusa. The opinion of others is, that fighting
against the Tartarians, where he lost a great part of
his army, he was there also slain himself, (A. D.
1359.)
III. Amurath. — The Greek writers inform us that Or-
chanes had two sons, Soliman and Amurath ; but Soliman,
who was very distinguished, died shortly before his father.
After him followed Amurath, who, after Asia was subdued
by his predecessors, sought by all means and ways how to
proceed further, and to invade Europe. To whose ambi-
tious purpose thedomestic warsofthechristians gave most
prosperous occasion, which occasion is thus declared.
Certain discord fell between the princes of Greece, and
John Paleologus emperor of Constantinople. Whereupon
A. D. 1499.]
BAJAZET'S CRUEL TYRANNY, CAPTIVITY, AND DEATH.
37:i
Paleologus, as he was not able to make his party good
with the Grecians, most unwisely sent for Amurath to
help him, who, being glad to have such an occasion of-
fered, which he so long had sought, sent to aid him
twelve thousand Turks into Thrace ; but first he used all
the delays he could of crafty policy, to the intent that
the Greeks should waste their strength and power upon
themselves, by which he might be more able afterward
to set upon them, and to accomplish his conceived
desire.
The Turks thus being called into Europe, by the chris-
tians, whether they tasting the sweetness of the soil, in-
duced Amurath their emperor to make invasion, or
whether Amurath of his own head thought good to use the
time, in A. D. 1363, became himself over into Europe with
sixty thousand Turks, falling upon the Greeks, being
wasted and spent with their long wars and battles before.
The pretence of the devilish Turk was, to aid and assist
the emperor Paleologus, whether he would or no, and to
subdue as had fallen from him.
Thus the Turks' army being conveyed over by the
Grecian sea, called the Hellespont, first got Calipolis, with
other towns and cities bordering about the sea, and there
planting themselves, and preparing ships of their own
for transporting their munitions out of Asia, advanced
their power further into Thrace, and there won Philip-
polls, then got Adrianople, which was not far from
Constantinople, and there Amurath made his chief seat.
Then began Paleologus, the emperor, at length to bewail
his offer and covenant made with Amurath. When
the Turks had thus conquered a great part of Thrace,
they extended forth their army to Mysia, which they
soon subdued ; from thence proceeding and conquering
the Bessos and Triballos, they entered into Servia and
Bulgaria, where they joining battle with the prince of
Servia, and with other dukes of Dalmatia and Epirus,
won the field, and defeated them, where the prince being
taken, and committed to prison, ended his life. This
prince had a certain faithful client or servant, who to re-
venge his master's death, with a bold courage, although
seeing death before his eyes, yet ventured his life so far,
that he came to the tyrant and thrust him through with
his dagger. This Amurath reigned thirty years, and
was slain A. D. 1389.
IV. Bajazet. — The power of the Turks began to in-
crease in Europe, when Bajazet, the first of that name,
after the death of his father, entered on the possession of
the Turkish kingdom. This Bajazet had two brethren,
Soliman and Sauces : Sauces had his eyes put out by his
father, for striving for the kingdom. Soliman was slain of
his brother. Thus Bajazet, beginning his kingdom with
the murder of his brother, brought his imperial seat from
Prusa, a city of Bithynia, to Adrianople, intending,
with himself to subdue both Asia and Europe to his own
power. First he set upon the Servians and Bulgarians,
thinking to revenge his father's death, where he gave the
overthrow to all the nobility of the Servians and Bulga-
rians, and put all those parts under his subjection, to the
borders of the lUyrians. All Thrace he brought like-
wise under his yoke, only Constantinople and Pera ex-
cepted. That done, he invaded the rest of Grecia, pre-
vailing against the countries of Thessaly, Macedonia,
Phocia, and Attica, spoiling and burning as he passed
without any resistance ; and so, returning with innumer-
aHfc spoils of the christians to Adrianople, laid siege to
Constantinople for the space of eight years, and would
have taken it, but that Paleologus, being brought to ex-
tremity, was driven to crave aid of the French, and of
Sigismund the emperor, who, being accompanied with a
sufficient power of French and Germans, came down to
Hungary, and towards Servia, against the Turk. Bajazet
hearing of their coming, raised his siege from Constan-
tinople, and with sixty thousand horsemen came to Nico-
polis, where he encountering with them, overthrew all
the christian army, and took John, the captain of the
French, prisoner, (A. D. 1392.) Sigismund, who before
in the council of Constance had burned John Huss, and
Jerome of Prague, hardly escaped by flying. Bajazet,
after the victory, carried away duke John, with five others
in bands, into Prusa,' where before his face he caused all
the other christian prisoners to be cut in pieces. After-
ward John, being ransomed with two hundred thousand
crowns, was delivered up. Some authors refer this his-
tory to the time of Calepinus.
Bajazet, the cruel tyrant, after this victory, and the
tyranny shewed upon the christians, returned again to
the siege of Constantinople, fully determined to conquer
and subdue the same, which he would have no doubt ac-
complished, but that the providence of God had found
such a means, that Tamerlane, king of Parthia, with a
hundred thousand horsemen, and swarms of footmen,
like a violent flood overrunning Asia, and pressing upon.
Syria and Sebastia, had taken Orthobule, the son of
Bajazet prisoner, and afterwards slew him, exercising the
like cruelty upon his prisoners, as Bajazet had done be-
fore upon the christians, insomuch that he spared
neither sex nor age of the Turkish multitude, of whom
he caused twelve thousand at one time to be overridden
and trodden down under his horses' feet. By this,
Bajazet, the tyrant, was forced to raise the siege of
Constantinople, and to return with his army into Asia,
where, near the hill called Stella, he pitched his tent to
encounter Tamerlane.
The fight between these two was long and great on
both sides, (A. D. 1402,) and the second year after the
slaughter of our christians at Nicopolis in Pannonia ;
but the victory of this battle fell to Tamerlane at length.
In which battle, as Munster writes, two hundred thou-
sand Turks were slain. Among whom Bajazet, the ty-
rant, having his horse slain under him, was taken pri-
soner ; and to make a spectacle of his wretched fortune,
he was bound in golden fetters, and so being enclosed in
an iron cage (whom before all Greece could not hold)
was led about and shewn through all Asia, to be scorned
and laughed at ; and,, moreover, was used instead of a
footstool to Tamerlane, or a block, as often as he
mounted upon his horse. Some add also that he was
made like a dog to feed under Tamerlane's table. The
tyranny of this Bajazet against the christians, as it was
not much unlike to the cruelty of Valerian, the Roman
emperor, so neither was the example of his punishment
much different, for as Sapor, king of the Persians, did
then with Valerian in the time of the eighth persecution of
the primitive church, so likewise was Bajazet the perse-
cutor worthily handled by Tamerlane, king of the Par-
thians, as is above mentioned.
Tamerlane, after this conquest, passed with his army
into Mesopotamia, into Egypt, and into Syria, where he
victoriously subduing the cities and munitions of the
Turks, at length also conquered Damascus. In his
sieges his manner was, the first day to go all in white
attire, the second day in red, and the third day in black,
signifying thereby mercy the first day to them that
yielded ; the second day the sword ; the third day fire
and ashes. At last, after having gotten great victories,
and spoils of the Turks, he returned to his own country,
and there died, (A. D. 140.').)
In writing of this Tamerlane, it is recorded that he had
in his army eight hundred thousand men : and that he
overcame the Parthians, Scythians, Iberians, Albans,
Persians, Medes, and conquered all Mesopotamia ; and
after he had also subdued Armenia, passing over the
river Euphrates he invaded all Asia Minor, conquering
and subduing from the river Tanais to the Nile in Egypt,
and was called the terror of the world. He left behind
him two sons, who, tailing into discord for their posses-
sions, lost all again, that their father had got.
In the mean time Bajazet, in the second year of hit
captivity, died, (A.D. 1403) leaving behind him four
sons: Isa, the eldest, Musa, SoUman, and Mahomet,
who disputed with the second the right of succession to
the remainder of his empire. This civil war ended in
the triumph of Mahomet, and in the death of his brothers.
In these discords and divisions among the Turks, an
occasion was given to the christians to have recovered
again of the Turks that which they had lost, if they had
374 THE SULTANS SOLIMAN CHELEBI— MUSA CHELEBI— MAHOMET, &c. [Book \l.
ported this man, and set him up with sufficient
materials and supj)lies of war, to figlit against Amurath.
But in conclusion he not being able to make his party
good, came into the hands of his enemy, and had his
neck broke with a bow-string, after the manner of the
Turkish execution.
The Greeks, then terrified with this sinister adversity,
required truce of the Turk ; but when that would not be
granted, they set up another Mustapha, who, like-
wise being armed by the Greeks, got the city of Nice in
Bithynia, from Amurath. Although it was not long be-
fore he was overcome in the same city, and brought to
Amurath ; who caused him likewise to taste of the same
death, as the other Mustapha had done before. Amurath
being now out of all fear and doubt of brethren and
kinsfolk to rise against him, collected all his power
against the Greeks ; and first ranging throughout Thrace,
where many cities surrendered to them, which before
belonged to the emperor of Constantinople, from thence
he set forward to the noble and famous city of Thessa-
lonica, being then under the liege and protection of the
Venetians. After Thessalonica was subdued, Phocis
with all the country about Athens, Bcetia likewise,
^tolia, Acarnania, with all the region beyond Pelopon-
nesus, to the coast of Corinth, were brought in bon-
dage and slavery unto the Turk.
In Epirus, and in that quarter that adjoins Macedonia
named Albania, one John Castriot then reigned ; who,
perceiving himself too weak to match with the Turk's
l)ower, made with the Turk this convention, that he
should have Croya, a famous city in Greece, and also
gave to him his three sons for hostages, to wit, Constan-
tine, Reposius, and George.
In this George there appeared such noble courage,
such vigour of mind, and strength of body, that
the Turk caused him more freely to be instructed after
the Turkish religion and manner in his own court ;
wliere being trained up, he so excelled as well in feats of
activity, as in strength of body, that he excelled all his
companions, so that he was named Scanderbeg, which
means as much as Alexander the Great.
After this Alexander was grown up to mature ripe-
ness of age, and was well trained up in feats of war, he
was sent out by the Turk to war against Caraman of
Cilicia, the Turk's enemy. In which expedition he sped
himself most manfully, fighting hand to hand, first with
a footman of Scythia, then with an horseman of Persia,
being challenged by them both to encounter, first with
the one, after with the other ; whom he so valiantly
overthrew, that he won great renown with the Turk :
insomuch that he, trusting to the Turk's favour, when
he heard of the decease of his father, durst ask of the
Turk the grant of his father's dominion to be given to
him. Which request, although Amurath the Tui'k did
not deny him ; yet notwithstanding, he perceiving the
matter to be dallied out with fair words, by subtle means
and policy slipped out of the Turk's court, and came to
Epirus his own inheritance, where first by forged letters
he recovered Croya. The other cities voluntarily yielded
themselves to him ; then gathering to him the people of
Epirus and Macedonia (who though not many in num-
ber, yet with good willing minds they stuck to him) he so
manfully and valiantly behaved himself, that against all
the power both of Amurath, and also of Mahomet, he
maintained his own, repelled their violence, and put to
flight their armies many years together. But to return
again to the course of Amurath's victories, after he had
prevailed against the eastern parts of Europe and
Greece, and had treated thus for the dominion of Epirus,
he invaded Illyricum, (now called Sclavonia) containing
in it Dalmatia, Croatia, Istria, and Liburnia ; which
countries he spoiled and wasted, and then continued his
course to Albania and Bosnia. In which regions, when
he had subdued a great part, and had led away an innu-
merable multitude of captives, he moved further to
Wallachia and Servia, hoping to conquer all Pannonia.
There reigned at the same time in Servia, a certain
prince named George Despota, who made great suit to
the Turk for truce and peace, prosoising to give him bis
hot been either negligent, or in their own private wars
otherwise occupied with themselves.
V. SoLiMAN Calkpin'us. — Calepinus or Chelebi, was
the second son of Bajazet. This Calepinus, encouraged
by the sloth and negligence of the princes of Europe,
and by the discord of the Greeks among themselves and
other nations, near about them, long troubled and vexed
the Buln-arians, Servians, and Macedonians, even to the
time of Sigismuud. Which Sigismund seeing that
Bajazet was now overcome and taken of Tamerlane,
and the power of the Turks weakened in Eurojie, and
having such occasion offered him, as it were from heaven,
to destroy and utterly to root out, not only out of Asia, but
■also out of all Europe, that barbarous nation, and cruel
enemies to the name and religion of Christ ; and also to
revenge the great slaughter and discomfiture of his army,
when fighting before with Bajazet at Nicopolis a city in
Mysia ; with great power made war against Calepinus at
Cohimbatium a town in Servia, as is also before mention-
ed, but as unluckily and with as little success as he did
before against Bajazet his father. For in that battle
were slain of the christians to the number of twenty
thousand, and the rest utterly discomfited, the king
himself escaping so hardly, that he entered not again
into his kingdom for the space of eighteen months
after. After this, Soliman was overcome by his brother
Musa, in the civil contention which was still raging
among the brothers, and was killed (A. D. 1409), after
having reigned nearly eight years.
VI. MasA Chelebi. — After the captivity of Bajazet
above mentioned, histories vary. The Greek writers,
making no mention at all of Calepinus, only mention the
sons of Bajazet generally, and of the contention among
them, until the time of Mahomet. The Latin histories,
writing of the children of Bajazet and of their succession,
do not agree, some affirming that Bajazet had only two
sons, others that he had more. After the death of
Soliman, Musa was saluted emperor by the European
army, but shortly after was attacked by his brother Ma-
homet, and killed in battle, after he had reigned about
eight years.!
VII. Mahomet. — This Mahomet, the last of the
sons of Bajazet, secured to himself alone the kingdom,
or tyranny rather of the murdering Turks (A.D. 1413).
He afflicted the christians with sore wars within Eu-
rope, especially the country called Wallachia, lying not
far from the river Danube, between Hungary and Thrace.
From thence he removed into Asia, where he recovered
divers parts in Galatia, Pontus, Cappadocia, Cilicia,
which before Tamerlane had alienated from the Turks.
This Mahomet planted his chief imperial seat in Adria-
nople not far from Constantinople, within the country
of Thrace. In some writers the conflict between Sigis-
mund and the great Turk, wherein the christians were
so discomfited, is referred rather to this Mahomet,
than to Calepinus ; of which conflict mention is above
made in the history of Sigismund. This Mahomet
reigned, after the death of Musa, eight years, and died
A.D. 1421.
VIII. Amurath the Second, was the son of Maho-
met ; he proved a wretched tyrant, and was permitted
as a scourge of God, to correct the sins of the chris-
tians Soon after Amurath began his reign, a person
sprung up calling himself Mustapha, the son of Bajazet;
but it would seem he was an impostor, as the real Mus-
tapha was supposed to have been killed in battle
before the death of Bajazet. However the Greeks sup-
(1) The period from the death of Bajiizet to the accession of
Mahotnet is usually styled " 'I'he Interrcenum," the kinirdom being
divided by tlie contention of the brothers, but it was again united
under Muhoniet. — [£i>.]
A.D. 1499.] BATTLE OF VARNA, FOUGHT BY AMURATH AGAINST THE CHRISTIANS. 375
daugliter in marriage ; for by the Turks' law they marry
as many wives as they please. It was not lonij after
Amurath had married the daughter of Despota, that he,
contrary to his league and promise, made war upon
Despota his father-iu-law, and expelled him out of liis
kiiii^doni, taking from him divers cities, as Sco])ia,
Novomonte, Sophia, and all Mysia. George himself
tied into Hungary, leaving behind him his son to defend
tlie town of Sinderonia. Amurath understanding of tlie
flight of Despota his father-in-law, compassed the city
of Sinderonia with a strong siege, which when he
had taken he took liis wife's brother, the son of
Despota, and without all regard of mercy and affinity,
after the barbarous tyranny of the Turks, i)ut out his
eyes, with a bason red hot set before his eyes, and after
that led him about with him in derision and in despite of
his cowardly father.
Servia being thus won, Amurath, thinking to go
further into Hungary, besieged the city called Belgrade,
and no doubt would have also destroyed it, had not the
providence of God found means, that partly tlirough
slaughter of his men, partly for lack of victuals and other
forage, he was compelled to raise his siege and retire.
In the mean time John Huniades (of whom mention
was made before) had got great victories against the
Turkish power, and had recovered part of Servia, and
all ^loldavia ; against whom Amurath tlie Turk, with a
mighty army, moved into Pannonia. But Huniades
with the power and aid of Ladislaus king of Poland,
(and more especially by the power of the Lord) did soon
weaken the power of the Turk, and gave him the over-
throw, recovering to the christians the greatest part of
Servia and Bulgaria.
In this battle Huniades had five conflicts with the
Turks upon one day, and with five victories put them to
the worse, and toward night did so discomfit and over-
throw the great captain of Amurath, called Bassa, the
duke of Anatolia, (which is otherwise named Asia Minor)
that he slew of the Turks that day to the number of
thirty thousand. Amurath, although he was not a little
discouraged thereat, yet dissembling his fear, with stout
countenance sent for Carambeius his principal stay and
captain, with a new army brought out of Asia to assist
him in his wars. This Carambeius, having arrived in the
dovrns of Transylvania, Ladislaus the king of Poland (the
Lord so working) through the industry of John Huniades,
so received and with such celerity overcame him, that all
his stout and sturdy army either was slain downright, or
else put to flight, Carambeius the captain being himself
taken prisoner in the same field.
These victories of Huniades struck no little terror to
Amurath, so that for distress of mind he was ready to
destroy himself (as some write) but being confirmed by
Helibeus Bassa his counsellor, he kept himself within
the straits of Mount Rhodope. Who then hearing that
Caramannus invaded the country of Bithynia and Pon-
tus in Asia, was glad to make truce with Ladislaus and
Huniades upon such conditions as they pleased to make
themselves ; which conditions were these, that Amurath
should depart from all the region of Servia, and should
remove from thence all his garrisons ; also he should
restore George Despota, prince of Servia, to his posses-
sion, and set his children free, whom he had in captivity,
and restore them to their inheritance. And that he
should make no more claim nor title to the country of
Moldavia above mentioned, nor to that part of Bulgaria
which he had lost ; and that he should desist hereafter
from all wrongs and injuries against the chriscians.
Upon these conditions the Turk being agreed, truce
was concluded on both parts for ten years, and con-
firmed with a solemn oath between them.
This done, Amurath the tyrant addresseth himself
toward Asia, to resist the invasion of Caramannus. At
which time Pope Eugenius so soon as he heard the Turk
to be returned into Asia, sent Julian Caesarian his cardi-
nal to Ladislaus, with full dispensation and absolution to
break his oath and league with the Turk, promising
moreover great hope and aid, if he would go in arms
Btoutly against the tyrant.
Where by the way is to be noted, that as there is no
truth of promise in that j estilent see of Rome, neither
was there ever any war prospered, which was taken in
hand by the pope's council ; so was there never any
council of the pope that brought with it more detriment
to Christianity thin this. But the pope belike thought
that as lie might lav/fully break promise with John Huss,
and with other christians, so also he need not to ob-
serve any league or truce taken with the Turk : but it
turned much otherwise than the pope imagined, as is to
be seen by the secptel. For Ladislaus, being thus ex-
cited by the unadvised and sinister instigation of Pope
Eugenius, contrary to the truce established a little be-
fore, set out with his army, and proceeding to Wallachia
and Bulgaria, came to Varna, where he fell sick.
It was not long, but the Turk, having intelligence of
this, left his wars in Asia, and made haste into Europe,
passing over by the straits near to Callipolis, where all
the Italian navy was looking on, but whether on pur-
pose, or whether for cowardliness, they would not stir
one oar to stop the passage of the Turkish army. When
Amurath was come to Adrianople in Thrace, using
such celerity as no man looked for, within eight days he
was in Bulgaria, and there encamped himself against
Ladislaus. The day of battle being set, the armies
joined on both sides. Huniades was himself present,
but all the matter was ruled by Julian the cardinal, and
the pope's clergy. The fight continued three days and
three nights together, with great courage and much
bloodshed on each side ; so that the field was covered
with lakes of blood. It seemed at the first to incline to
the christians, by breaking the first ranks of the Turks.
But the priests and prelates who were at the field (who
had been more fit to have been in the church) seeing
the Turks to begin to fly, unskilfully left their array to
pursue the enemy, so that they leaving the other posts
of the christians naked, gave great advantage to the
Turks with their darts and shot to disturb the christian
ranks. By which occasion Amurath, enclosing the
christians with his army round about, obtained the
victory. In which field, Ladislaus, the_ young king of
Poland, having his horse killed under him, was struck
down and slain. The pope's bishops flying to save
themselves, fell into the marshes, and were there de-
stroyed, sustaining a death worthy of their filthy false-
hood and untruth. Julian the cardinal, who, with the
pope, was the chief doer in breaking the league, was
found dead in the way, full of wounds, and spoiled to
naked skin. Of the rest of the army that escaped by
flying, part was drowned in the marshes, some perished
miserably for hunger, some for cold, watching and
wandering in the woods. Huniades hardlv escaped the
danger, by the merciful providence of God, being re-
served to the further profit of Christendom. This battle
of Amurath against the christians was fought at Varna,
A, D. 1444.
This John Huniades, the worthy warrior, was bom in
Wallachia, being earl of Bistice, of all captains that ever
went against the Turks he was most famous and singular,
prudent and discreet in council, ex))ert and politic in
war, prompt of hand, circumspect before he attempted,
quick in expedition : in whom was wanted almost no
good property requisite in a warlike captain. Against
two most mighty and fierce tyrants, Amurath and
Mahomet, through the Lord's might, he defended all
Pannonia, and therefore was called the thunderbolt and
terror of the Turks. As Achilles was to the Grecians,
so was he set up of God to be as a wall or bulwark of all
Europe against the cruel Turks and enemies of Christ
and of his christians. Neither was there any king or
prince that ever achieved such noble victories, either so
many in number, or so profitable for the public utility
of all Europe, as did he, and that not only in the days
of this Amurath, but also of Mahomet his successor, as
hereafter remains further to be seen.
Amurath, by reason of this victorious overthrow
of the christians, being filled with no small pride,
directed his journey immediately toward the Greeks,
where Castriot was, otherwise called Scanderot;^.
376 DEATH OF THE SULTAN AMURATH II.— SUCCEEDED BY MAHOMET II. [Book VI.
And first coming to Peloponnesus, and breaking down
the wall about the straits of Corinth, encountered the
brother of the emperor of Constantinople, whom, with
his sudden coming, he oppressed, with all the Greeks'
army, ere they were provided. Paleologus, the em-
peror, after that, built up the wall again, but at the
Turk's bidding, he was compelled to undo it again :
which wall afterwards the Venetians repaired. After
the demolition of the wall, Amurath entering into Pelo-
ponnesus, took several towns and cities, and made all
the parts of Thessaly and Achaia tributaries.
In the following year, the Turk bent all his force
against the country of Epirus, which the noble and vic-
torious Scanderbeg valiantly defended against all the
power of Amurath ; so that he discomfited and van-
quished seven of the most expert dukes of the Ottoman
emperor, one after another, with all their armies of most
picked and chosen soldiers, and expelled them utterly
out of all Epirus.
After this discomfiture, the saying is, that Amurath
gave himself to a religious order, living a contemplative
life with certain other priests, in the forests of Bithynia,
renouncing the government of his realm to the hands of
Haly, one of the princes (for the reader must under-
stand, that the Turks also be not without their sundry
sects of religion, no more than we christians are without
our friars and monks).
While Amurath was cloistered in his monkish re-
ligion, John Huniades, in the kingdom of Hungary ;
and Castriot Scanderbeg in Greece, kept a great stir
against the Turks. By reason of which Amurath was
taken again from his monkish vow and profession, and
brought again into the field : for Huniades had rescued
the wliole country of Hungaria, and had repulsed all the
army of the Turks far from Servia. And although the
peevish practice of George, prince of Servia, had often-
times disclosed his councils unto the Turks, whereby
twice he was brought in danger, yet, notwithstanding,
(through the Lord's gracious protection) he was preserved
and delivered by the said George unto the Hungarians
again, and after that manfully vanquished the Turks, so
that they had no resting place about those peu'ts of Servia
and Bulgaria, so long as he lived.
Castriot Scanderbeg so foiled the Turk, and kept
Amurath so short, that, coming from Epirus in the
straits, he was so entangled by Castriot, that he was
forced to give battle. In which battle he was so van-
quished, and most part of his army slain, that, for grief
and sorrow, falling into a raving sickness, he was trans-
ported out of his pavilion to Adrianople, and there in
fury and madness died, after he had reigned thirty
years, which was about the year 1451.
This Amurath first established the order of the Jani-
zaries, who were the male children of such christians
as he conquered and took captive ; whom he forced to
renounce the faith of Christ, wherein they were bap-
tized, and brought them up in Mahomet's law, and ex-
ercised them in the same feats of war as he did his own
people, and after they came to man's estate, he named
them Janizaries (that is to say) soldiers of a strange
country, and made them guard his person. They wear
on their head, instead of a helmet, a white attire made
of the coarsest sort of wool, and in so many folds about
their head that it cannot be pierced with a sword. It
hangs down on the back with a tail, and before, on the
forehead, it is garnished with gold and silver. They
formerly used bows and lances in the field, but now
they use sabres and fire-arms as our cavalry do.
At the first institution there were but eight thousand,
but now there are twice as many. This, of all bondage
and servitude that the christians suffer under the Turks,
is most intolerable, and greatly to be lamented by all
true christians. For what can godly minds behold more
to their grief, than to see their children pulled from the
faith of Christ wherein they were baj)tized, and by whose
blood they should eternally be saved, and to be in-
structed and nourished with the blasphemous doctrine of
Mahomet, and so be professed enemies of Christ and
his church, to make war against heaven, and to perish
everlastingly ? And, finally, what a lamentable thing is
it, to see and behold our own children bom of our own
bodies, to become our mortal and cruel enemies, and to
cut our throats with their own hands ! This servitude
of mind is far greater than death itself: which, if our
princes would well consider, it would cause them the
rather to agree, and bend their whole force and power
against this cruel enemy.
IX. Mahomet the Second. — .\murath left behind him
three sons, — Mahomet, born of the daughter of Despota,
being twenty years of age ; the second son, called Turci-
nes ; the third, named Calepinus. This Turcines, being
an infant, and but eighteen months old, was strangled
at the commandment of the Turk, by his servant Moses,
himself being there present and beholdiiii; the horrible
murder. And when Moses, the executioner of the
murder, had desired him not to pollute his hands with
the blood of his brother, he answered, that it was the
manner of all the Ottoman Turks, that all the other
brethren being destroyed, none should be left alive but
one to govern the empire. Wherefore, Moses was com-
manded by the tyrant, there presently, and in his sight,
to kill the infant. This horrible fact, when the mother
of the child understood, she cried out, and almost mad
for sorrow, cursed the tyrant to his face. But he, to
mitigate the rage of his mother, at her request, being
desirous to be revenged upon the executioner of her son's
death, delivered Moses bound into her hands, who then,
in the presence of the tyrant, thrust him to the heart
with a knife, and opening his side, took out his liver,
and threw it to the dogs to be devoured.
The third son, called Calepinus, who was but six
months old, and who had been commended, by his father
Amurath, to the custody of Halibassa, one of his nobles,
who, to gratify and please the tyrant, betrayed the infant,
and brought him to him, and he, at the tyrant's command-
ment, was strangled. Some affirm, that instead of Ca-
lepinus another child was offered to the tyrant, and that
Calepinus was conveyed to Constantinople, and after the
taking of Constantinople was carried to Venice, and
then to Rome to Pope Calixtus, where he was baptized,
and afterward came into Germany to Frederic the em-
peror, and there was honourably entertained, and kept
in Austria during his life. Where note, how the merci-
ful providence of God can fetch out of the devil's mouth.
And note, moreover, Halibassa, the betrayer of the
infant, how he escaped not. For Mahomet, under-
standing him to be a man of great substance and riches,
through forging of false crimes, with great torments,
put him to death to have his riches ; for this tyrant was
given to insatiable avarice. Thus this bloody Mahomet
began his reign with horrible murder, after the example
of other cursed tyrants his predecessors.
Although this Mahomet came of a christian mother,
being the daugliter of Despota, prince of Servia, and
by her was brought up and instructed from his child-
hood in the precepts of christian religion and ma&>
ners, yet, he soon forgetting all, gave himself to
Mahomet's religion, and yet so, that he being ad-
dicted to neither religion, became an atheist, be-
lieving and worshipping no God at all, but only the
goddess of good fortune, mocking the minds and judg-
ments of men, who believe that God, by his providence,
governs and regards the state of human things on
earth.
After this Mahomet,having heard of the victories and
conquests of his predecessors, and having understood how
Bajazet lay eight years about Constantinople, and could
not win it ; he dispraising Bajazet, and disdaining that
so long time should be spent about the siege and yet no
victory gotten, bent all his study and device how to sub-
due the same. But first, having a privy hatred against
the city of Athens, and having his hands lately imbrued
with the blood of his brethren, this murdering Ma-
homet first of all takes his voyage to subvert and de-
stroy that famous school of all good learning and dis-
cipline. Against which city he so furiously raged for
the hatred of good letters, that he thought he ought not
to suffer the foundation thereof to stand, because that
city was a good nurse and fosterer of good arts and
A.D. 1499.]
SIEGE OF CONSTANTINOPLK— CRUELTY OF MAHOMET II.
377
sciences ; wherefore he commanded the city to be razed
and utterly subverted ; and wherever any monuments or
books could be found, he caused them to be cast into
dirty sinks, and the filthiest places of the city, or put to
the most vile uses that could be devised, for extirpating
and abolishing all good literature ; and if he understood
that any lamented the loss, and ruin of that noble place,
those he grievously punished and put to death.
Thus the famous and ancient school of Athens being
destroyed, he turned his army into Thrace, where in all
haste he, gathering his power both by sea and land, with
a mighty multitude compassed the city of Constantino-
ple, and began to lay his siege against it, in the year
1453 ; and in the four-and-fiftieth day of the siege it
was taken, sacked, and the Emperor Constantine slain.
As touching the cruelty and fierceness of the Turks in
getting of this city, and what slaughter there was of
men, and women, and children, what calamity and
misery was there to be seen, as sufficient relation, with
a full description, hath been made before, it would be
superfluous now to repeat the same. This only is not
to be omitted touching the principal causes of the over-
throw of this city ; whereof the first was the filthy
avarice of those citizens, who, hiding their treasures in
the ground, would not employ the same to the necessary
defence of their city. For so I find it in history, that
when the Turk, after the taking of the city, had found
not so much treasure as he looked for, suspecting with
himself (as the truth was) the treasures and riches to be
hidden under the ground, commanded the earth to
be dug up, and the foundations of the houses to be
searched : where he then found treasures incredi-
ble. " What (quoth he), how could it be that this
place could ever lack ammunition and fortification, which
did flow and abound with such great riches, and plenty
of all things?" The second cause was the absence of
the navy of the Venetians, which, if they had been
ready in time, might have been a safeguard against the
invasion of the enemies.
Joannes Ramus, writing of the destruction of this
city, amongst other matters makes relation of the image
of the crucifix, being there in the high temple of Sophia ;
which image the Turk took, and writing this superscrip-
tion upon the head of it, " This is the God of the chris-
tians," gave it to his soldiers to be scorned ; and com-
manding the image, with a trumpet, to be carried
through all his army, made every man to spit at it
most contumeliously. Wherein the reader by the way
may note, what occasion of slander and offence we
christians give to the barbarous infidels by this our un-
godly superstition, in having images in our temples,
contrary to the express commandment of God in his
word. For if St. Paul, writing to the Corinthians, saith,
"We know Christ now no more after the flesh ;" how
much less then is Christ to be known by us in blind
stocks and images set up in our temples, serving for no
other purpose, but for the infidels to laugh both us and
our God to scorn, and to provoke God's vengeance ?
To make the history short, such was the cruelty of
these Turks in winning the city, that when Mahomet
had given license to the soldiers three days together, to
spoil, to kill, and to do whatever they pleased, there was
no corner in all Constantinople, which did not either
flow with christian blood, or else was the scene of abo-
mination and cruelty. Of which citizens, some they
murdered, some they roasted upon spits, some they
flayed off their skin, hanging them up to consume with
famine, others they put salt into their wounds the
more terribly to torment them, so that one contended
with another who could devise most strange kinds of new
torments and punishments, exercising such cruelty that
the place where the city was before seemed now to be
no city, but a slaughter-house or shambles of christian
men's bodies. Among the dead bodies, the body also
of Constantine the emperor was found ; whose head,
Veing brought to Mahomet, he commanded it to be car-
ried upon a spear through the whole city, for a public
spectacle and derision to all the Turkish army. And
because he would diminish the number of the captives,
Who seemed to him to be very great, he never rose from
his table but he put every day some of the nobles to
death, in order to fill his cruel mind with blood, as his
body was filled with wine ; which he used to do so long
as any of the nobles of that city were left alive. And
of the other sort also, as histories credibly report, there
passed no day in which he did not slay more than three
hundred persons, the rest he gave to his soldiers to kill,
and to do with them what they would. It is here to be
noted, that as Constantine, the son of Helena, was the
first emperor of Constantinople, so Constantine, the
son also of Helena, was the last emperor.
Not far from the city of Constantinople, there was
another little city, called Pera, and once called Galata,
situated by the sea-side, who, hearing of the miserable
destruction of Constantinople, and seeing the city
flaming with fire, sent certain of the chief men with
speed to Mahomet, declaring to them, that they neither
had sent any help to the city of Constantinople, neither
yet wrought any injury to any of his army ; wherefore
they desired and prayed him, that as they would gladly
yield unto him, so he would be favourable to them, and
spare them, and not to punish the guiltless with the
guilty. Mahomet, although he was not ignorant that
for fear, rather than of any good-will, they submitted
themselves, and that they would rather resist him if
they had been able, yet received for that time the sub-
mission of the messengers : but sending with them his
ambassadors into the city, he commanded also his army
to follow withal, and to enter with him into the city,
which, although it was greatly suspected and disliked by
the citizens, yet they durst not otherwise do but suffer
them to enter; which being done, the ambassador gave
a sign to the soldiers, every man to do whatever he was
bidden ; of whom, some ran to the walls, some to the
temples and churches, some to the streets and houses of
the city, plucking all things down to the ground, sacking
and ranging with no less fury and abomination than they
had done at Constantinople before, saving only that they
abstained from murder : but the same day, letters came
from Mahomet to the ambassador, that he would spare
none, but destroy and murder all that were in the
city ; which message, because it seemed to the ambassa-
dor to be too cruel, as they had yielded themselves, he
stayed his hand a little until night came. In the mean
time, drunken Mahomet, coming something to himself,
(whom drunkenness had before overcome) sent his second
letters to revoke the first. Where again is to be noted
the merciful providence of God towards his people in
their deserved plagues, by staying the hands, and bridling
the fury many times of their enemies, when otherwise
the case seems to be past all remedy.
Mahomet thus being in himself not a little advanced
and elevated by the winning of Constantinople, which he
had now made tlie imperial seat of theTurkish dominion,
on the third year following set out to the siege of Belgrade,
a city of Hungary, lying near the banks of the Danube,
thinking to have the like success there, as he had in the
winning of Constantinople, although through the Lord's
disposing, it fell out much otherwise. Within the city
of Belgrade, at the time of the siege, was John Huni-
ades, the valiant captain of whom mention has been
made before ; who with a sufficient strength of picked
soldiers, although in number nothing equal to the Turk's
army, valiantly defended the city with great courage,
and no less success. In which siege great diligence was
bestowed, and many of the Turks slain. Among whom
also Mahomet himself, being wounded under the left arm,
was carried out of the field half dead, and the rest so put
to flight, that of the Turks were destroyed to the number,
or not much under the number of forty thousand, besides
the loss of all their ordnance, which the Turks, in haste
of their flight, were forced to leave behind them.
Jerome Zieglerus, writing of the siege of this Bel-
grade, adds, that when Mahomet was at the siege, seeing
the town so small and weak of itself, that it could not be
won with all his great multitude, commanded all his
brazen pieces to be laid, to batter down the walls and
towers of the town : so that the christians within the
walls were vehemently distressed : for the siege con-
tinued both night and day without intermission. Amooj;
378
THE SIEGE OF BELGRADE.— DEATH OF JOHN HUNIADES.
[Book VI.
the rest of the christians who defended the town, was a
certain Bohemian much worthy of commendation, w-ho
being upon the walls, and seeing that a Turk with a
banner or ensign of the Turks had got up, by the sight
whereof the whole town was in danger to be concpiered
and taken, runs to the Turk, and clasping him about the
middle, speaking to John Capistranus standing below,
asking hiin whether it were any danger of damnation to
him, if he, of his voluntary mind, did cast himself witli
that dog (so he termed him) down headlong from the
wall, to be slain with him ; what would become of his
soul, and whether he might be saved or not ? To whom
when the other had answered that he should be saved
without doubt, he forthwith tumbles himself with the
Turk down off the wall, where by his death, he saved at
the same time the life of all the city. Mahomet being
so wounded, and in despair of winning the city, was
carried, as he heard, out of the field ; who at length
coming again to himself, partly for fear, and partly for
shame, was ready to kill himself. And thus was the
town of Belgrade at that time rescued through God's
providence, by the means of John Huniades and this
Bohemian.
This siege of Belgrade began A. D. 1456, and endured
six-and-forty days. At which siege were two hundred
thousand Turks ; of whom forty thousand were slain,
where the victory fell to the christians through the pros-
perous success given of God to John Huniades. Which
Huniades, not long after the victory, through the labour
and fatigue in defending the town, was taken with a sore
sickness, and died ; to whose valiant prowess and sin-
gular courage, histories give great praise and com-
mendation.
Mahomet after this done in Europe, returned into
Asia to war with Usumcassanes, a Persian, with whom
he had three battles ; the first was about the river
Euphrates, where the Turk lost ten thousand men, and
was put to the worse. In the second field likewise he
was discomfited. The third battle at Arsenga, where
through the terrible noise of the brazen pieces, the Per-
sian horses disturbed the camp, and so was Usumcassanes
overcome.
From thence the Turk . educed again his power against
the christians, and first subdued unto him Synope, and
all Paphl igonia ; also the kingdom of Trebizond,
which he besieging both by land and water, won from
the christians, and sent David the king with his two
sons, and Calus his uncle, to Constantinople, where they
were miserably and cruelly put to death, and all the
family of the Comneni, which were of the king's family,
were destroyed by the Turk ; which was about A. D.
1461, at which time this mischievous Mahomet was first
saluted emperor.
Not long after h(; got from the Grecians, Corinth
and Mitylene, not without great slaughter of christian
men ; insomuch that the whole city of Mitylene was
destroyed almost to the ground. The isles also of
Lemnus and Lesbos he won from the Venetians ; in
which island of Lesbos is the city of Mitylene.
Not far from this isle of Lesbos and Mitylene, there
is a country in Asia toward the sea-side, bordering next
to Europe, called Mysia, or of some called Maesia, wherein
stood the city of Troy. This country Mahomet coveting
to win rather by policy and falsehood, than by doubtful
danger of war, secretly sent for the prince to come to
speak with him for certain causes (as he pretended)
which would concern the profit and commodity of them
both. When the king of Mysia, either for shame would
not, or for fear durst not deny, he came to him as to con-
fer upon necessary affairs in common to them appertain-
ing. Mahomet caused the king to be apprehended, and
cruelly slain, or rather torn in j)ieces ; and so invading
the land of Mysia, he exercised the like tyranny upon his
kindred and affinity.
This Mysia by fraud being taken and lost, Mahomet
flies again towards Europe, where he assailed the island
Euboia, otherwise called Nigropont, making a bridge of
marvellous fame over the sea Euripus, to convey over
his army out of Greece, and there laid his siege to the
city Chalois, which at length in thirty days he overcame,
not without a great slaughter of his army, who in the
siege is said to have lost forty thousand of theTuiKs.
But the slaughter of the christians was greater, for when
the city was won, the tyrant commanded, most cruelly,
none to be spared within the whole city, but to be put
to the sword, whoever was above the age of twenty
years. This cruelty was shewed of the barbarous tyrant
for anger and fury, because such a number of his Turks
were slain at the siege thereof, being reckoned (as is
said) to forty thousand. In the fierce siege of this city
it is memorable that is in histories recorded, how that
the women of that city, seeing the men begin to faint,
and the city to lie in present danger, took the matter
themselves in hand, and playing the men, went to the
walls, and there defended the city with no less trouble to
the enemy than the men had before done, and so for a
space continued, so long as any man's strength and di-
ligence could do any good. A great cause of the loss of
this city and island, is imputed to the cowardly timidity
of the Venetian navy ; wlio being there present, and
having prosperous wind, yet durst not, or would not
adventure upon the Turks' bridge, which if they had
done, the island of Euboia and Chalcis had not so soou
been overmatched of the Turks.
Thus all the east parts of Greece being subdued to the
Turkish tyrant, with all Achaia, Attica, Acarnania, and
Euboia, shortly after followed also Peloponnesus, brought
in like subjection to the Turk. Within Peloponnesus
were these provinces contained, Achaia, ISIessenia, La-
conia, Argolica and Archadia, &c. The Venetians ia
this Peloj)onnesus had great possessions, and had made
up the wall again toward the sea-side, near to the straits
of Corinth, where for the more speed of the work, they
had thirty thousand workmen in the building ; which,
when it came to the knowledge of the Turk, he broke
into the country of Peloponnesus, with an army of eight
thousand, and first wasted the regions of the Coroneans
and Methoneans, and making a great slaughter of the
V^enetians, in short time he brought the whole dominion
of Peloponnesus under his yoke and tribute.
It is long and more lamentable to recite all the vic-
tories of Mahomet against the christians, both by land
and sea. Before was declared how truce was taken be-
tween Georgius Scanderbeg, and the Turk for tea
years ; which truce being expired, Mahomet leaves no
time unspent, no diligence unsought, but makes with
all his power to Epirus and Albania, which he, after
long siege, at length overcame and subdued. \\Tien'
Scanderbeg the valiant captain had done against the
Turk what in man's strength did lie, yet being over-
matched with power and multitude, seeing no possi-
bility to make his party good, he was forced to depart
his country as an exile, and went to Italy, and there
being sent for by the pope's letters, openly declared
that it was not possible otherwise to resist the furious
rage of the barbarous Turks by the strength of any one
king or prince, unless all Europe with one con-
sent should join their j)ower and force together. And
thus, Scanderbeg, a man of puissant ceurage, being
driven out of his country, continued his life in exile.
His courage and vehemency is reported to have been
such, that in fighting against the barbarous enemy, for
very eagerness of spirit, his blood was seen to burst out
of his lips. It is testified also of him, that being
challenged he never refused to fight, and in fighting,
never turned his back, neither yet was he ever wounded but
only once with a light shaft in his foot, neither did he ever
setagainst theTurk withmorethan six thousand horsemen
and three thousand footmen. He is said with his own
hand to have slain above two thousand Turks, whom
with such violence he did strike, that many of them be
did cleave asunder, from the head to the middle.
Neither yet was the insatiable greediness of this
Turkish hell-hound satisfied with all this, but still he
conceived greater things in his mind, thinking to con-
quer the whole world ; and so passing forward towards
Europe, he subdued all Ulyria. Then passing into
Wallachia, set ui)on Dracula, the prince thereof. Dra-
cula, although he had no great power of soldiers, yet
so enclosed and environed the Turk, that he had almost
A.D. 1499.]
DEATH OF MAHOMET.— BAJAZET II.
379
lost his whole army, of whom a great part was destroyed,
and many of his ensigns taken. Shortly afterwards he
sent Ahmet with one hundred ships into Italy, and he,
passin"- along by tlie coast, spoiled and wasted several
places, till at length he came to Hydruntium (Otrauto) a
city in Calabria in Italy, which after a long siege he over-
came and subdued, and brought such a terror into all Italy,
that the pope, forgetting all other things, yet mindful of
himself, with all haste fled out of Rome. After the city of
Hydruntium was taken, which was A. D. 1481, ]\Iatthias
Corvinus, Huniades's son, was sent for by the Italians,
to set upon the city, for its rescue, when Ahmet was
about to make his return with five-and-twenty thousand
Turks, in the meantime news came that Mahomet the
great Turk was dead ; the siege brake up, and the city
was delivered to the Italians again, and so Italy was deli-
vered at that time out of peril and danger. This jNIa-
homet won from the christians two hundred cities, and
twelve kingdoms, and two empires, which he joined
both together. He died A. D. 1481, after having
reigned fifty years.
X. Bajazet the Second. — Mahomet had three sons ;
of which Mustapha, the eldest, through voluptuousness,
died before his father. The other two were Bajazet and
Demes ; about whom great controversy arose amongst
the Turks, which of them should succeed in their father's
kingdom. For neither of them was present at Constan-
tinople when Mahomet died ; Bajazet being in Cappa-
docia, and Demes in Lycaonia ; when great dissension
was among the nobles for the succession, and great strife
and bloodshed for the matter, the janiaaries, who were
the Turk's guard, proclaimed Bajazet emperor. Bajazet
coming at length from Cappadocia, partly through yield-
ing, partly by corrupting with money, got the wills of
the janizaries, and was made emperor. Demes, the
other brother, being in Lycaonia more near, although
he made no less speed in his coming, yet was prevented
by Bajazet, and excluded out of Constantinople. WTiere-
fore, he being put back from all hope of his kingdom,
incited by some of his friends, moved war against his
brother ; but being overcome in three battles by Ah-
met, Bajazet's captain, fled to the great master of
Rhodes, leaving in a place called Carrse, his mother and
two young children, whom Bajazet slew.
This Demes being with the master of the knights of
Rhodes, was sent to the bishop of Rome, where being
kept, and afterwards sent to Charles Ylil., for an host-
age of Pope iUexander VI, was poisoned by the way by
Pope Alexander, as is before declared. After whose
death, Bajazet, to requite Ahmet for his good service,
put him to the halter, partly suspecting his power,
partly for lucre sake, to have his treasure : his death
was of great profit to the christians, as he was ever an
utter enemy to the religion and name of Christ.
Bajazet thus being confirmed in his tyranny, made his
expedition against Wallachia, where he subdued two
great forts. From thence he removed liis power, taking
his voyage into Asia, thinking to be revenged of the
sultan of Egypt, where he lost two great battles, the one
fought at Adena, the other at Tarsus ; but especially at
Tarsus, the army of the Turk was so overthrown, that
of an hundred thousand brought into the field, scarce
the third part remained unslain.
Thus Bajazet being overthrown and terrified with evil
luck, fighting against the sultan of Egypt, removed
from Asia, and directed his army into Europe. Leading
his army against the Venetians, he had with them many
and doubtful conflicts, where the Turk was sometimes
put to the worse, and sometimes again prevailed ; out of
Jadra and other cities about Dalmatia, he carried away
great multitudes of christians into captivity, about
A. D. 14U8.
Two years after this, which was A. D. 1500, Bajazet
with one hundred and fifty thousand armed men, entered
into Peloponnesvis ; which although Mahomet had over-
run before, yet the Venetians had defended Methone, or
Modon, all this while against the Turks. The Turk be-
sieged this city with three armies, having about the walls
fivti hundred great brazen cannons, wherewith he bat-
tered the city both day and night : but the citizens,
who were within the city committing themselves to
God, defended their city as well as they could, rather
choosing to die than to yield unto the Turk's tyranny.
But the^Turk prevailing, and they not able to withstand
the siege, the christians assembled together into a cer-
tain house prepared for the purpose, both men, women,
and cliildren ; where they setting the house on fire,
gave themselves rather to be burned than to come into
the tyrant's hands. Certain women also, with their
children, cast themselves headlong into the sea, by that
means to avoid the Turkish captivity. Some writers affirm
that the Methonians, seeing five great ships of the
Venetians coming with men and provisions toward them,
issued down from the walls to the sea side to receive
them; but were all taken captives, being above the
number of a thousand : and all being tied with long
ropes, were brought before the tyrant, and in his sight
were cruelly slain, except certain nobles, whom Cher-
seogles, son-in-law to Bajazet, got pardoned, amongst
whom was Andreas Gritto.
The Turk had to maintain war in Asia against Ismail
Sophi or king of Persia. Which Sophi was stirred up
by God's providence to war with this Bajazet, whereby
the christian churches in Europe might have some
breathing time, and freedom from the Turk's cruel
tyranny and bloodshed. This Sophi was a valiant
Turk, who with great power and victories had overrun a
great compass of the eastern parts of Asia ; and de-
feated many of the generals of Bajazet.
Thus, through the admirable example of God's justice
and providence, were these Turks kept occupied, and so
came it to pass, that these barbarians being blasphem-
ous against the Son of God, should thus horribly run on
to the destruction one of another, being worthily punish-
ed with mutual slaughter and bloodshed for their im-
piety and blasphemy against Christ and his religion,
whereby in the meantime some rest was given to the
christians.
Bajazet, partly by these victories discouraged, partly
diseased and languishing of the gout, and partly also
broken with age, finding himself unequal to the
government of that tumultuous kingdom, began to talk
with his nobles about the choosing of one to succeed
him. The occasion whereof ministered much matter of
inward wars among the Turks. This Bajazet had in all
six sons, whereof three died before him, and three
were yet left alive ; to wit, Ahmet, Korkud, and
Selim. Bajazet himself had most mind to Ahmet,
but the chief of his nobles rather favoured Selim ;
and provoked him to stir up war against his father : and
though that he was overcome in war, yet through inter-
cession he was reconciled to his father, and is after-
wards proclaimed emperor again against his father's will,
through the help and favour of the soldiers, entering the
first beginning of his kingdom, with the murdering of
his own father. The story in some authors is thus de-
clared.
After the janizaries had persuaded Bajazet that as
he himself was unwieldly, he should therefore do well
to constitute some successor ; and having assigned Ah-
met to succeed him, the janizaries being offended
with Ahmet, because he would not enlarge their
stipends, and bribe them, compassing about the king's
palace with their privy swords which they had under
their garments, with a mighty cry required Selim to
be appointed for their emperor. When Bajazet had
answered that he had assigned Ahmet, they refused
him, because he was fat, gross, and unable thereto ; but
needs would have Selim, who was stout and warlike,
as their emperor: and withal they drew out their
swords, crying Selim, Selim! Then Bajazet, giving
place to their fury, shewed himself content to give
them Selim ; whom the janizaries receiving, brought
into the palace : Bajazet his father giving place to him,
desires him not to be so hasty and furious in his doings,
but to be modest and take heed what he did, and not to
follow his furv, but to give place to time, which reveals
all things, and think himself to be a man subject to dan-
gers and jeoTjardies as other men are : and thus speak-
380
BAJAZET POISONED BY HIS SON SELIM, WHO SUCCEEDS HIM.
[Book VI,
ing, he resigned his imperial throne and seat to him,
and went away all heavy, entering into a certain order of
their religion. Whereupon followed great acclama-
tions of the people, saluting Selim as emperor. Who
then taking the rule upon him, began to govern with
great cruelty, destroying many of his nobles, such as
had stood against him, some with poison, some by other
cruel means, and advancing his own side, with great
honours and promotions.
Not long after Selim was thus settled in his king-
dom, Bajazet his father, intending to see and prove
how he behaved himself in his government, first entered
into his treasure-house, where he found all his riches to
he scattered and gone. Afterward he came into his
armory, where all the spoils gotten by war were likewise
wasted ; then he entered into the jewel-house, where all
his plate and gifts sent from kings and princes were
kept, which likewise were dispersed and given away.
At length he came into the stable, where also he seeing
his principal horses to be wanting, sighing with himself,
and crying vengeance upon him, he prepared himself,
with the rest of the treasure which was remaining, to
sail over into Natolia to his eldest son ; and passing by
an orchard near the sea- side, where he had appointed to
take ship, he sat down under a tree, and began to
curse his son, and to ask vengeance upon him, for that
he had so despised his father, and was become so im-
pious a wretch.
Selim hearing of his father's departure came into the
orchard where he was, and seeming to be very heavy,
and much lamenting that his father would so depart and
go away, seeing that he desired not the government of
the empire, but was contented only with the title thereof.
*' O father, (said he) do not thus privily depart away ;
do not procure this shame to your son, who so tenderly
loves you. Let me have but the name only, and be you
the emperor indeed. The end of your natural life most
patiently I shall expect, which I pray God may long
continue." And thus using many fair and flattering
words to his father, he commanded a banquet with
many dainty delicacies to be brought to him, but tem-
pered and infected with poison. Which as soon as
Bajazet had begun to taste, and felt the strength of the
poison working in his body, he took his last farewell of
his son, and going out of the city accompanied with a
great retinue of men, yelling and crying out in the
streets, in the middle of his journey he fell down and
miserably died, (A. D. 1512.) Here mayest thou see,
good reader, a cursed brood of this Turkish generation,
where the father dies in cursing the son, and the son
reigns by poisoning his father.
XI. Selim I. — After this wretched Selim had ex-
ercised his barbarous cruelty upon his father, with
like impiety he seeks the destruction of his brethren
and their children, first beginning his murder with the
five children his nephews, which were the sons of his
three brethren who had previously died, then remained
his other two brethren yet alive, Ahmet and Kor-
kud with their children, likewise to be destroyed. Of
whom the one had three sons, whom the father sent
to Selim his brother, and their uncle, with fair and
gentle words, to entreat him to be good to their father,
offering to him their duty and service in all things,
honouring him also as emperor. But cruel Selim
commanded forthwith his nephews to be strangled. The
father hearing of the cruel murder of his sons, leaving
house and home, went and hid himself in the moun-
tains, where he lived for a space with herbs and wild
honey ; but being betrayed by one of his men, he was
brought to Selim, and so was strangled.
The wars and conquests of this Selim were very
many in various parts of Asia. From thence triumphing
he departed to Constantinople, intending to spend the
rest of his time in persecuting the christians ; but in
that mean space he was stricken with a cankered sore
inwardlv, and died after he had reigned about eiglit
years (A.D. 1520.)
The reign of this Turk was but short in number of
^pears ; bat in number of his murders and cruel blood-
shed it mig1:( seem exceedingly long, which lived more
like a beast than a »■.; n, lor lie never spared any of his
friends or kindred. Hi lather first lie poisoned, his
brethren and all his cousins he quelled, leaving none of
all his kindred alive. Moreover, his ciiief and principal
captains for small occasions he put to death, as Musta-
pha, Calogere, Chendeme, Bostang his son-in-law, and
Juno Bassa.
It is said that he intended the poisoning of his own
son Solyman, sending to him a shirt infected with a poi-
son, because he seemed something freely to speak
against the cruel demeanour of his father ; but by means
of his niother, the gift being suspected, was given to
another who was his chamberlain, who putting on the
siiirt was struck with the poison, and died.
As to this Turk Selim, by the way here may be
noted how the secret providence of the Lord kept him
occupied with his Turkish wars at home, while the re-
formation of christian religion here in Europe, begun by
Martin Luther, might the more quietly take some root
witliout disturbance or interruption. For so it appears,
that in the days of this Selim, Martin Luther first
began to write against the pope's indulgences, which
was A.D. 1516.
XII. Solyman — the only son of Selim, succeeded af-
ter his father's death. In the beginning he seemed to some
to be simple and sheepish, and not meet for the Turkish
government. Wherefore certain of his nobles, consult-
ing how to depose him, intended to set up another em-
peror. In which consyiiracy especially are named Cajer-
beius and Gazelli. This Cajerbeius was he that be-
trayed Campson the sultan of Egypt to Selim, who
now also being in consultation with Gazelli and others
about this matter, detected them also to Solyman.
Wherefore Gazelli and his fellows being thus detected,
were put to death by Solyman, proving that he was n(>t
so sheepish as he was thought of them to be, and as
by his acts afterwards more fully appeared.
Solyman, after this execution of the conspirators,
taking his voyage into Europe, first besieged Belgrade,
which being a city in Hungary, was the strongest fort of
all the Roman empire, and the chief defence at that
time of all Christendom. The kingdom of Hungary at
that fiine was under the government of Lewis, a young
king without experience or knowledge. Whom other
princes, and especially the covetous churchmen, so plun-
dered, that they left him nothing but the bare name
and title of his kingdom, by which, he being unsupplied
both with men and money, was unable to match with
such an enemy.
Another advantage also which the Turks had in besieg-
ing Belgrade, was that the christian princes at that time
were in civil dissension and variance among themselves,
and the pope with his churchmen also were so busy in
suppressing Luther, and the gospel then newly spring-
ing, that they minded nothing else, except it were to
maintain their wealth : which pope if he had set his care
(as his duty was) so much in stirring up princes against
the common enemy, as he was bent to deface the gospel,
and to persecute the true professors thereof, it might
have brought to pass that Belgrade might have been
defended against the Turk.
Certainly whatever the pope then did, this had beea
his duty, setting all other things aside, to have had an
earnest compassion of so many miserable and lost cap*
tives, who were fallen from their faith and religion into
the misery and slavery of the Turk, and thraldom of the
devil, and to have sought all means possible to have
brought them, as lost sheep, into the fold again ; which
might have been done, if prelates and princes, joining
together in christian concord, had loved so well the
public glory of Christ, and souls of christians, as they
regarded their own private, worldly, and frivolous quar-
rels. And even supposing that the pope had conceived
never so much malice against Luther, and supposing his
quarrel also to be good, yet the public church standing
in such danger, as it then did by the invasion of the Turk,
reason would, nature led, religion taught, time required,
that a good jjrelate, forgetting lighter matters, should
A. D. 1499.]
SOLYMAN CAPTURES THE ISLAND OF RHODES.
381
rather have laid his shoulder to the excluding of so
great a danger, as was then imminent to liimself and the
uni\ersal church of Christ; but now his quarrel being
unjust, and the cause of Luther being most just and
godly, what is to be said or thought of such a prelate,
who forbearing the Turk, whom in a time so dangerous
\ie ought chiefly to have resisted, persecuted the truth
which he should specially have maintained ?
Solyman therefore taking this occasion, while our
princes were thus at variance, without any resistance or
interruption brought his army to Belgrade (A.D. 1521) ;
which city being but slenderly defended, the Turk
throuo-h his underminers, guns, and other engines of
war, without great difficulty, and with little loss of his
ioldiers, soon subdued and overcame it.
After this victory Solyman resting himself a whole
year, and casting in his mind how to make all sure be-
hind him, thought it expedient for his purpose if he
might obtain the island of Rhodes, for that was the only
christian place that remained between him and Asia ;
wherefore the next year he brought his army of four
hundred and fifty ships, and three hundred thousand
men, to the besieging thereof. This Rhodes was a
mighty and strong island. The inhabitants at the first
manfully resisted the Turk, sparing no labour nor pains
for the defence of themselves and of all Christendom ;
but afterwards being brought to extremity, and pinched
with penury, seeing also no aid come from the chris-
tians, they began to languish in themselves. The
Turks in the meantime casting up two great mountains
with strength of hand, two miles off from the city, like
rolling trenches carried them before them near to the city,
in the tops whereof they planted their ordnance and artil-
lery to batter the city. The master of the knights of
Rhodes was then one Philip Villadamus, a Frenchman,
in whom no diligence was wanted requisite to the de-
fence of the city. The Rhodians hkewise so valiantly
behaved themselves upon the walls, that with their shot
all the ditches about the city were filled with the car-
cases of dead Turks. Besides this, such a disease
reigned in the Turk's camp, that thirty thousand
of them died; and yet for all this Solyman would
not cease from his siege. At length, by underminers
castmg down the ramparts, and outermost parts of the
city, he won ground still more and more upon the
Rhodians, and with mortar-pieces so battered the
houses, that there was scarcely a free place standing in
all the city. And thus the siege continued for the
space of five or six months, and yet all this while no
help came to them from the christians. Wherefore they
being out of all hope, through the advice of Villadamus,
yielded themselves to the Turk, upon condition that he
'vould spare them with life and goods, which conven-
tion the Turk kept with them faithfully and truly.
Thus Solyman to his great glory, and to the utter shame
of all christian princes, and to the ruin of all Christen-
dom, got the noble Isle of Rhodes, although not without
great loss of his army, so that at one assault twenty
thousand Turks about the walls were slain with fire,
sword, stones, and other engines. WTiereby it may be
conjectured what these Rhodians might or would have
done, if succour had come to them from other christian
princes as they looked for. This city was won upon
Christmas-day, A.D. 1522.
This conquest of Rhodes being secured, Solyman
the fourth year after brings back his army into Hun-
gary, where he found none to resist him but Lewis
the young king, who being accompanied with a small
army, and not able to match with the Turk, yet of a
hasty rashness and vain hope of victory, would needs
set upon him, who if he had staid but a little had pros-
pered the better. For John Vaivoda, a captain well
exercised in Turkish wars before, was not far off,
coming with a sufficient force of able soldiers ; but Pau-
lus the archbishop of Colosse, a Franciscan friar, a man
more bold than wise, with his temerity and rashness
troubled all their doings. For the whole sum of the
army of the Hungarians contained in all but only
twenty-four thousand horsemen and footmen, who at
length coming to the battle, and being compassed about
with a great multitude of the Turk's army, were brought
into great distress. The Turks twice shot off tlieir
pieces against the christian army, yet scarce was any
christian touched, which was thought to be done on
purpose, because they were christians who had the or-
dering of the guns, for then the special gunners of the
Turks were christians, whom forthe sake of their gun-
nery they spared. Then the Turk's horsemen, coming
upon the rear of the christian army, compassed them
about, and by reason of their multitude overcharged
their horsemen. Among whom was slain at the same
time the archbishoj) of Colosse, with the bishops of
Strygone and Varadine, and many other nobles beside.
Also the king himself was compelled to fly into a marsh,
where falling from his horse, being heavy laden with
the harness, he was not able to rise again, but there
miserably perished.
Solyman the Turk marvelled at the foolishness of
Lewis, who with so small an army would presume to
encounter with such a great host of two hundred thou-
sand. This battle in Hungary was fought A.D. 1526.
After the decease of Lewis, Ferdinand succeeded in
the kingdom, being duke of Austria and king of Hun-
gary. Then Solyman, setting contention between John
Vaivoda and Ferdinand for the kingdom of Hungary,
marched to the city of Buda, which also in short time he
made to surrender upon condition that they should
escape with their lives and goods.
In the year 1529, Ferdinand, king of Hungary,
recovered several holds, and warring against John Vai-
voda his enem)', expelled him out of his kingdom.
Whereupon Vaivoda, flying to the Turk, desired his aid.
The Turk, glad to take that occasion, with great prepa-
ration addressed himself to return into Hungary, where
recovering again the city of Buda, which Ferdinand had
got from him a little before, he removed his army into
Austria, spoiling and destroying by the way all that came
to his hands, shewing many examples of great cruelty
and tyranny most lamentable to hear and understand.
For of some he put out their eyes, of some he cut off
their hands, of some their ears and noses. And these
examples of horrible and barbarous tyranny this wretched
Turk perpetrated by the way coming toward Vienna, a
noble city in Austria, besides the captives which he took
by i*-o Tay and led into most miserable slavery, amount-
ing to the number of thirty thousand.
Among other holds by the way as the Turks came,
there was a castle called Altenburch, strongly situated
by nature, and defended by art ; which castle the Turk
intending not to pass, because he would make all things
sure behind him, began to make his assault, and lay his
ordnance against it. The warders and keepers of the
castle, so soon as the Turk began to lay siege against
them, making no resistance, of a womanly cowardliness
sent their messengers to the Turk, to yield themselves
ready to do his commandment, and further him with
their supplies. Among whom were three hundred Bo-
hemians, who were commanded to follow the army, that
the Turk by them might learn what strength was in the
city of Vienna ; also where the king was, and what was
to be done for the winning thereof.
Of whom when the Turk had understanding how all
things stood, and how there were but twenty thousand
men in Vienna able to bear armour, and that other cities
of Austria would soon yield if that were taken, and that
Vienna was victualled but for two months, and that the
king was of late in Bohemia ; the Turk being certified
of all things, having no doubt in his mind of victory,
made speed toward Vienna ; and first coming to Neapolis,
a city but eight miles distant from Vienna, he required
them to yield themselves ; who notwithstanding with-
stood, and repulsed them valiantly. Then the Turks
assigned a place for the pitching of their tents; and
because it seemed somewhat too little for such a great
multitude, they took in more ground to tlie compass of
seven miles circuit. The multitude of his army, which
he there planted, is accounted of some to extend to two
hundred and fifty thousand soldiers. The Turk thus
being planted, made daily excursions over all the country
of Austria, especially about the city of Vienna, wasting
382 SIEGE OF NEAPOLIS AND VIENNA.— VALTANT DEFENCE OF THE CHRISTIANS, [Book VJ.
and spoiling with great cruelty and murder among the
poor christians.
Moreover, to make all things more sure toward the
preparation of the siege, scouts were sent abroad and
ambushraents were laid about the side of the river
Danube, to provide that no aid nor provisions should be
brought to Vienna. It so pleased the providence of the
Lord (who disposes all things) that three days before the
coming of the Turk, Frederick the earl palatine, who
was then assigned by the empire to take the charge of
Vienna, was come down by the river Danube, with four-
teen thousand men, and with a certain troop of horsemen,
well appointed and picked for the purpose. After the
coming of this Frederick, provision also was appointed
to follow shortly after by the river.
In the mean time, they who had the carriage and
transport, hearing how the ways were laid, and all the
passages ten miles about Vienna stopped by the Turks,
although they knew the city to stand in great need of
provisions, yet seeing there was no other remedy, rather
tlian it should come to the enemy's hand, thought it
best to sink their boats with their carriage, and so tliey
did. \\'hereby although the christians wanted their
relief, yet were the Turks disappointed of their prey and
pur))Ose.
The captains who had the keeping of the city, were
chiefly Frederick the earl palatine, William Rogen-
dorf, and Nicolas earl of Salme, they seeing themselves so
straightened contrary to their expectation, although they
had great causes to be discouraged, yet calling their
courage to them, they consulted together for the best
way to be taken ; and seeing that the little city of Nea-
polis (above mentioned) being eight miles distant from
them, so valiantly withstood the Turks, that in one day
they sustained seven assaults against all the main force
of the Turkish army ; by their example and manful
standing being the more animated and encouraged, they
determined to abide the utmost before they would give
over ; and first plucking down all the suburbs and
buildings without the walls whereby the enemy might have
any succour, they commanded all the farmers and inha-
bitants about t^e city to save themselves, and to bring
in tlieir goods within the walls. Such places as were
weak within the walls, they made strong. About the
towers and munition of the walls they provided ramparts
and bulwarks distant eighty feet one from another,
to keep oft" the shot ; and every man had his place and
standing awarded to him upon the wall, and his office
appointed what to do ; but especially that side of the
city which lies to the river Danube, they fortified
after the best manner ; for that way only now remained
for victuals to be transported from the Bohemians to
them. Wherefore eight ensigns were assigned to the
keeping of the bridge, and in the plain, which was like
an island enclosed within the river, a sufficient garrison
of horsemen were placed, lying within the gunshot of the
city, that if any grain or victuals were sent from the Bo-
hemians, they might provide the same safely to be
brought into the city.
These things thus being disposed and set in order,
Lord William Rogendorff, to try the strength of the
Turks, made divers sallies out with his horsemen, al-
though much against the minds of the Austrians ; who,
knowing the manner of the Turks, thought it better to
suffer them, while either they might be wearied with
time, or consumed for lack of victuals. Among many
skirmishes which the christians had with the Turks, one
especially was unfortunate to our men ; in which certain
of the horsemen spying a small troop of the Turks scat-
tering abroad from their company, made out after them,
who siiddeidy and guilefully were enclosed by the Turks,
before they could recover the gates of the city, and so
were all taken alive ; of whom three were sent from the
Turks into the city, to declare to the Viennians what
strength they had seen in the camp of their adversaries,
and to solicit them to yield their city for fear of punish-
ment which would follow. The rest they reserved to
torments and punishment, whom in the sight of the
whole army, and of the christians (who should tell the
same to the citizens) they caused every man to be drawn
with four horses a-pieces, and so to be dismembered and
plucked asunder.
After this was done, the barbarous Turk immediately sent
his herald to talk with the captains of the city, whether
tliey would yield tlie city u]>on honest conditions, or else
would abide the arbitrement of war. If they would
gently submit themselves, they should have all gentle-
ness shewed to them. If they would be stubborn, and
stand to tlieir defence, he would also stand to his siege,
so that he would spare neither man, woman, or child.
To this the captains answered again, that they were
contented that Solyman should stand to his siege, and
do his utmost, what he would, or what he could. As
for them, they were resolved to defend themselves and
their city so long as they could ; the event and issue of
victory, they said, was doubtful, and many times it hap-
j)ens, that they who begin the war, are wearied sooner
than they who are challenged.
Solyman, disdaining this answer, first burning and
consuming all the villages, houses and places round
about the city, poisoning the springs and fountains which
gave water to the city, and so stopping all passages that
no relief should have way to them, began to approach
the city, with three great camps ; sending word in scorn
and contumely by one of his captains, that if they stood
in need of soldiers, he would send to them the three
hundred Bohemians (mentioned a little before") to aid
them in their defence. To whom the palatine directed
answer again, that they had more soldiers in the city
than they needed. As for the Bohemians who had
yielded, he might do with them what he would, for
Vienna stood in no great need of them.
In the mean time a messenger coming from Ferdinand
was privately let in by night into the city, he brought
word that they should occupy the men in keeping out
the enemy awhile ; for it would not be long, but both
Ferdinand and Charles his brother, with the strength of
all Germany, would be ready to rescue them. At this
message the hearts of the soldiers began somewhat to be
cheered, and to contemn the multitude of the adver-
saries, whose army extended in compass seven miles
round the city walls.
In the meantime Solyman beat down to the ground
the ramparts, with all the suburbs of the city, and in such
a short time, that the hearts of the inhabitants were ap- '
palled with fear, lest the Turk with celerity and violence
should prevail against the walls, as he did in beating
down the ramparts. And no doubt the Turk had put
the city in great hazard, had not night coming on
broken off the siege for that day.
In the mean time the citizens laboured all night in
repairing and refreshing the walls, to make all things
sure against the next assault. The next day early in the
morning, the Turks approaching the city again for a
new assault, thinking to scale the walls, were so repulsed
and manfully resisted by the Germans, that the ditches
about the walls could not be seen for the bodies of
the dead Turks that filled them ; so that the Turks
were obliged to fight standing ujjon the bodies of the
slain.
It happened at the same time, that a company of the
Turks being seen wandering out of order, the Captain
Rogendorff with two legions of horsemen issuing out of
the city gate called Sahnaria, and passing closely under
the hill's side, so set upon them, that they slew a great
number of them ; the rest driven to take the river, they
destroyed, and so retired back to the city again. By
this victory the Captain Rogendorff began to be terrible
to the Turks. For in the skirmish (as afterwards was
known) were slain so many, that of five thousand and
three hundred horsemen and footmen, scarce one hundred
and forty escaped alive.
Solyman thought to try this matter another way, and
so bringing his forces toward the gate called the King's
Gate, there making his trenches and bulwarks, planted
his ordnance, with the violence whereof the walls were
so battered and shaken, that no man was able to stand
there. The Turk, seeing two great breaches made in
the wall, commanded his soldiers in the dark smoke of
the gunpowder, to press into the city. The same also
A.D. 1499.] GREAT SLAUGHTER OF THE TURKS AT THE SIEGE OF VIENNA.
383
was done at the Scottish Tower, by which the city was
invaded in two places at one time. The inliabitants at
first began to withstand them, new soldiers still coming
in the place of them that were slain ; and so this assault
continuing more than six hours together, our men began
at length to languish and faint, not only in strengtli but
also iu courage, by which the city was in great danger,
had not the two captains, Ilogendorlf in one place, and
the earl of Salme in the other, manfully encouraged the
soldiers to abide the brunt, and to bear out awhile the
violence of the Turks, promising that immediately they
should have aid from Ferdinand.
In the mean time the Turks came so thick for greedi-
ness of victory, scaling, climbing, and fighting ujmn the
walls, that had it not been for the press and throng of
the great multitude of the Turks, coming so thick that
one of them could not fight for another, Vienna had
been taken and utterly lost. But by the policy of the
captains giving a sign within the city, as though new
soldiers were called for, our men began to be encoui'aged,
and the Turks' hearts to be discomfited.
When Solyman saw his army the second time repulsed,
he began to attempt a new way, purposing by under-
mining to overthrow the city ; in which work especially,
he used the help of the lllyrians, of whom he had a
great number in his camp, expert in that kind of feat.
These lllyrians beginning to break the earth at the gate
Carinthia, and coming near the foundations of the tower,
which they had attempted to burst into, could not work
so closely under the ground, but that they were per-
ceived by certain men above ; who, countermining
against them, and filling their trenches as they went with
gunpowder, so conveyed their train, that when fire
should be set to it, the violence should burst out by the
trenches of the enemies ; which done, suddenly the
ground beneath made a great shaking, so that the tower
did cleave asunder, and all the undenniners of the Turks,
working in their trenches, were smothered and destroyed,
which came to the number (as it was supposed afterward)
of eight thousand persons.
When Solyman saw that this way also would not serve,
and had private intelligence that the walls about the
gates of Stubarium were negligently kept, and that he
might have there more easy entrance ; he secretly moved
about ten garrisons of fresh soldiers, so as the townsmen
should not perceive them : who came so suddenly upon
them, that they had filled their ditches, and were upon
the top of the fortresses, before our men were aware
of them, or could make themselves ready to resist them.
For although there was no lack of soldiers within the
city, yet the whole brunt of the siege lay especially at
the two gates, from whence the soldiers could not be
well removed ; men however were sent to the spot now
attacked. And thus the assault continued terrible and
doubtful until (the dark night coming upon them) they
could not well know the one from the other. In this
affair there were counted of the Turks to be slain more
than five thousand.
Then the Captain Rogendorff, commending the valiant
standing of his soldiers, providing with all diligence
against another assault, made up the breaches of the
■walls, and prepared all things necessary for resistance.
The next morning, which was dark and misty, the Turks
thinking to anticipate our men with their sudden coming,
began again busily to mount upon the top of the walls.
It would require a long treatise here to describe the
great distress and danger that the city was in those
three days following. During all which time there was
no rest, no intermission, nor diligence wanting either in
the enemy's fighting against the city, or in our men in
defending the same. For the Turks, besides the great
ordnance, wherewith (as with a great tempest of gun-
shot) they never ceased battering the walls, and beating
the fortifications of the city, sent also such heaps and
multitudes of the Turks, to the scaling and climbing of
the walls, that notwithstanding all the defeats, the number
of them never seemed diminished ; till at last the soldiers
of the Turks, perceiving themselves able by no means to
prevail, but only run in danger of life, and to do no
j good, began to wrangle amongst themselves, repining
against their dukes and captains, imputing the whole
cause to them, that the city was yet untaken, and so the
siege ceased for that time.
After this, when Solyman had purposed with his last
and strongest siege to try the city the utmost that he
was able to do, and had encouraged his soldiers to pre-
pare themselves : the soldiers shewed themselves very
unwilling to return again from whence they were so
often repulsed before ; so that a great commotion began
to rise in the Turk's camp. When the nniioiu came to
Solyman's ears, he sends his grand captain to keep all
the soldiers in order and obedience, or if they would be
stubborn, to compel them, whether they would or not,
to accomplish his commandment, who coming to the
soldiers shewed to them the great Turk's message, and to
animate and encourage them, declared that the opportu-
nity was not to be neglected, neither could they now
without great shame give over, after so many assaults,
who, if they would sustain but one brunt more, the vic-
tory were in their own hands. The townsmen, he said,
were wasted, and their victuals spent ; and the more to
inflame their minds, he promised them not only great
thanks and reward of their emperor, but also the whole
spoil of the city.
But when all this could not stir up the tired Turks,
using compulsion where persuasion would not serve, he
appointed a number of horsemen to be set at their backs
to force them either to go forward, or if they refused
to destroy them with guns and spears. The Turks see-
ing themselves in such a straight, that whether they
went or tarried it was to them the same peril, yet they
would not set forward except the captain would take the
lead before them, who thus spake : " Forsake your faith
and allegiance, and betray the emperor of Constantinople
to the christians if you will ; but 1 wiU discharge my
duty towards the commonwealth and my emperor ;" and
with that word advanced his ensign, making toward the
city walls. When others followed him, and still more
and more pressed after him, it came to pass that whole
bodies of them were overthrown and slain by our men
upon the walls, before it was known what they meant.
Others terrified by their example gave back and left
their array, and winding themselves by by-ways and
under covert of the hills, returned again to their tents, and
so came it to pass, that the strength of the enemies
daily more and more decreasing, they had less hope
every day of obtaining the city. For besides the innu-
merable slaughter of Turks upon the walls, the towns-
men also watching the forages and purveyors of the
Turks, as they ranged about for victuals for the camp,
as occasion served them encompassed them, and encoun-
tered with them, so that of a whole legion scarcely the
tenth part returned alive, by which the courage of the
enemy began greatly to faint. As our men began to
receive more hope and courage, so the Turks began still
more to droop and to languish with despair, so that at
length they scarce durst appear without the bounds
where they were entrenched, but only in light skirmishes,
when they were challenged by our men to come out and
to shew themselves.
Solyman perceiving his soldiers thus daily to go to
wreck, of whom he had lost already more than eighty
thousand, and that with long tarrying he could do no
good, being also in lack of forage, for the country about
him was wasted, he began to consult with his captains and
counsellors, what remained best to be done. The most
part advised him to raise his siege, and provide for him-
self. The chief motive was, that he heard Frederick, the
Palatine, was coming with a great army at Ratisbon
towards Vienna. When Solyman had intelligence of
this, thinking it not best to wait the coming of the
Palatine, made haste with bag and baggage to remove
his camp, and to retire ; and first sending his carriage
before him, he made speed himself with his army to fol-
low shortly after.
The Viennians, when they heard of the departure of the
Turks, although at the first they scarcely believed it to be
true, being afterward certified of their removing, and how
it was in a manner of a flight, were greatly desirous to
make out of the city after them. In which, although the
384 THE TURKS TAKE EGINA AND BUDA.— CRUELTY TO THE CHRISTIANS. [Book VI.
presence of the Palatine with his army, if he had been
there, might have stood them in great stead, yet they
took the opportunity, and issuing out of the city, set
after them with their horsemen, and first passing the
tents (where the Turks had pitched their pavilions) they
made such pursuit after them, that within a little time
they overtook the rearward of the army ; they made such
havoc and destruction, that, as the author reports, there
was not a shot discharged, nor weapon drawn, nor
stroke struck, by the pursuers, which did not tdl on the
enemy.
Tims through the merciful protection of A mighty God,
Austria was delivered from the fierce and barbarous hos-
tility of the cruel Turks. Notwithstanding, that neither
Ferdinand, the king, nor the emperor his brother,
were present, but only the power of God, through the
valiantness of the worthy Germans, defended that city ;
in defence of which consisted the safety and deliverance
of all these west parts of Christendom. For the which
immortal praise and thanks be unto our immortal God
in Christ our Lord, according as he hath most graciously
and worthily deserved of us. Wherein by the way take
-»otice, gentle reader, how and after what manner God's
61essing goes with the true followers of his religion ; for
vhe Turks in so many battles and sieges heretofore were
never so repelled and foiled, as at this time in encoun-
tering with the protestanls and defenders of sincere re-
gion. This city of Vienna was besieged and delivered,
A.D. 1529. The assaults of the Turk against the city
are numbered to be twenty, and his repulses as many.
The number of his army which he first brought, was
two hundred and fifty thousand, whereof were slain
eighty thousand and above.
In the year 1537, Solyman, who could not be quiet
at home, nor rest in peace, returning out of Asia from
his wars there into Europe with two hundred and seventy
ships, great and little, set upon Corcyra, another island
belonging to the Venetians, which he besieged ten days,
wasting and burning the towns and fields as he went,
beside the destruction of much people therein, whom
partly he slew, partly led away captives. From thence
he sailed to Zacinthus and Cythera, another island not
far from Corcyra, bordering near to the coasts of Epinis
and Greece. Where he suddenly by night invading the
husbandmen in villages and fields, sleeping and mistrust-
ing no harm, drew them out of their houses and posses-
sions, men and women, besides children, to the number
of nine hundred, whom he made his bondslaves ; burning
moreover their houses, and carrying away all the goods and
cattle being without the said city of Zacinthus and Cythera.
From thence they turned their course to the siege of
Egina, a rich and populous island, lying between Greece
and Asia. Where at first the Eginians did manfully re-
sist them in battle, and were likely to have prevailed ;
but wearied at length, and oppressed with innumerable
thousands of fresh Turks, who still were sent in, to rescue
the others who were overcome before, they were com-
pelled to fly to the city of Egina. Which city the cruel
Turks, with much labour, and violence of their great ord-
nance brouglit out of their ships, subdued and cast down to
the ground ; the citizens and inhabitants which the
Turk after he had burned their houses, and ransacked
their goods, commanded to be slain and killed every one.
The women both noble and unnoble, with their infants,
were shipped to Constantinople, and led away to perpe-
tual misery and slavery, which was A. D. 1537.
In the year 1540, the restless Turk making his return
toward Hungary, by the way passing by Dalmatia, laid
siege to the town called Novum Castellum, defended by
the Spaniards. In which town, because they refused to
yield themselves, all the inhabitants and soldiers were
put to the sword, and slain every one. This Novum
Castellum, or Newcastle, was a strong fort of the chris-
tians, which being now in the Turk's power, he had great
advantage over all those quarters of Dalmatia, Stiria,
Carinthia, and Hungaria. From thence he proceeded
further, keeping his course into Hungary, where he
planted his forces against the city of Buda.
This Buda was a principal city in Hungary, under the
goverument of George Monachus, who quarrelled with
Ferdinand, and said that he would never any more trust
the promises of christians, and immediately upon the
same, sent to Solyman the Turk, for aid against the
christians, promising that he would surrender to him
free possession of Hungary, if he would come and van-
quish the army of Ferdinand lying about the siege of
Buda. The Turk made no long tarrying, but glad
of the occasion, with a mighty army came into Hun-
gary, and soon overpowering the host of Ferdinand,
he got the city into his own hands, commanding
George Monachus with his mother, to follow after his
camp.
In the history of Joannes Ramus, it follows, that when
Solyman the Turk had thus prevailed against the city of
Buda, and against other parts of Hungary ; by the assent
of the empire, one Joachim, duke of Brandenburg,
prince elector, was appointed with a puissant army of
chosen soldiers of all nations, to recover the city
of Buda from the Turk, and to deliver the other parts
of Christendom from the fear of the Turk, A. D. 1542.
Which Joachim, at his first setting forth, appeared so
courageous and valiant, as if he would have conquered
the whole world : but this great heat was so cooled in a
short time by the Turk, that before any great danger was
offered to him, he was glad to be discharged of the voy-
age, and with shame enough returned home again. And
would God he had left behind him in the fields no more
but his own shame. For the enemies having intelligence
of his cowardly departure, thinking to work some point
of mastery or victory before his going, set upon the right
wing of his army, out of which they took away with them
above five hundred strong and valiant soldiers, not kill-
ing them, but carrying them away alive. For whom it
had been much better to have stood to their weapon,
and to have died manfully upon the Turks, than by
yielding themselves to be deprived of weapons and
armour, and so to be left to the cursed courtesy of the
foul Turks. What courtesy was shewed in the sequel,
soon appeared. For after the Turks had led them out of
Hungary into their own dominions, after a most horrible
sort they disfigured and mangled them, and so sent them
abroad through all Greece, to be witnesses of the Turkish
victory. Their kind of punishment was thus : first, they
had their right arm thrust through with an iron red hot,
by which they would be unable and unmeet to all labour
and warfare ; secondly, their heads were shaven to the
very sculls, after the manner of our friars and monks,
when they are newly shaven ; thirdly, they had all their
limbs cruelly and shamefully mangled and mutilated.
But to return again to the city of Buda, from whence
we have digressed, here we must not omit what falsehood
and what cruelty the Turks used towards the christians
there after their victory. For after Solyman the Turk,
upon the yielding and submission of the men of Buda, had
given to them his promise of safety and life, within a
short time, he picking a quarrel with him for selling oxen
to the christians, and for bargaining with them, slew all
the magistrates of the city of Buda ; as in all other cities
wherever the christians yielded to him, he never, or very
rarely kept his promise with them, nor did ever any
christians speed better with the Turk, than they who
most valiantly resisted him.
And as his promise with the magistrates of Buda was
false and wretched ; so his cruelty with the soldiers was
much more notorious and abominable ; for two cohorts
or bands of christian soldiers came alive to his hands ; to
whom, when he seemed at first to grant pardon of life,
he commanded that they should put on their armour
again, and to dispose themselves in oiier and battle
array, after the warlike manner of the christians ; which,
when they had accomplished readily, according to his
commandment, and when he, riding about the ranks, had
diligently viewed and beheld them a certain space, at
length he commanded them to put off their armour
again ; which done, certain of the tallest and strongest
of them he picked out, the rest he commanded by his-
soldiers coming behind them with swords, to be cut in-
pieces and slain. Of the others, whom he had elected
and chosen, some he set for marks and buts to be shot
at ; some he appointed to his two sons, for them to ^las^
A.D. 1499.] ALBA BESIEGED AND TAKEN.— THE SULTAN SOLYMAN KILLS HIS SON. 335
with their swords and try their strength, which of them
could give the deeper wound, and (as they termed it)
the fairer blow, by which the most blood might flow
out of their christian bodies.
After the winning of Buda, the Turk, purposing not
to cease till he had subdued and brought under his obe-
dience all Hungary, proceeding further with his army,
first brought under a strong hold of the christians,
named Pestum or Pesta, where a great number of chris-
tian soldiers were slain, and many were led away to more
cruel affliction.
Then he came to another castle called Walpo, situate
in the confines of Bosnia, Croatia, and Hungary ; which
fort or castle he besieged three months ; no rescue or aid
was sent to them, either from Ferdinand, king of Hungary,
or from any other christian prince or princess. At length
the fort was given up to the Turk ; but more through
the false treachery or cowardly heart of the soldiers than
of the captain. Wherein is to be noted an example not
unworthy of memory. For when the cowardly soldiers,
either for fear or flattery, would needs surrender them-
selves and the place to the Turk, contrary to the mind
of the captain, who in no case would agree to their
yielding : they, thinking to find favour with the Turk,
apprehended their captain, and gave him to Soly-
man. But see how the justice of God, sometimes by the
hand of the enemy, disposes the end of things to the
rewarding of virtue, and punishing of vice. For where
they thought to save themselves by the danger of the
faithful captain, the event turned clean contrary ; so
that the Turk was bountiful and very liberal to the caj)-
tain, and the soldiers, notwithstanding that they had
all yielded themselves, yet were all commanded to be
slain.
The Turk proceeding from one fortified town to ano-
ther, took them, and greatly and cruelly extended his con-
quests through all Hungary till he came to Alba ; there,
the Turks, using the occasion of a misty darkness, ap-
proached the walls, and got up to a certain fortress
where the Germans were, before our men could well per-
ceive them : where they pressed in so thick, and in such
number, that although the christian soldiers, standing
strongly to the defence of their lives, did what valiant
men in cases of such extremity were able to do ; yet
being over-matched by the multitude of the Turks, and
the suddenness of their coming, gave back, seeking to
I retire unto the inward walls. There was between the
outward walls and inward gate of the city, a strait, or
' narrow passage, cast up in the manner of a bank or
! causeway, which passage happened to be barred and
stopped. By reason of which the poor soldiers were
forced to cast themselves into the ditch, thinking to
swim as well as they could into the city : many of them
sticking in the mud were drowned, one pressing upon
another ; many were slain by their enemies coming
behind them. A few who could swim out were received
'into the city, but the chief captains and warders of the
town were slain there.
The citizens being destitute of their principal captains
and warriors, were in great perplexity and doubt among
themselves what to do, some thinking good to yield,
some counselling the contrary. Thus, while the citizens
were distracted, the magistrates thinking to depend on
'the Turk's gentleness, sent out one of their heads to the
Turk, who in the name of them all should surrender to
him the city, and become to Um tributaries, upon con-
Idition they might enjoy liberty of life and goods ; which
being granted, after the Turkish faith and assurance :
the soldiers who were within the city, putting off their
armour, were discharged and sent away.
] Now see what happened to the yielding citizens.
When the Turk had entered the town, and had visited
the sepulchre of the kings, for three or four days he
pretended much clemency toward the citizens, as though
he came not to oppress them, but to be revenged of Fer-
dinand their king, and to deliver them from the servitude
of the Germans. On the fourth day, all the chief and
head men of the city were commanded to appear before
the Turk, in a plain not far from the city where the con-
demned persons before were wont to be executed, as
though they should come to swear to the Turk. At this
command of the Turk, when the citizens in great number,
and in their best attire were assembled, the Turk, con-
trary to his faith and promise, commanded suddenly a
general slaughter to be made of them all. And this was
the end of the citizen? of Alba.
As the false and cruel Turk was thus raging in Hun-
gary, and intended further to rage without all mercy
and pity of the christians, and might easily then have
prevailed and gone whither he would, for Charles the
emperor, and Francis the French king, were at the same
time in war and hostility, and also other christian
princes, as Henry, duke of Brunswick against John
Frederick, duke of Saxony ; also princes and rulers were
contending among themselves : behold the gracious
providence of our Lord and God towards us, who seeing
the misery, and having pity of his poor christians, sud-
denly reined this raging beast, and brought him out of
Europe into his own country again, by occasion of the
Persians, who were then in great preparation of war
against the Turks, and had invaded his dominion. By
which the Turks were kept there occupied, fighting with
the Persians for a long time. Which wars at length
being achieved and finished, (wherein the said Turk lost
great victories, with slaughter of many thousands of his
Turks) he was not only provoked by the instigation of
certain evil-disposed Hungarians, but also induced by
the discord of christian princes to return again into
Europe, in hopes to subdue all parts to his dominion..
When he had levied an army, incredible in multitude,,
see again the merciful providence and protection of our
God toward his people. As the Turk was thus intending
to set forward with his innumerable multitude against
the christians, the hand of the Lord sent such a pesti-
lence through all the Turk's army and dominions,
reaching from Bithynia, and from Thrace to Macedonia,
and also to Hungary, that all the Turk's possessions
seemed almost nothing else but as an heap of dead
corpses, whereby his voyage for that time was stopped,
and he almost compelled to seek a new army.
Besides this plague, which was worse to them than
any war. other domestic calamities, through God's pro-
vidence, happened to Solyman, the great rover and robber
of the world, which kept him at home from vexing the
christians, especially concerning his eldest son Mustapha.
This Mustapha being hated, and feared by Rustanus,
the chief counsellor about the Turk, and by Rosa, the
Turk's concubine, and afterwards his wife, was com-
plained of to his father, accused, and at length so
brought into suspicion and displeasure of the Turks,
that his father caused him to be sent for to his pavilion,
where six Turks with masks were appointed to put him
to death : they put (after their manner) a small cord or
bow-string full of knots about his neck, and so throwing
him dovm upon the ground, not suiTering him to speak
one word to his father, with the twitch thereof strangled
him to death, his father standing in a secret corner by,
and beholding the same. Which fact being perpetrated,
afterwards when the Turk would have given to another
son, called Gianger, the treasures, horse, armour, orna-
ments, and the province of Mustapha his brother;
Gianger crying out for sorrow at his brother's death,
said he to his father, " Shame on thee, thou impi-
ous and wretched dog, traitor, murderer, I cannot call
thee father, take the treasures, the horse and armour of
Mustapha to thyself:" and with that, taking out his
dagger, thrust it through his own body. And thus was
Solyman murderer and parricide of his own sons ; which
was A. D. 1552.
Wherein is to be noted the singular providence and
love of the Lord towards his afflicted christians. For
this Mustapha, as he was courageous and greatly expert
and exercised in all practice of war, so had he a cruel
heart, maliciously set to shed the blood of the chris-
tians : wherefore, we have great cause to congratulate,
and to give thanks to God, for the happy taking away of
this Mustapha. And no less hope also and good com-
fort we may conceive of our loving Lord, to think that
c c2
386
THE PERSECUTIONS OF THE CHRISTIANS UNDER THE TURKS.
[Book VI.
our merciful God, after these sore afflictions of liis
christians under these twelve Turks afore recited, now,
after this Solyman, intends some gracious good work to
Christendom, to reduce and release us out of this
long and miserable Turkish captivity, as may be hoped
now, by taking away of these young imps of this impious
generation, before they should come to work their con-
<;eived malice against us : the Lord, therefore, be glori-
fied and praised. Amen.
Moreover, as I was in writing hereof, opportunely
came to my hands a certain writing out of Germany,
certifying us of such news and victory of late achieved
against the Turk, as may not a little increase our hope
and comfort us, touching the decay and ruin of the
Turk's power and tyranny against us. Which news are
these : that after the Turkish tyrant had besieged, with
an army of thirty thousand men, the famous and strong
town and castle of Jula in Hungary, lying forty Dutch
miles beyond the river Danube, which city had by the
space of six weeks sustained many grievous assaults :
God, tlirough his great mercy and goodness so com-
forted the said town of Jula, and the poor christians
therein, at their earnest prayers, that the Turk, with all
his host was driven back by the hands of the general,
called Karetsliim Laslaw, and his valiant company :
who not only defended tlie town, but also constrained
the Turks to retire, to their great shame and confusion,
with a great slaughter of the Turkish rabble ; for which,
the everlasting God be praised for ever.
The manner of the overthrow was this. As the gene-
ral saw his advantage, with Captain George, and other
horsemen of the Silesians and Hungarians, they set
on the rearward of the Turks and killed about eight
thousand of them, and took also some of their artillery,
and followed them so fast, that the Turks were con-
sti-ained to fly into a marshy ground, and to break the
wheels of the rest of their artillery to save themselves,
and therewith they got a very rich booty, rescuing besides,
and taking from the Turks, a great number of christian
prisoners.
This Solyman reigned forty-six years ; he began the
same year in the which the Emperor Charles V. was
crowned, which was A. D. 1520, and so has continued
by God's permission, for a scourge to the christians, to
the year loCfi. This Solyman, by one of his concubines,
had his eldest son called Mustapha. By another concu-
bine called Rosa, he had four sons, Mahumet, Bajazet,
Zelymus, and Gianger. Of which sons, Mustapha and
Gianger were slain (as ye heard before) by means of
their own father. And thus much concerning the
wretched tyranny of the Turks.
Thus from time to time the church of Christ has
had little or no rest in this earth ; what for the hea-
then emperors on the one side ; what for the proud
pope on the other side ; on the third side, what for the
barbarous Turk : for these are and have been from
the beginning, the three principal and capital enemies
of the church of Clirist. The cruelty and malice of these
enemies against Christ's people has been such, that to
judge which of them did most exceed in cruelty of per-
secution, it is hard to say ; but it may be thought that
the bloody and beastly tyranny of the Turks, incompar-
'ably surmounts all the afflictions and cruel slaughters
that ever were seen in any age, or read of in any history;
so that there is neither history so perfect, nor writer so
diligent, who writing of the miserable tyranny of the
Turks, is able to express or comprehend the horrible ex-
amples of the unspeakable cruelty and slaughter, ex-
ercised by these twelve Turkish tyrants ujion jjoor chris-
tian men's bodies, within the compass of these later
three hundred years. Whereof although no sufficient
relation can be made, nor number expressed ; yet to give
to the reader some general guess or view thereof, let us
first consider what dominions and empires, how many
countries, kingdoms, provinces, cities, towns, strong
holds, and forts, these Turks have surprised and won
from the cliristians. In all which victories, that there
is almost no place wliich the Turks ever came to and
subdued, where they did not either slay all the inhabi-
tants, or lead away the most part into such captivity and
slavery, that they continued not long after alive, or
else so lived, that death almost had been more toler-
able.
As in the time of the first persecutions of the Romaa
emperors, the saying was. That no man could step with
his feet in all Rome, but he would tread upon a martyr :
so here may be said. That almost there is not a town,
city, or village in all Asia, Greece, also in a great part of
Europe and Africa, whose streets have not flowed with
the blood of the christians, whom the cruel Turks have
murdered. Of whom are to be seen in histories, heaps
of soldiers slain, of men and women cut in pieces, of
children stuck upon poles and stakes, whom those de-
testable Turks most spitefully (and that in tlie sight of
their parents) use to gore to death : some they drag at
their horse tails, and famish to death ; some they tear in
pieces, tying their arms and legs to four horses ; others
they make mark.s to shoot at ; upon some they try their
swords how dee]) they can cut and slash. The aged and
feeble they tread under their horses : sex is not regarded,
but women and children are barbarously murdered.
Whether the christians yield to them, or yield not, it
is all the same. As in their promises there is no truth,
so in their victories there is no sense of manhood or
mercy, but they make havoc of all.
So the citizens of Croja, after they had yielded and
were promised their lives, were all destroyed, and that
horribly. In Mysia, after the king had given him-
self to the Turks, having promise of life, Mahomet the
Turk slew him with his own hands. The princes of
Rasia had both their eyes put out, with basons red hot
set before them. Theodosia, otherwise called Capha,
was also surrendered to the Turk, having the like assur-
ance of life and safety ; and yet, contrary to the league,
the citizens were put to the sword and slain. At the
winning and yielding of Lesbos, what a number of young
men and children were put upon sharp stakes and poles,
and so thrust through ! At the winning of the city of
Buda, what tyranny was shewed and exercised against
the poor christians who had yielded themselves, and
against the two dukes, Christopher Bisserer and John
Tranbinger, contrary to the promise and hand-writing of
the Turk, is to be seen in the history of Melchior
Soiterus.
The like also is to be read in the history of Bernard
de Breydenbach, who, writing of the taking of Hydrun-
tum, a city in Apulia, testifies of the miserable slaughter
of the young men there slain ; of old men trodden under
the horses' feet ; of matrons and maidens horribly
outraged and murdered ; of women with child cut
and rent in pieces ; of the priests in the churches
slain; and of the archbishop of that city, who,
being an aged man, and holding the cross in his
hands, was cut asunder with a wooden saw, &c. The
same Bernard, also writing of the overthrow of Nigro-
pontus, otherwise called Chalcides, (A. D. 1471,) de-
scribes the like terrible slaughter which was exercised
there, where the Turk, after his promise given to the
contrary, most cruelly caused all the youth of Italy to be
pricked upon sharp stakes ; some to be dashed against
the hard stones, others to be cut asunder in tlie midst,
and others with various kinds of torments to be put to
death : insomuch, that all the streets and ways of Ciial-
cides did flow with the blood of them which were there
slain. In which history the writer records one memo-
rable example of maidenly courage, worthy of all chris-
tians to be noted and commended. The history is told
of the pretor's daughter of that city, who, being tlie only
daughter of her father, and noted to be of an exceeding
singular beauty, was saved out of the slaughter, and
brought to Mahomet the Turk. But she refusing to
join the Turk's seraglio, or to embrace the Mahometan
faith, was commanded to be slain and murdered, and so
died she a martyr.
The like cruelty also was shewed upon them who kept
the castle and afterwards yielding tliemselves upon hope
of the Turk's promise, were slain every one. What
should I speak of the miserable slaughter of Methone,
and the citizens thereof dwelling in Peloponnesus J who,
A.D. 1499.]
THE PERSECUTIONS OF THE CHRISTIANS UNDER THE TURKS.
3S7
seeing no remedy, but that they must needs come
into the Turks' hands, set the barn on tire where they
were gathered together, men, women, and children ;
some women also voluntarily cast themselves into the
sea, rather than they would sustain the Turks' capti-
vity.
It is miserable to behold, long to recite, incredible to
believe, all the cruel acts and horrible slaughters
wrought by these miscreants against the christians
through all places of the world, both in Asia, in
Africa, but especially in Europe. Who is able to recite
the innumerable societies and companies of the Grecians
martyred by the Turks' sword in Achaia, Attica, Thes-
saly, Macedonia, Epirus, and all Peloponnesus ? besides
the island of Rhodes, and other islands, in the ad-
jacent sea numbered to about two-and-fifty ; of which
also Patmos was one, where St. John wrote his Re-
velations. Where did ever the Turks set any foot,
but the blood of christians was shed there, without
pity or measure ? and what place or province is there
almost through the world, where the Turks either have
not pierced, or are not likely shortly to enter .' In
Thrace, and through all the coasts of the Danube, in
Bulgaria, Dalmatia, in Servia, Transylvania, Bosnia in
Hungaria, also in Austria, what havoc has been made
by them of christian men's bodies, it will pain any chris-
tian heart to remember. At the siege of Moldavia and
many other places ; also at the battle of Varna, where
Ladislaus, king of Poland, with almost all his army,
through the rashness of the pope's cardinal, were slain ;
at Xabiacchus, Lyssus, Dynastrum ; at the siege of
Gunza, and of the faithful town Scorad, where the
number of the shot against their walls, at the siege,
were reckoned to two thousand five hundred and tliirty-
nine. Likewise at the siege of Vienna, where all the
christian captives were brought before the whole army
and slain, and many drawn in pieces with horses ; but
especially at the winning of Constantinople, above men ■
tioned : also at Croja and Methone, what beastly cruelty
was shewed, it is unspeakable. For as in Constantino-
ple, Mahomet, the drunken Turk, never rose from
dinner, but he caused every day, for his sport, three
hundred christian captives of the nobles of that city to
be slain before his face ; so in Methone, after his captain
Omar had sent to him at Constantinople live hundred
prisoners of the christians, the cruel tyrant commanded
them all to be cut and divided in sunder by the middle,
and so being slain, to be thrown out into the fields.
What christian heart will not pity the incredible
slaughter done by the Turks in Euboia, where Faber
testifies, " That innumerable people were stuck and
gored upon stakes ; divers were thrust through with a
hot iron ; children and infants, not yet weaned from the
mother, were dashed against the stones, and many cut
asunder in the midst ?''
But never did country taste and feel more the bitter
and deadly tyranny of the Turks, than did Rasia, called
Mysia Inferior, and now Servia. Where (as writes
Wolfgang Drechsterus) the prince of the same country
being sent for, under fair pretence of words and promises,
to come and speak with the Turk, after he was come of
his own gentleness, thinking no harm, was apprehended,
and wretchedly and falsely put to death, and his skin
flayed off, his brother and sister brought to Constantino-
ple for a triumph, and all the nobles of his country had
their eyes put out.
Briefly to conclude, by the vehement and furious rage
of these cursed caitiffs, it may seem that Satan the old
dragon, for the great hatred he bears to Christ, has
stirred them up to be the butchers of all christian people,
inflaming their beastly hearts with such malice and
cruelty against the name and religion of Christ, that
they degenerating from the nature of men to devils,
will neither by reason be ruled, nor by any blood or
slaughter satisfied. Like as in the primitive age of the
church, and in the time of Dioclesian and IMaximilian,
when the devil saw that he could not prevail against the
person of Christ who was risen again, he turned all his
fury upon his servants, thinking by the Roman em-
perors utterly to extinguish the name and profession of
Christ out from the earth : so in this later age of the
world, Satan being let loose again, rages by the Turks,
thinking to make no end of murdering and killing, till
he have brought (as he intends) the whole church of
Christ, with all the professors thereof, under foot. But
the Lord (I trust) will once send a Constantine to van-
quish proud Maxentius, a Moses to drown indurate
Pharaoh, a Cyrus to subdue the stout Babylonian.
And thus much, touching our cliristian brethren who
were slain and destroyed by these blasphemous Turks.
Now, many others were torn away violently from
their country, from their wives and children, from
liberty, and from all tlieir possessions, into wretched
captivity and extreme penury: it remains likewise to
treat somewhat also concerning the cruel manner of the
Turks' handling of the said christian captives. And
first, here is to be noted, that the Turk never comes into
Europe to war against the christians, but there follow
after his army a great number of brokers or merchants,
such as buy men and children to sell again, bringing
with them long chains in hope of great bargains. In
which chains they link by fifty and sixty together,
such as remain undestroyed by the sword, whom they
buy of the soldiers as part of the spoils of them that rob
and spoil the christian countries.
Such as belong to the Sultan's share, i. e. a tenth
of tlie whole, are sold to the use of husbandry or
keeping of beasts. If they are young men or women,
they are sent to certain places, there to be instructed
in their language and arts, as shall be most for their ad-
vantage ; and the first care of the Turks is this, to make
them deny the christian religion ; and after that they are
appointed, every one as he seems most apt| either to the
learning of their laws, or else to learn the feats of w-ar.
Tlieir first rudiment of war is to handle the bow ; first
beginning with a weak bow, and, as they grow in
strength, coming to a stronger bow ; and, if they miss
the mark, they are sharply beaten ; and their allcnvance
is twopence or threepence a-day, till they come and take
wages to serve in war. Some are brought up for the
purpose to be placed in the number of the wicked
Janizaries.
Such as are young maidens and beautiful, are deputed
for seraglios. They who are of little beauty, serve for
matrons to do the drudgery work in their houses and
chambers, or else are put to spinning, and such other
labours ; but so, that it is not lawful for them either to
profess their christian religion, or ever to hope for any
liberty.
The others who are bought and sold among private
subjects, first are allured with fair words and promises
to embrace Mahometanism, which, if they do, they are
more favourably treated, but all hope is taken from
them of returning again into their country ; if they at-
tempt that, the penalty is burning. And if such coming
at length to liberty will marry, they may ; but then their
children remain bond to the master for him to sell at his
pleasure ; and, therefore, such as are wise amongst them
will not marry. They who refuse to become Mahome-
tans are miserably handled ; for example whereof, the
author who gives testimony hereof adduces his own ex-
perience. Such captives as are expert in any manual
art or occupation, can better shift for themselves ; but
they who have no handicraft to live upon, are in worse
case. And, therefore, such as have been brought up in
learning, or be priests or noblemen, and such othert
whose tender education can abide no hardness, are the
least reputed, and most of all others neglected by him
that has the sale or keeping of them, because he sees
less profit to rise of them than of the other ; and there-
fore no cost of raiment is bestowed upon them, but they
are carried about barehead and barefoot, both summer
and winter, in frost and snow. And if any faint and be
sick in the way, there is no resting for him in any inn,
but first he is driven forward with whips, and if that wiU
not serve, he is set peradventure upon some horse ; or,
if his weakness be such that he cannot sit, then is he
laid overthwart the horse upon his belly like a calf ; and
if he chance to die, they take off his garment, such as he
has, and throw him in a ditch.
383
THE MISERABLE STATE OF THE CHRISTIANS UNDER THE TURKS. [Book VI.
They are brought forth to the market for sale, where
the buyer, if he be disposed, plucking off their garments,
vieweth all the bones and joints of their body : and if
he like them he gives his price, and carries them away
into miserable servitude, either to tilling of their ground,
or to pasture their cattle, or to some other strange kind
of misery incredible to speak of; insomuch that the
author reports that he hath seen himself certain of such
christian captives yoked together like horse and oxen,
and to draw the plough. The maid servants likewise are
kept in perpetual toil and work in close places, where
neither they come in sight of any man, neither are they
permitted to have any talk with their fellow-servants,
&c. Such as are committed to keep beasts, lie abroad
day and night in the wild fields, without house and har-
bour, and so changing their pasture go from mountain
to mountain, of whom, also beside the office of keeping
the beasts, other handy labour is exacted at spare hours,
such as pleases their masters to i)ut unto them.
Out of this misery there is no way for them to fly, es-
pecially for them that are carried into Asia beyond the
seas, or if any do attempt so to do, he taketh his time
chiefly about harvest, when he may hide himself all the
day-time in the corn, or in woods or marshes, and find
food, and in the night only he flies, and had rather be
devoured of wolves and other wild beasts, than to return
again to his master. In their flying they use to take
with them an hatchet and cords, that when they come to
the sea-side, they may cut down trees, and bind toge-
ther the ends of them, and so where the sea of Helles-
pont is narrowest, about the Sestos and Abydos, they
take the sea, sitting upon trees, where, if the wind and
tide do serve luckily, they may run over in four or five
hours. But the most part either perish in the floods,
or are driven back again upon the coasts of Asia, or else
are devoured of wild beasts in woods, or perish with hun-
ger and famine. If any escape over the sea alive into
Europe, they enter into no town by the way, but wander
upon the mountains, following only the North Star for
their guide.
As touching such towns and provinces which are won
by the Turk, and wherein the christians are suff'ered to
live under tribute : first, all the nobility there they kill
and make away, the churchmen and clergy hardly they
spare. The churches, with the bells and all the furni-
ture, either they cast down, or else they convert to the use
of their own blasphemous religion, leaving to the chris-
tians certain old blind chapels, which when they decay,
it is permitted to our men to repair them again for a
great sum of money given to the Turk. Neither are they
permitted to use any open preaching or ministration, but
only in silence and by stealth to frequent together.
Neither is it lawful for any christian to bear office within
the city province, nor to bear weapon, nor to wear any
garment like to the Turks. And if any contumely or
blasphemy, be it never so great, be spoken against them,
or against Christ, yet must thou bear it, and hold thy
peace. And then if thou speak one word against
Mahomet, thy punishment is fire and burning. And if
it chance a Christian being on horseback meet, or pass
by a Mussulman, that is, a Turkish priest, he must light
from his horse, and with a lowly look devoutly reverence
and adore the Mussulman, or if he do not he is beaten
down from his horse with clubs and staves.
Furthermore, for their tribute they pay the fourth
part of their substance and gain to the Turk, beside
the ordinary tribute of the christians, which is to pay for
every poll within his family a ducat unto the Turk,
•which if the parents cannot do, they are compelled to
sell their children into bondage. Other being not able to
pay, go chained in fetters from door to door begging, to
makeup their payment, or else must lie in perpetual prison.
And thus have ye heard the lamentable afflictions of
our christian brethren under the cruel tyranny and
captivity of the Turks, passing all other captivities that
ever have been to God's people, either under Pharaoh in
Egypt, or under Nebuchadnezzar in Babylon, or under
Antiochus in the time of the Maccabees. Under which
captivity, if it so please the Lord to have his spouse the
church to be nurtured, his good will be done and obeyed.
But if this misery come by the negligence and discord
of our cliristian guides and leaders, then have we to pray
and cry to our Lord God, either to give better hearts to
our guides and rulers, or else better guides and rulers
to his flocks.
And these troubles and afflictions of our christian
brethren suffered by the Turks, I thought good and pro-
fitable for our country people here of England to know,
for so much as by the ignorance of these, and such like
histories worthy of consideration, I see much inconveni-
ence follows. Whereby it cometh to pass, that because
we Englishmen being far off" from these countries, and
little knowing what misery is abroad, are the less moved
with zeal and compassion to tender their grievances, and
to pray for them whose troubles we know not. Where-
upon also it follows that we not considering the miserable
state of other, are the less grateful to God, when any
tranquillity is granted to us. And if any little cloud
arise upon us, be it never so little, as poverty, loss of
living, or a little banishment out of our country for the
Lord's cause, we make a greater matter of it, and all
because we go no further than our own country, and only
feeling our own cross, do not compare that which we
feel with the great crosses to which the churches of
Christ commonly in other places abroad are subject.
Which if we rightly understood, and earnestly considered
and pondered in our minds, neither would we so exces-
sively forget ourselves in the time of our prosperity, nor
yet so impatiently be troubled, as we are in time of our
adversity, and all because either we hear not, or else we
ponder not the terrible crosses which the Lord layeth
upon our other brethren in other nations.
The Prophecies of the Holy Scriptures considered,
touching the coming up and final ruin and destruction
of this wicked kingdom of the Turk, with the revela-
tions and foreshewings also of other authors concern-
ing the same.
As you have sufficiently heard to what largeness tlie
dominion of the Turks has increased, and understand
what cruel tyranny these wretched miscreants have and
do daily practise most heinously, wherever they come
against the servants and professors, it shall not be un-
profitable, but rather necessary, and to our great com-
fort, to consider and examine in the scriptures, with
what prophecies the Holy Spirit of the Lord has fore-
warned us before of these heavy persecutions to come
upon his people by this horrible antichrist. For as the
government and constitution of times and states of mo-
narchies and policies fall not to us by blind chance, but
are administered and allotted to us from above, so it is
not to be supposed, that such a great alteration of king-
doms, such a terrible and general persecution of God's
people almost through all Christendom, and such a
terror of the whole earth as is now moved and gendered
by these Turks, comes without the knowledge, suff'er-
ance, and determination of the Lord, for such ends and
purposes as his divine wisdom doth best know. For
the better evidence and testimony of which he has
left in his scriptures sufficient instruction and decla-
ration, by which we may plainly see to our great com-
fort how these grievous afflictions and troubles of the
church, though they are sharp and heavy to us, yet they
come not by chance or by man's working only, but even
as the Lord himself has appointed it.
In the later years of the Jewish kingdom, what trou-
bles and afflictions that people sustained three hundred
years together, but chiefly the last one hundred and
sixty-six years before the coming of Christ, by Antio-
chus and his fellows, the history of the Maccabees can
report. Wherein we have also notoriously to understand
the miserable vexations and persecutions of christian
churches in these later ends of the world by antichrist.
We read that this Antiochus, in the eighth year of his
reign, in his second coming to Jerusalem, first gave
forth in commandment, that all the Jews should relin-
quish the law of Moses, and wbrship the idol of Jupiter
Olympius which he set up in the temple of Jerusalem.
A.D. 1499.1
PROPHECIES FROM SCRIPTURE CONCERNING THE TURKS.
389
The books of Moses and of the Prophets he burned. He
set garrisons of soldiers to ward the idol. In the city of
Jerusalem he caused the feasts and revels of Bacchus to
be kept, full of all filth and wickedness. Old men,
women, and virgins, such as would not leave the law of
Moses, he murdered with cruel torments. The motliers
that would not circumcise their children he slew. The
children that were circumcised he hanged up by the
necks. The temple he spoiled and wasted. The altar
of God, and candlestick of God, with the other orna-
ments and furniture of the temple, ])artly he cast out,
partly he carried away. Contrary to the law of God he
caused them to offer and to eat swine's desh. Great
murder and slaughter he made of the people, causing
them either to leave their law, or to lose their lives.
Among whom, besides many others, with cruel tor-
ments, he put to death a godly mother with her seven
sons, sending his cruel proclamations through the whole
land, that whoever kept the observances of the Sabbath,
and other rites of the law, and refused to condescend to
his abominations, should be executed. No kind of
calamity, nor face of misery could be shewed in any
olace, which was not there seen. Of the tyranny of this
Antiochus it is historied at large in the book of Macca-
bees ; and Daniel prophesying before of the same, de-
dares that the people of the Jews deserved no less for
their sins and transgressions.
By consent of all writers, this Antiochus bears a
figure of the great antichrist, which was to follow in the
latter end of the world, and is already come, and work-
eth what he can against us. Although, as St. John
saith, there have been, and be many antichrists, as parts
and members of the body of antichrist, which are fore-
runners, yet to speak of the head and principal anti-
christ, and great enemy of Christ's church, he is come
in the latter end of the world, at what time shall be
such tribulation as never was seen before ; whereby is
meant (no doubt) the Turk, prefigured by this Antio-
chus. By this antichrist I do also mean all such, as
following the same doctrine of the Turks, think to be
saved by their works, and not by their faith only in the
Son of God, of what title and profession soever they be ;
especially if they use the like force and violence for the
same as he doth, &c.
Of the tyranny of this Antiochus, and of the tribu-
lations of the church in the latter times, both of the
Jews' church, and also of the Christian church to come,
let us hear and consider the words of Daniel in the
eleventh chapter, and also in his seventh chapter, pro-
phesying of the same as follows : —
" For the ships of Chittim shall come against him :
therefore he shall be grieved, and return, and have in-
dignation against the holy covenant : so shall he do ; he
shall even return, and have intelligence with them that
forsake the holy covenant. And arms shall stand on
his part, and they shall pollute the sanctuary of
strength, and shall take away the daily sacrifice, and
they shall place the abomination that maketh desolate.
And such as do wickedly against the covenant shall he
corrupt by flatteries : but the people that do know their
God shall be strong, and do exploits. And they that
understand among the people shall instruct many : yet
they shall fall by the sword, and by flame, by captivity,
and by spoil, many days. Now when they shall fall,
they shall be holpen with a little help : but many shall
cleave to them with flatteries. And some of them of un-
derstanding shall fall, to try them, and to purge, and to
make them white, even to the time of the end : because
it is yet for a time appointed. And the king shall do
according to his will ; and he shall exalt himself, and
magnify himself above every god, and shall speak mar-
vellous things against the God of gods, and shall pros-
per till the indignation be accomplished : for that that
is determined shall be done. Neither shall he regard
the God of his fathers, nor the desire of women, nor
regard any god : for he shall magnify himself above all.
But in his estate shall he honour the God of forces : and
a God whom his fathers knew not shall he honour with
gold, and silver, and with precious stones, and pleasant
things. Thus shall he do in the most strong holds with
a strange god, whom he shall acknowledge and increase
with glory : and he shall cause them to rule over many,
and shall divide the land for gain. And at the time of
the end shall the king of the south push at iiim : and the
king of the north shall come against him like a whirl-
wind, with chariots, and with horsemen, and with many
ships ; and he shall enter into the countries, and shall
overflow and pass over. He shall enter also into the
glorious land, and many countries shall be overthrown :
but these shall escape out of his hand, even Edom, and
Moab, and the chief of the children of Ammon. He
shall stretch forth his hand also upon the countries : and
the land of Egypt shall not escape But he shall have
power over the treasures of gold and of silver, and over
all the precious things of Egypt : and the Libyans and
the Ethiopians shall be at his steps. But tidings out
of the east and out of the north shall trouble him :
therefore he shall go forth with great fury to destroy,
and utterly to make away many. And he shall plant the
tabernacles of his palaces between the seas in the glo-
rious holy mountain ; yet he shall come to his end, and
none shall help him." (Dan. xi. .30 — 4,5.)
To this place of Daniel, might also be added the pro-
phecy written in the seventh chapter, and tending to
the like effect ; where he treating of his vision of four
beasts (which signify the four monarchies), and speak-
ing now of the fourth monarchy, has these words : —
" After this I saw in the night-visions, and behold a
fourth beast, dreadful and terrible, and strong exceed-
ingly ; and it had great iron teeth : it devoured and
brake in pieces, and stamped the residue with the feet
of it : and it was diverse from all the beasts that were
before it ; and it had ten horns. I considered the horns,
and, behold, there came up among them another little
horn, before whom there were three of the first horns
plucked up by the roots : and, behold, in this horn were
eyes like the eyes of man, and a mouth speaking great
things, — whose look was more stout than his fellows. I
beheld, and the same horn made war with the saints,
and prevailed against them ; until the Ancient of days
came, and judgment was given to the saints of the Most
High ; and the time came that the saints possessed the
kingdom." (Dan. vii. 7, 8; 20—22.)
Thus have you the plain words of Daniel ; in which
as he manifestly describes the coming of Antiochus the
great adversary, towards the latter end of the Jews, so
by Antiochus is figured also to us the great adversary of
Christ, which is the Turk.
Although some there are, who with great learning
and judgment apply this place of Daniel not to the
Turk, but to the pope, and that for six or seven special
causes herein touched and noted.
The first is this, that the wicked transgressors of the
covenant shall join with him deceitfully and hypocriti-
cally, who shall pollute the tabernacle of strength, and
take away the perpetual sacrifice, and bring in the
abomination of desolation.
The second note is, that the prophet declares, how
the learned among the people shall teach many, and
that they shall fall upon the sword, into fire and cap
tivity, and shall be banished, whereby they shall be
tried, chosen, and made bright and pure, &c. All
which (say they) is not among the Turks, but only in
the pope's church, where the faithful preachers and
teachers of the people are slain and burned, &c. Where
likewise it follows, that they shall be helped against
antichrist, and that many false brethren should join
them dissemblingly, &c. To this they allege, that the
christians have no such help against the Turk, whereto
such false brethren should join themselves, as is and has
been commonly seen among the Christians against the
pope, from time to time, almost in all countries.
Thirdly, that the king shall exalt himself above all
that has the name of God, and shall lift up his mouth to
speak presumptuously against God.
Fourthly, that he cares not for the desires of women,
which may seem to note how the pope's doctrine shall
forbid the honest and lawful marriage in churchmen.
The fifth specialty which they apply to the pope, ia
that which follows in the prophet, saying, " Neither
390
PROPHECIES FROM SCRIPTURE CONCERNING THE TURKS.
[Book VI.
shall he regard the God of his fathers, nor any god ; but
instead of him s^hall set up his god Muhuzzim, and shall
•worship him with silver and gold, and precious stones,"
&c. which they apply to the pope, setting up his god
of bread, and worshipping him with glistering golden
ornaments, and most solemn service.
Sixthly, it follows, " And he shall increase them with
much glory and riches, and shall divide unto them
lands and jiossessions," &c. ; meaning that the pojie,
having dominion over treasures of gold and silver, and
all precious things of the land, shall endue his cardinals,
prelates, his Mattering doctors, with friars, monks, and
priests, and all such as shall take his jiart, with great
privileges, liberties, revenues, and possessions. And
thus I say, some there are who ajiply this prophecy of
the seventh and eleventh chapters of Daniel to the
bishop of Rome. Whom although I take to be an ex-
treme persecutor of Christ's church, yet I judge rather
those two chapters of Daniel concerning the little horn
in the middle of the ten horns, and the great destroyer
of the pleasant land and glorious holy mountain, to
mean first Antiochus ; and by him, secondly, to mean
the great antichrist the Turk, who has now set already
the tabernacles of his palace between the seas, according
to the prophecies of Daniel.
Let us come now to the prophecies of the New Tes-
tament, and mark the words of St. Paul, writing to the
Thessalonians, who then were christian, and now either
are Turkish, or under the Turk, whose words are these :
" That ye be not soon shaken in mind, or be
troubled, neither by spirit, nor by word, nor by letter
as from us, as that the day of Christ is at hand. Let
no man deceive you by any means : for that day shall
not come, except there come a falling away first, and
that man of sin be revealed, the son of perdition ; who
opposeth and exalteth himself above all that is called
God, or that is worshipped ; so that he as God sitteth in
the temple of God, shewing himself that he is God."
(2 Thess. ii. 2 — 4.) Although this falling away and de-
parting may have a double understanding, as well of the
pope's sect (which is gone and departed from the free
justification by faith only in Christ through the promise
of grace) as of the Turks ; yet leaving a while to speak
of the pope, because it appears more notoriously in the
Turk, we will chiefly apply it to him, in whom so aptly
it agrees, that unless this great apostasy frona the
faith in so many churches had happened by the Turk, it
had been hard to understand the apostle's mind, which
now by the history of the Turks is easy and evident to
be known, considering what a ruin has happened to the
church of Christ by these miserable Turks, what em-
pires, nations, kingdoms, countries, towns, and cities,
he has removed from the name and profession of Christ,
how many thousands, and infinite multitudes of chris-
tian men and children, in Asia, in Africa, and in Eu-
rope, are carried away from Christ's church to Maho-
met's religion, some to serve for the Turk's guard
among the janisaries, some for soldiers, some for mi-
ners, some for gunners, to fight and war against the
christians ; so that the most part of all tLe churches,
planted once by the apostles, are now degenerated into
Turks, only a small handful of christians reserved yet
in these western parts of Europe, of which small rem-
nant, what shall also become shortly, except Christ him-
self do help, Christ only himself knows.
Notwitlistanding this text of the holy apostle may be
verified also with no less reason upon the bishop of
Rome than upon the Turk, because he is a man of sin,
that is, his seat and city is a great maintainer of wicked-
ness, and also for that he is an adversary, that is, con-
trary in all his doings and proceedings to Christ.
Thirdly, for he sits in the temple of God, and so did
not Mahomet.
Fourthly, because he is an exalter of himself, and sit-
teth more like a god than a man in Rome.
Fifthly, because he seduces, and has seduced by his
apostasy, the most part of all Christendom from the
doctrine and free promises of God, into a wrong and
Btrange way of salvation, which is not to be justified
freely before God but only by our faith in Christ his
well-beloved Son (to which faith the promise of God
freely and graciously has annexed all our salvation only,
and to no other thing) ; but the pope has taught us to work
out our salvation by an infinite number of other things ; so
that he binds the necessity of our salvation also to this,
that we must believe (if we will be saved) and receive him
to be the vicar of Christ in earth, &c.
But to return again to the Turks. Among all the
prophecies, both of the Old Testament and of the New,
there is none that points out the antichristian kingdom
of the Turks better tlian doth the Revelation of St.
John, whose words let us weigh and consider. Who
speaking of opening the seventh and last seal (which
signifieth the last age of the world), and there writing
of the seven trumpets of the seven angels, at the sound-
ing of the sixth angel, he saith, " Loose the four angels
which are bound in the great river Euphrates. And the
four angels were loosed, which were prepared for aa
hour, and a day, and a month, and a year, for to slay the
third part of men. And the number of the array of the
horsemen were two hundred thousand thousand : and I
heard the number of them. And tlius I saw the horses
in the vision, and them that sat on them, liaving breast-
plates of fire, and of jacinth, and brimstone : and the
heads of the horses were as the heads of lions ; and out
of their mouths issued fire, and smoke, and brimstone.
By these three was the third part of men killed, by the
fire, and by the smoke, and by the brimstone, vi'hich
issued out of their mouths." (Rev. ix. 14 — 18.)
By the seventh seal is meant the seventh and last age
of the world, which last age of the world is from Christ
to the judgment and resurrection of the dead.
By the seven angels with their seven trumpets is sig-
nified the seven plagues that come in this seventh and
last age of the world.
By the sixth trumpet of the sixth angel is meant the
sixth plague coming last and next before the plague of
the great judgment-day, which sixth plague is here de-
scribed to come by the eastern kings, that is, by the
Turks.
By loosing the angels who had rule of the great river
Euphrates, is signified the letting out of ^he east kings,
that is, the Turks out of Scythia, Tartary, Persia, and
Arabia, by whom the third part of Christendom shall be
destroyed, as we see it this day has come to pass.
It follows in the prophecy, " For their power is in
their mouth, and in their tails : for their tails were like
unto serpents, and had heads, and with them they do
hurt." (Rev. ix. 19.) Meaning that these Turks with
the words of their mouths shall threaten great destruc-
tion of fire and sword, to them that will not yield to
them, and in the end, when the Christians shall yield to
them, trusting to their promises, they, like serpents, shall
deceive them in the end, and kill them.
The like prophecy also, after the like words and sense,
is to be seen and read in the sixteenth chapter of the
Revelations, where St. John, treating of seven cups
filled with the wrath of the living God, given to the
hands of seven angels by one of the four beasts (that is,
in the time of one of the four monarchies, which was
the monarchy of Rome), speaks likewise of the sixth
angel, " And the sixth angel poured out his vial upon
the great river Euphrates ; and the water thereof was
dried up, that the way of the kings of the east might be
prepared." (Rev. xvi. 12.)
By the sixth angel with the sixth vial is meant, as before
the last plague save one that shall come upon the chris-
tians. By the kings of the east are meant the Saracens,
and twelve Ottoman Turks. By drying up the river
Euphrates, is signified the way of these Turks to be pre-
pared by the Lord's appointment, to come out of the east-
ern to the western parts of the world, to molest and afflict
the christians. It follows more in the text: — " And I
saw three unclean spirits like frogs come out of the
mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the
beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet. For
they are the spirits of devils, working miracles, which
go forth unto tlie kings of the earth and of the whole
world, to gather them to the battle of that great day of
God Almighty." And it follows shortly after, " And
A.D. 1499.]
PROPHECIES CONCERNING THE TURK AND POPE.
391
hi githered them together into a place called iu the
Hebrew tongue Armageddon." And immediately it
folio weth in the same place, " And the seventli angel
pu'jred out his vial into the air ; and there came a great
voice out of the temple of heaven, from the throne, say-
ing, It is done." (Rev. xvi. 13. 16, 17.) Whereby it
is to bs understood, that towards the last consummation
of the world great force shall be seen, and a mighty
army of the enemies shall be collected and gathered
against the people and saints of the Highest, and then
comes the consummation.
Wherefore, it is not for nought that the Holy Spirit
of God, in the same place, a little before the sixth angel
pours out his vial, exhorts all the faithful, saying, " Be-
hold, I come like a thief in the night ; blessed is he that
watcheth and keepeth his garments, lest he walk naked,
and men see his filthiness," &c.
Nicholas de Lyra ; and Paul, bishop of Burdens ; and
Matthias Dorinke, writing upon the thirteenth chapter
of the Apocalypse, and expounding the mystery of the
second beast rising out of the earth, having the horns of
a lamb, Sec. apply it to Mahomet and the Turks, with a
solemn declaration made upon the same. Which in-
terpretation of theirs, although in some points it may
seem to have some appearance of probability, yet, as
touching the proper and natural meaning of the apostle
in that place, speaking of the false Lamb, &c. if we con-
sider well all the circumstances of that beast, and mark
the consequence of the text, both of that which goes
before and follows after, we must grant, that the de-
scription and interpretation of that false horned lamb
must necessarily be applied only to the bishop of Rome,
and none other, which is to be proved by six principal
causes or arguments.
The first is, for that this beast is described to bear the
horns of a Lamb ; by which Lamb, no doubt, is meant
Christ. By the horns of the Lamb is signified the out-
ward shew or resemblance of Christ our Saviour ; which
shew or resemblance can have no relation to Mahomet,
for he takes himself to be above Christ, and Christ as an
excellent prophet of God sitting at his feet. Wherefore,
seeing Mahomet comes neither as equal to Christ, nor
as vicar under Christ, this prophecy cannot agree to
him, but only to him who openly in plain words pro-
tests, that all Christ's lambs and sheep, not singularly,
but universally, through the whole world, are committed
to him as vicar of Chiist, and successor of Peter, and
that all men must confess the same of necessity, or else
they are none of Christ's sheep, &c. Wherein it is
easy to see where the pretended horns of the lamb
gi ow.
The second argument, " And he spake like a
dragon," &c. A lamb's horns and the mouth of a
dragon do not agree together. And as they do not
agree together in nature, so neither can they be found
in any person, either Turk or other, so lively, as in the
bishop of Rome. When thou hearest him call himself
" The apostolical bishop, the vicar of Christ, the suc-
cessor of Peter, the servant of God's servants," &c.
thou seest iu him the two horns of a lamb, and wouldst
think him to be a lamb indeed, and such a one as would
wash your feet for humility ; but hear him speak, and
you shall find him a dragon. See and read the epistle
of Pope Martin v., charging, commanding, and threaten-
ing emperors, kings, dukes, princes, marquises, earls,
barons, knights, rectors, consuls, proconsuls, with their
shires, counties, and universities, of their kingdoms,
provinces, cities, towns, castles, villages, and other
places. See the answer of Pope Urban II., and his
message to King William Rufus. Behold the works
and doings of Pope Innocent III. against King John.
Note also the answer of another pope to the king of
England, which, for the price of the king's head, would
not grant to him the investing of his bishops. Mark
well the words and doings of Pope Hildebrand against
the Emperor Henry IV. ; also of Pope Alexander II.
treading upon the neck of Frederick Barbarossa, not like
a lamb treading upon a dragon, but like a dragon tread-
ing upon a lamb.
It follows, moreover, in the same prophecy. Rev.
xiii. 12, for the third argument, " And he exerciseth all
the power of the first beast before him, and causeth the
earth and them which dwell therein to worship the first
beast, whose deadly wound was healed," &c.
In this propliecy two things are to be noted ; firit,
what the first beast is, whose power the second beast
executes. Secondly, what this second beast is which so
exercises his power in his sight. The first of these
beasts having seven heads and ten horns, must needs
signify the city of Rome, which may easily be proved by
two demonstrations. First, by the exposition of the
seventeenth chapter of Revelation, where is declared
and described tlie beast to stand on seven hills, and to
contain ten kings, having the whole power of the dragon
given ; and also the same city to be named " The whore
of Babylon, drunken with the blood of the saints."
All which properties joined together, can agree in no-
wise to any kingdom but the heathen empire of Rome,
which city, at that time of writing these prophecies, had
the government of the whole world. The second de-
monstration or evidence may be reduced out of the
number of the months assigned to this beast. For so it
is written, that this beast had power to war, — that is, to
work his malice against Christ's people forty-two months,
which months counted by Sabbaths of years, (that is,
every month for seven years) makes up the just number
of those years, in which the primitive church was under
the terrible persecutions of the heathen emperors of
Rome, as is before specified.
Which thing thus proved that the first beast must
needs signify the empire and city of Rome, then must it
necessarily follow that the second beast with the lamb's
horns, must signify the bishop and pope of the same
city of Rome. The reason whereof is evident by that
which follows in the prophecy, where it is declared,
that the second beast, having two horns of a lamb, re-
ceived and exercised all the power of the first beast, be-
fore or in the sight of the said beast, which cannot be
verified either in the Turks or in any other, but only in
the pope of Rome, who (as you see) receives, usurps,
and derives to himself all the power of that city and
monarchy of Rome ; so that he saith, that when Con-
stantine or Ludovicus yielded unto him the rule and
kingdom of that city, he gave him but his own, and that
which of right and duty belonged to him before.
And this authority or power over all the empire of
Rome he works not in Asia, or in Constantinople, as the
Turk does, but in the sight of the beast which gave him
the power, that is, in the city of Rome itself, which is
the first beast here in this prophecy of the Revelation
described.
Fourthly, It follows further, " And he causeth the
earth and them which dwell therein to worship the first
beast, whose deadly wound was healed," &c. The in-
terpretation of this part, as also of all the other parts of
the same chapter, stands upon the definition of the first
beast ; for it being granted, as cannot be denied, that
the first beast signifies the city and empire of Rome ; it
must consequently follow, that the bishop (whom we
call the pope) of the city of Rome, must be understood
by the second beast ; as neither Turk nor any other, but
only the bishop of Rome has held up the estimation and
dignity of that city, which began to be in ruin and de-
cay by the Vandals, Goths, Herulians, and Lombards,
about A. D. 4.t6 ; but afterward, by the bishop of
Rome, the pristine state and honour of that city revived
again, and flourished in as great veneration as ever it did
before. And that is it which the Holy Ghost seems
here to mean of the first beast, saying, " That he had
a wound of the beast, and was cured." For so it fol-
lows :
Fifthly, " Saying to them that dwell on the earth,
that they should make an image to the beast, which had
the wound by a sword, and did live. And he had power
to give life unto the image of the beast, that the image
of the beast should both speak, and cause that as many
as would not worship the image of the beast should be
killed. And he caused all, both small and great, rich
and poor, free and bond, to receive a mark in their right
hand, or in their foreheads : and that no man might buy
392
THE NUMBER OF THE NAME OF THE BEAST DISCUSSED.
[Book VI.
or sell, save he that had the mark, or the name of the
beast, orthe number of his name," &c. (Rev. xiii.l4 — 17.)
By giving life to the image of the beast, and making it
speak, it is presupposed that the beast was at the point
of death, and lay speechless ; inasmuch as the city
of Rome began to lose and change name, a'ld was
called for a while Odacria, from Odoacer king of the He-
rulians, who by dint of sword surprised tlie Romans ;
and yet, notwithstanding, by the means of its pre-
lates, the city of Rome, which was then ready to give
up tlie gliost, recovered its maje.sty and strength again.
It is even hard to say, whether Rome did ever ruffle
and rage in tyranny, more tragically in the time of
Nero, Doraitian, Dioclesian, and other emperors, than
it has (lone under the pope ; or whether that Rome
had all kings, queens, princes, dukes, lords, and all sub-
jects more under obedience and subjection, when the
emperors reigned, or now in the reign of the pope.
And therefore it is said not without cause by the Holy
Ghost, That it is given to him, to give life and speech
to the image of the beast, causing all them to be slain
which will not worship the image of the beast, &c. As
for example, who sees not what multitudes of christian
men, women, and children in all countries have been put
to fire and sword ? histories of all times will declare
what havook has been made of christian blood about the
pre-eminence and majority of the see of Rome ; what
churches and countries, both Greeks and Latins, have
been excommunicated ; AMhat kings have been deposed,
and emperors stripped from their imperial seat, and all
because they would not stoop and bend to the image of
the beast, that is, to the majesty and title of Rome, ad-
vanced so highly now by its bishop, as it was never
higher before in the reign of Nero or Dioclesian.
Wlierefore, taking the first beast to signify the empire
of Rome, which cannot be denied, it is plain, that the
second beast must necessarily be applied to the pope
and not to the Turk, as the Turk seeks nothing so little
as the advancement of that empire, but rather strives
against it to pluck it down.
The sixth and last argument is grounded upon the
number of the name of the beast, expressed by the Holy
Ghost in the same prophecy, by the letters xKq- In
which letters, although there lies great darkness and dif-
ficulty to be understood, yet certain ancient fathers
which were disciples and hearers of them which heard
St. John himself, as Irenseus and others, expound the
letters conjecturally, to contain the name of the beast,
and to be the name of a man under this word \aTti7'og:'
Whereas no other name lightly of any person, either in
Greek or Latin, will agree to the same, save only the
foresaid named Xariivog. There are some other solu-
tions of these numbers, but of all names properly sig-
nifying any man, none comes so near to the number of
tJiis mystery, (if it go by order of letters) as the word
Xarfti'f'f.
Let us come to the twentieth chapter of the Revela-
tion, wherein the holy scripture seems plainly and di-
rectly to notify the Turks. The words of the prophecy
are these : —
" And 1 saw an angel come down from heaven,
having the key of the bottomless pit and a great chain
in his hand. And he laid hold on the dragon, that old
serpent, which is the devil, and Satan, and bound him a
thousand years, and cast him into the bottomless pit,
and shut hitn up, and set a seal upon him, that he should
deceive the nations no more, till the thousand years
should be fulfilled : and after that he must be loosed a
little se-ison."
And it follows after, " And when the thousand years
are exjiired, Satan shall be loosed out of his prison, and
shall go out to deceive the nations which are in the four
quarters of the earth, Gog and Magog, to gather them
together to battle : the number of whom is as the sand
of the sea. And they went up on the breadth of the
earth, and compassed the camp of the saints about, and
the beloved city," &c. (ver. 7, 8, 9.)
M) The number of these letters in Greek, maketh the full num-
ber of tix huDdreJ and sixty-six.
To the perfect understanding of this prophecy, three
things are necessary to be known. First, what is meant
by binding up, and loosing out of Satan as the old
dragon. Secondly, at what time and year first he was
chained up and sealed for a thousand years. Thirdly, at
whal year and time these thousand years did end, when
he should be loosed out again for a little season. Which
three points being well examined and marked, the pro-
phecy may easily be understood directly to be meant of
the Turk.
First, by binding and loosing of Satan seems to be
meant the ceasing and staying of the cruel and horrible
persecution of the heathen emperors of Rome against
the true christians, as is to be seen in ' The Ten first
Persecutions in the Primitive Church,' in which most
bloody persecutions, Satan then raged without all mea-
sure, till the time it pleased Almighty God to stop this
old serpent, and to tie him shorter. And thus have you
to understand what is meant by the binding up of Satan
for a thousand years ; whereby is signified, that the per-
secution against the christians stirred up by the beast
(that is, in the empire of Rome, through the instigation
of Satan) shall not always continue, but shall break up
after a certain time, and shall cease for a thousand
years, &c.
Now at what time and year this persecution, that is,
the fury and rage of Satan should cease, is also de-
clared in the Revelation before ; where in the eleventh
and thirteenth chapters we read, that the beast before
mentioned shall have power to work his malice and mis-
chief for the space of forty- two months, and no more, and
then that Satan should be locked up for a thousand
years. The computation of which months, being counted
by Sabbaths of years (after the example of the sixty-
nine weeks of Daniel, chapter xi.) it brings us to the ™
just year and time, when that terrible persecution in the ■
primitive church should end, and so it did. For, if we a
allow to every month a Sabbath of years, that is, reckon
every month for seven years, and that makes two hun-
dred and ninety-four years, which embraces the period
between the eighteenth year of Tiberius, (under whom
Christ suffered) and the death of Maxentius the last per-
secutor of the primitive church in Europe, subdued by
Constantine, as may appear by calculating the years,
months, and days, between the year of the reign of
Tiberius, and the death of Maxentius ; and so you
have the account of the period when Satan was
first bound up, after he had raged in the primitive
church two-and-forty months. Which months, as is
said, being counted by Sabbaths of years, after the usual
manner of scripture, amount to two hundred and ninety-
four years ; and so much was the full time between the
passion of our Lord, which was in the eighteenth year
of Tiberius, to the last year of Maxentius. ^
And here by the way comes a note to be observed,
that as by the number of these forty-two months speci-
fied in the Revelations, the empire of Rome must neces-
sarily be confessed to be the first beast, therefore it must
by like necessity follow, the bishop of Rome is the se-
cond beast, with the two horns of the lamb, because he
only has and does cause the empire of Rome to revive
and to be magnified, which the Turk does not, but
rather labours to the contrary. Wherefore let every
christian man be wise, and beware in time how he takes
the mark of the beast, lest peradventure it follow upon
him, that he drink of that terrible cup of wrath men-
tioned. (Rev. xiv.)
Thirdly, it remains to be discussed touching the third
point in this prophecy, that as we have found out
(through the help of Christ) the year and time of Sa-
tan's binding, so we search out likewise the time and J
season of his loosing out, which by the testimony of I
scripture was approved to be a thousand years after his m
binding up, and rightly according to the time appointed I
it came to pass. For if we number well by the scrip- '■'
ture the year of his binding up, which was from the
passion of our Lord two hundred and ninety-four years,
(2) See note p. 68. [EuJ i
A.D. 1506.]
THE BURNING OF WILLIAM TYLSWORTH AND OTHERS.
393
and. add thereto a thousand years, it mounts to one
thousand two hundred ninety-four, which was about the
time when Ottoman the first Turk began his conquests,
which was the first spring and well-head of all these wo-
ful calamities that the church of Christ hath felt botli in
Asia, Africa, and Europe, almost these three hundred
years past. For so we find in chronicles, that the king-
dom of the Turks being first divided into four families,
at length the family of Ottoman prevailed, and thereupon
came those whom we now call Turks, which was
about the same time when Pope Boniface VIII. was bishop
of Rome.
In this long digression, wherein sufficiently has been
described the grievous and tedious persecution of the
Saracens and Turks against the christians, thou hast to
understand, good reader, and to behold the image of a
terrible antichrist evidently appearing both by his own
doings, and also by the scriptures, prophesied and de-
clared to us before. Now in comparing the Turk with
the pope, if a question be asked, which of them is the
truer or greater antichrist, it were easy to see and judge,
that the Turk is the more open and manifest enemy
against Christ and his church. But if it be asked
which of the two has been the more bloody and pernici-
ous adversary to Christ and his members, or which of
them has consumed and spilt more christian blood, he
with sword, or this with fire and sword together, neither
is it a light matter to discern, neither is it my part here
to discuss, who only write the history, and the acts of
them both. Wherefore after the history of the Turks
thus finished, we will now return to where we left off,
in describing the domestic troubles and persecutions here
at home under the bishop of Rome, after the burning of
Babram in Norfolk.
In the days of King Henry VII. (A.D. 1506), in the
diocese of Lincoln, in Buckinghamshire, one William
Tylsworth was burned in Amersham, in a close, called
Stanley, about sixty years ago. At which time one
Joan Clerk, a married woman, who was the only daugh-
ter of William Tylsworth, and a faithful woman, was
compelled with her own hands to set fire to her dear fa-
ther ; and at the same time her husband John Clerk did
penance at her father's burning, and bear a fagot, as did
also twenty-three other persons ; and who afterwards
were compelled to w-ear certain badges, and went abroad
to certain towns to do penance, as to Buckingham,
Aylesbury, and other towns. And also several of these
men were afterwards burned in the cheek, as William
Page, who at this present day is alive, and likewise
carried a fagot with the others. Agnes Wetherly, who
is still alive, testifies that at the burning of this William
Tylsworth, were above sixty others who were obliged to
carry fagots for their penance, of whom some were en-
joined to bear and wear fagots at Lincoln the space of
seven years, some at one time, some at another, &c. In
which number was also one Robert Bartlet, a rich man,
who for his professions' sake was put out of his farm and
goods, and was condemned to be kept in the monastery
of Ashryge, where he wore on his right sleeve a square
piece of cloth, the space of seven years together.
About the same time of the burning of William Tyls-
worth, was one Father Roberts burned at Buckingham.
He was a miller, and dwelt at Missenden. At his burn-
ing there were about twenty persons that were compelled
to carry fagots, and to do such penance as the wicked
Pharisees compelled them to. After that, by the space
of two or three years, was burned at Amersham, Thomas
Bernard, a husbandman, and James Mordon, a la-
bourer, they were both burned at one fire ; and there
was William Littlepage (who is yet alive) compelled to
be burned in the right cheek, and Father Rogers, and
Father Reive, who afterwards were burned. This Father
Rogers was in the bishop's prison fourteen weeks toge-
ther, night and day, where he was so cruelly handled
with cold, hunger and irons, that after his coming out
of the prison, he was so lame in his back, that he could
never go upright as long as he lived, as several honest
men that are now living can testify. Also there were
thirty more burned in the right cheek, and obliged to
carry fagots the same time. The cause was that they
would talk against superstition and idolatry, and were
desirous to hear and read the holy scriptures. The
manner of their burning in the cheek was this ; their
necks were tied fast to a post, and their hands holden
fast that they might not stir, and so the iron being hot,
was ])ut to their cheeks, and thus they bore about them
the prints and marks of the Lord Jesus.
The cruel handimg of Thomas Chnse of Amersham,
who was wickedly stranyled and martyred in the
Bishops' Prison at Woburn.
Among those who were so cruelly persecuted for the
gospel and word of Christ, was one Thomas Chase of
Amersham. This man by the report of such as knew
him, was a man of a godly, sober, and honest behaviour
(whose virtuous doings yet remain in memory) and could
not abide idolatry and superstition, but many times
would speak against it. Wherefore the ungodly and
wicked did the more hate and despise him, and took him
and brought him before the blind bishop, being at that
time at Woburn in the county of Buckingham, and as it
is written in the Acts that wicked Herod vexed certain of
the church, and killed James, the brother of John, with
the sword ; and because he saw that it pleased the Jews,
he proceeded farther, so this bishop had Thomas Chase
before him, asking him many questions touching the
Romish religion, with many taunts, checks, and rebukes,
but what answer this godly man, Thomas Chase, made
them is unknown. However it is to be supposed, that
bis answer was most zealous and godly in professing
Christ's true religion and gospel, and to the extirpation
of idolatry, and superstition, and hypocrisy, for that he
was commanded to be put in the prison, in the bishop's
house at Woburn, which had not been done to him, had
not his answers been sound and upright. There Thomas
Chase lay bound most painfully with chains, manacles,
and irons, often pining with hunger, where the bishop's
alms was daily brought to him by his chaplains, which
alms were nothing else but checks, taunts, rebukes, and
threatenings and mockings. All which cruelty the godly
martyr took most quietly and patiently, remembering
and having respect to Christ's promises : " Blessed are
they which suffer for righteousness sake, for theirs is
the kingdom of heaven," Matt. v. And as follows:
" Blessed are ye when men rev^e you and persecute
you," &c. When the bishop, with his band of shave-
lings, perceived that by their daily practices of cruelty
they could not prevail against him, but rather that he
was the more fervent and earnest in professing Christ's
true religion, and that he did bear most patiently all
their wickedness and cruelty to him, they imagined how
and which way they might put him to death, lest there
should be a tumult or an uproar among the people.
And as Richard Hunne shortly after was hanged or
strangled in Lollards' Tower, about A.D. 1514, even so
these blood-suckers most cruelly strangled and put to
death this Thomas Chase in prison, who most heartily
called upon God to receive his spirit, as witnesses a cer-
tain woman that kept him in prison.
After these vipers of the wicked brood of antichrist
had thus most cruelly and impiously murdered this faith-
ful christian, they were at their wits' end, and could not
tell what shift to make, to cloak their shameful murder ;
at last, to blind the ignorant silly people, these bloody
butchers most slanderously caused it to be rumoured
abroad by their dependents, that Thomas Chase had
hanged himself in prison, which was a most shameful
and abominable lie, for the prison was such, that a man
could not stand upright, nor lie at ease. And besides,
this man had so many manacles and irons upon him, that
he could not well move either hand or foot, as the wo-
man declares that saw him dead. And yet these holy
catholics had not made an end of their wicked act in this
both killing and slandering of this godly martyr ; but to
put out the remembrance of him, they caused him to be
buried in the wood, called Norland-wood, in the high-
way betwixt Woburn and little Marlow, to the intent he
should not be taken up again to be seen ; and thus com*
394
THE BURNING OF LAWRENCE GHEST AND OTHERS.
[Book VI.
monlf are innocent men laid up by these unworthy
clergymen. But he that is true hath promised at one
time or another, to clear his true servants, not with lies
and fables, but by his own true word. No secret, saith
he, is so close but it shall be opened ; neither is any
thing so hid, that shall not at the last be known clearly.
Such a sweet Lord is God always to those that are his
true servants. Blessed be his holy name for ever and
ever. Amen.
Thomas Harding being one of this company, thus
molested and troubled in tlie town of Amersham, for the
truth of the gospel, after his abjuration and penance was
an-ain sought for, and brought to the fire in the days of
King Henry VII.
After the martyrdom of these two, I read also of one
Thomas Noris, who for the same cause, that is, for the
profession of Christ's gospel, was condemned by the
bishop, and burnt at Norwich the last day of March,
(A.D. 1507.)
In the next year following, which was A. D, 1508, in
the consistory of London, was Elizabeth Sampson of the
parish of Aldermanbury, upon certain articles, and espe-
cially for speaking against pilgrimage and adoration of
images, especially the images of our lady at Wilsdon, at
Stanings, at Crome, at Walsingham, and against the sa-
crament of the altar. For these and certain other
articles, she was compelled to abjure before Master
William Horsey, chancellor, the day and year above
written.
Laurence Ghest,
It is lamentable to remember, and almost impossible
to comprehend the names, times, and persons of all who
have been slain by the pope's clergy, for the true main-
taining of Christ's cause, and his sacraments. W hose
memory being registered in the bock of life, although it
need not our commemoration, yet for the more confirma-
tion of the church, I thought it not unprofitable to relate
the suffering and martyrdom of them who innocently
have given their blood to be shed in Christ's cause.
In the catalogue of whom, next in order comes the
memorial of Laurence Ghest, who was burned in Salis-
bury for the matter of the sacrament, in the days of
King Henry VII. He was of a comely and tall person-
age, and otherwise not unfriended, for which the bishop
and the clergy were the more loath to burn him, but kept
him in prison for the space of two years. This Laurence
had a wife and seven children. Wherefore they thinking
to influence and persuade his mind, by awal;ening his
fatherly affection toward his children, when the time
came which they appointed for his burning, as he was at
the stake, they brought before him his wife and his seven
children. At the sight of them, although nature is
commonly wont to work in other men, yet in him reli-
gion overcoming nature, made his constancy remain un-
moveable, so that when his wife exhorted and desired
him to save himself, he again began to desire her to be
content, and not to be a stumbling-block in his way, for
he was in a good course, running toward the mark of his
salvation ; and so fire being put to him, he finished his
life, renouncing not only wife and children, but also
himself to follow Christ. As he was burning one of the
bishop's men threw a firebrand at his face. At this the
brother of Laurence, who was standing by, ran at him
with his dagger, and would have slain him, had he not
been otherwise prevented.
But among all the examples of God, of whom so many
have suffered from time to time for Christ and his truth,
I cannot tell if ever there were any martyrdom more
notable and admirable, or wherein the plain demonstra-
tion of God's mighty power and judgment has at any
time been more evident against the persecutors of his
flock, than at the burning of a certain godly woman put
to death in Chipping Sodbury, about the same time,
under the reign of King Henry VII.
The constancy of which blessed woman, as it is glori-
ous for all true godly christians to behold, so the ex-
ample of the bishop's chancellor, which cruelly con-
demned the innocent, may offer a terrible spectacle to
the eyes of all papistical persecutors to consider, and to
take example, which the living God grant they may.
Amen. The name of the town where she was martyred,
was, as is said, Chip))ing Sodbury. The chancellor who
condemned, was Doctor Whittington. The time of her
burning was in the reign of Henry VII.
After this godly woman, and manly martyr of Christ,
was condemned by the wretched chancellor, for the faith-
ful profession of the truth, which the papists then called
heresy, and the time now come when she should be
brought to the place and pains of her martyrdom, a great
concourse of all the multitude, both in the town and
country about was gathered to behold her end. Among
whom was also Doctor Whittington, the chancellor, there
present to see the execution. Thus this faithful woman,
and true servant of God, constantly persisting in the
testimony of the truth, committing her cause to the Lord,
gave over her life to the fire, refusing no pains nor tor-
ments to keep her conscience clear and unrejiroveable in
the day of the Lord. The sacrifice being ended, the people ' '
began to return homeward, coming from the burning of
this blessed martyr. It happened in the meantime, that
as the popish executioners were busy in slaying this
Lamb at the town's side, a certain butcher was as busy
within the town slaying a bull, which bull he had fast
bound in ropes ready to knock him on the head. But
the butcher (belike not so skilful in his art of killing
beasts, as the papists are in murdering christians) as he
was lifting his axe to strike the bull, failed in his stroke,
and smote a little too low, or else how he smit, I know
not : this was certain that the bull, although somewhat
grieved at the stroke, but yet not stricken down, put his
strength to the ropes, and broke loose from the butcher
into the street, at the very time when the people were
coming in great crowd from the burning, who seeing the
bull coming towards them, and supposing him to be wild,
gave way for the beast, every man shifting for himself as ■
well as he might. Thus the people giving back, and P
making a lane for the bull, he passed through the throng
of them, touching neither man nor child, till became
where the chancellor was. Against whom the bull, with
a sudden vehemency, ran full butt with his horns, and
gored him through and through, and so killed him im-
mediately, to the great wonder of all that saw it.
Although the carnal sense of man be blind in consi-
dering the works of the Lord, imputing many times to
blind chance the things which properly pertain to God's
only praise and providence ; yet in this so strange and
so evident example, what man can be so dull or ignorant ■
as not to see a plain interposition of God's mighty :
power and judgment, both in the punishing of this
wretched chancellor, and also in admonishing all other
persecutors, by his example, to fear the Lord, and to
abstain from the like cruelty ?
And thus much concerning the state of the church.
Wherein is to be understood, what storms and persecu-
tions have been raised up in all quarters against the flock
and congregation of Christ, not only by the Turks, but
also at home within ourselves, by the bishop of Rome
and his retinue. Where also is to be noted in the days
and reign of this King Henry VII. how mightily the
working of God's gospel has multiplied and increased,
and what great numbers of men and women have suft'ered
for the same with us in England.
Now these things declared relating to the church, it
remains to treat likewise of the commonwealth, which
commonly follows the state of the church. Where the
church is quietly and modestly governed, and the flock
of Christ defended by godly princes in peace and safety,
from devouring and violence of bloody wolves ; the suc-
cess of the civil estate, there and then for the most part,
flourishes, and the princes long continue through God's
preservation, in prosperity and tranquillity. Contrari-
wise, where either the church of Christ through the
negligence of princes, or through their instigation, the
poor members of Christ are persecuted and devoured ;
shortly after comes some just recompence of the Lord
upon those princes, that either their lives do not long
A. D. 1509.]
PERSECUTIONS AT COVENTRY.
395
continue, or else they find not that quiet in the common-
wealth which they look for. Examples of this, as in all
other ages, they are abundant, so in this present time
are not lacking, whether we consider the state and condi-
tion of other countries far off, or else of our country
near at home.
Not that I here affirm or define, as a general rule, that
worldly success and prosperity of life always follow the
godly, whom we see rather given over often to the
wicked : yet, speaking of the duty of princes, I observe
by examples of histories, that such princes as have most
defended the church of Christ committed to their govern-
ment, from injury and violence of the bishop of Rome,
have not lacked at God's hand great blessing and felicity.
Whereas contrariwise, they who either themselves have
been persecutors of Christ's members, or have not
shielded them by their protection from foreign tyranny
and injuries, have lacked at God's hand that protection
which the other had, as may appear by King Edward II.,
Richard III., King Henry IV., King Henry V., King
Henry VI., &c., who, because either negligently they
have suffered, or cruelly caused such persecuting laws to
be made, and so much christian blood injuriously de-
voured, therefore have they been the less prospered of
the Lord ; so that either they were deposed, or if they
flourished for a while, yet they did not long continue,
almost not half the time of the other kings before named.
And therefore, as the state of the commonwealth com-
monly follows the state of the church, so it had been to
be wished that this King Henry VII., being otherwise
a prudent and temperate prince, had not permitted the
intemperate rage of the pope's clergy so much to have
their wills over the poor flock of Christ as they had.
Although he reigned nearly twenty-four years, yet, not-
withstanding, here comes the same thing to be noted of
which I spake : that when the church of Christ begins
to be injured with violence, and to go to wreck through
disorder and negligence, the state of the commonwealth
cannot long endure without some alteration and strokes
of God's correction. But however this mark is to be
taken, thus lies the history : that after the burning and
vexing of these poor servants of Christ above recited,
when the persecution began now in the church to be
hot, God calls away the king the same year, which was
1509, after he had reigned nearly the term of twenty-four
years ; who if he had adjoined a little more compassion-
ate respect, in protecting Christ's poor members from
the fire of the pope's tyranny, to his other great virtues
of singular wisdom, excellent temperance, and moderate
frugality, so much had he been comparable with the
best of those princes, as he had been inferior but to a
few : but this defect which was wanted in him, wassup-
pUed most luckily (blessed be the Lord), by his poste-
rity succeeding after him.
Among many other things incident in the reign of this
King Henry VII., I have passed over the history of
certain godly persons persecuted in the diocese of Co-
ventry and Lichfield, as we find them in the registers of
the diocese recorded, here following.
The year of our Lord, 1485, March 9, among other
good men in Coventry, these nine here under-named,
were examined before John bishop of Coventry and
Litchfield in Saint Michael's church, upon the following
articles : —
First, John Blomston was openly and publicly accused,
reported and appeached, that he was a very heretic, be-
cause he had preached, taught, holden, and affirmed,
that the power attributed to St. Peter in the church of
God, by our Saviour Jesus Christ immediately, did not
flit or pass from him, to remain with his successors.
That there was as much virtue in an herb, as in the
image of the Virgin Mary.
That prayer and alms avail not the dead ; for imme-
diately after death, he goes either to heaven or hell,
whereupon he concludes there is no purgatory.
That it was foolishness to go on pilgrimage to the image
of our lady of Doncaster, Walsingham, or the tower
o the city of Coventry ; for a man might as well wor-
6Uip cLe b'essed Virgin by fire-side in the kitchen, as in
the aforesaid places, and as well might a man worship
the blesBed Virgin, when he sees his mother and sister,
as in visiting the images, because they are no more but
dead stocks and stones.
Richard Hegham of the same city was accused, &c.,
to be a very heretic, because he held that a christian
man being at the point of death, should renounce all his
own works, good and ill, and submit him to the mercy of
God.
That it was foolishness to worship the images of our
lady of Tower in the city, or of other saints, for they are
but stocks and stones.
That if the image of our lady of Tower were put into
the fire, it would make a good fire.
That it were better to deal money to poor folks, than
to offer to the images of Christ and other saints, which
are but dead stocks and stones.
Robert Crowther of the same city, was accused that
he was a heretic, because he held, that whoso receives
the sacrament of the altar in deadly sin, or out of cha-
rity, receives nothing but bread and wine.
That neither bishop, nor priests, nor curates of
churches, have power in the market of penance to bind
or loose.
That pilgrimage to our lady of Tower is foolishness ;
for it is but a stock or a stone.
John Smith was accused to be a very heretic, be-
cause he held that every man is bound to know the
Lord's prayer, and the creed in English.
That whoso believed as the churchmen believed, be-
lieves ill : and that a man had need to frequent the
schools a good while, ere he can attain to the knowledge
of the true and right faith.
That no priest has power to absolve a man in the
market of penance from his sins.
Roger Brown of the same city, was also accused to
be an heretic, because he held that no man ought to
worship the image of our lady of Walsingham, nor the
blood of Christ at Halies, but rather God Almighty,
who would give him whatever he would ask.
That he held not up his hand, nor looked up, at the
elevation of the Eucharist.
That he promised one to show him certain books of
heresy, if he would swear that he would not utter them,
and if he would credit them.
That he did eat flesh in Lent, and was taken in the act.
If any man were not confessed and absolved in his
whole life long, and in the point of death would be con-
fessed, and could not, if he had no more but contrition
only, he should pass to joy without purgatory : and if
he were confessed of any sin, and were enjoined only to
say for penance one paternoster, if he thought he should
have any punishment in purgatory for that sin, he would
never be confessed for any sin.
Because he said all is lost that is given to priests.
That there was no purgatory, that would pardon all
sins, without confession and satisfaction.
Thomas Butler of the same city was likewise openly
accused as a very heretic, because he held that there
were but two ways, that is to say, to heaven and to hell.
That no faithful man should suffer any pain after the
death of Christ, for any sin, because Christ died for our
sins.
That there was no purgatory ; for every man imme-
diately after death passes either to heaven or hell.
That whoever departs in the faith of Christ and the
Church, however he has lived, shall be saved.
That prayers and pilgrimages are nothing worth, and
avail not to purchase heaven.
John Falks was accused as a very heretic, because he
did affirm, that it was a foolish thing to offer to the
image of our lady, saying, what is it but a block ? If it
could speak to me, 1 would give it a halfpenny-worth
of ale.
That when the priest carries to the sick the body of
Christ, why carries he not also the blood of Christ ?
That he did eat cow-milk upon the first Sunday of Lent.
That as concerning the sacrament of penance and
absolution, no priest has power to absolve any man from
his sins, inasmuch as he cannot make one hair of hia
head.
396
PERSECUTIONS AT COVENTRY.
[Book VI.
That the image of our lady was but a stone or a block.
Richard Hilmiu was accused that he was a very here-
tic, because he did say and maintain, that it was better
to part with money to the poor, than to give tithes to
priests, or to offer to the images of our lady ; and that
it were better to offer to images made by God, than to
images of God painted.
That he had the Lord's prayer and the salutation of
the angel and the creed in English, and another book he
saw and had, which contained the epistles and gospels
in Eno-lish, and according to them he would live, and
thereby believed he would be saved.
That no priest speaks better in the pulpit than that book.
That the sacrament of the altar is but bread, and that
the priests make it to blind the people.
That a priest while he is at mass, is .a priest ; and
after one mass done, till the beginning of another mass,
he is no more than a layman, and has no more power
than a mere layman.
After they were forced to recant, they were absolved,
and obliged to do penance.
In A. D. 1488, the third of April, Margery Coyt,
wife of James Coyt of Ashburn, was brought before the
foresaid John Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, who was
there accused that she said, that that which the priests
lifted over their heads at mass, was not the true and very
body of Christ ; for if it was so, the priests could not
break it so lightly into four parts, and swallow it as they
do ; for the Lord's body has flesh and bones, which that
which the priests receive has not.
That priests buying forty cakes for a halfpenny, and
shewing them to the people, and saying, that of every
one of them they make the body of Christ, do nothing
but deceive the people and enrich themselves.
Seeing God in the beginning created and made man,
how can it be that man should be able to make God .'
This woman also was constrained to recant, and so
was she absolved and did penance.
Thus much I thought good to insert here, touching
these men of Coventry, especially for this purpose, be-
cause our cavilling adversaries are wont to object against
us the newness of Christ's old and ancient religion. To
the intent therefore they may see this doctrine, not to be
so new as they report, I wish they would consider both
the time and articles here objected against these persons.
I should also in the same reign of King Henry VII.,
have induced that story of Johannes Picus Earl of Mi-
randula, tlie mention of whose name partly is touched
before. Tliis Picus Earl of Mirandula, being but a young
man, was so excellently witted, and so singularly learned
in all sciences and in all tongues, both Latin, Greek,
and Hebrew, Clialdee, and Arabic, that coming to Rome
booted and spurred, lie set up ninety conclusions, to
dispute with any in all Christendom, whoever would
come against him. Of which conclusions several were
on the matter of the sacrament, &c. And when none
was found in all Rome, nor in Europe, that openly would
dispute with him, privately and in corners certain of
the pope's clergy, prelates, lawyers, and friars, ap-
pointed by the pope, consulted together to inquire upon
his conclusions, whereupon they articulated against
him for suspicion of heresy. And thus the unlearned
clergy of Rome privately circumvented and entangled
this learned earl in their snares of heresy, against whom
they durst never openly dispute. He died at the age of
thirty-two years, of such wit and forwardness, as is hard
to say whether ever Italy bred up a better. In his
sickness Charles VIII., then French king, moved with
the fame of his learning, came to visit him.
The names of the Archbishops of Canterlury in ihts
Sixth Book contained.
62. John Stratford,
63. John Kempe.
64. Thomas Bouchier.
65. John Morton.
66. Thomas Langhtoc
67. Henry Dene.
William Warham.
THE END OF THE SIXTH BOOK.
THE PROUD PRIMACY OF POPES DESCRIBED,
IN OaDER OF THEIR RISING UP BY LITTLE AND LITTLE, FROM FAITHFUL BISHOPS AND
MARTYRS, TO BECOME LORDS AND GOVERNORS OVER KINGS AND KINGDOMS,
EXALTING THEMSELVES IN THE TEMPLE OF GOD, ABOVE ALL
THAT IS CALLED GOD, ETC. II Thkssalonians, ii. 4.
In the description of the primitive church, the reader
has had set forth and exhibited before his eyes the
grievous afflictions and torment, which, through God's
secret sufferance, fell upon the true saints and members
of Christ's church in that time, especially upon the
good bishops, ministers, and teachers of the flock, of
whom some were scourged, some beheaded, some cruci-
fied, some burned, some had their eyes put out, some
one way, some another, miserably consumed ; which
days of woeful calamity continued for nearly three hun-
dred years. During which time the spouse and elect church
of God, being sharply assaulted on every side, had no
rest, nor joy, nor outward safety in this world, but
passed all their days in much bitterness of heart, in
continual tears and mourning under the cross, being
spoiled, imprisoned, contemned, reviled, famished, tor-
mented, and martyred everywhere ; they durst not tarry
at home for fear and dread, and much less durst come
abroad for the enemies, but only by night, when they
assembled sometimes to sing psalms and hymns toge-
ther. But notwithstanding, in all their dreadful dan-
gers, and sorrowful afflictions, the goodness of the Lord
left them not desolate ; but the more their outward
tribulations increased, the more their inward consola-
tions abounded ; and the farther off they seemed from
the joys of this life, the more present was the Lord with
them with grace and fortitude to confirm and rejoice
their souls. And though their possessions and riches
in this world were lost and spoiled, yet were they en-
riched with heavenly gifts above an hundred fold. Then
was true religion really felt in heart. Then Christianity
was not merely shown in outward appearance, but was
received in inward affection, and in the true image of
the church, not in pretended outward shew, but in her
effectual perfect state. Then was the name and fear of
God engrafted in the heart, not only dwelling on the
lips. Then faith was fervent, zeal ardent ; prayer was
not merely on the lips, but groaned out to God from the
bottom of the spirit. Then there was no pride in the
church, nor leisure to seek riches, nor time to keep
them. Contention for trifles was then so far from
christians, that they were happy when they could meet
to pray together against the devil, the author of all dis-
sension. Briefly, the whole church of Christ Jesus,
with all its members, the farther it was from the type
and shape of this world, the nearer it was to God's
favour and support.
The first rising of the Bishops of Rome.
After this long time of trouble it pleased the Lord at
length mercifully to look upon the saints and servants of
his Son, to release their captivity, to relieve their mi-
sery, and to bind up the old dragon the devil, who so
long vexed them, whereby the church began to aspire to
some more liberty ; and the bishops who before were as
abjects utterly contemned by emperors, through the
\ providence of God (who disposeth all things in his time
f after his own will) began now to be esteemed by empe-
rors and had in honour ; and, further, as emperors
grew more in devotion, so the bishops were more and
more exalted, not only in favour, but also preferred to
honour, so that in a short space they became not quar-
ter-masters, but rather half emperors with emperors.
After this, as riches and worldly wealth crept into
the clergy, and the devil had poured his venom into
the church, so true humility began to decay, and
pride to step in, till at last they played as the ivy does
with the oak-tree, which first beginning with a goodly
green show, embraces it so long that at length it over-
grows it, and so sucks all his moisture from him, set-
ting its root fast in his bark, till at last it both stifles
the stock, and kills the branches, and so comes to be a
nest for owls and all unclean birds. Not untruly, there-
fore, it was said by Augustine, " Religion begat riches,
and the daughter has devoured the mother." The
truth of which may appear in the history of the church
of Rome and her bishops. For after the church of
Rome, through the favour of emperors, was endowed
with lands, donations, possessions, and patrimonies, so
that the bishops feeling the pleasure of wealth, ease, and
prosperity, began to increase in pomp and pride. The
i more they flourished in this world, the more God's
Holy Spirit forsook them, till at last the bishops, who
at tlie first were poor, creeping upon the ground, and
persecuted, every man treading upon them in this
world, now, instead of being persecuted people, began
to be the persecutors of others, and to tread upon the
necks even of emperors, and to bring the heads of kings
and princes under their girdle. And not only that, but
through pride and riches, they were so far gone from all
true religion, that in the end they became the great ad-
versary of God (whom we call antichrist) prophesied of
so long before by the Spirit of God to come, sitting ia
the temple of God, &c. Of whom we thus read in the
epistle of St. Paul, where he saith, " Now we beseech
you, brethren, by the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ,
and by our gathering together unto him, that ye be not
soon shaken in mind, or be troubled, neither by spirit,
nor by word, nor by letter as from us, as that the day
of Christ is at hand. Let no man deceive you by any
means : for that day shall not come, except there come
a falling away first, and that man of sin be revealed, the
son of perdition ; who opposeth and exalteth himself
above all that is called God, or that is worshipped ; so
that he as God sitteth in the temple of God, shewing
himself that he is God." (2 Thess. ii. 1 — 4.)
By which words of St. Paul, we have several things
to note : First, that the day of the Lord's coming was
not then near at hand. Secondly, the apostle giv-
ing us a token before, to know when that day shall
approach, bids us to look for an adversary first to be re-
vealed. Thirdly, to shew what adversary this shall be,
he expresses him not to be as a common adversary, such
398
THE FIRST RISING OF THE BISHOPS OF ROME.
as were then in his time. For although Herod, Annas,
and Caiaphas, the high priests and pharisees, TertuUus,
Alexander the coppersmith, Elymas and Simon Magus,
and Nero tlie emperor, in St. Paul's time, were great
adversaries : yet here he means another besides these,
greater than all the rest, not such a one as should be
like to priest, king, or emperor, but such as far exceed-
ing the state of all kings, priests, and emperors, should
be the prince of priests, should make kings stoop, and
should tread upon the neck of emperors, and make them
to kiss his feet. Moreover, where the apostle saith,
that he shall sit in the temple of God, thereby is meant,
not merely the personal sitting of the pope in the city
of Rome, but the authority and jurisdiction of his see
exalted in the whole universal church, equal with God
himself. For let men give to the pope that which he re-
quires in his pontifical laws and decrees, and what dif-
ference is there between God and the pope .' If God
sets laws and ordinances, so does he. If God have his
creatures, so has he. If God require obedience, so
does he. If the breach of God's commandments are
punished, much more are his. God has his religion,
the pope also has his ; yea, for God's one religion he
has an hundred. God has set up an advocate, he has an
hundred. God has instituted but a few holy-days, for
God's one he hath instituted forty. Christ is the head
of the church, so is the pope. Christ gives influence to
his body, so does the pope. Christ forgives sin, the
pope does no less. Christ expels evil spirits by his
jiower, so the pope pretends to do by his holy water.
Furthermore, where Christ went barefoot upon the bare
ground, he with his golden shoes is carried upon men's
shoulders. Christ never used any but the spiritual
sword, he claims both spiritual and temporal. Christ
bought the church, he both buys and sells the church.
And if it be necessary to believe Christ to be the Sa-
viour of the world, so it is necessary to believe the pope
to be the head of the church. Christ paid tribute to
C;esar, he makes Caesar pay tribute to hirn. Finally,
the crown of Christ was of sharp thorns, the pope has
three crowns of gold upon his liead, so far exceeding
Christ the Son of God in glory of this world, as Christ
exceedeth him in the glory of heaven ; whose intolerable
pride and exaltation, according as St. Paul describes
him in his epistle, we have here set forth, not only in
these tables, and by his own facts to be noted, but also
declared in his own words and registers, Clementines,
extravagants, and pontificals, as (the Lord willing) shall
follow in order.
The exaltation of Popes alove Kings and Emperors, out
of History.
First, after Italy and the city of Rome were overrun
by the Goths and Vandals, so that the seat of the em-
j)ire was removed to Constantinople, then began John,
patriarch of Constantinople, to put himself forth, and
would needs be called universal bishop of the world ; but
the bishop of Rome in no case would suffer that, and
stopped it. After this came the emperor's deputy, and
exarch of Ravenna to rule Italy, but the bishop of
Rome, through the aid of the king of the Lombards,
soon mastered him.
Not long after (A.D. 600,) came Phocas the murderer,
who slew the emperor of Constantinople, his master
Mauricius, and his children. By which Phocas the bi-
shops of old Rome aspired first to their pre-eminence to
be counted the head bishops over the whole church, and
so together with the Lombards began to rule the city of
Rome. Afterwards, when the Lombards would not yield
to him, in accomplishing his ambitious desire, but would
needs require of the bishop the city of Rome, he stirred
up Pepin, but first deposed Childeric the king of France,
(A.D. 17.")1,) and so thrusting him into an abbey set up
in his place Pepin and his son Charlemagne, to put down
the king of the Lombards called Astulphus. And so he
transferred the empire from Constantinople to France,
dividing the spoil between liim and them, so that the
kings of France had all the possessions and lands which be-
fore belonged to the empire, and he received of them the
(juiet possession of the city of Rome, with such dona-
tions and lordships, which now they challenge to them
under the name of St. Peter's patrimony, which they
falsely ascribe to a donation of Constantine the Great.
It follows then in process of time, after the days of
Pepin, Charlemagne, and Lewis (who had endowed
these bishops of Rome, called now popes, with large
possessions), that the kings of France were not so pli.
able to their beck, to aid and maintain them against the
princes of Italy, who began then to pinch the bishops
for their wrongfully usurped goods. The pope, therefore,
j)ractised with the Germans to reduce the empire to Otho,
the first of that name, duke of Spain, referring the elec-
tion to seven princes, electors of Germany, (A. D. 938,)
notwithstanding, reserving still in his hands the negative
voice, thinking thereby to enjoy what they had in quiet-
ness and security, and so he did for a good space.
At length, when some of these German emperors also,
after Otho, began a little to spurn against the bishops
and popes of Rome, some of them they accursed, some
they subdued and brought to the kissing of their feet,
some they deposed, and placed other in their possessions.
Henry IV. was so accursed by these bishops, that he
was forced with his wife and child to wait attendance
upon the pope's pleasure three days and three nights in
winter, at the gates of Canosa, (A.D. 1077.) Besides
all this, the pope raised up Rodolph to be emperor against
him, who being slain in war, then Pope Gregory VII. stirred
up his own son, Henry V. to fight against his own father,
and to depose him ; which Henry V. was also himself
afterwards accursed and excommunicated, and the Saxons
at last set up by the bishops to fight against him.
After this the emperors began to be somewhat calmed
and more quiet, suffering the bishops to reign as they
liked, till Frederick I., called Barbarossa, came and be-
gan to stir contention against them. However, they
hampered both him and his son Henry in such a way,
that they obliged Frederick to submit to be trod upon (A.
D. 1177), in the church of Venice; and afterwards the said
bishops, crowning Henry VI. his son in the church of
St. Peter, set his crown on his head with their feet, and
with their feet spurned it off again, to make him know
tliat the popes of Rome had power both to crown empe-
rors and depose them again, (A.D. 1190.)
Then followed, (A.D. 1198,) Philip, brother to Henry,
whom also the popes accursed, and set up in opposition
to him, Otho duke of Saxony. Upon the death of
Philip (A. D. 1209), the pope conferred the imperial
crown upon Otho IV., but this emperor, like his prede-
cessors, was unwilling to submit to the pontiff's nod,
and began to dispossess the bishops of their cities and
lands which they had engrossed into their hands. This
they could not bear, and immediately excommunicated
him and put him aside ; so that he was only suffered to
reign four years, (A.D. 1212.)
At this time Frederick II., the son of Henry VI.,
was but young, whom the bishops of Rome suppos-
ing to find more mortified and tamed to their hand,
advanced to be emperor. But that fell out much con-
trary to their expectation. For he perceiving the im-
moderate pomp and pride of the Roman bishops,
which he could in no case abide, so nettled them
and cut their combs, and waxed so stout against
them, intending to extirpate their tyranny, and to
reduce their pompous riches to the state and con-
dition of the primitive church again, putting some of
them to flight, and imprisoning some of their cardinals,
that of three popes, one after another, he was accursed,
circumvented by treason, at last deposed, and after that
poisoned, and at last forsaken and died, (A. D. 1250.)
After this Frederick followed his son Conrad, whom
the bishops for his disobedience soon despatched, ex-
citing against him in mortal war the landgrave of Turin,
by which he was at length driven into his kingdom of
Naples, and there died.
"This Conrad had a son called Conradine, duke and
prince of Suevia. When this Conradine, after the de-
cease of his father, came to enjoy his kingdom of Naples,
these bishops stirred up against him Charles the French
THE IMAGE OF ANTICHRIST EXALTING HIMSELF, ETC.
3'j9
king s brother, so that, through crafty conveyance, both
Conradine, who descended from the blood of so ninny
emperors, and also Frederick duke of Austria, were
both taken, and after much wretched handling in their
miserable endurance, unseeming to their state, at length
were both brought under the axe by the pope's procure-
ment, and so both beheaded. And thus ended the im-
perial stock of Frederick I. surnained Barbarossa.
The same that happened to Frederick the emperor,
had almost also fallen upon Philip IV., the French king,
by Pope Boniface VIII., who, because he could not have
his commodities and revenues out of France after his
•will, sent out his bulls and letters patent to displace
King Philip, and to place Albert king of the Romans in
his room.
And thus hitherto in foreign histories. Now touching
our own country princes here in England, to speak some-
what likewise of them : did not Pope Alexander III.
presumptuously take upon him where he had nothing to
do, to intermeddle with the king's subjects ? for the
death of Becket the rebel, although the king sufficiently
cleared himself thereof, yet, notwithstanding, did he not
wrongfully bring King Henry II. to such penance as it
pleased him to enjoin, and also violently constrained
him to swear obedience to the see of Rome ? The like
also was shewed before in this history to have happened
to King John his son. For when the king like a valiant
prince had held out against the tyranny of those bishops
seven years together, were not all the churches in Eng-
land barred up, and his inheritance with all his do-
minions given away by Pope Innocent III. to Lewis the
French king, and he afterwards compelled to submit
himself, and to make his vphole realm feudatory to the
bishops of Rome, and moreover the king himself driven
also to surrender his crown to Pandulph the pope's legate,
and so continued as a private person five days, stand-
ing at the pope's courtesy, whether to receive it again at
his hands or no ? And when the nobles of the realm
rose afterwards against the king for the same, was he
not then fain to seek and sue to the pope for succour ?
And yet notwithstanding ail this that King John so
yielded to the pope, he was both pursued by the nobles,
and also in the end was poisoned by a subject of the
pope's own religion, a monk of Swinsted.
Besides this King Henry II. and King John his son,
see what kings have here reigned in England since their
time, until the reign of King Henry VIII., who although
there were prudent princes, and did what they could in
providing against the proud domination of these bishops,
yet were forced at length sore against their wills, for
fear, to subject themselves, together with their subjects
under usurped authority, insomuch as King Henry III.
was fain to stoop and kiss the legate's knee.
The Image of AniicJirist exalting libnaelf in the Temple
of God, above all that is named God, out of his own
decrees, decretals, extravagants, pontificals, H^-c. word
for word, as it is out of the said books here alleged
and quoted.
(1) Forasmuch as it stands. upon necessity of salvation,
for every human creature to be subject to me the pope
of Rome, it shall be therefore requisite and necessary
for all men that will be saved, to learn and know the dig-
nity of my see and excellency of my domination, as here
is set forth according to the truth and very words of mine
own laws, in style as follow : (2) First, my institution be-
gan in the Old Testament, and was consummated and
i finished in the New, in that my priesthood was prefi-
j gured by Aaron ; and other bishops under me were pre-
i figured by the sons of Aaron, that were under him.
(1) Pope Boniface VIII. Extravag. de majorit. & obed. cap. i
(2i Distinct. 12. cap. Dnritis.
(8) Pope Pelasius, Distinct. 21, cap. Q^uamvii.
(4) Pelasius. ibid.
(5) Pope Nicolas. Distinct. 21. cap. Inferior,
(6) I'ope Lucius, 24, q. 1. cap. ii. Recta.
(7) Poye C'alixtus, Dist. 12. cap. Non decet.
(8) Pope Innicentius. II. cap. Quw.
(9; Pope Stephan. Distinct. 19. cap. Enim vtro.
{?>) Neither is it to be thought that my church of Rome has
been preferred by any general council, but obtained the
primacy only by the voice of the gospel, and the mouth
of the Saviour. (4) And has in it neither spot nor wrinkle,
nor any such thing. (5) Wherefore as other seats are all
inferior to me, and as they cannot absolve me ; so have
they no power to bind me or to stand against me, no
more than the axe has power to stand or presume above
him that hews with it, or the saw to presume above him
that rules it. (())This is the holy and apostolic mother
church of all other churches of Christ ; (^7) from whose
rules it is not meet that any person or j)ersons should
decline : but like as the Son of God came to do the will
of his Father, so must you do the will of your mother,
the church, the head of which is the church of Rome,
(g) And if any other j)erson or persons shall err from the
said church, either let them be admonished, or else their
names taken, to be known who they be that swerve from
the customs of Rome. (9) Thus then as the holy church
of Rome, of which I am governor, is set up to the whole
world for a glass or example, reason would that whatever
the church determines, or ordains, should be received by
all men for a general and a perpetual rule for ever.
(lO)Whereupon we see it now verified in this church, that
was prophesied by Jeremiah, saying, " Behold, I have set
thee up over nations and kingdoms, to pluck up and to
break down, to build and to plant," &c. (11) Whoso un-
derstands not the prerogative of this my priesthood, let
him look up to the firmament, where he may see two
great lights, the sun and the moon, one ruling over the
day, the other over the night ; so in the firmament of
the universal church, (12) God hath set two great digni-
ties, the authority of the pope, and of the emperor. Of
which two, this our dignity is so much weightier, as we
have the greater charge to give account to God for kings
of the earth, and the laws of men. (13) Wherefore be
it known to you emperors, who know it also right well,
that you depend upon the judgment of us ; we must not
be brought and reduced to your will. (14) For, as I
said, look what difference there is betwixt the sun and
the moon, so great is the power of the pope ruling over
the day, that is, over the spiritualty, above emperors
and kings ruling over the night, that is, over the laity.
(1.5) Now seeing then the earth is seven times bigger than
the moon, and the sun eight times greater than the
earth, it follows that the pope's dignity fifty-six times
doth surmount the estate of the emperors. (16) Upon
consideration of which, I say and pronounce, that Con -
stantine the emperor did naughtily in setting the patri-
arch of Constantinople at his feet on his left hand,
(17) And although the emperor wrote to me, alleging the
word of St. Peter, commanding us to submit ourselves
to every human creature, as to kings, dukes, ajid others
for the cause of God, &c. 1 Pet. ii. Yet in answering
again my decretal, I expounded the mind and the words
of St. Peter to pertain to his subjects, and not to his
successors, commanding the emperor to consider the
person of the speaker, and to whom it ^^as spoken. For
if the mind of Peter had been there to debase the order
of priesthood, and to make us underlings to every human
creature, then every aspirant might have dominion over
prelates, which makes against the example of Christ,
setting up the order of priesthood to bear dominion over
kings, according to the saying of Jeremiah : " Behold, I
have set thee up over kings and nations," &c. (18) And
as I feared not then to write this boldly to Constantine,
so now I say to all other emperors, that they receiving
of me their approbation, unction, consecration, and
crown imperial, must not disdain to submit their heads
under me, and swear to me their allegiance. (19) For so
you read in the decree of Pope John, how that princes
(10) Pope Boniface VIII. Extravag. cap. Unam sanciam. Item.
Pope Joannes XXII. Extravag. cap. Super yetirrs.
(11) Pope Innocent III. art. dc major. & obed. cap. Solitie.
(12) Pope Gelasius, Dist. 96. cup. Dm. (13) Ibidem.
(14) Innocentius de major. & obed. cap. Solitce.
(15) Glossa. Ibidem. (16) Ibidem.
(17) Innocentius. Ibid.
(18) Pope Clement V. Clement de jure jurando. cap. Romani.
(19) Pope Joannes, Dist. 96. cap. Nunqvam.
400
THE IMAGE OF ANTICHRIST EXALTING HIMSELF, ETC.
heretofore have been wont to bow and submit their heads
unto bishops, and not to proceed in judgment against the
heads of bisliops. (20) If this reverence and submission
was wont to be given to bishops, how much more ought
they to submit their heads to me being superior, not
only to kings, but emperors ? and that for two causes :
first, for my title of succession, that I, pope of Rome,
have to the empire, the room standing vacant ; also for
the fulness of power that Chrst, the King of kings, and
Lord of lords, has given to me, though unworthy, in the
person of Peter: (21)by reason of which, seeing my
power is not of man but of God, who by his celestial
Providence has set me over his whole universal church,
master and governor, it belongeth therefore to my office
to look upon every mortal sin of every christian man :
(22) whereby all criminal offences, as well of kings as all
others be subject to my censure, (23) in such sort, that in
all manner of pleading, if any manner of person at any
time, either before tlie sentence given, or after shall ap-
peal to me, it shall be lawful for him so to do.
(24) Neither must kings and princes think it much to
submit themselves to my judgment, for so did Valenti-
nian, the worthy emperor ; so did Theodosius, and also
Charles. (25) Thus you see all must be judged by me,
and I of no man. Yea, and though I pope of Rome, by
my negligence or evil demeanor, be found unprofitable,
or hurtful, either to myself or others ; yea, if I should
draw with me innumerable souls by heaps to hell, yet
may no mortal man be so hardy, so bold, or so pre-
sumptuous to reprove me, (2*j)or to say to me. Sir,
why do you so ? (27) For although you read that Balaam
was rebuked of his ass, by which ass our subjects, by
Balaam, we prelates are signified ; yet that ought to be
no example to our subjects to rebuke as. (28) And
though we read in the scripture that Peter, who received
power of the kingdom, and being chief of the apostles
might by virtue of his office control all other, was con-
tent to come and give answer before his inferiors, ob-
jecting to him his going to the Gentiles ; yet other in-
feriors must not learn by this example to be checkmate
with their prelates, because that Peter so took it at their
hands, shewing thereby rather a dispensation of humility,
than the power of his office, by which power he might
have said to them again in this wise, it becomes not sheep,
nor belongs to their office to accuse their shepherd ;
(2y)for else why was Dioscorus, patriarch of Alexandria,
condemned and excommunicated at Chalcedon ? Not
for any cause of his faith, but only for that he durst
stand against Pope Leo, and durst excommunicate the
bishop of Rome ; for who is he that has authority to
accuse the seat of St. Peter ? (30) Although I am not
ignorant what St. Jerome writes, that St. Paul would
not have reprehended St. Peter, unless he had thought
himself equal to him. (31) Yet St. Jerome must thus
be expounded by my interpretation, that this equality
betwixt St. Peter and St. Paul consist not in like office
of dignity, but in pureness of conversation. (32) For
who gave St. Paul his licence to preach but St. Peter ?
(20) Poiie Clement v. Clement (le Sentent. &de rejudi pastoralis.
(21) Piipe Innocent III De judiciis, cup. Novlf. (22; Ibidem.
(2;!) Pcipp Marcellus, Ciius. 2. q. 6. cap. ad lioiimnam.
(24) IniKicent. Novteille.
(25) rsoiiilacius Miirtyr. diet. 40. cap. Si Pupa.
(26) Glos>a Extr. de sede vacant, ad Apostolatus.
(27) Pope Leo, caus. 2. q. 7. cap. Nos.
(28) GreR. 2. q. 7. cap. I'ctrus.
(29) Pope Nicol.ius, Hist. cap. 21. In cantum.
(30) Jer. caita. 2. q. 7. cap. Paulas.
(31 ) GInssa Gratiani. Ih.
(32) Glosaa in Diss. 11. cap. (luis.
(33) Cau3. 2. q. 7. cap. licati.
(34; Pope NicolttiiB, 0ist. 22. Omnes.
(35) Pope Anaclet, Dist. 22. cap. Sacrosanrta.
(30) Pope Pelagius. Dist. 21. cap. Quumvis.
(37) Pope Nicolaus, Dist. 21. cap. Deiiique.
(3(J) PopeSteplien, Di. 29. Eniin vero.
(39) I'ope Uiicius, 24. q. 1. Arect.
(40) Pope Nicolaus, Dist. 22. cap. Omnes.
(41) Pope Gregory, Dist. 81. cap. Si qui.
(42) Pope Leo, caus. 3. q. 62. cap. Multum.
(43) Dist. 20. cap. DccrctuUs.
<ii) Pope Julius, caus. 2. q. 6. qui se.
(45) Causa. 3. q.O. Ar^'uta. Item. cap. Ad Jtottianam. caus. 2.
q. a. cap. Placuit. Glos»a. Gratiani. Nisi.
and that by the authority of God, saying, " Separate to
me Paul and Barnabas," &c. (33) Wherefore be it
known to all men, that my church of Rome is prince and
head of all nations, (.34) the mother of the faith, (35) the
foundation cardinal, whereupon all churches do depend,
as the door depends by the hinges, (36) the first of all
other seats, without all spot or blemish. (37) Lady,
mistress, and instructor of all churches, (38) a glass and
a spectacle to all men, to be followed in all whatsoever
she observes. (39) Which was never found yet to slide
or decline from the path of apostolic tradition, or to be
entangled with any newness of heresy; (40) against
which ciiurch of Rome whoever speaks any evil, is forth-
with an heretic, (41) yea, a very pagan, a witch, and an
idolater or infidel, (42)having fulness of power only in her
own hands in ruling, (43) deciding, absolving, condemn-
ing, casting out, or receiving in. (44) Although 1 deny
not but other churches are partakers with her in labour-
ing and carrying. (45) To which church of Rome it is
lawful to appeal for remedy, from all other churches.
Although it was otherwise concluded in the general
council of Milevitane, that no man should appeal over
the sea under pain of excommunication, yet my gloss
comes in here with an exception : " Except the appeal
be to the see of Rome," &c. (46) By the authority of
which church of Rome all synods and decrees of councils
stand confirmed. (47).\nd hath always full authority
in her hands to make new laws and decreements, and
to alter statutes, privileges, rights, or documents of
churches ; to separate things joined, and to join things
separated upon right consideration, either in whole or in
part, either personally or generally. (48) Of which
church of Rome I am head as a king is over his judges,
(49) the vicar of St. Peter, (50) yea, not the vicar of St.
Peter properly, but the vicar of Christ properly, and suc-
cessor of Peter, (51) vicar of Jesus Christ, (52) rector of
the universal church, director of the Lord's flock,
(53) chief magistrate of the whole world, (54) the head
and chief of the apostolic church, (55) universal pope,
and diocesan in all places exempt, as well as every bisliop
is in places not exempt, (56) most mighty priest,
(57) a living law in the earth, (58) judged to have all laws
in the chest of ,my breast, (5!)j bearing the room of no
pure man, (60) being neither God nor man, but the ad-
miration of the world, and a middle thing b jtwixt both.
(61) Having both swords in my power. Doth of the
Spiritual and Temporal jurisdiction, ((i2)so far sur-
mounting the authority of the emperor, that I of mine
own power alone without a council, have authority to
depose him, or to transfer his kingdom, and to give a
new election, as I did to Frederick and divers other.
(63) What power then or potentate in all the world
is comparable to me, who have authority to bind
and loose both in heaven and in earth ? (64) That
is, who have power both of heavenly things, and also of
temporal things. (65) To whom emperors and kings are
more inferior, than lead is inferior to gold. (66) For do
you not see the necks of great kings and princes bend under
(46) Pope Gelasi. 25. q. 1. cap. Coiifldimus.
(47) Pope Urbanus, 25. q. 1. cap. Sunt. P. Pelagius, 25. q. 2.
cap. Posteaquam.
(48) HuUa Donationis, Dist. 96. cap. Constant.
(49) Pope Pasclialis, Dist. 68. cap. Ego.
(50) Pope Clement V. Clement, cap. liomntti Glossa.
(51) Pope Boniface VIII. Sext. Decret. cap. Ubi.
(52) Ibidem.
(53) Pope Boniface, prohem. Sext. Decret. 1. Sacrosancta.
(54) Anacletus, D. 22. caji. Sacrosiincla.
(55) Pope Boniface IV. Sext. Decret. de poenit. ct rcmls. cap.
5. Glossa. Item Alexander IV. Sext. decret. cap. 4. iu Glossa
(56) Pope Hilaiius,25. q. 1. Nutli.
(o7) Sixt. Decret. cap. Ab Arbitris, Glossa.
(58) Poi)e Boniface Sext. decret. de const, cap. Licet.
(59) Pope Innocent III., de trans, cap. Quanta.
(60) Prohem. Clement. Gloss. Papa Stupor mundi, &c. NecDeiU
es ncc homo, quasi neuter es inter utrumque.
(61) Pope Boniface Kxtrayag. de Majorit et obed. cap. Unam.
Item Dist. 22. cap. Onmcs. '
(62) Sext. Deer, de Scntent. et re. ca. ad. Apostoli. Item is
Glossa, Ibidem.
(63) Pope Nicolaus, Dist. 22, cap. Omnes.
(64) Gloss. Ibidem.
(65) Pope Gelasius, Dist. 96. cap. Duo, '
(66) Pope Gelasius, Ibidem,
THE IMAGE OF ANTICHRIST EXALTING HIMSELF, ETC.
401
our knep.s, yea and think themselves happy and well de-
fenced, if tliey may kiss our hands ? (67) Wherefore the
gauciness of Honorius the emperor is to be reprehended,
and his constitution abolished, who, with his laity
would take upon him to intermeddle, not only with the
temporal order, but also with matters ecclesiastical, and
the election of the pope. ((i8) But here perchance some will
object, the examples and words of Christ, saying, " That
his kingdom is not of this world," and where he being
required to divide betwixt two brethren their heritage,
did refuse it. But that ought to be no prejudice to my
power. (('>9) For if Peter, and I in Peter, if we, I say,
have power to bind and loose in heaven, how much
more then is it to be thought, that we have power in
earth to loose and to take away empires, kingdoms,
dukedoms, and what else soever mortal men may have,
and to give them where we will ? (70) And if we have
authority over angels, which be the governors of princes,
what then may we do upon their inferiors and servants ?
(71) And that you may not marvel when I say angels are
subject to us, you shall hear what my blessed clerk
Antoninus writes of the matter, saying, " That our
power IS greater than the angels in four things ; — 1. In
jurisdiction, 2. In administration of sacraments, 3. In
knowledge, 4. In reward," &c. (72) And again in Bulla
Clementis, do I not there command in my bull the
angels of paradise, to absolve the soul of man out of
purgatory, and to bring it into the glory of paradise ?
(73) And now besides my heavenly power, to speak of mine
earthly jurisdiction, who did first transfer the empire
from the Greeks to the Germans, but I ? (74) And not
only in the empire am I emperor, the place being empty,
but in all ecclesiastical benefices have fall right and
power to give, to translate, and to dispose after my
arbitrement. (75) Did not I, Zacharias, put down
t Childerick the old king of France, and set up Pepin ?
j (76) Cid not I, Gregory VII. set up Robert Wysard,
j and make him king of Sicily, and duke of Capua ? &c.
. {77) Did not I the same Gregory also set up Rodolph
I against Henry IV. emperor ? (78) And though this
1 Henry was an emperor of most stout courage, who stood
; sixty-two times in open field against his enemies,
; (79) yet did not I, Gregory, bring him before us, and
I make him stand at my gate three days and three nights
j bare-footed and bare- legged, with hiswife and child, in the
I depth of winter, both in frost and snow, intreating for his
I absolution, and afterwards excommunicated him again,
80 that he was twice excommunicated in my days?
i(80) Again, did not I, Pascal, after Gregory, set up the
json of Henry against his father in war, to possess the
jempire, and to put down his father, and so he did ?
|(81) Did not I, Pope Alexander, bring under Henry II.
iking of England, for the death of Thomas Becket, and
icause him to go bare-foot to his tomb at Canterbury
iwith bleeding feet.' (82) Did not I, Innocent III.
cause King John to kneel down at the feet of Pandulph my
legate, and offer up his crown with his own hands ; also to
kiss the feet of Stephen Langton, a bishop of Canter-
bury : and besides, fine him in a thousand marks by the
year? (8:5) Did not I, Urban II., put down Hugo, earl
in Italy, discharging his subjects from their oath and
bbedience to him ? (84) Did not I, Pascal II., excommu-
nicate also his son Henry V., and get out of his bands
all his right and title of elections and donations of
spiritual promotions? Did not I, Gelasius II., bring
the captain of Cintius under, to the kissing of my feet?
And after Gelasius, did not I, Calixtus II., quail the
Emperor Henry V., and also bring in subjection Gre-
gory, whom the emperor had set up against me as pope,
bringing him into Rome upon a camel, his face to the
horie tail, making him to hold the horse tail in his hand
instead of a bridle? (85) Further, did not I, Innocent
II., set up and make Lothaire to be emperor for driving
out Pope Anacletus out of Rome? (8f)) Did not I, the
said Innocent, take the dukedom of Sicily from the
empire, and make Roger king thereof, whereby after-
ward the kingdom became the patrimony of St. Peter?
(87) Did not I, Alexander III., suspend all the realm
and churches of England for the king's marriage
(A. D. 1159)? (88) But what do I speak of kings?
Did not Alexander bring the valiant emperor, Frederick
I., to Venice, by reason of his son Otho there taken
prisoner, and there in St. Mark's church made him fall
down flat upon the ground while I set my foot upon bis
neck, saying the verse of the Psalm, " Thou shall tread
on the adder and the serpent,'' &c. (89) Did not I,
Adrian IV. , pope, an Englishman born, excommunicate the
king of Sicily, and refuse his peace, which be offered ?
And had not he overcome me in plain- field, I would
have shaken him out of his kingdom of Sicily, and
dukedom of Apulia. (90) Also, did not I, Adrian, con-
trol and correct the foresaid Frederic, emperor, for hold^
ing the left stirrup of my horse, when he should have
holden the right? (91) And afterward did not I ex-
communicate and curse him, for he was so saucy to set
his own name in writing before mine ? (92) And al-
though a poor fly afterward overcame and strangled me,.,
yet I made kings and emperors to stoop. (93) Did not
I, Innocent III., cast down Philip, brother to Frederic,
from the imperial crown, being elected without my leave,
and afterwards set him up again ? And also set up
Otho of Brunswick, and afterwards excommunicated
and also deposed the same after four years, setting up the
French king to war against him ? (94) Then was Frederic
II. set up by me, and reigned thirty-seven years ; and yet
five years before he. died he was de-posed. (95) Did not I,
Honorius III., iuterdict him, for not restoring certain to
their possessions at my request ? (96) Whom also
Gregory IX. excommunicated twice together, and raised
up the Venetians against him. (97) And at length Inno-
cent IV. spoiled him of his empire ; after that he caused
him to be poisoned, and at length to be strangled by one
Manfred, and excommunicated bis son Conrad after
him, not only depriving him of his right inheritance, but
also caused him, with Frederic, duke of Austria, to be
beheaded. (98) Thus then, did not I excommunicate
and depose all these emperors in order? Henry IV.,
Henry v., Frederic I., Philip, Otho IV., Frederic II.,
and Conrad his son ? (99) Did not I interdict King
Henry VIII. ? (100) And all his kingdom of England ?
(101) And had not his prudence and power prevented
my practice, I had displaced him from his kingdom also.
Briefly, who is able to com])rehend the greatness of my
power and of my seat? (102) For by me only general
councils take their force and confirmation, (103) and the
interpretation of the councils, and of all other causea-
(67) Di. 96. c.ip. Illud.
(68) Kx citatione Hiero. Marii.
(69) Popp Ilildebrandus, alius Gregorius 7. Ex. Platina, in vita
freEorii.
(70) Hildt'iirandu?, Ibidem.
(71) Anloiiiiiiis in tertia parte Summx majoris.
(72) Bulla Clementis.
(78) Pope Innocent, de electione. cap. VcncrabileTn.
(74) Extrav. de prsebend. fcdij. cap. Execrabilis.
(75) Pope ZaclKirias, Gaus. l."}, q. 6. cap. Alius.
(76) Pope Hildebrand, alias Oregor. 7. Clement, cap. PaiiornZw.
(77) Ex. Gestis Hildebrandi.
(78) Baptista Egnatiiis.
(79) Platina, Bfnno Nauclerus.
(80) Plalina, Epn.itius Benno.
J(81) Polydore Viisil. Historia ornalcnsis de rebus .\nglortim.
1(82) Chronica vcrnaciila.
(«<3) Pope lirbaniis, Cans. 15. q 6. cap. Jvrntos.
(64) Pope Pasclialis Ctusiilanus. Plalina, Vinccntiiis, Stella, An-
Qinus, Mattheus Parisiensis, Pope. Gelasius 2. Poi'c.
(85) Pope Innocentius 2.
(8(1) Nauclerus.
(87) Pope Alexanders, de sponsa!. & matr. cap. Nmi eat.
(88) Nauclerus acta Koin. pontiticuin.
(89) Po^e Adrian, vit. Kom. pontiflcum.
(rO) Ex Aventino.
(91) Bulla Adrian! centra Cte?arem.
(92) Acta Rom. Pont.
(9.'i) Pope Innocentius 8. Ex Vitis & Actls Ronu pontiflcum. Ex
ab Urspe-rg.
(94) Ex eodem.
(95) Pope Honor. 3. Ex. Mario.
(98) Pope Grcj;. 9. Ex codein.
(97) Pope Innocent 4. Hieronymus Marius. Petros de VTueii.
(98) Ex Chronic. Carionis.
(99) Hist. Anglor.
000) Ibidem.
(101) Ibidem.
(102) Pope Marrellus, Dist. 17. cap. SynoJum.
(103; Diit. 20. Decretalea.
S D 2
402
THE IMAGE OF ANTICHRIST EXALTING HIMSELF, ETC.
hard and doubtful, ought to be referred and stand to my
determination. (104) By me the works of all writers,
whatsoever they be, are either reproved or allowed.
(10,5) Then how much more ought my writings and de-
crees to be preferred before all others ? (106) So that
my letters and epistles decretal be equivalent with the
general councils. (107) And, whereas, God has or-
dained all causes of men to be judged by men, he has
only reserved me, that is, the pope of Rome, without all
question of men, unto his own judgment. (108) And,
therefore, where all other creatures are under their
judge, only I, who in earth am the judge of all, can be
judged of none, either of emperor, nor the whole clergy,
nor of kings, nor of the people. (109) For who has
power to judge upon his judge ? (110) This judge am I,
and that alone, without any other resistance of any
council joined to me. For I have power upon councils ;
councils have no power upon me. But if the council
determine amiss, it is in my authority alone to infringe
it, or to condemn whom I list without any council.
(Ill) And all for the pre-eminence of my predecessor
blessed St. Peter, which, by the voice of the Lord, he
received, and ever shall retain. (11 '2) Furthermore,
and whereas all other sentences and judgments, both of
councils, person or persons, may and ought to be ex-
amined, (IK?) fo'r that they may be corrupted four ways,
by fear, by gifts, by hatred, by favour, only my sentence
and judgment must stand, (114) as given out of heaven
by the mouth of Peter himself, which no man must
(ll5) break or retract, (116) no man must dispute or
doubt of. (117) Yea, if my judgment, statute, or yoke
seem scarcely tolerable, yet for remembrance of St.
Peter it must be humbly obeyed. (118) Yea, and more-
over, obedience is to be given, not only to such decrees
set forth by me in time of my popedom, but also to such
as I do foresee and commit to writing before I be pope.
(119) And although it be thought by some writers, to be
given to all men to err, and to be deceived, (120) yet
neither am I a pure man. (121) And again, the sen-
tence of my apostolic seat is always conceived with such
moderation, is concocted and digested with such patience
and ripeness, and delivered out with such gravity and
deliberation, that nothing is thought in it necessary to
be altered or detracted. (122) Wherefore, it is mani-
fest, and testified by the voice of holy bishops, that the
dignity of this my seat is to be reverenced through the
whole world, in that all the faithful submit themselves
to it as to the head of the whole body ; (123) whereof it
is spoken to me by the prophet, speaking of the ark ; if
this be humbled, whither shall you run for succour, and
where shall your glory become ? Seeing then this is so,
that so holy bishops and scriptures do witness with me,
what shall we say then to such as will take upon them to
judge of my doings, to reprehend my proceedings, or to
require homage and tribute of me to whom all other are
subject? (124) Against the first sort the scripture
speaks, "Thou shalt not move a sickle unto thy neigh-
bour's standing corn." Which thing to attempt against
me, what is it but plain sacrilege? (125) According to
my canonists, who thus define sacrilege to consist in
three things; either when a man judges of his princes'
judgment ; or when the holy-day is profaned ; or when
reverence is not given to laws and canons. (126)
(104) Pope Nicolaus, Dist. 19. cap. Si Romanorum.
(105) Ihififin.
(10(5) Dist, 20. Decretales.
'107) Symm:icUiis I'ope, 0. q. 3. cap. AUorum.
C108) Pope Innocentiuin 6. q. 3. cap. Nemo.
(109) IhiJem.
(110) Pope Gelasius, 9. q. 3. cap. CuTic'.a.
(111) IbMem.
ni2) Anastasius Patriarch. Dist. q. 3. cap. Antiquis.
(II.')) Pope GreR. a. q 3. cap. Q««'.
(114) Pope Au'atho, Dist. 19. cap. Sic onincx.
(Hi)) Pope Nicholas, 9. q. 3. Patet.
(IIG) Pope Innocent. 2. .\rt. 17. q. 4. cap. St quis.
(117) Dist. 19. cap. In nieinoriaw.
(115) Sext. Decret. T. 7. De rcnunc. Quoniam Glossa.
(119) Offlc. lib. 1.
(120/ Glossii Extra. Do verb, si^nif. cap. Arl.
(121) Pope Grep;. Cans. 35. q. 9. cap. Apostoliccs.
(122) Pope Syinmachus. Caus. 9. q. 3. cap. AUorum.
(123) Ibidem.
Against the second sort makes the place of the book of
Kings, where we read the ark of God was brought from
Gaza to Jerusalem, and in the way the ark inclining by
reason of the unruly o.^en, Ussah the Levite put forth hi»
hand to help, and therefore was stricken of the Lord^
By this ark is signified the prelates ; by the inclination
thereof, the fall of prelates, (127) who also are signified
by the angels that Jacob saw going up and coming
down the ladder : (128) also, by the prophet where he
saith, " He bowed down the heavens and came down,"
&c. By Ussah and by the unruly oxen are meant our
subjects, (129) Then, like as Ussah was sti-icken for
putting his hand to the ark inclining, no more must
subjects rebuke their prelates going awry. (I.'IO) Al-
though here it may be answered again, that all are not
prelates who are so called ; for it is not the name that
makes a bishop, but his life. (131) Against the third
sort of such as would bring us under the tribute and ex-
actions of secular men, makes the New Testament,
where Peter was bid to give the groat in the fish's
mouth, but not the head nor the body of the fish; no
more is the head or body of the church subdued to
kings, but only that which is in the mouth, that is, the
external things of the church. And yet not they
neither. (132) For so we read in the book of Genesis,
that Pharaoh, in time of dearth, subdued all the land ol
the Egyptians, but yet he ministered to the priests, so
that he took neither their possessions from them, nor
their liberty. If then prelates of the church must be
neither judged, nor reprehended, nor exacted, how
much more ought I to be free from the same, (133) who
am the bishop of bishops, and head of prelates ?
(134) For it is not to be thought that the case between
me and other prelates ; between my see and other
churches, be like, (135) although the whole catholic and
a])ostolic church make one bride-chamber of Christ ; yet
the catholic and apostolic church of Rome had the pre-
emience given over all other by the mouth of the Lord
himself, saying to Peter, " Thou art Peter," &c. (136)
Thus a discrepance and difference must be had in the
church as it was betwixt Aaron and his children ;
(137) betwixt the seventy-two disciples, and the twelve
apostles; betwixt the other apostles and Peter. (138)
Wherefore it is to be concluded, that there must be an
order and difference of degrees in the church between
power, superior and inferior ; without which order the
universality of the whole cannot consist. (139) For, as
among the angelical creatures above in heaven, there is
set a difference and inequality of powers and orders,
some be angels, some archangels, some cherubims, and
seraphims: (140) so in the ecclesiastical hierarchy of the
church militant in the earth, priests must not be equal
with bishops, bishops must not be like in order with
archbishops, with patriarchs or primates, (141) who
contain under them three archbishops, as a king con-
tains three dukes under him. In which number of pa-
triarchs comes in the state of (142) cardinals or princi-
pals, so called, because as the door turneth by his
hinges, so the universal church ought to be ruled by
them. (143) The next and highest order above these is
mine, who am pope, differing in power and majority,
and honour reverential, from these and all otiier de-
grees of men. (144) For the better declaration of
(124) Pope Greg. 0. p. 3. rap. Scriptum est.
(125) Caus. 17. q. 4. Sacrile.:;. Glossa.
(12U) 2. q. 7. cap. Plcerumque. Glosseina Criitiaiii. Ilein.
(127) IbiHein.
(128) Ibidem.
(129) Ibidem.
(130 i Ibidem. His ita.
(131) Pope Urbanus 23. q. cap. T rihiUuni.
(132) Ibidem. Qiiamv|<i.
(1.13) Pope Benodict. Kxtr. De aut. k. usiipallii. cap. SaiiCt.it
(134) Pope Stt'phanus. Dist. 19. Enimvero.
(135) Po|je Pelaicus, Di<t. 21. cap. t^uaiacis.
(130) Dist. 2 1, cap. Vernt.s.
(137) Po])e .'Inaclet. Dist.22. caft. In vovo.
(138) Pope Uunifacius et Greg. Dist. 8'J. cap. Ad lice.
(139) Ibidem.
(140) Dist. 89. cap. Sifi/julri.
(141) Kx citatione Biildiere. 5. sen. 3.
(142) Deotticio .-irchipre-b.vt. in Glossa. (liS)
044) Ex. 3. parte Sumina- niajoris b. .^ntonini.
THE IMAGE OF ANTICHRIST EXALTING HIMSELF, ETC.
403
which, my canonists make three kinds of power in
earth; immediate, which is mine immediately from God;
derived, which belongelh to other inferior prelates from
me; (145) ministerial, belonging to emperors and princes
to minister for me. For which ciuise the anointing of
princes, and my consecration differ ; for they are
anointed only in the arms or shoulders, and I in the
head, to signify the difference of power betwixt princes
and me. (146) This order, therefore, of priests, bishops,
archbishops, patriarchs, and others, as a thing most con-
venient, my church of Rome has set and instituted
through all churches, following therein, not only the ex-
ample of the angelical army in heaven, but also of
the apostles. (147) For among tl»eni also there was
not an uniform equality or institution of one degree,
(148) but a diversity or distinction of authority and
power. Although they were all apostles together, yet
it was granted notwithstanding to Peter (themselves
also agreeing to the same) that he should bear dominion
and superiority over all the other apostles. (149) And
therefore he had his name given him Cephas, that is,
head or beginning of the a]iostleship. (150) Whereupon
the order of priesthood first in the New Testament began
in Peter, to whom it was said, Thou art Peter, and
upon thee I will build my church. (151) And I will
give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven ; and thou
being converted confirm thy brethren. (152) I have
prayed for thee that thy faith shall not fail. Wherefore
seeing such power is given to Peter, (153) and to me in
Peter, being his successor; (154) who is he then in
all the world that ought not to be subject to my decrees
I who have such power in heaven, in hell, in earth, with
the qiiick and also the dead ? (155) Commanding and
granting in my bull sent to Vienna, to all such as died
in their pilgrimage to Rome, that the pain of hell should
not touch them ; and also that all such as took the holy
cross upon them should every one at his request, not
I only be delivered himself, but also deliver three or four
I souls, whoever he would, out of purgatory. (156) Again,
] having such promise and assurance that my faith shall
I not fail, who then will not believe my doctrine ? For
I did not Christ himself first pray for Peter that his faith
should not fail ? (15") Also have I not a sure promise
I of Paul's own mouth, writing to my church by these
I words, "God is my witness whom I serve with my spirit,
in the gospel of his Son, that without ceasing I make
•I mention of you always in my prayers ?" Rom. i. 9. (158)
I WTierefore as I condemn worthily all who will not obey
my decrees, to be dispossessed of all their honour with-
I out restitution, (159) so all they that believe not my
doctrine, or stand against the privilege of the church,
especially the church of Rome, I pronounce themheretics.
(160) And as the other before is to be called unjust, so
this man is to be called a heretic. (161) For why ? he
goes against the faith who goes against her who is the
mother of faith. (162) But here may rise perhaps a
doubt or scruple, that if my faith and knowledge stand
so sure by the promise of Christ, and by the continual
i prayer of Saint Paul, whether is it true, or is it to be
granted, that any other should excel me in knowlege,
or interpretation of holy scripture ? (16.'5)Forsee whose
knowledge is grounded on most reason, his words should
(145) Pope Innocent 3. De sacra unctione, Qui venisset.
(1-16) Pope Nicholaus, Dist. 22. cap. Omnex.
(147) Pope Clement, Dist. 80. cap. In ilUs.
(148) Pope Anacletus, Dist. 22. ca\i. Sacrosaneta.
(149) Ibidem. Quasi vero Petrus non a Petra sed Ki(pag utto
Trjc KCipdXriQ. ducatur.
(150) Dist. 21. cap. In novo.
(151) Ibidem.
(152) Diet. 21. cap. Dccrctis.
(153) Pope Leo, dist. 19. cap. Ita Dominus.
(154) Pope Nicbolaus in tantum, dist. 22.
(155) Pope Clemens in Bulla Viennte in scriniis privilegiorum.
(150) Dist. 21. cap. Dccrrtis.
(157) Pope -inacletus, dist. 22. cap. Sacrosancto. Scripture well
applied, and like a clerk.
(158) I'ope Damasus, 25. q. cap. Omnia. Item Pope Greg. Dist.
19. cap. Null.
(159 Pope Nicholaus Dist 22. cap. Omnes,
(leo) Ibidem.
(161) Ibidem.
seem to be of more authority. (164) Whereto I answer
and grant, that many there are who have been more
abundantly endowed with fuller grace of the Holy Ghost
and greater excellency of knowledge ; and therefore that
tlie writings of Augustine, Jerome, and others ought to
be preferred before the constitutions of some popes ; yet
I say in determination of causes, because they have
not the virtue and height of that authority which is
given to me, therefore in expounding of scriptures they
are to be preferred, but in deciding of maUers, they stand
inferior to my authority. By virtue of which autho-
rity, (165) they themselves are allowed for doctors,
and their works approved, but all other matters are
ruled, through the power of the keys which were
given to me immediately by Christ. Although I deny
not but the same keys are also committed to othet
prelates, as they were to other apostles besides Peter.
(166) Yet it is one thing to have the keys, and ano-
ther thing to have the use of the keys. (167) ^\'here-
fore here is to be noted a distinction of keys, after
the mind of my school doctors ; one key which is
called the key of order, having authority to bind and
loose, but not over the pL?rsons whom they bind and
loose, and this authority they take not immediately
of Christ, but mediately by me the vicar of Christ. The
other key is called the key of jurisdiction, which I the
vicar of Christ take immediately of him, having not only
authority to bind and loose, but also dominion over them
on whom this key is exercised. By the jurisdiction ot
which key the fulness of my power is so great, that
whereas all other are subjects; (168)yea and empeiors
themselves ought to subdue their executions to me ; only
I am subject to no creature, (169) no not to myself ex-
cept I list, in foro prsnit entice, to my ghostly father sub-
mitting myself as a sinner, but not as pope. So that mv
papal majesty ever remains unpunished. Superior to all
men, (170)whomall persons ought to obey, ( 171 ) and
follow, (172) whom no man must judge nor accuse of any
crime, either of murder, adultery, simony, or such like.
(17o) No man depose, but I myself; (174)No man can
excommunicate me, yea though I communicate vfith the
excommunicate, for no canon bindeth me. Whom no
man must lie to, (175) for he that lies to me is a church
robber, (176) and who obeys not me is an heretic, and
an excommunicated person. (177) For as all the Jews
were commanded to obey the high priest of the Levitical
order, of what state and condition soever they were, so
are all christian men more and less bound to obey me
Christ's lieutenant on earth. Concerning the obedience
or disobedience of whom ye have in Deut. xni.
(178) Where the common gloss saith, that he who de-
nieth to the high priest obedience, lies under the sen-
tence and condemnation, as much as he that denies to
God his omnipotence. Thus then it appears, that the
greatness of my priesthood (179) began in Melchisedeck,
was solemnized in Aaron, continued in the children of
Aaron, perfected in Christ, represented in Peter, exalted
in the universal jurisdiction, and manifested in Silvester,
&c. So that through t'liis pre-eminence of my priesthood,
having all things subject to me, (160) it may seem well
verified in me that which was spoken of Christ, Pssdm viii.
"Thou hast put all things under his feet ; all sheep and
(1G2) Dist. 20 cap. DecretaUs.
(1U3) Ibidem.
(164) Ibidem.
(165) Dist 19. cap. Si Koinn.ivtvn
(166) Gabriel Biel, lib. 4. Dist. li>.
(167) Petru< de Paiude.
(1(18) Di'.t. 95. cap. Imperator,
(109) Gabriel, lib. 4. Dist. 19.
(170) Pope Nicholaus, Dist. can. *"" Ilrt'naiioruii),\n GloBSa.
(171) Iteui 24. q. 1. llitc est. '
(172) Dist. 40. cap. 5( I'l.'j.u-.
(173) 2 q. 7. No< si in Glossa.
(174) Extrava:;. de ele. t. lunotuit.
(175) De Panitmlia, Dist. 1. cip. SerjJtms, in Gloss? ,
(176) Dist. 19. cad. NvUi.
(177) August de Ancho.
(178) Glu>sa Ordinar.
(179) Antoninus.
(180) .\ntoninus, Summa majoris, 8. paxt. Di8t. iij.
404
THE IMAGE OF ANTICHRIST EXALTING HLMSELF, ETC.
and oxen, yea, and the beasts of the field, the fowls of the
air, and the fish of the sea," vVc. (181) Where is to be
noted, that by oxen, Jews, and heretics, by beasts of the
field. Pagans be signified. For altliough as yet they be
out of the use of my keys of binding and loosing, yet they
be not out of the jurisdiction of my keys, but if they re-
turn I may absolve them. (ISJ) liy sheep and all cattle
are meant all christian men both great and less, whether
they be emperors, princes, prelates, or others. By fowls
of the air you may understand the angels and potentates of
heaven, who will be all subject to me, in that I am greater
than the angels ; and that in four tilings, as is before de-
clared; and in having power to bind and loose in heaven,
(18;i)and to give heaven to them that fight in my wars.
(184) Lastly, by the fishes of the sea, are signified the
souls departed in pain or in purgatory, as Gregory by
Lis prayer delivered the soul of Trajan out of hell, and 1
have power to deliver out of purgatory whom 1 please.
(18.5) Lastly, by the fishes of the sea are signified such as
are in purgatory ; so that they stand in need and neces-
sity of other men's help, and yet are in their journey.
Passengers belonging to the court of the pope, therefore
they may be relieved out of the storehouse of the church,
by the participation of indulgence. And forasmuch as
6ome object that my pardons cannot extend to them that
are departed, for thai it was said to Peter, " Whatsoever
thou shalt loose upon earth ;" and therefore seeing they
are not upon earth, they cannot be loosed by me. Here
I answer again by my doctors, that this word, " Upon the
earth," may be explained in two manner of ways ; first,
to him that is the looser, so that he who shall loose shall
be upon the earth ; and so I grant that the ])ope being
dead, can loose no man. Also it may be referred to him
that is loosed, so that whoever is loosed must be upon
the earth, or about the earth ; and so the souls in pur-
gatory may be loosed, who, altliough they are not upon
the earth, yet they are a'uout the earth, at least they are
not in heaven. And because oftentimes one question
may rise upon another, and the heads of men now-a-days
are curious, a man hearing now that I can deliver out of
purgatory, will ask here a question, whether I am able
also to empty all purgatory at once, or not ? to whom
my canonist answers by a trijjle distinction : Touching
my absolute jurisdiction, he saith, I am able to rid
out all purgatory together, for as many as be under
my jurisdiction, as all be, except only infants un-
baptized, in limbo, and men departed only with the
baptism of the Spirit, and such as have no frjends to
do for them that for which my pardons are given ;
these only excepted. For all other besides, the pope,
he saith, has power to release all purgatory at once,
as touching his absolute jurisdiction. Although Thomas
Aquinas (part 4), denies the same, forsomuch as
Christ himself, he saith, when he came down, did not
utterly at once release all purgatory. As touching my
ordinary execution they hold, that I may if I will, but I
ought not to do it. Thirdly, as concerning the divine
acceptation, that is, how God would accept it if I did it,
that, they say, is unknown to them, and to every crea-
ture, yea, and to the pope himself.
And to the intent I would all men to see and understand
that I lack not witnesses more besides these, if 1 list to
bring them out, you shall hear the whole quire of my
divine clergy brought out, with a full voice testifying in
my behalf in their books, transactions, distinctions, titles,
glosses, and summaries, as by their own words here
follows. The pope, say they, being the vicar of Jesus
Christ through the whole world, is in the stead of the living
God, has that dominion and lordship which Christ here
in earth would not have, although he had it in habit, but
gave it to Peter in act, that is, the universal jurisdiction
both of spiritual things and also of temporal, which
double jurisdiction was signified by the two swords in the
gospel, and also by the ofl'ering of the wise men, who
offered not only incense, but also gold, to signify not only
(1811 Antoninus, Summa tnajoris 3. osrt. Dist. 23.
(182) Ibidem.
(183) '23. q. cap. Omnium.
the spiritual dominion, but also the temporal, to belong
to Christ and to his vicar. For as we read, " The earth
is the Lord's, and the fulness thereof;" as Christ saith,
" All power is given to him both in heaven and earth :''
so it is to be affirmed inclusive, that the vicar of Christ
hith power of things celestial, terrestrial, and infernal.
Whi('h he took immediately of Christ ; all others take
it immediately by Peter and the pojie. Wherefore such
as say that the pope has dominion only in spiritual things
in the world, and not of temporal, may be likened to the
councillors of the kings of Syria (.1 Reg. 20), which
said " That the gods of the mountains be their gods, and
therefore they have overcome us ; but let us fight against
them in the low meadows, and in valleys where they
have no power, and so we shall prevail over them." So
evil councillors now-a-days, through their pestiferous flat-
tery, deceive kings and princes of the earth, saying popes
and prelates are gods of mountains, that is, of sj)iritual
things only ; but they are not gods of valleys, that is,
they have no dominion over temporal things, and there-
fore let us fight with them in the valleys, that is, in the
power of the temporal possessions, and so we shall pre-
vail over them. But what saith the sentence of God to
them, let us hear. Because, sai^h he, " the Syrians say
that the god of mountains is their god, and not the god
of valleys, therefore I will give all this multitude into
your hand, and ye shall know that I am the Lord." What
can be more eHectually spoken to set forth the majesty
of my jurisdiction, which I received immediately of the
Lord ; of the Lord, I say, and of no man. For whereas
Constantine the emperor gave to Silvester this possession
and patrimony ; that is so to be expounded and taken
not so much for a donation, as to be counted for a resti-
tution made of that which tyrannously was taken from
him before. And again, whereas 1 have given at sundry
times to Lewis the other emperors, of my temporal lands
and possessions, yet that was done not so much for any
recognising of homage to them, as for keeping peace
with tb.em. For I owe to emperors no due obedience
that they can claim, but they owe to me as to their su-
perior. And therefore for a diversity betwixt their de-
gree and mine, in their consecration they take the
unction on their arm, and I on the head. And as I am
superior to them, so I am superior to all laws, and
free from all constitutions. Who am able of myself,
and by my interpretation, to prefer equity not being
written before the law written ; having all laws within
the chest of my breast, as is aforesaid. And whatsoever
this my see shall enact, a])prove, or disapprove, all men
ought to approve or reprove the same, without either
judging, disputing, doubting, or retracting. Such is the
privilege given of Christ, in the behalf of Peter, to the
church of Rome, (18(i)that what country soever, kingdom
or province, choosing to themselves bishops and minis-
ters, although they agree vi'ith all other Christ's faithful
people in the name of Jesus, that is, in faith and charity,
believing in the same God, and in Christ his true Son,
and in the Holy Ghost, having also the same creed ; the
same evangelists and scriptures of the apostles : yet un-
less their bishops and ministers take their origin and or-
dination from this apostolic seat, they are to be counted
not of the church. So that succession of faith only is
not suflncient to make a church, except their ministers
take their ordination by them who have their succession
from the apostles. So their faith, supremacy, the cliair
of Peter, keys of heaven, power to bind and loose, all
these are inseparable from the clnu'ch of Rome : so that
it is to be presumed, that God always providing, and
St. Peter helping the bishoprick and diocese of Rome,
it shall never fall from the faith. And likewise it is to
be presumed and presupposed that the bishop of that
church is good and always holy. Yea, and though he
be not always good, or be destitute of his own merits,
yet the merits of St. Peter, predecessor of that i)lH.'e,
are sufficient for him, who has bequeathed and leita
(184) Idem, Antoninus, ibid.
(185) Ibidem.
(186) Joan Driedo. Ve dogmatibus varils, 1. 4.
THE IMAGE OF ANTICHRIST EXALTING HIMSELF, ETC
405
perpetual dowry of merits, with inheritance of inno-
cency, to his posterity, (187) yea, though he fall into
homicide or adultery, he may sin, but yet he cannot be
accused, but rather is excused by the murders of Sam-
son, the thefts of the Hebrews, the adultery of Jacob.
(188) Furthermore, the pope, say they, has all the digni-
ties, and all power of all patriarchs. In his primacy, he
is Abel ; in government, the ark of Noah ; in patriarch-
dom, Abraham ; in order, Melchisedec ; iu dignity,
Aaron ; in authority, Moses ; in seat judicial, Samuel ;
in zeal, Elias ; in meekness, David ; in power. Peter ;
in unction, Christ. My power, they say, is greater than
all the saints. For whom I confirm, no man may infirm :
I may favour and spare whom I please, (181)) to take from
one and to give to another. And if I am an enemy to
any man, all men ought to eschew that person forthwith,
and not tarry and look while 1 bid them so to do. All
the earth is my diocese, and I the ordinary of ail men,
having the authority of the king of all kings upon sub-
jects. I am all in all, and above all, (190) so that God
himself, and I the vicar of God, have both one consis-
tory, (191) and I am able to do almost all that God can
do. (192) It is said of me, that have an heavenly arbi-
trator, and therefore am able to change the nature of
things, and of nothing to make things to be, and of a
sentence that is nothing to make it stand in effect ; in
all things that I list my will is to stand for reason. For
I am able by the law to dispense above the law, and of
wrong to make justice, in correcting laws and changing
them. You have heard hitherto sufficiently out of my
doctors. Now you shall hear greater things out of mine
own decrees. {l9'.i)Re3id there Dist. 96. Satis. (194)
Also 12 Cans. 11. q. 1. cap. Sacerdotibus. (195) Also
12. q. I. cap. Futuram. Do you not find there expressed
how Constantine the emperor sitting in the general council
of Nice, called us prelates of the church, all gods .' (196)
Again, read my canon. Decretal. De transl. Episc. cap.
Quanta. Do you not see there manifestly expressed, how
not man, but God alone separates that which the bishop
of Rome dissolves and separates ? Wherefore if those
things that I do be said to be done not of man, but of
God ; what can you make me but God .'' Again, if pre-
lates of the church be called and counted of Constantine
for gods, I then being above all prelates seem by this
reason to be above all gods. Wherefore no marvel, if
it be in my power to change time and times, to alter and
abrogate laws, to dispense with all things, yea, with the
precepts of Christ. For where Christ bids St. Peter
put up his sword, admonishing his disciples not to use
any outward force in revenging themselves ; (197) do
not I, Pope Nicolas, writing to the bishops of France,
exhort them to draw out their material swords in pursu-
ing theirenemies, and recovering their possessions? Where
Christ was present himself at the marriage in Cana of
Galilee, (198) do not 1, Poi)e Martin, in my distinction
inhibit the spiritual clergy to be present at marriage
feasts, and also to marry themselves .' Where matrimony
by Christ cannot be loosed but only for adultery, (199)
do not I, Pope Gregory, writing to Boniface, permit the
same to be broken for infirmity of body .' (200) Against
the express caution of the gospel, does not Innocent IV.
permit to repel force by force .' (201) Likewise against
the Old Testament I do dispense in not giving tithes.
(202) Against the New Testament in swearing. (20;5)
Wherein two kinds of oaths are to be noted. Whereof
6ome promissory, some be assertions, &c. (204) In
(187) Hufro, in glossa, dist. 40 cap Nnn Not.
(188) Glosp. in cans. 12. q. 3. cap. Ab.sis.
(189) Gloss, in c II. q. 3. cap Si iitimlcus.
(190) Hostiensis in cap (pianto lie frrinsl. pneb,
(191) Ex siimnia casMuin fratris Baptistoe.
(192) Ex Citations Hcnr Bulling, de fine Seculi, Orat. Prima.
(193) Tope Nicolaus, Di§t.96. cup. Satis.
(104) 11 q. II. cap. Sticrddtibiis.
(195) 12 q. I. cap. Fuliinnh.
(I9C) Decretal. De transl. Episc. cap. Qiimito,
(197) l'o])e Nicolaus, Causa 15. q. 6. cap. Autlioritatein.
(198) I'ope Martin, Dist. 14. cap. Lector.
(199) PopeGrep. Junior, 32. q. 7. cap. Quod proposnisfi.
(800) Pope Innocent 4. Sext. Decret. de sententia excom, cap.
Oilecto.
vows, and that ex toto voto, whereas other prelates can-
not dispense e.v toto a voto, I can deliver ex toto a
voto, like God himself. (205) In perjury if I absolve
my absolution stands. (206) Where also note, that in
all swearing always the authority of the superior is ex-
cepted. (207) Moreover, where Christ bids us to lend
without hope of gain, do not I, Pope Martin, give dis-
pensation for the same ? and notwithstanding the coun-
cil of Turin enacted the contrary, yet with two bulls I
disannulled that decree. (208) What should I speak of
murder, making it no murder nor homicide to slay them
that are cxconminni<!ated. (209) Likewise against the
law of nature. (210) Against the apostle. (211) Also
against the canons of the ajiostles I can and do dispense.
For where they in their canon command a priest for for-
nication to be deposed, I through the authority of Sil-
vester do alter the rigour of that constitution, (212) con-
sidering the minds and bodies al.so of men now to be
weaker than they were then. (213) Briefly, against the
universal state of the church I have dispensation. And
for marriage in the second degree of consanguinity and
affinity between the brother's children, so that the uncle
may not marry his niece, unless for an urgent and
weighty cause. As for all such contracts betwixt party
and party, wliere matrimony is not yet consummated, it
is but a small matter for me to dispense withall. In short,
if ye list briefly to hear the whole number of all such
cases as properly appertain to my papal dispensation,
which come to the number of one and fifty points, that
no man may meddle withal but only I myself alone, I
will recite them in English, as they be set forth in my
canonical doctors.
Cases papal, to the number of one and fftij, wherein the
Pope hath power only to dispense, and none else be-
sides, except by special licence from him.
Determination of doubts and questions belonging to fait'h.
Translation of a bishop, elected or confirmed; likewise
of abbots exempted.
Deposition of bishops.
The taking of resignation of bishops.
Exemptions of bishops, not to be under archbishops.
Restitution of such as are deposed from their order.
The judicial definition or interpretation of his own pri-
vileges.
Changing of bishoprics, or dismissal of convents, &c.
New correction of bishops' seats, or institution of new
religions.
Subjection or division of one bi.=hopric under another.
Dispensation for vowing to go to the Holy Land.
Dispensation for the vow of chastity, or of religion, or
of holy orders.
Dispensation against a lawful oath, or vow made.
Dispensation against divers irregularities, as in crimes
greater than adultery, and in such as are suspended
for simony.
Dispensation in receiving into orders him that had two
wives.
Dispensing with such as being within orders do that
which is above their order, as if a deacon should say
mass, being not yet priest.
To receive into order such as are blemished or maimed
in body.
Dispensation with murder, or with such as willingly cut
off any member of man's body.
(201) Pope Alexander 3. De decimis, cap E.r parte.
(202) Pope Nicolaus, 15. q. fi. cap. Aiitoritiilctn.
(203) De elect. & e ect. ])otestate. Sisniticasti, in Glossa.
(204) Baptista de Saliu in Sninina casuum ex Panorniitano.
(205) Pope Innocent 4. De elect Vencrabilem.
(206) K.xt De Jurejurando cap. Ycainites, Item Dist. de Elect,
Significusti in Glossa.
(207) Pope Martinus 5. Extra, cap. Hctjiiiiini Universnlis Bc-
clcsifp.
(208) Pope Urhanus 2 Cans. 2S. q. 3. cap. E.rromtiiunicatoruitt,
(209) Pope Nicolaus, cau9. 15. q. 6. cap. Autoritatem.
(.ilO) Ihidem.
(211) Dist. 82. I. cap. Prrshi/tcr.
(212) Pope Pclasius Dist. 34 cap. Fratrrnitatis.
(213) Baptista de Salis, fol. 114 Ibidem.
406
THE IMAGE OF ANTICHRIST EXALTING HIMSELF, ETC.
Dispensation to give orders to such as have been under
the sentence of the greater curse or excommunica-
tion.
Dispensation with such as being suspended with the
greater curse do minister in any holy order.
Dispensation with such as be unlawfully born to receive
orders or benefices.
Dispensation for pluralities of benefices.
Dispensation to make a man bishop before he be thirty
years old.
Dispensation to give orders under age.
The pope only hath power to make and call a general
council.
The pope alone has power to deprive an ecclesias-
tical person, and give away his benefice being not
vacant.
The pope alone is able to absolve him that is excommu-
nicated by name.
The ])ope only is able to absolve him whom his legate
excommunicates.
The pope both judges in the causes of them that appeal
unto him, and where he judges, none may appeal
from him.
He only has authority to make deacon and priest, whom
he made subdeacon, either upon Sundays, or upon
other feasts.
Only the pope, and none else, at all times, and in all
places, wears the pall.
The pope only dispenses with a man, either being not
within orders, or being unworthy to be made
bishop.
He only either confirms or deposes the emperor when he
is chosen.
A man being excommunicated, and his absolution re-
ferred to the pope, none may absolve that man but
the pope alone.
The same hath authority in any election, before it be
made, to pronounce it one, when it is made.
He canonizes saints, and none else but he.
Dispensation to have many dignities and personages in
one church, and without charge and cure of soul, be-
longs only to the pope.
To make that effectual which is of no effect, and con-
trariwise, belongs only to the pope.
To pluck a monk out of his cloister both against his own
will and the abbot's, pertains only to the pope.
His sentence makes a law.
The same day in which the pope is consecrated, he may
give orders.
He dispenses in degrees in consanguinity and affinity.
He is able to abolish laws, qitoad uirumque forum, that
is, both civil and canon, where danger is of the
soul.
It is in his dispensation to give general indulgences to
certain places or persons.
To legitimate what persons soever he please, as touch-
ing spiritualties, in all places, as touching temporal-
ties, as honors, inheritance, &c.
To erect new religions, to approve or reprove rules or
ordinances, and ceremonies in the church.
He is able to dispense with all the precepts and statutes
of the church.
(214) Dist. 90 Const;intinus.
(gl.")) lix Coiiinientiiriis 'I'lieoderici Nienij, quem cit;it Illvricus
In CatulO'.'o tcstiiim, fol. 228.
(2l(i) Dist. 06 ('(jiistiintiiius.
(817) Autoiiinus. In ^Dmina maJTe, 8 part.
To dispense and to discharge any subject from the bond
of allegiance, or oath made to any manner of person.
No man may accuse him of any crime, except of heresy
and not even that, except he be incorrigible.
The same is also free from all laws, so that he cannot
incur into any sentence of excommunication, suspen-
sion, irregularity, or into the penalty of any crime,
but in the note of crime he may well.
Finally, he by his dispensation may grant, yea, to a
simple priest, to minister the sacrament of confirma-
tion to infants, also to give lower orders, and to hal-
low churches and virgins, &c.
These be the cases wherein I only have power to dis-
pense, and no man else, neither bishop, nor metropo-
htan, nor legate, without a licence from me.
After that I have now sufficiently declared my power
in earth, in heaven, and in purgatory, how great it is, and
what is the fulness thereof, in binding, loosing, com-
manding, permitting, electing, confirming, deposing,
dispensing, doing and undoing, &c., I will treat now a
little of my riches likewise, and great possessions, that
every man may see by my wealth and abundance of all
things, rents, tithes, tributes, my silks, my purple
mitres, crowns, gold, silver, pearls and gems, lands
and lordships, how God here prospers and magnifies his
vicar on the earth. For to me pertains first the impe-
rial city of Rome, the palace of Lateran, the kingdom of
Sicily is proper to me, Apulia and Capua be mine.
Also the kingdom of England and Ireland, are they not,
or ought they not to be tributaries to me.' (214)To
these I adjoin also, besides other provinces and coun-
tries, both in the west and the east, from the north to
the south, these dominions by name ; (215) as Ravenna,
Corsica, Naples, &c. &c. &c. with divers other more,
(21(i) which Constantine the emperor gave unto me, not
that they were not mine before he gave them. (217)
For in that I took them of him, I took them not as a
gift but as a restitution. And that I rendered them again
to Otho, I did it not for any duty to him, but only for
peace sake. What should I speak here of my daily re-
venues of my first fruits, annats, palls, indulgences, bulls,
confessionals, indults and rescripts, testaments, dispen-
sations, privileges, elections, prebends, religious houses,
and such like, which come to no small mass of money .'
Insomuch, that for one pall to the archbishop of Mentz,
which was wont to be given for ten thousand (218)
florins, now it is grown to twenty-seven thousand florins,
which I received of James, the archbishop, not long be-
fore Basil council ; besides the fruits of other bishoprics
in Germany, coming to the number of fifty, whereby what
advantage comes to my coffers, may partly be conjec-
tured. But what should I speak of Germany, (219)
when the whole world is my diocese, as my canonists do
say, and all men are bound to believe, (220) except they
will imagine (as the Manichseans do) two beginnings,
which is false and heretical ? For Moses saith, " In the
beginning God made heaven and earth," and not in the
beginnings. (221) Wherefore as I begun, so I conclude,
commanding, declaring, and pronouncing, to stand upon
necessity of salvation, for every human creature to be
subject to nie.
(218) Ex li'>. Or.i noiiiiniuii nationU GeriiiaiiiciE. — Above fifty
bis!i()|irics in Gcnnniiy. /Kni';is Sylvius.
(219) Sent. Derict. l)e drilis, ( ap. l-'elicis, in Glossn. Item <1«
privili'sii^s, c::p A'ttiiri ii'nii, in Olnssn
(2'.0) l\)i)t Uuiiiiucius 8 Eslr. de Majo. & obed. cip Viuvif
tatac (iciil) Ibideoi.
ACTS AND MONUMENTS.
BOOK VII.
BEGINNING WITH
THE REIGN OF KING HENRY THE EIGHTH.
King Henry VII. died in the year 1509, and had by-
Elizabeth his wife four sons, and as many daughters.
Three only survived, to wit, Prince Henry, Lady Mar-
garet, and Lady Mary : of whom King Henry the
Eighth succeeded his father ; Lady Margaret was mar-
ried to James IV., king of Scotland ; and Lady Mary
was affianced to Charles king of Castile.
Not long before the death of King Henry VIL,
Prince Arthur his eldest son espoused Lady Catherine
daughter to Ferdinand, when fifteen years of age, and
she was about the age of seventeen ; shortly after this
marriage, within five months he died at Ludlow, and
was buried at Worcester. After his decense, the succes-
sion to the crown fell to King Henry Vlll., who at the
age of eighteen years, commenced his reign A.D. 1509,
and shortly after married Catherine, the widow of his
late brother Prince Arthur, in order that her dowry
■which was great, should not be transported out of the
land. For this marriage, which was more politic than
scriptural, he received a dispensation from Pope Julius,
at the request of Ferdinand her father. The reign of
this king continued with great nobleness and fame the
space of thirty-eight years. During his time there was
great alteration of things, in the civil state of the realm,
and especially in the ecclesiastical state, and in matters
appertaining to the church. For by him the usurped
power of the bishop of Rome was exiled and abolished
out of the realm, idolatry and superstition somewhat re-
pressed, images defaced, pilgrimages abolished, abbeys
and monasteries , pulled down, monkish orders rooted
out, the scriptures translated into the vernacular tongue,
and the state of the church and religion redressed.
Concerning all which things, we will endeavour (Christ
willing) to discourse particularly and in order, after we
first touch on a few matters, which are to be noted in
the beginning of his reign.
Thi'U first comes to our hands a turbulent tragedy,
and a fierce contention which had long before troubled
the church, and now was renewed afresh in this present
year 1509, between two orders of begging-friars, to wit,
the Dominican and the Franciscan fiiars, about the con
ception of the Virgin Mary the mother of Christ.
Tlie Franciscans held of St. Francis, and followed the
rule of his testament, commonly cilled gray-friary or
minorifes. Their opinion was this, that tlie Virgin
Mary, prevented by the grace of the Holy Ghost, was so
sanctified, that she was never subject one moment in her
conception to original sin. The Dominican friars hold-
ing of Dominick, were commonly called llach-friars, or
preaching -friars. Their opinion was this, that the
Virgin Mary was conceived as all other children of
Adam ; so that this privilege only belongs to Christ, to
be conceived without original sin : notwithstanding, the
blessed Virgin was sanctified in her mother's womb, and
purged from her original sin, as was also John the Baptist,
Jeremiah, or any other privileged person. This frivolous
question kindling and engendering between these two
orders of friars, burst out into such a flame, that it oc-
cupied the heads and wits, schools and universities, al-
most through the whole church ; some holding one part
with Scotus, some the other part with Thomas Aquinas.
The Minorites holding with Scotus their master, dis-
puted and concluded, that she was conceived without all
spot or stain of original sin ; and thereupon caused the
feast and service of the Conception of St. Mary the
Virgin to be celebrated and solemnized in the church.
On the other hand the Dominican friars taking part with
Aquinas, preached, that it was heresy to affirm that
the blessed Virgin was conceived without the guilt of
original sin ; and that they who celebrated the feast of
her conception, or said any masses in honour of it, did
sin grievously and mortally.
At the time when this fantasy waxed hot in the
church, one side preaching against the other. Pope
Sixtus the Fourth, A. D. 1476, who joining side with
the Minorites or Franciscans, first sent forth his decree
by authority apostolic, willing, ordaining, and com-
manding all men in holy church for evermore to solem-
nize this new-found feast of the Conception : offering to
all men and women, who devoutly frequenting the
church, would hear mass and service from the first even-
song of the feast, to the octaves of the same, as many
days of pardon, as Pope Urban IV. and Pope Martin
V. granted for hearing the service of Corpus Christ!
day. And this decree was given and dated at Rome,
A.D. 1476.
Moreover, the pope, in order that the devotion of the
people might be the more encouraged in the celebration
of this feast of the conception, added a new clause to
the Ave Maria, granting great indulgence and release of
sins to all such as would invocate the blessed Virgin with
the addition, saying thus : " Hail, Mary, full of grace,
the Ivord is witli tliee, blessed art thou among women,
and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus Christ ; and
blessed is Anna thy mother, of wliom thy virgin's flesh
hath proceeded without blot of original sin. Amen."
4U8
DISSENSION BETWEEN THE DOMINICAN AND GRAY-FRIARS.
[Book VII.
"WTierein the reader many note for his learning
three things : first, how the pope turns that im-
properly into a ])rayer, which was sent by God for a
message or tidings. Secondly, how the pope adds to
the words of the scripture, contrary to the express pre-
cept of the Lord. Thirdly, how the pope exempts
Mary the blessed Virgin, not only from the seed of
Abraham and Adam, but also from the condition of a
mortal creature. For if there be in her no original gin,
then she bears not the image of Adam, neither does she
descend of that seed, of whose seed evil proceeds upon
all men and women to condemnation, as St. Paul
teaches, Rom. v. 14 — 1(). Wherefore if she descend of
that seed, then the infection of original evil must ne-
cessarily proceed to her. If she descend not thereof,
then she comes not of the seed of Abraham, nor of the
seed of David, &c. Again, seeing that death is the
effect and wages of sin, by the doctrine of St. Paul,
Rom. vi. 2'A, then she would not have had to suffer the
curse and punishment of death, and so should never
have died, if original sin had no place in her. But to
return to our history : this constitution of the pope
being set forth for the feast of the Conception of the
blessed Virgin, A. D. 147(), it was not long after that
Pope Sixtus, perceiving that the Dominican friars with
their accomplices would not conform thereto, directed
forth, by the authority apostolical, a bull in effect as
follows :
" Whereas, the holy church of Rome liath ordained a
special and proper service for the public solemnization
of the feast of the Conception of the blessed Virgin
Mary ; certain orders of the Black Friars in their public
sermons to the people in divers ])laces, have not ceased
liitherto to preach, and yet daily do, that all they who
hold or affirm the glorious Virgin to have been conceived
without original sin, be heretics ; and they who celebrate
the service of her conception, or do hear the sermons of
them who so affirm, do sin grievously : also not con-
tented herewith, do write and set forth books, maintain-
ing their assertions to the great offence and ruin of godly
minds. We, therefore, to prevent and withstand such
presumptuous and perverse assertions which have risen,
and more hereafter may arise, by such opinions and
preachings, in the minds of the faithful; by the au-
thority apostolical, do condemn and reprove the same ;
and by the motion, knowledge, and authority aforesaid,
decree and ordain. That the preachers of God's word,
and ail other persons, of what state, degree, order, or
condition soever they be, who shall presume to dare af-
firm or preach to the people these oj)inions and asser-
tions to be true, or shall read, hold, or maintain any
such books for true, having before intelligence hereof,
shall incur thereby the sentence of excommunication,
from which they shall not be absolved otherwise than by
the bishop of Rome, except only in the time of death."
This bull, being dated A. D. 148.T, gave no little heart
and encouragement to the Gray- Friars Franciscans, who
defended the immaculate conception of the holy Virgin
against the Black Dominican Friars, holding the con-
trary side. By the authority of this bull, the Gray
Order had got such a concniest over tlie Black Order of
the Dominicans, that the Dominicans were compelled at
length, for a perpetual memorial of the triumph, both to
give to the glorious Virgin every night an anthem in
praise of her conception, and also to subscribe to their
doctrine ; in which doctrine these, with other points, are
contained.
1. That the blessed Virgin Mary suffered the griefs
and adversities in this life, not for any necessity inflicted
for punishment of original sin, but only because she
would conform herself to the imitation of Christ.
2. That the Virgin, as she was not obliged to any
punishment due for sin, as neither was Christ her son ;
so slie had no need of remission of sins, but instead
thereof had the divine preservation of God's help, keep-
ing her from all sin, which was the only good she
needed, and she had it.
3. That though the body of the Virgin Mary was sub-
ject to death, and died ; this is to be understood to come
not for any penalty due for sin, but either for iniitatioii
of and conformity to Christ, or else for the natural con-
stitution of her body, being elemental, as were the
bodies of our first parents : who, if they had not tasted
of the forbidden fruit, would have been preserved tVom
death, not by nature, but by grace, and the strtngth of
other fruits and meats in paradise : which meats, be-
cause Mary had not, but did eat our common nuiits-
theref'ore she died, and not for any utcedsity of originjj
sin.
4. The universal proposition of St. Paul, who saith,
" That the scripture hath concluded all mm undfr sin,"
is to be understood thus, as speaking of all t^.t-m who
are not exempted by the special privilege of God, as is
the blessed Virgin Mary.
5. If justification be taken for reconciliation of him
that was unrighteous before, and now is made righteous:
then the blessed Virgin is to be taken, not as justified
by Christ, but just from her beginning by preser-
vation.
fi. If a Saviour be taken for him which saves men
fallen into perdition and condemnation ; then Clirist is
not the Saviour of Mary, but is her Saviour only in this
respect, as saving her from not falling into condemna-
tion, &c.
7. Neither did the Virgin Mary give thanks to God,
nor ought to do so, for expiation of her sins, but for her
preservation from sinning.
8. Neither did she pray to God at any time for remis-
sion ©f her sins, but only for the remission of other
men's sins she prayed many times, and counted their
sins for hers.
9. If the blessed Virgin had died before the passion of
her Son, God would have reposed her soul not in the
place among the patriarchs, or among the just, but in
the same most pleasant place of paradise where Adam
and Eve were before they transgressed.
These were the doting dreams and fantasies of the
Franciscans, and of other papists, then commonly held
in the schools, written in their books, preached in their
sermons, taught in their churches, and set forth in pic-
tures. So that the people was taught nothing else al-
most in the pulpits all this while, but how the Virgin
Mary was conceived immaculate and holy, without ori-
ginal sin, and how they ought to call to her for help,
addressing her with special titles as " The way of mercy,
— The mother of grace, — The lover of piety, — The com-
forter of mankind, — The continual intercessor for the
salvation of the faithful, and an advocate to the King her
Son, who never ceases,'' &c. And although the greatest
number of the school-doctors were of the contrary fac-
tion, as Peter Lombard, Thomas Aquinas, Bernard,
Bonaventure, and others : yet these new papists shifted
off their objections with frivolous distinctions and blind
evasions.
The Dominican Friars, for t"..eir part, were not all
silent, having great authorities, and also the scripture
on their side. But yet the others having the apostolical
see with them, had the better hand, and got the victory
triumphantly, to the high exaltation of their order. For
Pope Sixtus, by the authority apostolic, after he had de-
creed the conception-day of the Virgin to be sanctified
perpetually, and also with his terrible bull had con-
demned for heretics all who withstood the same ; the
Dominican friars were driven to two inconveniences : the
one was, to keep silence ; the other was, to give place to
their adversaries the Franciscans. Although, where the
mouth durst not speak, yet the heart would work ; and
though their tongues were tied, yet their good-will was
ready by all means possible to maintain their quarrel
and their estimation.
It happened in this year, 1509, after this dissension
between the Dominican and the Franciscan Friars, that
certain of the Dominicans, thinking, by subtle sleight,
to work in the people's heads that which they durst not
attempt by open preaching, devised a certain image of
the Virgin made so artificially, that the friars by private
springs made it move, make gestures, lament, complain,
weep, groan, and give answers to those that asked it ;
A.D. 1509.]
PERSECUTIONS BY THE BISHOP OF LONDON.
409
I BO that the people were brought into a marvellous per-
suasion, till at length the fraud being detected, the
friars were taken, condemned, and burnt at Berne in the
year above-mentioned, 1509.
In the history of John Stumsius, this story partly ap-
pears : but in the registers and records of the city of
Berne, the order and circumstance is more fully ex-
pressed and set forth, and is thus declared.
In the city of Berne there were certain Dominican
friars, to the number chiefly of four principal actors and
chiefs of that order, who had inveigled a certain simple
poor friar, who had newly planted himself in the cloister:
when the friars had so infatuated him witli sundry
superstitions, and feigned apparitions of St. Mary, St.
Barbara, and St. Katherine, and imjirinted, moreover,
in him the wounds of St. Francis, he believed fully, that
the Virgin Mary liad appeared to him, and had offered
him a red host consecrated with the blood also of
Christ miraculously, that the blessed Virgin also had sent
him to the senators of Berne, with instructions, declar-
ing to them from the mouth of the Virgin, " That she was
conceived in sin ; and that the Franciscan Friars were
not to be credited nor suffered in the city, who were not
yet reformed from that erroneous opinion of her con-
ception." He added, moreover, "That they should re-
sort to a certain image there of the Virgin Mary, (which
image the friars by engines had made to weep) and
should do their worship, and make their oblations to the
same."
This feigned device was no sooner forged by the friars,
but it was believed by the people ; so that a great while
the red-coloured host was undoubtedly taken for the
true body and blood of Christ, and certain coloured
drops of it sent abroad to noble personages and states
for a great relic, and that too not without considerable
cost in return. Thus the deceived people came flocking
in {Treat numbers to the image, and to the red host, and
coloured blood, with many gifts and oblations. In
short, the Dominican friars so had managed the matter,
and had so swept all offerings to their own order from
the order of the Franciscans, that all the alms came to
their box. The Franciscans seeing their reputation de-
caying, and their kitchen waxing cold, and their coffers
becoming emjity, not able to abide that misery, and
being not ignorant or unacquainted with such counter-
feited doings, (for, as the proverb saith, " It is all halting
before a crip))le,") soon discovered the crafty juggling,
and detected the fraudulent miracles of the Dominicans.
Whereupon the four chief leaders above-named were ap-
prehended and burned, of whom the provincial of the
order was one.
And thus much touching the beginning and end of this
tumultuous and popish tragedy, wherein it may evidently
appear to the reader, how these turbulent friars could
not agree among themselves, and in what frivolous
trifles they wrangled together. But to let these ridicu-
lous friars pass with their trifling phantasies, which de-
serve to be derided by all wise men : this is, in the
mean time, to be lamented, to behold the miserable
times of the church, in which the devil kept the minds
of C iirist's people so attentive and occupied in such
friarly toys, that scarcely any tiling was taught or heard
in the church, but the commendalion and exaltation of
the Virgin Mary : but of our justification by faith, of
grace, and of the promises of God in Christ, of the
strength of the law, of the horror of sin, of the differ-
ence between the law and the gospel, of the true liberty
of conscience, &c. little mention was made. Wherefore,
in so blind a time of darkness it was very needful and
requisite, that the Lord of his mercy should look upon
his church, and send down his gracious reformation,
which he did. For shortly after, through God's gra-
cious raising him up, came Martin Luther, of whom the
order of history now requires that we should treat, and
«e will do so (Christ willing) after the history of
Richard Hunne, and a few other things premised, for
the better opening of the history to follow.
Mention was made before of the doings of Pope
Julius II., and of his warlike affairs, for which he was
condemned, and not unjustly, in the council of Tours in
France, (A. D. 1510,) and yet all this could not assuage
the furious spirit of tliis pope, but tlie same vi-ar he in-
vaded the city of Mutina and Mirandula, in Italy, and
took them by force of war. Pope Julius, not long after,
in the year 1512, refusing the peace offered by Maximi-
lian the emperor, was encountered by Lewis the French
king about llaveniia, upon Easter-day, where he was
vanquished, and had of his army slain to the number of
sixteen thousand. And the year following, (A. D. ir)lS,)
this apostolic warrior, who had resigned hi.s keys to the
river Tiber before, made an end togetlier both of his
fighting and living, after he had reigned and fought ten
years. After him succeeded next in the see of Rome,
Pope Leo X. ; al)out this time great changes began to
work, as well in the temporal states, as in the state of
the church. At which time the following potentates
were reigning in their several kingdoms : —
Boean to reicrn. Reicned.
Pope Leo X. in Rome, — — A. D. 15i;5, 9 years.
Charles V., emperor of Germany, A. D. 1519, .'^.9
Francis I., king of France, — A. D. 1515, .32
Henry VIII. , king of England, A. D. 1509, 38 •
James V., king of Scotland, — A. D. 1513, 29
In the time of the above mentioned potentates, great
alterations, troubles, and changes of religion were
wrought in the church, by the mighty operation of God's
hand, in Italy, France, Germany, Kngland, and all
Europe ; such as have not been seen (although much
groaned for) many hundred years before : as in the
course of this history shall more manifestly appear.
But before we come to these alterations, taking the
time as it lies before us, we will first speak of Richard
Hunne, and certain other godly-minded persons here in
England, who were afflicted for the word of Christ's
gospel in great multitudes, as they be found and taken
out of the registers of Fitzjames, bishop of London.
The History of some good Men and Women, n-ho were
persecuted for Religion in the City and Diocese of the
Bishop of London; briefly etiracted out of the Re-
gisters of Richard Fitzjamei.
Beside the great number of the faithful martyrs and
professors of Christ, that constantly, in the strength of
the Holy Ghost, gave their lives for the testimony of his
truth, I find recorded in the register of London, between
the years 1509 and 1517, the names of many persons,
both men and women, who, in the fulness of that dark
and misty time of ignorance had also some portion of
God's good Spirit, which induced them to the know-
ledge ot his truth and gospel, and were troubled, perse-
cuted, and inijirisoned for the same : notwithstanding,
by the proud, cruel, and bloody rage of the Romish see,
and through the weakness and frailty of their own
nature, (not then fully strengthened in God) they were
for the time suppressed and kept under, as a])pears by
their several abjurations made before Richard Fitzjames,
then bishop of London, who was a most cruel persecutor
of Christ's church, or else before his vicar-general de-
puted for that purpose. And, as many of the adver-
saries of God's truth have of late days disdainfully and
braggingly cried out, and demanded in their public as-
semblies, asking, " Where was this your church and re-
ligion fifty or sixty years ago?" I have thought it not
altogether vain, somewhat to stop such questioners, both
by mentioning the names of those who suffered for the
truth of this religion, and likewise opening some of the
chief and principal matters for which they were so un-
mercifully afflicted : thereby to make known the con-
tinuance and consent of the true church of Christ in
that age, touching the chief points of our faith, and also
to shew what fond and frivolous matters the ignorant
prelates in that time of blindness, were not ashamed to
object against the poor and simple people, accounting
them as heinous and great offences, yea, such as de-
served death both of body and soul.
They were forty in number who were persecuted in
410
PERSECUTIONS IN THE DIOCESE OF LONDON.
[Book VII.
the time between the years 1510 and 1527; and here
follows the particular examination of them all.
There were several particular articles (besides the
common and general sort used in such cases) privately
objected, such as they were accused of either by their
curate, or their neighbours. And as I think it super-
fluous to make any large recital of all and every part of
their several processes, I purpose therefore only to touch
briefly on so many of the articles as may be sufficient to in-
duce the christian reader to judge the sooner of the rest.
The chief objection against Joan Baker was, that she
would not only herself not reverence the crucifix, but
Lad also persuaded a friend of hers lying at the point of
death, not to put any trust or confidence in the crucifix,
but in God who is in heaven, and not in the dead
images, which are but stocks and stones, and therefore
she was sorry that ever she had gone so often on pil-
grimage to St. Saviour and other idols. Also, that she
held that the pope had no power to give pardons, and
that the Lady Young (who was not long before that
time burned) died a true martyr of God, and therefore
she wished of God that she herself might do no worse
than the Lady Young had done.
Against William Pottier, besides other false and slan-
derous articles (as that lie denied the benefit and effect
of Christ's passion) it was alleged, that he affirmed there
were six Gods : the first three were the holy Trinity, the
Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost ; the fourth was a
priest's concubine being kept in his chamber ; the fifth
was the devil ; and the sixth, that thing that a man sets
his mind most upon.
The first part of this article he utterly denied, con-
fessing most firmly and truly, the blessed Trinity to be
only one God in one unity of deity. As to the other
three he answered, that a priest delighting in his con-
cubine made her as his god ; likewise a wicked person,
persisting in his sin without repentance, made the devil
his god ; and lastly, he granted, that he once heard of
certain men, who by the singing and chattering of birds
superstitiously sought to know what things were to hap-
pen either to themselves or others, said, that those men
esteemed their birds as gods.
Among the artides objected against Thomas Goodred,
Thomas Walker, Thomas Forge, Alice Forge, John
Forge, John Calverton, John Woodrof, Richard Wool-
man, and Roger Hilliar, (as that they spoke against
pilgrimages, praying to saints, and such like) this was
principally charged against them, that they all denied
the carnal and corporal presence of Christ's body and
blood in the sacrament of the altar ; and further, had
concealed and consented to their teachers and instruc-
tors in that doctrine, and had not, according to the
laws of the church, accused and presented them to the
bishop or his ordinary. Also great and heinous dis-
pleasure was conceived against Richard Woolman, be-
cause he called the church of St. Paul a house of thieves,
affirming, that the priests and other ecclesiastical per-
sons there were not liberal givers to the poor (as they
ought) but rather were takers away from them what they
could get.
Likewise as Thomas Austy, Joan Austy, Thomas
Grant, John Garter, Christopher Ravins, Dyonise
Ravins, Thomas Vincent, Lewis John, Joan John, and
John Web, were of one fellowship and profession of
faith with those before recited, so they were almost all
apprehended about one time, and chiefly charged with
one opinion of the sacrament. Which declares evi-
dently, that notwithstanding the dark ignorance of those
corrupted times, yet God did ever in mercy open the
eyes of some to behold the manifest truth, even in those
things of which the papists now make the greatest vaunt,
and boast of long continuance. Many of them were
charged with having spoken against pilgrimages, and
having read and used certain English books opposing
the faitli of the Romish church, as the four Gospels,
WicklitTs Wicket, a Book of the Ten Commandments of
Almighty God, the Revelation of St. John, the Epistles
of St. Paul and St. James, with others, which those
Romish divines could never abide : and good cause why,
for as darkness could never agree with light, no more
can ignorance, the maintainer of that kingdom, with the
true knowledge of Christ and his gospel.
It was further objected against Joan John, the wife of
Lewis John, that she learned and maintained, that God
commanded no holy-days to be kept, but only the sab-
bath-day, and therefore she would keep none but it ; nor
any fasting- days, affirming, that to abstain from sin was
the true fast. That she had despised the pope, his par-
dons and pilgrimages, so that when anj' poor body asked
an alms of her in the name and for the sake of the lady
of Walsingham, (i. e. the image of the Virgin Mary at
Walsingham,) she would answer in contempt of the pil-
grimage, " The lady of Walsingham help thee !" and
if she gave anything to him, she would then say, " Take
this in the name of our lady in heaven, and let the
other go." Which shews, that for lack of better in-
struction and knowledge, she yet ignorantly attributed
too much honour to the true saints of God departed,
though othervvise she abhorred the idolatrous worship-
ping of the dead images. By which example, as also
by many others, I have just occasion to condemn the
wilful subtlety of those, that in this bright shining light
of God's truth, would yet, under colour of godly remem-
brance, still maintain the having of images in the
church, craftily excusing their idolatrous kneeling and
praying to them, by affirming, that they never worship,
ped the dead images, but the things that the images re-
presented. But if that were their only doctrine and
cause of having those images, why then would their pre-
decessors so cruelly compel these poor simple people
thus openly in their recantations to abjure and revoke
their speaking against the gross adoration of the out-
ward images only, and not against the thing represented,
which many of tliem (as appears partly by this example)
in their ignorant simplicity confessed might be worship,
ped ? However, God be thanked, their hypocritical ex-
cuses cannot now have such place in the hearts of the
elect of God as they have done heretofore, especially
seeing the word of God so manifestly forbids as well the
worshipping of them, as the making or having them for
purposes of religion.
It was alleged against William Cowper, and Alice
Cowper his wife, that they had spoken against pil-
grimages, and worshipping of images ; but chiefly the
woman, who having her child hurt by falling into a pit
or ditch, and earnestly persuaded by some of her igno-
rant neighbours to go on pilgrimage to St. Lawrence for
help to her child, said, that neither St. Lawrence, nor
any other saint could help her child, and therefore none
ought to go on pilgrimage to any image made with man's
hands, but only to Almighty God ; for pilgrimages
were indeed nothing worth, except to make the priests
rich.
To John Houshold, Robert Rascal, and Elizabeth
Stamford, the article against the sacrament of the altar
was objected, as also that they had spoken against pray-
ing to saints, and had despised the authority of the
bishop of Rome, and of his clergy ; but especially John
Houshold was charged with having called them anti-
christs, and the pope himself *' the great whore," who
with his pardons had drowned in blindness all christian
realms for money.
Also among other articles against George Browne,
these were counted very heinous and heretical. First,
that he had said, that he knew no cause why the cross
should be worshipped, seeing that the same was the cause
of pain to our Saviour Christ in the time of his passion,
and not any ease or jjleasure to him ; alleging for exam-
ple, that if he had had a friend hanged or drowned he
would never after have loved that gallows or water by
which his friend died. Another objection was, that he
had erroneously, obstinately, and maliciously said (for
so are their words), that the church was too rich. This
matter, 1 may tell you, touched somewhat the quick,
A.D. loll.]
PERSECUTIONS IN THE DIOCESE OF LONDON.
411
and therefore no marvel tliat they counted it erroneous
and malicious ; for take away their gain, and farewell to
their religion. They also charged him with having re-
fused holy water to be cast about his chamber, and like-
wise with having spoken against priests.
The greatest matter with which they charged John
Wikes, was, that he had often and for a long time kept
company with persons suspected of heresy, and had re-
ceived them into bis house, and there did hear them
read erroneous and heretical books, contrary to the faith
of the Romish church ; and did also himself consent to their
doctrine, and had many times secretly conveyed them
away from such as were appointed to apprehend them.
John Southake, Richard Butler, John Sam, AVilliam
King, Robert Durdant, and Henry Woolman, were
charged with speaking words against the literal and car-
nal presence of Christ's body in the sacrament of the
altar, and also against images, and the rest of the seven
sacraments. They charged them with the reading of
certain English heretical books, naming most blasphe-
mously the gospel of Jesus Christ, by the four evange-
lists, to be of that number, as appears evidently by the
eighth article objected by Thomas Bennet, doctor of
law, chancellor and vicar-general to Richard Fitzjames,
then bishop of London, against Richard Butler, the
very words of which article, for a more declaration of
truth, I have thought good here to insert, which are
these : — " Also we object to you, that divers times,
and especially upon a certain night, about the space of
three years last past, in Robert Durdant's house of
Iver Court, near unto Staines, you erroneously and
damnably read in a great book of heresy of the said
Robert Durdant's, all that same night, certain chapters
of the gospels in English, containing in them divers
erroneous and damnable opinions and conclusions of
heresy, in the presence of the said Robert Durdant,
John Butler, Robert Carder, Jenkin Butler, William
King, and divers other suspected persons of heresy, then
being present, and hearing your said erroneous lectures
and opinions." To the same effect and purpose tended
some of the articles propounded against the other four ;
whereby we may easily judge what reverence they, who
yet desire to be counted the true and only church of
Christ, bow to the word and gospel of Christ, when
they are not ashamed to blaspheme it with most horri-
ble titles of erroneous and damnable opinions and con-
clusions of heresy. But why should we marvel at this,
when the Holy Ghost in several places of the scripture
declares, that in the latter days there should come such
proud and cursed talkers, who shall speak lies through
hypocrisy, and have their consciences seared with an
hot iron ? Let us, therefore, now thank our heavenly
Father for revealing them to us ; and let us also pray
him, that of his free mercy in his Son Christ Jesus, he
would, if it be to his glory, either turn and soften all their
hearts, or else, for the peace and quietness of his church
he would in his righteous judgment take them from us.
About this time Richard Fitzjames ended his life,
after whose death Cuthbert Tonstall (afterwards bishop
of Durham), succeeded in the see and bishopric of Lon-
don, who soon upon his first entry into the room, mind-
[ ing to follow rightly the footsteps of his predecessor,
caused Edmund Spilman, priest, Henry Chambers,
j John Higgins, and Thomas Eglestone to be appre-
hended, and so to be examined upon articles ; and in the
I end, either for fear of . iS ::rut ty and che r ig n r of
j death, or else through ft. pe of < is ilatterng proa.ises
I (such was their weakness), he compelled them to ab-
IJure and renounce their true professed faith touching
i the holy sacrament of Christ's body and blood, which
I was, that Christ's corporal body was not in the sacra-
, ment, but in heaven ; and that the sacrament was a
I figure of his body, and not the body itself.
i^Iore.over, about the same time there were certain
articles objected against John Higges, alias Noke, alias
Johnson, by the bishop's vicar-general, among which
were these : — First, that he had affirmed, that it was as
lawful for a temporal man to have two wives at once, ai
for a priest to have two benefices. Also, that he had in
his custody a book of the four evangelists in English,
and often read therein ; and that he favoured the doc-
trines and opinions of Martin Luther, openly pronounc-
ing, that Luther had more learning in his little finger
than all the doctors in England in their whole bodies ;
and that all the priests in the churc'li were blind, and
had led the people the wrong way. Likewise it was
alleged against him, that he had denied purgatory, and
had said, that while he was alive he would do as much
for himself as he could, for after his death he thought
that prayers and ahnsdeeds could little help him.
With these and such like matters these poor and sim-
ple men and women were chiefly charged, and were ex-
communicated and imprisoned as heinous heretics, and
at last compelled to recant ; and some of them in utter
shame and reproach, besides the ordinary bearing of
fagots before the cross in procession, or else at a ser-
mon, were enjoined for a penance (as they termed it) to
appear once every year before their ordinary, as also to
wear the sign of a fagot painted upon their sleeves, or
other part of their outward garment, during all their
lives, or so often and long as it pleased their ordinary to
appoint. By which long, rigorous, and open punishing
of them, they meant utterly to terrify and keep back all
others from the true knowledge of Jesus Christ and his
gospel. But the Lord be evermore praised, what little
eft'ect their wicked purposes had, these our most light-
some days of God's glorious gospel most joyfully declare.
Besides these, others more simple and ignorant were
also troubled, who having but a very small taste of the
truth, did yet at first gladly consent to the same ; but being
apprehended, they quickly again yielded, and therefore
had only assigned them for their penance, the bearing of
a little candle before the cross, without any further open
abjuring or recanting. Among whom 1 find two especially ;
the one a woman, called Ellen Heyer, to whom it was
objected, that she had neither confessed herself to the
priest, nor yet received the sacrament of the altar for
the space of four years, and had every year eateu flesh at
Easter.
The other was a man named Robert Berkeway, who
(besides most wicked blasphemies against God, which he
utterly denied) was charged to have spoken heinous
words against the pope's holy and blessed martyr,
Thomas Becket, calling him thief, for that he wrought
by crafts and imaginations.
Thus have 1, as briefly as I could, summarily collected
the principal articles objected against these weak and
infirm earthly vessels ; not meaning hereby either to ex-
cuse or condemn them in these their fearful falls and
dangerous defections, but leaving them to the immea-
surable rich mercies of the Lord, I wish only to make
manifest the insatiable bloody cruelty of the pope's king-
dom against the gospel and true church of Christ, for
nothing would mitigate their envious rage, which they
showed even against the very simple idiots, and that
sometimes in most frivolous and irreligious cases. But
now leaving them, 1 will (by God's grace) go forward
with other more serious matters.
The Death and Martyrdoyn of William Sweeting and
John Brewster.
In searching and perusing the register, for the collec-
tion of the names and articles before recited, 1 find that
within the compass of the san.e years there were also
some others, who after they had once shewed themselves
as frail and inconstant as the rest, (being either pricked
in conscience, or otherwise overcome with the manifest
truth of God's most sacred word) became yet again as
earnest professors of Christ as they were before, and for
the same profession were the second time apprehended,
examined, condemned, and in the end were most cruelly
burned. Of which number were William Sweeting and
John Brewster, who were both burned together in Smith-
field the eighteenth day of October, A.D. 1511. The
chief case alleged against them in their articles, was their
412
THE PERSECUTION OF RICHARD HUNNE.
[Book VII.
faith concerning the sacrament of Christ's body and blood,
which because it dirt'ered from tlie absurd and gross
opinion of the new schoolmen, was counted as the most
heinous heresv. There were otlier things besides ob-
jected a:;-unst "them, as the reading of certain forbidden
books, and accompanying with sucli persons as were sus-
pected of heresy. But one great and heinous offence
counted amongst the rest, was their putting and leaving
off tlie piiiited fagots, wiiich they were at theiV first ab •
juring enjoined to wear as badges during their lives, or
so long as it should please their ordinary to appoint,
and not to leave them off upon pain of relapse, until
they were dispensed with for the same. The breach
of tliis injunction was esteemed to be of no small weight,
and yet, the matter well and thorougldy considered, it seems
by their confessions, tliat they were by necessity forced
to it. For Sweeting being, for fear of the bishop's
cruelty constrained to wander about the country to get
his living, came at length to Colchester, where he was
appointed by the parson of the parish of Magdalen to
be the holy water clerk, and in that consideration
had that infamous badge taken away from him. Brew-
ster left off his at the command of the controller of
the Earl of Oxford's house, who hiring the poor
man to labour in the earl's household business,
would not suffer him to wear that badge any longer.
So that necessity of living compelled both of them to
break that injunction : and tlierefore if charity had borne
as great sway in the hearts of the pope's clergy as did
cruelty, this trifle would not have been so heinously
taken as to be brought against them for an article and
a cause of condemnation to death. But where tyranny
once takes place, all godly love, and all human reason
and duties are quite forgotten. But to be brief, for
these causes, as also because they had already once
abjured, and yet as they termed it fallen again into
relapse, they were both together burned in Smithfield ;
although, as the register records, they again, before
their death fearfully forsook their revived constancy, and
submitting themselves to the discipline of the Romish
church, craved absolution. However, as many of the
registers' notes and records in such cases may well be
doubted, I refer the knowledge thereof to the Lord, who
is the trier of all truths. Not forgetting, however, if
the report be true, to charge that priesthood and their
^ wicked laws, with a more shameless tyranny and unchari-
table cruelty than before ; for if they cease their bloody
malice towards such as so willingly submit themselves to
their mercies, what favour may the faithful and constant
professors of Christ look for at their hands ? I might
here also ask of them, how they follow the pitiful and
loving admonition, or rather precept, of our Saviour
Christ (whose true and only church they so stoutly boast
to be), who says, " If thy brother trespass against
thee seven times in a day, and seven times in a day
turn again to thee, saying, I repent, thou shalt forgive
him." (Luke xvii. 4.)
John Browne, father to Richard Browne, which Richard
was in prison in Canterburi/, and would have been
hvmed with two more, the day after the death of
Queen Man/, but by the proclaiming of Queen Eliza-
beth theij escaped.
The occasion of the first trouble of this John Browne,
•was by a priest sitting in a Gravesend barge. John Browne,
being at the same time in the barge, came and sate hard
by him ; after some communication, the i)riest asked
him, "Dost thou know," said he, "who I am.' thou
sittest too near me, thou sittest on my clothes ;" " No,
Sir," said he, " 1 know not what you are." " I tell thee
I am a priest." " What, sir, are you a parson, or vicar,
or a lady's chaplain .''' " No," quoth he again, " I am a
soul-priest, I sing for a soul,'' saith he. " Do you so,
sir," quoth the other, "that is well done; 1 pray you
sir," quoth he, " where find you the soul when you go to
mass?" " 1 cannot tell thee," said the priest. "I
pray you, where do you leave it. Sir, when the mass is
done ?" " I cannot tell thee," said the priest. " Nei-
ther can you tell where you find it when you go to mass
nor where you leave it when the mass is done, how cau
you then save the soul ?" said he. " Go thy ways," said
he; " thou art an heretic, and I will be even with thee."
.So at the landing, the priest taking with him Walter
More, and William More, rode straightways to the
Archbishop Warhain, whereupon John Browne, within
three days after, his wife being churched the same day,
and he bringing in a mess of pottage to the table to his
guests, was sent for, and his feet bound under his own
horse, and so brought to Canterbury, neither his wife
nor he, nor any of his, knowing where he was taken ;
and there continuing from Low-sunday till the Friday
before Whitsunday, his wife not knowing all this whila
where he was. He was set in the stocks overnight, and
on the morrow went to death, and was burned at Ashford,
A.D. 1.t17. The same night, as he was in the stocks
at Ashford, where he and his wife dwelt, his wife then
hearing of him, came and sat by him all the night be-
fore he was burned : to whom he declaring the whole
story of how he was handled, shewed and toll, how
that he could not set his feet to tlie ground, for they
were burnt to the bones, and told her how, by the two
bishops W^arham and Fisher, his feet were heated upon the
hot coals, and burned to the bones "to make me," said he,
" to deny my Lord, which I will never do ; for if 1 should
deny my Lord in this world, he should hereafter deny
me. I pray thee, therefore, good Elizabeth, continue aa
thou hast begun, and bring up thy children virtuously
in the fear of God." And so the next day, on Whit-
sunday even, this godly martyr was burned. Standing
at the stake, this prayer he made, holding up his hands
" O Lord, I yield me to thy grace,
Grant me mercy for my trespass ;
Let never the fiend my soul chace.
Lord, I will bow, and thou shalt beat;
Let never my soul come in hell heat.
" Into thy hands I commend my spirit ; thou hast re-
deemed me, O Lord of truth.''
And so he ended.
The History of Richard Hunne.
There was in the year 1514, one Richard Hunne, mer-
chant-tailor, and freeman in the city of London, who
was esteemed during his life, and taken not only for a
man of true dealing and good substance, but also for a
good catholic man. This Richard Hunne had a child
at nurse in Middlesex, which died. Thomas Dryfield,
the priest of the parish, sued Richard Hunne in the
spiritual court for a bearing-sheet, for a mortuary for the
son of Richard Hunne, who died at the age of live
weeks. Hunne answered, " That as the child had no
property in the sheet, he therefore would not pay it, nor
ought the other to have it. The priest, moved with a
covetous desire, and loth to lose his pretended right,
cited him to appear in the spiritual court. Richard
Hunne being troubled in the spiritual court, was forced
to seek counsel of the learned in the law, and pursued
a writ of pramunire against Thomas Dryfield, which
when the rest of the priestly order heard of, indignant
that any layman should attempt such a matter against any
of them, and fearing that if they should now suffer this
priest to be condemned, there would be ever after a
liberty to all of the laity to do the Hke with the rest of
the clergy in such cases ; they straightways, both to
stop this matter, and also to be revenged of him, sought
all the means they possibly could to intrap and bring
him within the danger of their own cruel laws. And so
making secret and diligent inquisition, and seeking all
they could against him, at length they found means to
accuse him of heresy to Richard Fitzjames, then bishop
of London, who (desirous to satisfy the revenging and
bloody affection of his chaplains) caused him to be ap-
prehended and committed to prison in the Lollards
Tower at Paul's, so that none of his friends might be
suffered to come to him. This Richard Hunne being
clai)t in the Lollards' Tower shortly after, at the earnest
instigation of Dr. Horsey, the bishop's chancellor (a
man more ready to prefer the clergy's cruel tyranny,
A. D. 1514.]
CHARGES AGAINST RICHARD HUNNE.
4U
I than the truth of Christ s gospel) was brought before
the bishop, at his manor of Fulham, the 2d day of De-
j cember, where in his chapel he examined him upon tiiese
I articles, collected against him by Horsey and his ac-
ccmi)lices : —
1. Tliathehad read, taught, preached, published, and
obstinatfly defended, against the laws of Almighty God,
that tithes, or paying tithes, was never ordained to be
due, saving only by the covetousness of priests.
2. That he had read, taught, preached, pulilislied,
and obstinately defended, that bishops, and priests are
the scribes and pharisees that crucified Christ and con-
demned him to deatli.
3. That he had read, taught, preached, &c., that bishops
and priests are teachers and preachers, but no doers
nor fulfillers of the law of God ; but catching, ravening
and taking all things, and ministering and giving nothing.
4. Where and when'one Joan Baker was detected and
abjured of many great heresies, as appears by her abju-
ration, the said Richard Hunne said, published, taught,
preached, and obstinately took upon him to say, that he
would defend her andjier opinions, if it cost him five
hundred marks.
5. Afterwards, when Joan Baker, after her abjuration,
*'as enjoined open penance, according to her demerits,
the said Richard Hunne said, published, taught, and
obstinately defended her, saying, the bishop of Lon-
don and his officers have done open wrong to Joan
Baker in punishing her for heresy ; for her sayings and
opinions are according to the laws of God : wherefore
the bishop and his officers are more worthy to be pun-
ished for heresy than she.
6. That the said Ricliard Hunne has in his keeping
divers English Books, prohibited and condemned by tlie
law ; as the apocalypse in English, epistles and gospels
in English, WicklifTs damnable works, and other books
containing infinite errors, in which he has been for a long
time accustomed to read, teach, and study dailj'.
Particular answer to these several objections in the
register I find none, saving that under them there is
written in his name, with a different hand, these words :
" As to these articles, I have not spoken them as they
are here laid ; however I have unadvisedly spoken v.ords
somewhat sounding to the same effect, for which I am
sorry, and ask God's mercy, and submit me to my Lord's
charitable and favourable correction." Which they
affirm to be written with Hunne's own hand : but how
likely to truth that is, let the discreet wisdom of the
reader judge by the whole sequel of this process. And
further, if it were his own act, what occasion then had
they so cruelly to murder him as they did, seeing he had
already so willingly confessed his fault, and submitted
himself to the charitable and favourable correction of the
bishop .'
This examination being ended, the bishop sent him
back again the same day unto the Lollards' Tower ; and
then, by the appointment of Dr. Horsey liis chancellor,
he was committed from the custody of Charles Joseph
the somner, to John Spalding the bell-ringer, a man by
whose simpleness the subtle chancellor thought to bring
his devilish homicide the easier to pass ; which he most
cruelly did, by his suborned ministers, within two nights
after, as is proved, by the inquiry, and final verdict of
the coroner of London and his inquest. But when tliis
Usual practice of the papists was once accomplished,
there were wanted no secret shifts nor worldly-wiles
for the crafty colouring of this mischief: and therefore
the next morning after they had, in the night, com-
mitted this murder, Spalding got himself out of the
way into the city, and leaving the keys of the prison
with one of his fellows, desired him to deliver them to
the somner's boy who used to carry to Hunne his meat
and other necessaries ; thinking that the boy, first find-
ing the prisoner dead, and hanged as they left him, they
might by his relation be thought free from having any
hand in this matter. Which happened in the beginning
almost as they wished. For the boy the same morning,
accompanied witli two of the bishop's somners, went
about ten o'clock into the prison, to serve the prisoner
as he was wont to do ; and when they came up, they
found him hanged with his face towards the wall. Tliey
astonished at this sight, immediately told the cliaucellor,
who was tlien in the church, and watching, I suppose,
for such news ; he forthwith got certain of his colleagues,
and went witli them into tiie prison, to see that wliich
his own wicked cons-cience knew full well before, as was
afterwards j)laiiily proved. althouLch he tlien made a fiir
face to the contrary, blazing abroad among the people
by their officers and servants, that Hunne had lianged
himself. However the people having good ex])erietice
of the honest life and godly conversation of the man,
and also of the devilish malice of his adversaries the
]iriests, judged rather, that he was secretly murdered by
their procurement. On this there arose great couten-i
tion ; for the bishop of London on one side, taking his
clergy's part, affirmed stoutly that Hunne had hanged
himself: the citizens again on the other side, susjiecting
some secret murder, caused the coroner of London, ac-
cording to law, to choose an inquest, and to take view
of the dead body, and so to try the truth of the matter.
As the bisho]) and his chaplains were then driven to ex-
tremity of shifts : and therefore wishing by some subtle
show of justice to stop the mouths of the })eopIe, they
determined, that while the inquest was occupied about
their charge, the bishoj) should for his part j)roceed ex
officio, in case of heresy against the dead person ; sup-
posing, that if the party were once condemned of heresy,
the inquest durst not then but find him guilty of his
own death, and so clearly acquit them from all suspicion
of murder. This determination of theirs they imme-
diately put in practice, in order as follows :
Besides the articles before mentioned, which they
affirm were objected against him in his life-time. Dr.
Horsey, thebishop of London's vicar general, nowafterhis
death collected others out of the prologue of his English
Bible, which he diligently perused, not to learn any
good thing, but to get thereout such matter as he
thought might best serve their cursed purpose, as
appears by the tenor of the articles, which are these :
1. The book condemns all holy canons, calling them
ceremonies and statutes of sinful men, and calls the
pope, Satan and antichrist.
2. It condemns the pope's pardons, saying they are
but impositions.
3. The said book of Hunne saith, that kings and
lords called christian in name, and heathen in con-
ditions, defile the sanctuary of God, bringing clerks full
of covetousness, heresy and malice, to stop God's law,
that it cannot be known, kept, and freely preached.
4. The book saith, that lords and prelates pursue
fully and cruelly them that would teach truly and freely
the law of God, and cherish them that preach sinful
men's traditions and stalutes, by which he means the
holy canons of Christ's church.
5. That poor and simple men have the truth of the
holy scriptures, more than a thousand prelates, and re-
ligious men, and clerks of the school.
6. That christian kings and lords set idols in God's
house, and excite the people to idolatry.
7. That princes, lords, and prelates so doing, are
worse than Herod that pursued Christ, and worse than
the Jews and heathen men that crucified Christ.
8. That every man, swearing by our lady, or any
other saint or creature, gives more honour to the saints
than to the Holy Trinity, and so they are idolaters.
y. He saith that saints ought not to be honoured.
10. He condemns adoration, prayer, kneeling, and
offering to images, wh.ich he calls stocks and stones.
11. He saith, that the very body of the Lord is not
contained in the sacrament of the altar, but that men
receiving it shall thereby keep in mind that Christ's
flesh was wounded and crucified for us.
12. He condemns the university of Oxford, with all
degrees and faculties in it, as arts, civil and canon laws,
and divinity ; saying, that they hinder the true way to
come to the knowledge of the laws of God and holy
scripture.
16. He defends the translation of the Bible and holy
scripture into the English tongue, which is prohibited
by the laws of our holy mother church.
414
INQUEST ON THE BODY OF RICHARD HUNNE.
[Book VII.
These articles thus collected, as also the others before
specified, they caused, for a shew of their pretended
justice and innocency, to be openly read the next Sun-
day, by the preacher at Paul's- Cross, and having now,
as "they thought, sufficient matter against him, they pur-
posed to proceed to his condemnation.
Accordingly, the bishop of London, accompanied
by the bishops of Durham and Lincoln, sat in judg-
ment on Richard Hunne, the sixteenth day of Decem-
ber, taki..g as witnesses of their proceedings, six public
notaries, his own register, and about twenty-five doctors,
abbots, priors, aiul priests, with a great rabble of other
common anointed catholics. Where after a solemn pro-
clamation, that if there were any that would defend the
opinions and books of Richard Hunne, they should
presently appear and be heard according to law, he
counuanded all the articles and objections against
Hunne ojienly to be read before the assembly : and then
perceiving that none durst appear in his defence, by the
advice of his assistants, he pronounced the sentence
definitive against the dead carcase, condemning it of
heresy, and therewith committed the same to tlie secular
power, to be by them burned accordingly. Which
ridiculous decree was accomplished in Smithfield the
twentieth day of December, sixteen days after they had
barbarously murdered him, to tike great grief and indig-
nation of all the people.
Notwithstanding after all this tragical and cruel hand-
ling of the dead body, and their fair show of justice, yet
the inquest never stayed their diligent searching out of
the true cause and means of his death. So that when
they had been several times called before the king's
privy council, (liis majesty himself being sometimes
present) and also before the chief judges and justices of
the realm, and that the matter being thoroughly examined
and perceived to be much bolstered up by the clergy, was
wholly committed to their determination, they found by
good proof and sufficient evidence, tliat Doctor Horsey,
the chancellor ; Charles Joseph, the somner ; and John
Spalding, the bell ringer, had privily and maliciously
committed this murder, and therefore indicted them all
three as wilful murderers. However, through the earnest
suit of the bishop of London to Cardinal Wolsey, means
were found that at the next sessions of gaol delivery, the
king's attorney pronounced the indictment against Doc-
tor Horsey to be false and untrue, and him not guilty of
the murder, who, having yet a guilty conscience, durst
never after for shame come again to London. But now
that the truth of all this may seem more manifest and
plain to all men's eyes, here shall follow word by word,
the whole enquiry and verdict of the inquest, exhibited
by thorn to the coroner of Loudon, aud so given up and
signed with his own band.
The Minnies of the Inquest.
The fifth and the sixth day of December, in the sir.h
year of the reign of our sovereign lord King Henry VIII.
William Barnwell, coroner of London, the day and year
above said, within the ward of Castle Baynard of London,
assembled an inquest, whose names afterwards appear,
and hath sworn them trdly to enquire concerning the
death of one Richard Hunns, who lately was found dead
in the Lollards' Tower within St. Paul's church of Lon-
don : whereupon all we of the inquest together went up
into the said tower, where we found the body of the said
Hunne hanging upon a staple of iron, in a girdle of silk,
with a fair countenance, his head fair combed, and his
bonnet sitting right upon his head, with his eyes and
mouth fair closed, without any staring, gaping, or frown-
ins-, also without any drivelling in any i)lace of his body ;
whereupoTi by one assent we all agreed to take down the
body of the said Hunne, and as soon as we began to
heave the body it was loose, whereby we perceived that
the girdle had no knot about the staple, but it was
double cast, and the links of an iron chain, which did
hang on the staple, were laid upon the gi:dle whereby he
did hang : also the knot of the girdle that went about his
neck, stood under his left ear, which caused his head to
lean towards his right shoulder. Notwithstanding there
came out of his nostrils two small streams of blood to
the quantity of four drops, save only these four drops of
blood, the face, lips, chin, doublet, collar, and shirt of the
said Hunne was clean from any blood. Also we found
that the skin both of his neck and throat, beneath the
girdle of silk, was fretted away, with that thing which
the murderers had broken his neck with. Also the
hands of the said Hunne were marked in the wrists,
whereby we perceived that his hands had been bound.
Moreover, we found that within the said prison there
was no means whereby a man might hang himself, but
only a stool, which stool stood upon a bolster of a he-d,
so unsteady that any man or beast might not touch it so
little, but it was ready to fall, whereby we perceived,
that it was not possible that Hunne could have hanged
himself, the stool so standing. Also all the girdle from
the staple to his neck, as well as the part which went
about his neck, was too little for his head to come out
thereat. Also it was not possible that the soft silken
girdle should break his neck or skin beneath the girdle.
Also we found in a corner, somewhat beyond the place
where he did hang, a great parcel of blood. Also we
found u])on the left side of Hunne's jacket, from the
breast downward, two great streams of blood. Also
within the flap of the left side of his jacket we found a
great cluster of blood, and the jacket folden down there-
upon, which thing the said Hunne could never fold nor
do after he was hanged. Whereby it appeareth plainly
to us all, that the neck of Hunne was broken, and the
great plenty of blood was shed before he was hanged.
Wherefore we all find, by God and our consciences, that
Richard Hunne was murdered. Also we acquit the said
Richard Hunne of his own death.
" Also there was an end of a wax candle, which, as
John, the bell-ringer, saith he left in the prison burning
with Hunne that same Sunday at night that Huime was
murdered, which wax candle we found sticking upon the
stocks, fair put out, about seven or eight foot from the
place where Hunne was hanged, which candle in our
opinion was never put out by him, for many likelihoods
which we have perceived. Also at the going iip of Mas-
ter Chancellor into the Lollards' Tower, we have good
proof that there lay on the stocks a gown, either of
murrey, or crimson in grain, furred with shanks, whose
gown it was we never could prove, neither who carried
it away. All we find, that Master William Horsey,
chancellor to my lord of London, hath had at his com-
mandment both the rule and guiding of the said pri-
soner. Moreover, we all find that the said Master Hor-
sey, chancellor, hath put Charles Joseph out of his
office, as the said Charles hath confessed, because he
would not deal and use the said prisoner so cruelly, and
do to him as the chancellor would have had him to do.
Notwithstanding the deliverance of the keys to the
chancellor by Charles on the Saturday at night before
Hunne's death, and Charles riding out of the town on
that Sunday in the morning ensuing, was but a conven-
tion made betwixt Charles and the chancellor to colour
the murder. For the same Sunday that Charles rode
forth, he came again to the town at night, and killed
Richard Hunne, as in the depositions of Julian Little,
Thomas Chicheley, Thomas Simonds, and Peter Turner,
doth appear.
" After colouring of the murder betwixt Charles and
the chancellor conspired, the chancellor called to him
one John Spalding, the bell-ringer of St. Paul's, and
delivered to the same bell-ringer the keys of the Lollards'
Tower, giving to the said bell-ringer a great charge, say-
ing, ' I charge thee to keep Hunne more straightly than
he hath been kept, and let him have but one meal a-day ;
moreover, I charge thee let nobody come to him with-
out my licence, neither to bring him shirt, cap, ker-
chief, or any other thing, but that I see it before it come
to him.' Also before Hunne was carried to Fulham, the
chancellor commanded to be put upon Hunne's neck a
great collar of iron, with a great chain, which is too
heavy for any man or beast to wear, and long to
endure.
" Moreover, it is well proved, that before Hunne's
death the said chancellor came up into the said Lollards'
A. D. 1514—151/.] VERDICT CONCERNING THE MURDER OF RICHARD HUNNE.
415
Tower, and kneeled down before Hunne, holding up his
hands to him, praying of him forgiveness of all that
he had done to him, and must do to him. And on Sun-
day following the chancellor commanded the peniten-
tiary of St. Paul's to go up to him, and say a gospel, and
make for him holy water, and holy bread, and give it to
him, which he did ; and also the chancellor commanded
that Hunne should have his dinner. And at the same
dinner-time Charles' boy was shut up in prison with
Hunne, which was never done so before ; and after din-
ner, when the bell-ringer let out the boy, the bell-ringer
said to the same boy, " Come no more hither with meat
for him till to-morrow, for my master chancellor hath
commanded that he should have but one meala-day ;" and
the same night following Richard Hunne was murdered,
which murder could not have been done without consent
and licence of the chancellor, and also by the witting and
knowledge of John Spalding, the bell-ringer ; for there
could no man come into the prison but by the keys which
were in John, the bell-ringer's keeping. Also, as by my
lord of London's book appears, John, the bell-ringer, is
a poor innocent man. Wherefore we all perceive, that
this murder could not be done but by the commandment
of the chancellor, and by the witting and knowing of
John, the bell-ringer.
Then follows certain minutes of the evidence, and at
last the following verdict : —
The Sentence of the Inquest subscribed by the Coroner.
The inquisition intended and taken in the city of
London, in the parish of St. Gregory, in the ward of
Baynard Castle, in London, the sixth day of December,
in the sixth year of the reign of King Henry YIII.,
before Thomas Barnwell, coroner of our sovereign lord
the king, within the city of London aforesaid. Also
before James Yarford and John Mundey, sheriffs of the
said city, upon the sight of the body of Richard Hunne,
late of London, tailor, who was found hanged in the
Lollards' Tower , and by the oath and proof of lawful
ir^en of the same ward, and of other three wards next
adjoining, as it ought to be, after the custom of the
city aforesaid, to enquire how, and in what manner the
said Richard Hunne came by his death : and upon the
oath of John Barnard, Thomas Stert, William Warren,
Henry Abraham, John Aborow, John Turner, Robert
Allen, William Marlet, John Burton, James Page,
Thomas Pickhill, William Burton, Robert Bridgwater,
Thomas Busted, Gilbert Howell, Richard Gibson,
Christopher Crafton, John God, Richard Holt, John
Palmere, Edmund Hudson, John Arunsell, Richard
Cooper, John Tim : The which said upon their oaths,
that w'nereas the said Richard Hunne by the command-
ment ot Richard, bishop of London, was imprisoned and
brought to hold, in a jjrison of the said bishop's, called
the Lollards' Tower, lying in the cathedral church of
St. Paul, in London, in the parish of St. Gregory, in the
ward of Baynard Castle aforesaid ; William Horsey, of
London, clerk, otherwise called William Heresie, chan-
cellor to Richard, bishop of London ; and one Charles
Joseph, late of London, somiier, and John Spalding of
London, otherwise called John the bellringer, did felo-
niously, as felons to our lord the king, with force and
arms against the peace of our sovereign lord the king,
and dignity of his crown, on the fourth day of Decem-
ber, in the sixth year of the reign of our sovereign lord
aforesaid, of their great malice, at the parish of St.
Gregory aforesaid, upon the said Richard Hunne they
made a fray, and the same Richard Hunne they felo-
niously strangled and smothered, and also the neck they
did break of the said Richard Hunne, and there felo-
niously slew him and murdered him ; and also the body
of the said Richard Hunne, afterward the same fourth
day, year, place, parish, and ward aforesaid, with the
proper girdle of the same Richard Hunne, of silk, black
of colour, of the value of twelve pence, after his death,
upon a hook driven into a piece of timber in the wall of
the prison aforesaid, made fast, and so hanged him,
against the peace of our sovereign lord the king, and
the dignity of his crown : and so the said jury hath
sworn on the holy evangelists, that the said WiJli;ini
Horsey, clerk, Charles Joseph, and John Spaldins, of
their set malice, then and there feloniously kilK-d and
murdered the said Richard Hunne in manner and form
above said, against the ))eace of our sovereign lord the
king, his crown and dignity.
Subscribed in this manner :
Thomas Barnwell, Coroner of the city of London.
After the twenty-four had given up their verdict,
sealed and signed with the coroner's seal, the cause was
then brought into the parliament house, where the truth
was laid so plain before all men's faces, and the fact so
notorious, that immediately certain of the bloody mur-
derers were committed to prison, and should no doubt
have suffered what they deserved, had not the cardinal
by his authority, practised for his popish children, at
the suit of the bishop of London. W'hereu])on the
chancellor, by the king's pardon, and secret shifting,
rather than by God's pardon and his deserving, escaped,
and went, as is said, to Exeter, &c.
But 1 will trouble the reader no further in this
matter of Richard Hunne, being of itself so clear, that
no impartial judge can doubt thereof. Wherefore to
return to the purpose of our history ; among the num-
ber of those which about this time of Richard Hunne
were forced to deny and abjure their professed opinions,
were Elizabeth Stamford, John Houshold, and others,
who abjured about the year of our Lord l.il7. It is
painful to see their weakness, yet to consider t'ne confes-
sion of their doctrine in those days, is not unprofitable.
We can see the same doctrine then taught and jilanted
in the hearts of our forefathers, which is now publicly
received, as well touching the Lord's sacrament of his
body, as also other specialties. And although they had
not then public authority to maintain the open preach-
ing and teaching of the gospel, which the Lord's merci-
ful grace has given \is now ; yet in secret knowledge
and understanding they seemed then little or nothing
inferior to these our times of public reforniation, as
may appear by this confession of Elizabeth Stamford ;
which may suffice for example, to understand what ripe
knowledge of God's word was then abroad, although not
publicly preached in churches, for fear of the bishops,
yet in secret taught and received by many.
Among the number of whom was this Elizabeth
Stamford, who being brought and examined before
Fitzjames, bishop of London, (A.D. 1517,) confessed that
she was taught by one Thomas Beele, these words,
eleven years before : that Christ feeds, and nourishes
his church with his own precious body, that is, the
bread of life coming down from heaven : this is the
worthy word that is worthily received, and joined to
man to be in one body with him. This is not received
by chewing of teeth, but by hearing with ears, and un-
derstanding with your soul, and wisely working there-
after. Therefore, saith St. Paul, I fear, brethren, that
many of us be feeble and sick ; therefore I counsel you,
brethren, to rise and watch, that the great day of doom
come not suddenly upon us, as the thief doth upon the
merchant. Also this Thomas Beele taught and shewed
her, that the sacrament of the altar was not the very
body of Christ, but very bread : and that the sacrament
was the very body of Christ put upon the cross after a
divine and mystical manner. And moreover he taught
her this lesson, that she should confess her sins to God,
and that the pope's pardons and indulgences were no-
thing worth, and that worshipping of images and pil-
grimages ought not to be done.
To this confession of Elizabeth Stamford may also be
added the doctrine and confession of Joan Sampson,
wife of John Sampson, carpenter, of Aldermanbury, in
London : who being cited and examined before the
bishop of London, certain witnesses were produced
against her, who, being sworn, denounced Joan Sampson
in these articles and opinions following :
1. That she being in labour, and Joan Sampson the
elder, who was alive, being with her, she, after the usual
manner of women, called for the help of the virgin
Mary ; but Joan spake against it, and was so gneved at
416
CHARGES AGAINST JOHN STILMAN.
[Book VII.
it that the other party was compelled to forsake the
house.
2. Also, that she spake against pilgrimages, and the
worshipping of the blessed Virgin, and of all saints,
affirniinsr that there is none holy but one.
.S. Also, at another time, in the hearing of one
Margiret An worth, when she and other women were
invoking the blessed Virgin, she stood against them, and
spake agJiinst such invocations.
4. Also, tiiat she speaking against the pilgrimage of
our lady of Wilsden (as she was then called) and of St.
Saviour at Barmsey, called the said St. Saviour, Syni
Sawyer.
5. She was also accused of having two books in
En^lvh, one bigger, and another lesser, which she com-
mitted to one John Anstead, a cook ; which books are
not nMiiied in the register.
(). She was also accused, that once, at a supper, in
the hearing of certain men, and of a certain widow,
named Joan White, she spake openly in contempt of the
sacrament of the altar, saying, that the priests were
idolaters, who did lift up the bread over their heads,
making the people to worship it, and making the peoi)le
to believe that it was the Lord's body ; and that it v.as
better to eat the altar cloth, if it might be eaten and
digested as easilv as the other.
Then follow, in the registers, the names of thirty-five
persons who were compelled to abjure.
It was objected against one John Southwick, that
when a man, named William Rivelay, coming from the
church of the Gray-Friars, in London, had said to his
wife that he had heard mass, and had seen his Lord
God in form of bread and wine over the priest's head ;
John Southwick answered, " Nay, William, thou sawest
not thy Lord God, thou sawest but bread and wine and
the chalice." And when Rivelay answered again in the
same words as before, saying, " 1 trust verily that I saw
my Lord God in form of bread and wine, and this I doubt
not." The other replying again, answered and said as
before ; " Nay, 1 tell thee thou sawest but only a figure
or sacrament of him, which is in substance bread and
wine," &c. This was A.D. 1520. In which year he was
compelled to abjure.
All these persons above-named, held and agreed
together in one doctrine and religion, against v/hom
five or six special matters were objected, namely, for
speaking against worshipjnng of saints, against pil-
grimage, against invocation of the blessed Virgin,
against the sacrament of the Lord's body, and for
having scripture books in English : which books espe-
cially I fi:id to be named, as these, the book of the
four evangelists, a book of the epistles of Paul and
Peter, tlie epistle of St. James, the book of the Revela-
tijrm, and of antichrist, of the ten commandments, and
* Yvickliff's Wicket,' with such like.
John Stilnian, Martyr,
It would be tedious to recite the great multitude and
number of good men and women who, in those days,
recanted and abjured about the beginning of King
Henry's reign and before : among whom there were
some whom the Lord brought back again, and made
strong in the profession of his truth, and constant to
death ; of which number John Stilman was one, who,
about the twenty-fourth of September, A.D. 1518, was
apiireliended and brought before Ricliard Fitzjames,
then bishop of London, at his manor of I'ulham, (not-
withstanding his former recantation, oath, and abjura-
tion, made about eleven years then j)ast, before Edmund,
then bishop of Salisbury,) and was there examined and
charged, as well for speaking against the worshi]iping,
praying, and offering unto images ; as also for denying
the carnal and corporal presence in the sacrament of
Christ's memorial : also, that since his former abjura-
tion he had fallen into the same opinions again, and so
into the danger of relapse : and further had higlily com-
mended and praised John Wic'slifie, Jiftirming that he
was a saint iu heaven, and that his book, called the
Wicket, was good and holy. Soon after his examina-
tion, he was sent from thence unto Lollards' Tower at
London, and on the twenty-second of October next
ensuing, was brought openly into the consistory of
Paul's, and was there judicially examined by Thomas
Hed, the bishop's vicar-general, upon the contents of
these articles following : —
" I. I object unto you, that you have confessed before
my lord of London and me. Dr. Hed, liis vicar-general,
that about twenty years, past, one Stephen Moone, of
the diocese of Winchester, (with whom you abode six or
seven years after) did teach you to believe that tiie
going on pilgrimage and the worshipping of images, as
tiiat of the lady of Walsingham and others, were not to
be used. And also that afterwards one Richard Smart,
who was burned at Salisbury about fourteen years past,
did read unto you ' Wicklitf's Wicket,' and likewise
instructed you to believe that the sacrament of the altar
was not the body of Christ : all which things you have
erroneously believed.
" II. You have often read the said hook, called
' Wicklitf's Wicket,' and another book of the tea
commandments, which Richard Smart did give you, and
at the time of your first apprehension you did liide them
in an old oak, and did not reveal them unto the bishop
of Salisbury, before wliom you were abjured of heresy
about eleven years since ; where you promised, by oath
upon the evangelists, ever after to believe and hold as
the Christian faitli taught and preached, and never to
offend again in the said heresies, or any other, upon
pain of relapse. And further, you there promised to
perform all such penance as the bishop of Salisbury did
enjoin you : who then enjoined you upon the like pain,
not to depart out of his diocese without his special
licence.
" III. It is evident that you are relapsed, as well by
your own confession, as also by your deeds, in that
about two years after your abjuration you went into the
said place where you had hidden your books ; and then
taking them away with you, you departed from the
diocese of Salisbury, without the licence of the bishop,
and brought them with you to London, where now being
attached and taken with them upon great suspicion of
heresy, you are brought to the bishop of London : by
reason of your demeanour, you have shewed both
your impenitent and dissembled conversion from your
errors, and also your unfaithful abjuration and disobe-
dience to the authority of our mother holy church, in
that you performed not the penance ; in whicli behalf
you are voluntarily perjured, and also relapsed, in that
you departed the same diocese without licence.
" iV. You are not only impenitent, disobedient, vo-
luntarily perjured and relapsed by this your heretical
demeanour, but also since your last attachment upon
suspicion of heresy, you have maliciously spoken erro-
neous and damnable words, affirming before my lord of
London, your ordinary, and me, judicially sitting at
Fulham, that you were sorry that you ever abjured your
opinions, and had not at first suffered manf'ul!y for
them, for they were, and are good and true ; and there-
fore you will now abide by them to die for it. And
furthermore, you have spoken against our holy father
the pope, and his authority, damnably saying thst he is
antichrist, and not the true successor of Peter, or
Christ's vicar on earth ; and that his pardons and indul-
gences, which he grants in the sacrament of ]ienance,
are naught, and that you will have none of them. .\nd
likewise that the college of cardinals are limbs of anti-
christ : and that all other inferior prelates and priests
are the synagogue of Satan. And moreover you said,
that the doctors of the church have subverted the truth
of holy scripture, expounding it after their own mind.*,
and therefore their works be naujcht. and liiey in hell ;
but that W'ickliff is a saint in heaven, nnd that the
book called his Wicket is good, for therein he sl;ews the
truth. Also you did wish that there were twenty thou-
sand of your opinion, against us scribes and pharisee^,
to see what you would do for the defence of yciir faith.
All which heresies you did afterwards erroneously affirm
A. D. 1518.] JOHN STILMAN AND THOMAS MAN BURNED IN SMITHFIELD.
before the archbishop of Canterbury, and then said that
you would abide by them to die for it, notwithstanding
his earnest persuasions to the contrary ; and therefore
for these premises you be evidently relapsed, and ought
to be committed to the secular power."
After these articles thus propounded, and his constant
persevering in the truth perceived, Dr. Hed, vicar-
general, by his sentence definitive, did condemn him a
vehn)sed heretic, on the twenty-fifth of October, and de-
livered him the same day to the sheriffs of London, to
be openly burned in Smithfield.
417
TJiomas Man, Martyr.
Next follows in this order of blessed martyrs, the per-
secution and condemnation of Thomas Man : who, March
29, A.D. 1518, was burned in Smithfield. This Thomas
Man had been ppprehended for the profession of Christ's
gospel about six years before, (August 14, A.D. loll,)
and was examined upon these articles : —
1. That he had spoken against Auricular confession,
and denied the corporeal presence of Christ's body in the
sacrament of the altar.
2. That he believed that all holy men were priests.
3. That he had affirmed that the Father of heaven
was the altar, and the Second Person the sacrament ;
and that upon Ascension-day the sacrament ascended
to the altar, and there abides.
4. That he believed not aright in the sacrament of
extreme unction.
5. That he had called certain priests, meanly arrayed
knaves.
(>. That he had said that pulpits were priest's lying
stools.
7. That he had believed that images ought not to be
worshipped, and that he neither believed in the crucifix,
nor would worship it.
8. That he had affirmed that the word of God and
God were all one, and that he that worthily receives the
word of God, receives God.
9. That he had said that the popish church was not
the church of God, but a synagogue : and that holy men
were the true church of God.
For these matters he was a long time imprisoned, and
at last, through frailty and fear of death, was content to
abjure and yield himself to the judgment of the Romish
church, and thereupon was enjoined, not only to make
his open recantation, but also to remain as a prisoner
within the monastery of Osney, and to bear a fagot
before the first cross, at the next general procession in
the university. All which, notwithstanding, he (being
perhaps sorry for his offence in denying the truth, and
also weary of his prison-like bondage) bethought him-
self how he might best escape ; and therefore seeing a
good opportunity, he fled, and seeking abroad in other
counties for work, to sustain his life, he abode sometimes
in Essex, sometimes in Suffolk ; where he associated him-
self with such godly professors of Christ's gospel as be
there could hear of. But within a few years after (such is
the cruel rage of Satan and his wicked members, who never
suffer the godly long to continue untroubled) he was
again accused of relapse by the inquisition of London,
and thereupon was apprehended and brought before
Richard Fitzjames, the bishop of London, February
9, 1518.
And although as the register notes (but how truly
i God only knoweth) he again forsook his profession of
[Christ's gospel, and yielded himself to the bishop of
i Rome, requiring to be absolved from his curse of ex-
} communication, and consented to do such penance as
I they should enjoin him, he was yet delivered to the
I sheriff of London, to be burned. The bishop's chan-
icellor who condemned him desired the sherifl' that he
I would receive this person as relapsed and condemned,
and yet not punish him by rigorous rigour. The words
I in the sentence are : " We desire, in the bowels of our
; Lord Jesus Christ, that the punishment and execution
of due seventy, on thee, and against the.', may be so
moderate, that there be no rigid rigour, nor yet loose
mildness, but to the health aud aafety of thy sOul," &c.
Wherein these Romish churchmen do well shew, that
the laws of their church are grounded upon Pilate and
Caiaphas. For as Caiaphas with his court of Pharisees
cried against Christ to Pilate : " It is not lawful for us
to put any man to death ; but if thou let him go, thou
art not CiEsar's friend." Even so they, first condemn-
ing the saints of God to death, and then delivering them
to the secular magistrate to be executed, would yet
cover their malignant hearts with the cloak of hypocri-
tical holiness and unwillingness to shed blood. But God
be thanked, who bringeth all things to light in his due
time, and uncovereth hypocrisy at last, that she may be
seen and known in her right colours.
Thus Thomas Man, the manly martyr of Jesus
Christ, being condemned by an unjust sentence, was
delivered to the sherifl" of London sitting on horseback
in Paternoster-row, before the bishop's door, A.D. 1518.
he protesting to the said sherifl', that he had no power
to put him to death, and therefore desired the sheriff
to take him as a relapser and condemned, to see him
punished. The sheriff immediately carried him to
Smithfield, and there the same day in the forenoon
caused him to become an angel in heaven.
In the deposition of one Thomas Risby against this
martyr, it appears by the registers that he had been iu
many places and counties in Englaiad, and had in-
structed many jiersons at Amersham, at London, at
Chelmsford, at Stratford-Langthorn, at Uxbridge, at
Burnham, at Henley upon Thames, in Suffolk and Nor-
folk, at Newbury, and many other places : where he
testifies, that as he went westward, he found a great
company of well-disposed persons, being of the same
iudgment touching the sacrament of the Lord's Supper
that he was of, and especially at Newbury, where there
was (as he confessed) a glorious and sweet society of
faithful favourers, who had continued for the space of
fifteen years together, till at last they were betrayed by
a person, whom they trusted and made of their counsel,
and then many of them, to the number of six or seven
score, abjured, and three or four of them were burnt.
From thence he came to the forest of Windsor, where he,
hearing of I he brethren who were at Amersham, re-
moved there, where he found a godly and a great com-
pany, who had continued in that doctrine and teaching
tweiity-thrce years. Against these faithful christians of
Amersham, there was great trouble and persecution in-
the time of William Smith bishop of Lincoln, about the-
year 1507, at which time so many were abjured that it
was called " the great abjuration." In this congrega-
tion of faithful brethren, were four principal instructors.
One was Tilesworth, who was burned at Amersham.
Another was Thomas Chase, who was murdered and
hanged in the bishop of Lincoln's prison at Woburn.
The third was this Thomas Man, burned as is here
mentioned in Smithfield, A.D. 1518, who, as appears, by
his own confession, and no less also by his labours, was
God's champion, and suffered much trouble by the priests
for the cause of God. He confesses himself in the
same register that he had turned seven hundred people
to his religion and doctrine, for which he thanked God.
He conveyed also five couples of men and women from
Amersham, Uxbridge, Burnham, and Henley upon
Thames, where they dwelt, to Suffolk and Norfolk, that
they might be brought (as he then termed it) out of the
devil's mouth.
Robert Cosin, Martyr.
This Robert Cosin seems to be the same who in the ■
former part of this history is mentioned, as called by
the name of Father Robert, and was burnt in Bucking-
ham. Of this Robert Cosin, I find in the registers of
Lincoln, that he, with Thomas Man, had instructed and
persuaded one Joan Norman, about Amersham, not to
go on pilgrimage, nor to worship any images of saints.
Also when she had vowed a piece of silver to a saint for
the health of her child, they dissuaded her from the
same, and said, that she needed not to confess to a
priest, but that it was sufficient to lift up her hands to
Heaven. Moreover, they were charged by the bishop,
K £ 2
418
ACCOUNT OF DOCTOR COLET.
[Book VII.
for teaching Joan, that she might as well drink upon
Sunday before mass, as any other day, &c. And thus
you see the doctrine of these good men, for which they
were in those days abjured or condemned to death.
Christopher Shoomaker, Martyr.
To these blessed saints we will add Christopher Shoo-
maker, of whom I find this briefly recorded in the regis-
ter of Sir John Longland, that the said Christopher
Shoomaker, a parishioner of great Missenden, came to
the house of John Say, and after other matters, read to
him out of a little book the words which Christ spake to
lus disciples. And thus coming to liis house about four
times, at every time he read something out of the same
book to him teaching him not to be deceived in the priest's
celebration of the mass, and declaring that it was not the
same very present body of Christ, as the priests did
fancy, but in substance bread in remembrance of Christ;
and taught him moreover, that pilgrimage, worshipping,
and setting up candles to saints, were all unprofitable.
And thus the said John Say being taught by this Chris-
topher, and also confirmed by John Okenden and Robert
Pope, was brought to the knowledge of the same doc-
trine. Thus much briefly I find in that register con-
cerning Christopher Shoomaker ; declaring further, that
he was burned at Newbury about this time, which was
A. D. 1518. And thus much out of the registers of
London.
Doctor Colet.
About this time died Doctor John Colet, A.D. ir)19,
to whose sermons these men, about Buckinghamshire,
had a great mind to resort. After he came from Italy
and Paris, he first began to read the epistles of St. Paul
openlv in Oxford, instead of reading the works of Scotus
and Thomas Aquinas. From whence he was called by
the king, and made dean of St. Paul's : where he used
to preach much with a great auditory, as well of tlie
king's court, as of the i-itizens and others. His diet
was frugal, his life upright, in discipline he was severe :
so that his canons, because of their stricter rule, com-
plained that they were made like monks. The honest
and honourable state of matrimony he ever preferred
before the unchaste singleness of prie:ns. At his dinner
commonly was read eiither some chapter of St. Paul, or
of Solomon's proverbs. And although the bUndness of
that time carried him away after the common error of
popery, yet in ripeness of judgment he seemed to incline
from the common opinions of that age. The order of
monks and friars he fancied not ; neither could he favour
the barbarousdivinity of the school-doctors, so that, when
Erasmus, speaking in the praise of Thomas Aquinas,
commended him: Colet first supposing that Erasmus
had spoken in jest, but afterwards finding that he was in
earnest, burst out, saying, " Why tell you me of the
commendation of that man, who unless he had been
of an arrogant and presumptuous spirit, would not de-
fine and discuss things so boldly and rashly : and also,
except b.e liad been more worldly-minded than heavenly,
would never have so polluted Christ's holy doctrine with
man's profane doctrine, as he has done ?
The bishop of London at that time was Fitzjames. AAlio
(bearing au old grudge and displeasure against Colet)
witli other two bishops, entered complaint against Colet
to the archbishop of Canterbury, then William Warham.
His complaint was divided into three articles : The _^r.v/
was for speaking against vrorshipping images: ih&necond
was about hospitality, that in treating of the words of
the Gospel, "Feed, — feed, — feed:" John xxi. L5.
when he had expounded the first two, as feeding with
example of life, and with doctrine ; in the third, which
the schoolmen expouiul for feeding with hospitality, he
left out the outward feeding of the belly, and applied it
another way. The third crime with which they charged
him, was for speaking against such as used to preach
only by written sernions, preaching nothing to the peo-
pie, but what they brought in their papers with then.
And, because the bishop of London used much to do
this, he took it as spoken against himself, and therefore
bare this displeasure against Dr. Colet. The archbishop
weighing the matter more wisely, and being well ac-
quainted with Colet, took his part against his accusers,
and at that time he was got out of trouble.
William Tindal, in his book in answer to Master
More, testifies, that the bishop of London would have
pronounced Colet, the dean of St. Paul's, an heretic, for
translating the Lord's Prayer into English, had not the
archbishop of Canterbury helped the dean.
But yet the malice of the bishop ceased not : being
thus repulsed by the archbishop, he laid by another
train how to accuse him to the king. It happened at
the time, that the king was making preparation for war
against France : so the bishop with his co-adjutors
taking occasion upon certain words of Colet, in which
he seemed to prefer peace before war, were it never so
just ; accused him of it in their sermons, and also in
the presence of the king.
It so happened at this time, that on Good Friday
Doctor Colet, preaching before the king, treated of
the victory of Christ ; exhorting all christians to fight
under the standard of Christ, against the devil : adding
moreover, what an hard tiling it was to fight under
Christ's banner, and that all they who upon private
hatred or ambition took weapons against their enemy
(one christian to slay another) did not fight under the
banner of Christ, but rather of Satan : and therefore,
he exhorted that christian men in their wars would
follow Christ their prince and captain, in fighting against
their enemies, rather than the example of Caesar, or
Alexander, &c. The king hearing Colet thus speak,
and fearing lest the hearts of his soldiers might be with-
drawn from his v.'ars, which he had then in hand, took
him aside and talked witli him in secret conference,
v.alking in his garden. Bishop Fitzjames. Bricot, and
Standish, who were his enemies, thought now that Colet
must needs be committed to the Tower, and waited for
his coming out. But the king treating Doctor Colet
with great gentleness, and bidding him familiarly to put
on his cap, much commended him for his learning and
integrity of life ; agreeing with him in all points, only
he required him (that the soldiers should not rashly
mistake what he had said) more plainly to explain his
words ; which he did : and so after long communication
and great ])romises, the king dismissed Colet with these
words, saying, " Let every man choose what doctor he
pleases, Colet shall be my doctor;" and so he departed.
So that none of his adversaries durst ever trouble him
after tliat time.
Among many other memorable acts left behind him,
Colet erected a foundation of the school of St. Paul's
(I pray God the fruits of the school may answer the
foundation) for the cherishing of ynutli in good letters,
providing a sufficient stipend as well for the master, as
for the usher: whom he wished rather to be appointed
out of the number of married men, than of single
priests. The first moderator of this school, was Wil-
liam Lily, a man no less notable for his learning, than
was Colet for his foundation.
In turning over the registers and records of Lincoln
likewise, and coming to A. D. 1520, and 1521, I find
that as the light of the gospel began the more to appear,
and the number of professors to increase, so the vehe-
mency of persecution, and stir of the bishops began also
to increase. Upon which then ensued great trouble and
grievous affliction in many quarters of this realm, espe-
cially about Buckinghamshire and Amersham, Uxbridge,
Henley, Newbury, in the diocese of London, in Essex,
Colchester, Sufl"olk, and Norfolk, and other places. And
this was before the name of Luther was heard of in these
countries among the people ; so that they are m\ich de-
ceived and misinformed who condemn tliis kind of doc-
trine of novelty, asking where was this church and reli-
gion before Luther's time .' To whom it may be an-
swered, that this religion and form of doctrine was
planted by the apostles, and taught by true bishops ; it
afterwards decayed, and is now reformed again ; and
although it was not received nor admitted by tlie i)opt:'3
A. D. 1521.]
PERSECUTION IN THE DIOCESE OF LINCOLN.
419
clergy before Luther's time, neither is now, yet it was re-
ceived by others, in whose hearts it pleased the Lord
secretly to work, and they a great number, who both
l)rofessed and suffered for the same. And if they think
this doctrine so new that it was not heard of before Lu-
ther's time, how then came such great persecution be-
fore Luther's time here in England ? If these were of
the same profession which the pope's clergy were of,
then was their cruelty unreasonable, so to persecute
their own fraternity. And if they were otherwise, how
then is this doctrine of the gospel so new, or the profes-
sors of it so lately sprung up as they pretend to be .'
But this comes only of ignorance, and through not know-
in"- and well considering the times and antiijuities of the
church which have been before us ; which if they did, they
! would see and confess that the church of England has
I not wanted great multitudes who tasted and followed the
'sweetness of God's holy word almost in as ample a man-
Iner, for the number of well-disposed hearts as now.
Although public authority then was wanting to maintain
I the open preaching of the gospel, yet the secret multi-
tude of true professors was not much unequal : certainly
I the fervent zeal of those christian days seemed much
superior to these our days and times, as may appear by
jtheir sitting up all night in reading and hearing, also by
the expenses and charges they incurred in buying books
]in English, some of whom gave five marks, some more,
Isome less, for a book ; some gave a load of hay for a few
chapters of St. James, or of St. Paul, in English. In
which time of scarcity of books, and want of teachers, this
■one thing I greatly marvel at, to note in the registers, and
,to consider how notwithstanding the word of truth mul-
•tiplied so exceedingly as it di(f amongst them. Wherein
'is to be seen no doubt the marvellous working of God's
Imighty power ; for I find and observe in considering the
Iregisters, how one neighbour resorting and conferring
with another, soon with a few words did win and turn
their minds to the truth of God's word and his sacra-
ments. To see their labours, their earnest seeking,
their burning zeals, their readings, their watchings, their
s '.veet assemblies, their love and concord, their godly living,
,their faithful marrying with the faithful, may make us now
in these our days of free profession, to blush for shame.
Tliere were four prjncipal points in which they stood
gainst the church of Rome ; in pilgrimage, in adoration
f saints, in reading scripture books in English, and in
he carnal presence of Christ's body in the sacrament.
As they were simple, and yet not uncircumspect in
heir doings, so the crafty serpent, being more wily than
hey by fraudulent subtlety so circumvented them, that the
hopish clergy caused the wife to detect the husband, the
liusband the wife ; the father the daughter, the daughter
|the father ; the brother to disclose his brother, and the
heighbour the neighbour. Neither were any assemblies
Sor readings kept, but both the persons and also the
ooks viere known, neither was any word so closely
?poken, nor article mentioned, but it was discovered.
So subtlely did these prelates use their inquisitions and
jxaminations, that nothing was done or said among these
nen, fifteen or twenty years before, so covertly, but it
ivas brought at length to their intelligence. They had
such captious interrogatories, and so many articles and
suspicions ; such spies and privy scouts were sent abroad
jy them ; such authority and credit had they with the
ting, and in the king's name; such diligence they
shewed ; so violently and impudently they abused the
30ok of the peaceable evangelists, wresting men's con-
sciences upon their oath, swearing them upon the same
;o detect themselves, their fathers and mothers, and
)thers of their kindred, with their friends and neigh-
Jours, and that to death.
For the better declaration of all which here first is to be
loted touching the see of Lincoln, that after William
smith succeeded John Longland. Smith was not so bloody
tnd cruel as Longland, who, for I find t'nat in the time
)f " the great abjuration" and affliction of the Bucking,
jamshire men, where many were abjured, and some
)urned, yet he sent several quietly home without puuish-
aentand penance, bidding them go home and live as
good christian men should do. And many who were
enjoined penance he released. This Smith died abont
the year 1,51,5. The college of Brazen Nose in Oxford
was built by him.
After him followed John Longland, a fierce and cruel
vexer of the faitliful servants of Christ. He to renew
again the old persecution, which were not yet utterly
quenched, began with one or two of those who had ab-
juied, and caused them by oath to detect and betray not
only their own ojiinions, but also to discover all others
who were suspected. By which an incredible multitude
of men, women, and maidens, were brought to examina-
tion, and strictly handled. And such were found in relapse
were burned.
The rest were so burdened with superstitions and ido-
latrous penance and injunction, that either through grief
of conscience they shortly afterwards died, or else lived
with shame.
One Robert Bartlet, and Richard his brother, were
detected as having abjured before in the tin>e of William
Smith bishop of Lincoln.
They being sworn, and confessing nothing before the
bishop, at last were convicted by witness. Wherefore
they were constrained at their next examination to utter
themselves, and confess what they had both done and
said ; that is, that Robert had read to Richard his bro-
ther a parcel of scripture beginning thus : " James the
servant of God, to the twelve tribes," &c. That he
heard Tilseworth say, that images of saints were but
stocks and stones, and dead things ; and that he taught
the same to his brother Richard, and concealed the words
of Tilseworth. That he partly believed Thomas Mastal,
teaching him that the true presence of Christ was not in
the sacrament ; and likewise of images and pilgrimages :
for receiving the communion at Easter without confes-
sion, &c..
Robert Bartlet was obliged to prove against Agnes
Wellis, his own sister, that he had twice instructed her i
not to worship images, and also had taught her in the '
epistle of St. James.
The following interrogatories were put to this Agnes
Wellis :—
1. Whether she knew that some of the parish of
Amershara were brought before William Smith, late
bishop of Lincoln, for heresy ?
2. Whether she knew that some of them erred in the
sacrament of the altar, or in other sacraments, and what
errors they were, and wherein .■'
3. Whether she knew any others to be suspected of
the same heresy besides those of Amersham, who they
were, and how many .''
4. Whether she had been in the same company, or
held the same opinions with them.
5. Whether she at any time had any conversation with
Thurstan Littlepage .' and if she had, how often she had
been in his company, how, what time, in what place,
who else were present, for what causes, and whether she
knew him to be suspected for heresy ?
6. Whether she knew and at any time had any conver-
sation with Alexander Mastal ? and if she had, how,
when, in what place, who were present, for what causes,
and whether she knew him to be suspected for heresy ?
7. Whether she was ever detected to the office of
William Smith, late bishop of Lincoln, at what time .'
and whether she was then called before the bishop for
heresy or not ?
8. Whether she had been reputed to be of the same
sect with Thurstan Littlepage ?
9. Whether she had been present at any time at the
readings or conferrings between Thurstan Littlepage and
other convicts ?
10. Whether Thurstan Littlepage did ever teach her
the epistle of St. James, or the epistles of St. Peter or
Paul in English ? and whether she had repeated the
epistle of St. James to Thurstan, in the presence ol
Richard Bartlet her brother .'
11. Whether Richard Bartlet her brother did teach
her at any time the epistle of St. James ? and if he did,
how often, and in what place ?
420
THE KING'S LETTER IN AID OF THE BISHOP OF LINCOLN.
[Book VH.
12. Whether she had been instructed by Thnrstnn
Littlepage, or by any other, that in the sacrament of the
altar was not the true body of Christ, but only the sub-
stance of bread ?
1.'^. Whether she had been instructed by Thurstan
Littlepage, or any other, that pilgrimage was not to be
used, nor the images of saints to be adored ?
14. Whether she credited Thurstan Littlepage, or any
other, teaching her in the premises ? and whether she
believed or expressly agreed with them in these arti-
cles ?
1.5. Whether Robert Bartlet her brother did ever
teach her the epistle of St. James ; and if he did, how
often, and where ?
K). Whether Robert Bartlet had taught her, that
pilgrimage was not to be used, and that images were not
to be adored ?
17. Whether she knew such a law or custom among
them, that such as were of that sort contracted matri-
mony only with themselves, and not with other chris-
tians .'
18. Wliether she ever heard Thurstan or any other sav,
that they only who were of their doctrine were true
christians ?
19. When she came to receive, and was confessed,
■whether she uttered and confessed her heresies to the
priest .'
These captious and cruel interrogatories Agnes Wellis
answered negatively to almost all of them, refusing to
name any person to the bishop. But soon after beinjj
otherwise schooled, I cannot tell liow, she was compelled
to detect both herself, her brother Robert Bartlet,
Thurstan Littlepage, and also Isabel Morwin, wife
of John Moi-win, and others.
By this system of examination, brother was compel-
led to inform against brother, sister, or neighbour, until
evidence was thus craftily obtained against several hun-
dred of godly men and women, that they used to assem-
ble together and read portions of the holy scriptures in
the English tongue.
The reader may thus learn the number of the good men
and women, who were troubled and molested by the church
of Rome, and all in one year ; of whom few or none were
learned, being simple labourers and artificers, but it pleased
the Lord to work in them knowledge and understanding,
by reading a few Ene;lish books, such as they could get.
And here is to be noted the blind ignorance and uncourte-
ous dealing of the bishops against them, not only by their
violent oath and captious interrogatories, constraining the
children to accuse their parents, and parents the children,
the husband the wife, and the wife the husband, &c. But
especially in most wrongfully afflicting them, only for
believing God's word, and the reading of the holy
scriptures.
Now it remains that we show the reasons and scrij)-
tiires whereupon they grounded their views. And first,
against pilgrimage, and against worshipping of images,
they used this text of the Revelation, chap, ix., " I saw
the horses in the vision, and them that sat on them,
having breastplates of fire, and of jacintli, and brim-
stone : and the heads of the horses were as the heads of
lions; and out of their mouths issued fire and smoke and
brimstone. By these three was the third part of men
kdled, by the fire, and by the smoke, and by the brim-
stone, which issued out of their moutlis. For their
power is in their mouth, and in their tails: for their
tails were like unto serpents, and had heads, and with
them they do hurt. And the rest of the men which
■were not killed by these jilagues yet repented not of the
works of their hands, that they should not worship
devds, and idols of gold, and silver, and brass, and
stone, and of wood," &c. (Ex Regist. Longland.
fol. 72.) Also they alleged the first commandment,
that there is but one God, and that they ought not to
worship more gods than one.
And as to the sacrament, they had their instruction
partly out of " Wickliffs Wicket," partly out of the
" Shepherd's Calendar;" where they read that the sa-
crament was made in remembrance of Christ, and ought
to be received iu remembrance of his body, &c. They
also alleged the words of Christ spoken at the supper,
when sitting with his disciples, he took bread, and
hlessed it, and brake it, and gave to his disciples, and said,
" Eat : this (reaching out his arm, and showing the breailin
his hand, and then noting his own natural body, and
touching the same, and not the bre;id consecrated) is my
body which is broken for you ; this do in remembrance of
me." And he likewise took the wine cup and bade them
drink, saying, " This cup is the new testament in my
blood : this do ye, as often as ye drink it, in remembrance
of me." (1 Cor. xi. 24, &c.)
That Christ our Saviour sitteth on the right hand of
the Father, and there shall be unto the day of judgment.
Wherefore, they believed that in the sacrament of tl»e
altar the very body of Christ was not there.
Such reasons as these, taken out of the scripture, and
out of the " Shepherd's Calendar," " WicklifTs
Wi<:ket,'' and out of other books they had among tliem.
And although there was no learned man with them to
ground them in their doctrine, yet they, communing and
conferring together among themselves, converted one
anotlier, the Lord's hand working with them : so that in
a short space the number of these men exceedingly in-
creased ; so that the bishop, seeing the matter almost
past his power, was driven to make his complaint to the
king, and require his aid for suppression of these men.
Whereupon, King Henry, being then young, and inex-
pert in the bloody practices and blind leadings of these
apostolical prelates, directed down the following letter to
the sheriffs, bailiffs, officers, and others, for the aid of
tlie bishop in tliis behalf.
The Copy of the Kmi'' s I^etfer for the aid of John
Lonffland, bishop of Lincoln, ar/ainst the Senmnts of
Christ, theTt falsely called Heretics.
" Henry VIIL, by the grace of God, king of England
and of France, lord of Ireland, defender of the faith : to
all mayors, sheriffs, bailiffs, and constables, and to all
other our officers, ministers, and subjects, hearing or
seeing these our letters, and to every olf them, greeting.
Forasmuch as the right reverend father in God, our
trusty and right well-beloved counsellor, the bishop of
Lincoln, hath now within his diocese no small number
of heretics, as it is thought, to his no little discomfort
and heaviness : We, therefore, being in will and mind
safely to provide for the said right reverend father in
God and his officers, that they, or none of them, shall
bodily be hurt or damaged by any of the said heretics or
their favourers, in executing and ministering justice to
the said heretics, according to the laws of holy church ;
do straightly charge and command you, and every of
you, as ye regard our high displeasure, to be aiding,
helping, and assisting to the said right reverend father
in God, and his said officers, in the executing of justice
in the premises, as they or any of them shall require you
so to do ; not failing to accomplish our commandment
and pleasure in the premises, as ye intend to please us,
and will answer to the contrary at your uttermost perils.
Given under our signet at our castle at Windsor, the
twentieth day of October, the thirteenth year of our
reign."
The bishop thus being armed with the authority of the
king's letter, and incited by his own fierceness, lost no
time, but, to accomplish his violence upon the poor
flock of Christ, he called before him all those in his
diocese, who were suspected to incline toward those
opinions : to such as had but newly been taken, and had
not before abjured, he enjoined most rigorous penance.
The others in whom he could find any relapse, yea, al-
though they submitted their.selves never so humbly to
his favourable courtesy ; and tho\igh also at his request,
and for hope of pardon, they had shewed tlicmselves
great detecters of their brethren ; yet, contrary to his
fair words, and their expectation, he spared not, but
read sentence of rehpse against them, committing them
to the secular arm to be burnt.
The books ami opinions wliich these persons were
charged with, and for the which they were abjured, are
A.D. 1521.]
THE REFORMATION.
421
partly before expressed, partly here follow in a brief
summary to be seen.
A brief Summary of their Opinions.
The opinions of many of these persons were, That he
or she never believed in the sacrament of the altar, nor
ever would.
That he was known of his neighbours to be a good
feUow, meaning, that he was one of this sect or com-
pany.
For saying, that he would give forty pence on condi-
tion that such a one knew so mnch as he knew.
Some for saying, that they of Amersham, who had
abjured before by Bishop Smith, were good men,
and perfect christians, and simple folk who could not
answer for themselves, and therefore were oppressed by
the power of the bishop.
Some, for hiding others in their barns.
Some, for reading the scriptures, or treatises of scrip-
ture, in English : some, for hearing the same read
Some, for defending ; some, for marrying with them
who had abjured.
Some, for saying that matrimony was not a sacra-
ment.
Some, for saying that worshipping of images was
mummery ; some, for calling images carpenters' chips ;
some, for calling them stocks and stones ; some, for call-
ing them dead things.
Some, for saying that money s]ient upon pilgrimage,
served but to maintain thieves and harlots.
Others, for saying, that notliing graven with man's
hand was to be worshipped. .
Another, for calling his vicar a poll- shorn priest.^
Another, for calling a certain blind chapel in ruin, an
old fair milk-house.
Another, for saying, that alms should not be given
before it did sweat in a man's hand.
Some, for saying, that they who die, pass straight
either to heaven or hell.
Isobel Bartlet was brought before the bishop and ab-
jured, for lamenting her husband when the bishop's man
came for him, and saying, that he was an undone man,
and she a dead woman.
For saying that Christ, departing from his disciples
into heaven, said. That once he was in sinners' hands,
and would come there no more.
Some were condemned for receiving the sacrament at
Easter, and doubting whether it was the very body of
Christ, and not confessing their doubt to their ghostly
Father.
Some, for reading the gospels — the epistles — and Re-
velation. Some, for having the creed and Lord's prayer
in English.
Some for saying, that the pope had no authority to
give pardon, or to release man's soul from sin ; and that
it was nothing but blindmg of the people to get their
money.
The penance enjoined to these parties, by this John
Longland, bishop of Lincoln, was almost uniform, save
that they were severally committed to several monas-
teries, there to be kept all their life, except they were
otherwise dispensed with by the bishop.
And they were all at the same time compelled to ab-
jure; by which word, " abjure," is meant, that they were
constrained by their oath, swearing upon the evangelists,
and subscribing with their hand, and a cross to the
same, to say that they utterly and voluntarily re-
nounced, detested, and forsook, and never should hold
hereafter these opinions, contrary to the determination
of the holy mother church of Rome : and, further, that
they should detect to their ordinary, whomever they
should see or suspect hereafter to teach, hold, or main-
tain the same.
Among the forenamed persons who thus submitted
themselves, and were put to penance, there were some,
who, because they had been abjured before, were now
condemned for relapse, and had sentence read against
them, and so were committed to the secular arm to be
burned : whose names here follow : — Thomas Bernard,
James Morden, Robert Rave, John Scrivener, martyrs.
(A.D. 1521.)
Of these, mention is made before, both touching their
abjuration, and also their martyrdom. To whom we
may add, Joan Norman, Thomas Holmes.
This Thomas Holmes, altliough he had disclosed and
detected many of his brethren ; thinking thereby to
please the bishop, and to save himself, and was thought
to be a man paid by the bishop for that purpose : yet,
in the bishop's register appears the sentence of relapse
and condemnation, written and drawn out against him ;
and most probable it is that he was also adjudged and
executed with the others.
As touching the burning of John Scrivenes, here it is
to be observed, that his children'were compelled to set
fire to their father ; and, in like manner, Joan Clerke
also, daughter of William Tilseworth, was constrained to
apply the fire to the burning of her own father.
The example of which cruelty, is not only contrary
both to God and nature, but it lias not even been seen
or heard of in the memory of the heathen.
THE REFORMATION.
Although it cannot be sufficiently expressed with the
tongue, or pen of man, into what miserable ruin and
desolation the church of Christ was brought in those
later d ys : yet partly, by the reading of these histories,
some intelligence may be given to those who have judg-
ment to mark, or eyes to see in what blindness and
darkness the world was drowned during the space of
upwards of four hundred years. By the viewing and
considering of which times and histories, thou mayst
understand (gentle reader) how the religion of Chri t,
which only consists in spirit and truth, was wholly turned
into outward observances, ceremonies, and idolatry.
We had so many saints, so many gods, so many monas-
teries, so many pilgrimages. W^e had as many churches,
as many reliques forged and feigned. Again, we believed
so many reliques, so many lying miracles. Instead of
the only living Lord, we worshipped dead stocks and
stones. In place of immortal Christ, we adored mortal
bread. How the people were led, so that the priests
were fed, no care was taken. Instead of God's word,
man's word was set up. Instead of Christ's testament,
the pope's testament, that is the canon-law. Instead
of St. Paul, Aquinas took place, and almost full posses-
sion. The law of God was little read, the use and end
of it was less known ; and as the end of the law was
unknown, so the difference between the gospel and the
law was not understood, the benefit of Christ not con-
sidered, the effect of faith not examined. Through this
ignorance it cannot be told what infinite errors, sects,
and religions crept into the church, overwhelming the
world as with a flood of ignorance and seduction. And
no marvel ; for where the foundation is i.ot well laid,
what building can stand or prosper ? The foundation of
all our Christianity is only this ; the ])romise of God in the
blood of Christ his Son, giving and promising lite to
all that believe in hi •. : Giving (saith the scripture) to
us, and not bargaining or indenting ttit/i us. And that
freely for Christ's sake, and not conditionally for our
merits' sake.
Furthermore, freely (saith the scripture) by grace,
that the promise might be firm and sure, and not by the
works that we do, which always are doubtful. By grace
(saith the scripture) through promise, to all and upon
all them that believe, and not by the law upon those that
deserve. For if it come by deserving, then it is not of
grace : if it be not of grace, then it is not of promise ;
and contrariwise, if it be of grace and promise, then it
is not of works, saith St. Paul. Upon the foundation
of God's free promises and grace, first builded the
patriarchs, kings, and prophets. Upon this same foun-
dation also Christ the Lord builded his church. Upon
which foundation the apostles likewise builded the apos-
tolic or catholic church.
So long as the church retained this apostolical and
catholic foundation, so long it continued pure and sound.
422
THE REFORMATION.— MARTIN LUTHER.
[Book VII.
■wliich endured a long time after the apostles' time. But
afterwards in process of j'ears, through wealth and neg-
ligence, so soon as this foundation began to be lost,
there came in new builders, who would build upon a new
foundation a new church, wliich we call now the church
of Rome ; who being not content with the old founda-
tion, and the head corner-stone, which the Lord by his
word had laid, laid the groundwork upon the condition
and strength of the law and works. Although it is not
to be denied, but that the doctrine of God's holy law,
and of good works according to the same, is a thing
most necessary to be learned and followed by all men :
yet it is not that foundation whereupon our salvation
consists, neither is that foundation able to bear up the
weight of the kingdom of heaven, but is rather the tiling
wliich is builded on the foundation, which foundation
is Jesus Christ; according as we are taught by St. Paul,
saying, " Other foundation can no man lay than that is
laid, which is Jesus Christ," &c.
Rut this ancient foundation, which the old ancient
church of Christ laid, has been now long forsaken,
and instead of it a new church, with a new foundation,
lias been erected, not upon God's promise, and his free
giace in Christ Jesus, nor upon free justification by
faith, but upon merits and deserts of men's working.
And here they have planted all their new devices, so
infinite, that they cannot well be numbered ; as masses,
trecenaries, dirges, obsequies, matins, and hours-singing-
service, vigils, midnight-rising, barefoot-going, fish-
tasting, Lent-fast, Ember-fast, stations, rogations, jubi-
lees, advocation of saints, praying to images, pilgrimage-
walking, works of supererogation, application of merits,
orders, rules, sects of religion, vows of celibacy, wilful
poverty, pardons, relations, indulgences, penance, and
satisfaction, with auricular confession, founding of ab-
beys, &c. And who is able to recite all their laborious
buildings, falsely framed upon a wrong ground, and all
for ignorance of the true foundation, which is the free
justification by faith in Christ Jesus the Son of God.
Moreover note, that as this new-found church of
Rome was thus deformed in doctrine, so was it cor-
rupt in order of life and deep hypocrisy, doing all
things only under pretences and dissembled titles ; so
Under the pretence of Peter's chair, they exercised a
majesty above emperors and kings. Under the visor of
their vowed celibacy, reigned adultery ; under the cloak
of professed poverty, they possessed the goods of the
tcniporalty ; under the title of being dead to the world,
tiiey not only reigned in the world, but also ruled the
world ; under the colour of the keys of heaven to hang
vnder their girdle, they brought all the states of the
Avorld under their girdle, and crept not only into the
purses of men, but also into their consciences : they
heard their confessions ; they knew their secrets ; they
dispensed as they were disposed, and absolved what
they chose ; and finally, when they had brought the
v.'hole world under their subjection, their pride neither
ceased, nor could their avarice be ever satisfied.
In these so blind and miserably corrupt days of dark-
ness and ignorance, thou seest, good reader, how neces-
sary it was, and high time, that the reformation of the
church should come, which now most happily and gra-
ciously began to work, through the merciful providence
of .Almighty God ; although he suffered his church to
wander and start aside, through the seduction of pride
and prosperity, for a long time, yet at length it pleased
!)is goodness to have respect to his people, and to reduce
his church to its pristine foundation and frame again,
from whence it was piteously decayed. Of this I have
now to treat, intending by the grace of Christ to declare
]:ow, and by what means first this reformation of the
church began, and how it proceeded, increasing by little
iind little to this perfection which we now see.
And here we have first to behold the admirable work
of God's wisdom. For as the first decay and ruin of
the church began by rude ignorance, and lack of know-
ledge in teachers ; so, to restore the church again by
doctrine and learning, it pleased God to open to man the
art of printing shortly after the burning of John Huss
and Jerome. Printing opened to the church the instru-
ments and tools of learning and knowledge, which were
good books and authors who before lay hid and un-
known. The science of printing being found, imme-
diately followed the grace of God, which stirred up good
understandings to conceive the light of knowledge and
of judgment : by which light darkness began to be seen,
and ignorance to be detected ; truth to be discerned
from error ; and religion from superstition.
After these men, stirred up by God, there followed
others, increasing daily more and more in science, in
languages, and perfection of knowledge, who being
so armed and furnished with the help of good letters,
that they encountered the adversary, sustaining the
cause and defence of learning against barbarity ; of truth
against error ; of true religion against superstition.
Here began the first assault against the ignorant and
barbarous faction of the pope's church. After these
men, by their learned writings and laborious travel, had
opened a window of light to the world, and had made (as
it were) a way more ready for others to come after them,
immediately, according to God's gracious appointment,
followed Martin Luther, with others after him, by
whose ministry it pleased the Lord to work a more fuU
reformation of his church.
The History of Dr. Martin Luther, with his Life and
Doctrine described.
Martin Luther, born at Isleben in Saxony, A.D. 148.3,
was sent to the university, first of Magdeburg, then of
Erfurth. In this university of Erfurth there was an
aged man in the convent of the Augustinians, with
whom Luther, being of the same order, an Augustinian
friar, had conference upon many things, especially touch,
ing the article of remission of sins ; which article the
aged father opened to Luther after this sort, declaring,
that we must not generally believe only forgiveness of
sins to be, or to belong, to St. Peter, to St. Paul, to
David, or such good men alone ; but that God's express
commandment is, that every man should believe his
sins individually to be forgiven him in Christ ; and
further said, that this interpretation was confirmed by
the testimony of St. Bernard, and shewed him the
place, in the Sermon of the Annunciation, where it is
thus set forth : — " But add thou that thou believest this,
that by him thy sins are forgiven thee. This is the
testimony that the Holy Ghost gives thee in thy heart,
saying, thy sins are forgiven thee. For this is the opinion
of the apostle, that man is freely justified by faith."
By these words Luther was not only strengthened,
but was also instructed in the full meaning of St. Paul,
who repeats so many times this sentence, " We are jus-
tified by faith." And having read the expositions of
many upon this place, he perceived, as well by the pur-
pose of the old man, as by the comfort he received in
his spirit, the vanity of those interpretations, which he
had read before by the schoolmen. And so reading by
little and little, comparing the sayings and examples of
the prophets and apostles, and continual invocation of
God, and exercise of faith and prayer, he perceived that
doctrine most evidently. Then he began to read St.
Augustine's books, where he found many comfortable
things : among others, in the Exposition of the Psalms,
and especially of the Book of the Spirit and Letter,
which confirmed this doctrine of faith and consolation
in his heart not a little. And yet he laid not aside tlie
Sententiaries, as Gabriel and Cameracensis. Also he
read the books of Occam, whose subtlety he preferred
above Thomas Aquinas and Scotus. He read also Ger
son ; but, above all the rest, he perused St. Augustine's
works all over, with attentive meditation ; and thus he
continued his study at Erfurth for the space uf four
years in the convent of the Augustiiics.
About this time one Staupitius, a famous m;ii\, was
promoting the erection of an university in '\\ ittenliuvir,
and endeavouring to have schools of divinity foumltd in
this new university : when he had considered the sjiirit
and learning of Luther, he invited him from Erfurth,
to place him in Wittenburg, (A.D. \h(W.) at the age of
twenty-six. There his learning ajjpearcd in the ordi«
A.D. 1521.1
HISTORY OF MARTIN LUTHER.
421
nary exercise, botli of liis disputations in the schools, and
in preaching in churches, where many wise and learned
men attentively heard Luther.
Dr. Mellarstad would often say, that Luther was of
such a wonderful spirit, and so ingenious, that he was
sure that he would introduce a more compendious, easy,
and familiar manner of teaching.
There he expounded the logic and philosophy of Aris-
totle, and in the meanwhile omitted not his study in
theology. Three years afterwards he went to Rome,
about some contentions of the monks, and returning the
same year he was graduated as a doctor, at the ex))ense
of the elector Frederick duke of Saxony, according to
the solemn manner of the schools ; for he had heard him
preach, well understood the quietness of his spirit, dili-
gently considered *he force of his words, and held in
high admiration those profound matters which he so ex-
actly explained in his sermons.
After this he began to expound the Epistle to the
Romans, and then the Psalms, where he shewed the
difference betwixt the law and the gospel. He also
overthrew the error that then reigned in schools and
sermons, that men may merit remission of sins by their
own works, and that they are just before God by out-
ward dis<i]iline, as the pharisees taught. Luther dili-
gently led the minds of men to the Son of God ; and as
John the Baptist pointed to the Lamb of God which
took away the sins of the world, even so Luther shining
in the church as a bright star after a long, cloudy, and
obscure sky, clearly shewed, that sins are freely remitted
for the love of the Son of God, and that we ought faith-
fully to embrace this bountiful gift.
These happy beginnings got him great authority, espe-
cially as his life corresponded to his profession. The
consideration of which allured to him wonderfully the
hearts of his auditors, and also many notable personages.
All this while Luther yet altered nothing in the cere-
monies, but precisely observed his rule among his fel-
lows ; he meddled in no doubtful opinions, but taught
this only doctrine as the principal of all others to men,
opening and declaring the doctrine of repentance, of re-
mission of sins, of faith, as the only true comfort in times
of adversity. Every man received good taste of this sweet
doctrine, and the learned conceived high pleasure to behold
Jesus Christ, the prophets, and apostles, come forth
into light out of darkness, by which they began to un-
derstand the difference between the law and the gospel ;
between the promises of the law and the promise of the
gospel ; between spiritual righteousness and civil things ;
which certainly could not have been found in Thomas
Aquinas, Scotus, and such like authors, who were
studied at that time.
It happened about this time, that many were induced
by Erasmus's learned works, to study the Greek and
Latin tongues ; who perceiving a more gentle and ready
order of teaching than before, began to have in contempt
the monks' barbarous and sophistical doctrine ; and
especially such as were of a liberal nature and good dis-
position. Luther began to study the Greek and He-
brew tongue, that after he had learned the phrase and
propriety of the language, and drawn the doctrine from
the very fountains, he might give more sound judgment.
As Lutherwasthus occupied in Germany (A.D. 151(i,)
Leo X. having succeeded Julius 11. was pope of Rome,
•who, under a pretence of war against the Turk, sent a
jubilee with his pardons abroad through all christian
realms and dominions, by which he gathered together
innumerable riches and treasure. The gatherers and
collectors persuaded the people, that whoever would give
ten shillings, should at his pleasure deliver one soul from
the pains of purgatory. For this they held as a general
rule, that God would do whatever they would have
him, according to the saying, "Whatsoever you shall
loose upon earth, shall be loosed in heaven." But if it
were but one jot less than ten shillings, they preached
that it would profit them nothing.
This filthy kind of pope's merchandize, as it spread
through all quarters of christian regions, so came also to
Germany, through means of a certain Dominican friar
named Tetzel, who most impudently caused the pope's
indulgences or pardons to be carried and sold about the
country. Luther, much moved with the blasphemous
sermons of this shameless friar, and having his heart
earnestly bent to maintain true religion, published cer-
tain propositions concerninir indulgences, and set them
openly on the temj)le that joins the castle of Wittenberg,
on the ;iOth of September, A.D. 1517.
This friar, hoping to obtain the pope's blessing, as-
sembled certain monks and divines of his convent, and
forthwith commanded them to write something against
Luther. And while he would not himself seem to b;-,
dumb he began not only to inveigh in his sermons, but
to thunder against Luther, crying, " Luther is an here-
tic, and worthy to be persecuted with fire.'' And be-
sides this, he burned openly Luther's propositions, and
the sermons which he wrote on indulgences. The rage
and fury of this friar forced Luther to treat more amply
of the cause, and to maintain his argument.
And thus arose the beginning of this controversy,
wherein Luther, neither suspecting nor dreaming of any
change that might happen, did not utterly reject the in-
dulgences, but only reqviired a moderation in them ; and
therefore they falsely accuse him, who blaze that he be-
gan with plausible matter, by which he might get praise,
to the end that in process of time he might change the
state of the commonweal, and purchase authority either
for himself or others.
And certainly he was not stirred up by the court, for
the Duke Frederick was offended that such contention
and controversy should arise.
And as this Duke Frederick was one of all the princes
of the time that most loved quietness and tranquillity, so
he neither encouraged nor supported Luther, but often
shewed the heaviness and sorrow which he bore in his
heart, fearing still greater dissensions. But being a wise
prince, and following the counsel of God, and well de-
liberating thereon, he thought with himself that the glory
of God was to be preferred above all things. Nor was
he ignorant what blasphemy it was, horribly condemned
by God, obstinately to oppose the truth. Wherefore he
did as a godly prince should do ; he obeyed God, com-
mitting himself to his holy grace, and omnipotent pro-
tection. And although Maximilian the emperor, Charles
king of Spain, and jiope Julius, had given commandment
to the Duke Frederick that he should prohibit Luther
from all place and liberty of preaching ; yet the Duke,
considering with himself the preaching and writing of
Luther, and weighing diligently the testimonies and
places of scripture which he alleged, would not withstand
the thing which he judged to be true and sincere. And
yet he did not do this, trusting to his own judgment, but
was very anxious to hear the judgment of others, who
were both aged and learned. In the number of whom
was Erasmus, whom the duke desired to declare to him
his opinion touching the matter of Martin Luther ; say-
ing and protesting, that he would rather the ground should
open and swallow him, than he would bear with any
opinions which he knew to be contrary to manifest truth ;
and therefore he desired him to declare his judgment in
the matter to him freely and friendly.
Erasmus, thus being intreated by the duke, began thus
jestingly and merrily to answer the duke's request, say-
ing, that, in Luther were two great faults ; first,
that he would touch the bellies of monks : the second,
that he would touch the pope's crown; which two mat-
ters are in no case to be tampered with. Then, opening
his mind plainly to the duke, he said, that Luther was
occupied in detecting errors, and that a reformation was
to be wished, and very necessary in the church : and he
added, that the effect of his doctrine was true ; but only
he wished in him a more temperate moderation and
manner of writing. Duke Frederick shortly after wrote
to Luther seriously, exhorting him to temper the vehe-
mence of his stjle. This was at the city of Cologne,
shortly after the coronation of the new emperor.
Erasmus the next year wrote to the archbishop of
Mentz an epistle touching the cause of Luther. In
which epistle he signifies to the bishop " That manj
424
THE REFORMATION.— MARTIN LUTHER.
[Book VII.
things were in the hooks of Luther condemned by monks
ind divines for heretical, which in the books of Bernard
nnd Austin are read as sound and godly."
Also " That the world is burdened with men's insti-
tutions, with school-doctrines and opinions, and with
the tyranny of begging friars ; which friars, being
nothing but the pope's sei-vants and underlings, yet
have they so grown in power and multitude, that they
are now terrible both to the pope himself, and to all
princes. Who so long as the pope makes with them, so
Ions: tliey make him more than God ; but if he make any
thing against their purpose or advantage, then they
weigh his authority no more than a dream or phantasy."
" Once," said he, " it was counted an heresy when
a man opposed the gospel or articles of the faith ; now
he that dissents from Thomas Aquinas is an heretic ;
whatever they like not, whatever they understand not,
that is heresy. To speak Greek is heresy ; or to speak
more finely than they do, that is with them heresy." And
thusmuchby the way concerning the judgment of Erasmus.
Now to return, and to treat of the acts and conflicts of
Luther with his adversaries. After Tetzel, with his
fellow-monks and friars, had cried out with open mouth
against Luther, in maintaining the pope's indulgences ;
and after Luther, in defence of his cause, had set up
propositions against the open abuses of indulgences, it
was wonderful to see how soon those propositions were
spread abroad in far places, and how greedily they were
caught up in the hands of persons both far and near.
And thus the contention increasing between them,
Luther was compelled to write more largely and fully
than otherwise he thought, which was in A.D. 1,517.
Yet all this while Luther never thought of any altera-
tion, much less such a reformation of doctrine and cere-
monies as afterwards followed. But hearing that he was
accused to the bishop of Rome, he wrote humbly to him,
in which writing he declares the outrage of those pardon-
mongers who so excessively cheated the simple people,
to the great slander of the church, and shame to his
holiness ; and so proceeding, in the end of his writing
thus submits himself.
" Wherefore,'' saith he, " most holy father, I offer
myself prostrate under the feet of your holiness, viith all
that I am, and all that I have. Save me, kill me, call
me, recall me, approve me, reprove me as you shall please.
Your voice, the voice of Christ in your sjieaking, I will
acknowledge. If I have deserved death, I shall be con-
tented to die ; for the earth is the Lord's, and all the
fulness thereof, who is blessed forever. Amen." This
was in A.D. 1.518.
After Martin Luther, provoked by Tetzel, had de-
clared his mind in writing, lowly and humbly, and had
set up certain propositions to he disputed ; not long
after, among other monks and friars, steps up Silvester
de Prierio, a Dominican friar, who began to publish
abroad an imi)ndent and railing dialogue against him.
Next after this Sylvester stept forth Eckius, and op-
posed the conclusions of Luther. Against whom D.
Andrew Bedenstein, archbishop of Wittenberg, came
forth, making his apology in defence of Luther.
Then was Martin Luther cited the 7th of August, by
Jerome bishop of Ascalon, to appear at Rome. About
which time Thomas Cajetan, cardinal, the pope's legate,
was then at the city of Augsburgh, having before been
sent down with certain mandates of Pope Leo to that
city. The University of Wittenberg hearing of Luther's
citation, soon directed their letters, with their public
seal, to the pope in Luther's behalf. Also another letter
they sent to Charles Militz, the pope's chamberlain ;
also good Frederick ceased not for his part to solicit the
matter with his letters and earnest suit with Cardinal
Cajetan, that the cause of Luther might be removed
from Rome to Augsburgh, in the hearing of the cardinal.
Cajetan, at the suit of the Duke, wrote to the pojie, from
whom he received this answer, 2.{d August: " That he
hadcnted Luther to appear personally before him at Rome,
by Jerome bishop of As(-alon, auditor of the chamber,
which bishop had diligently done what was commanded
him ; but Luther, abusing and contemning the gentle-
ness offered, not only refused to come, but also became
more bold and stubborn, continuing, or rather increasing
in his former heresy. Wherefore he desired that tiie
cardinal should cite and call up the said Luther, to a])-
pearat the city of Augsburgh before him, adjoining withal
the aid of the princes of Germany, and of the emperor,
if need required ; so that when the said Luther should
appear, he should lay hands upon him, and commit him
to safe custody, and then he should be brought up to
Rome ; and if he perceived him to come to any ki>:>w-
ledge or amendment of his fault, he should release iiim
and restore him to the church again, or else he should
be interdicted, with all his adherents, abettors, and
maintainers, of whatever state or condition they were,
whether they were dukes, marquises, earls, barons,
&c. Against all which persons and degrees, he desired
him to extend the same curse and maledi-.-tion (only the
person of the emperor excepted) interdicting, by the
censure of the church, all such lands, lordships, towns,
tenements, and villages, as should minister any harbour
to Luther, and were not obedient to the see of Rome.
Contrariwise, to all such as shewed themselves obedient, !
he should promise full remission of all their sins."
The pope directs other letters also at the same time
to Duke Frederick, complaining with many grievous i
words against Luther.
The cardinal being thus charged with injunctions!
from Rome, according to his commission, sends with
all speed for Luther, to appear at Augsburgh, before him.
About the beginning of October, Martin Luther yield,
ing his obedience to the church of Rome, came to Augs-
burgh at the cardinal's message (at the charges of the 1
noble prince elector, and also with his letters of com-
mendation), where he remained three days before he
came to his presence, for it was providecJ by his friends
that he should not confer with the cardinal till a suf-
ficient warrant or safe conduct was obtained of the
emperor Maximilian. Which being obtained, he soon
entered, offering himself to the presence of the cardi-
nal, and was there received by the cardinal very gently ;
who, according to the pope's command, propounded to
Martin Luther three things, to wit : —
1. That he should repent and revoke his errors.
2. That he should promise, from that time forward, to
refrain from the same.
'A. That he should refrain from all things that might by 1
any means trouble the church.
When Martin Luther required to be informed where-
in he had erred, the legate brought forth a papal bull,
called the Extravagant of Clement, which begins, " Uni-
genitus," &c., because that he, contrary to that canon,
had held and taught in his fifty-eight propositions, " That
the merits of Christ, are not the treasure of indulgences
or pardons." Secondly, the cardinal, contrary to the
seventh proposition of Luther, affirmed, that faith is not
necessary to him that receives the sacrament.
Another day, in the presence of four of the emperor's
council, having a notary and witnesses present, Luther
protested for himself, in this manner following : —
"I Martin Luther, an Augustinian friar, protest, that
I do reverence and follow the church of Rome in all my
sayings and doings, present, past, and to come ; and if
any thing has been, or shall be said by me to the con-
trary, I count it, and am willing that it be counted
and taken as though it had never been spoken. But
because the cardinal has required at the command of
the pope three things of me,
1. That I should return again to the knowledge of
myself.
2. That I should beware of falling into the same agaiq
hereafter.
3. That I should promise to abstain from all things
which might disquiet the church of God ;
" I protest here this day, that whatever I have said,
seems to me to be sound, true, and catholic ; yet for
the further proof of it, I offer myself personally, cither
here or elsewhere, publicly to give a reason of my say-
ings. And if this please not the legate, I am ready hIso
in writing to answer his objections, if he have any against
me ; and to hear the sentence and judgiiie tit of rlie
universities of the empire, Basil, Friburg, and Louvaine.'*
A.D. 1521.1
THE REFORMATION.— MARTIN LUTHER.
425
After this, Luther prepares an answer to the legate,
teaching that the merits of Christ are not committed to
men ; that the pope's voice is to be heard when he
speaks agreeably to the scriptures ; that the pope may
err, and that he ought to be reprehended. Moreover
he shewed, that in matters of faith, not only the
general council, but also every faithful christian is al)ove
the pipe, if he depend on better authority and better
reason : that the extravagant bull contains untruths :
that it is an infallible truth that none is righteous : that
it is necessary for him that comes to the receiving
of the sacrament to believe : that faith in the remission
of sins is necessary ; that he ought not to decline from
the truth of the scripture : that he sought nothing but the
light of the truth, &c.
But the cardinal would hear no scriptures ; he disputed
without scriptures ; he devised glosses and expositions
out of his own head ; and by subtle distinctions like a
very Proteus he avoided all things. After this, Luther
being commanded to come no more into the presence of
the legate, except he would recant, abode there still and
would not depart. Then the cardinal sent for John Stu-
pitius, vicar of the Augustinians, and moved him earnestly
to bring Luther to recant. Luther tarried the next day
also, and nothing was said to him. The third day also
he tarried, and delivered his mind in writing ; in which,
first, " he thanked him for his courtesy and great kindness,
which he perceived by the words of Stupitius, toward
him, and therefore was the more ready to gratify him in
whatever kind of office he could do him service, confessing
that where he had been somewhat sharp and eager against
the pope's dignity, that was not so much of his own mind,
as it was to be ascribed to the importunity of some
who gave him occasion. Notwithstanding as he acknow-
ledged his excess, so he was ready to shew more modera-
tion hereafter, and also promised to make amends to the
bishop, and that in the pulpit, if he pleased. And as to
the matter of pardons, he promised also to proceed no
further, if his adversaries likewise were bound to keep
silence. Rut as he wa- pressed to retract his sentence
which he had pfv-iously lefenr'^ed, as he had said nothing
but with a good lonscienc*;, and which was agreeable to
the firm testimonies of the.Tripture, therefore he humbly
desired the detera 'natioiv of it to be referred to the
bishop of Rome ; for nothing could be more grateful
to him, than t*^ hear the voice of the church speak-
ing." &c.
Who does not see by this humble submission of Lu-
ther, that if the bishop of Rome would have been satis-
fied or contented with any reason, he had never been
troubled any further by Luther ? But the secret purpose
of God had a further work to do ; for the time was now
come when God thought good that pride should have a
fall. Thus while the unmeasurable desire of that bishop
sought more than enough (like Esop's dog coveting to
have both flesb and shadow) he not only missed what
he gaped for, but also lost what he had.
This writing Luther delivered to the cardinal, the
third day after he was commanded out of his sight.
Which Ic-tter or writing the cardinal little regarded.
When Luther saw that he would give no answer to the
letter, he yet remained after the fourth day, and still
nothing was answered ; the fifth day likewise was passed
with silence, and nothing done. At length, by the coun-
sel of liis friends, and especially because the cardinal had
said before that he had a commandment to imprison
Luther and John Stupitius ; after he had made and set
up his ai)pe;il where it might be seen and read, he de-
parted, tliinking that he had shewed obedience long
enough. Luther himself records all this, and shews
why he submitted himself to the church of Rome ; de-
claring that even those things which are most truly
spoken, yet ought to be maintained and defended with
humility and fear ; and he protests that he reverences
and follows the church of Rome in all things, and that
he sets himself only against those which, under the name
of the church of Rome, go about to set forth and com-
mend Babylon to us.
Thus Luther, being rejected from the presence of the
cardinal Cajetan after six days' waiting, departed by the
advice of his friends, and returned into Wittenber",
leaving a letter in writing to be given to the cardinal,
wherein he declared sufficiently, — his obedience iu his
coming, — the reasons of his doctrine, — his reasonable
submission to the see of Rome, — his long waiting after
he was repelled from the cardinal's presence, — the
charges of the duke, — ard finally, the cause of his de-
parting. Besides this letter to the cardinal, he left also
an appeal to the bishop of Rome, from the cardinal,
which he caused to be published before his departure.
After Luther had departed and returned again into
his own country, Cajetan writes to Duke Frederick a
sharp and biting letter, in which first he notices his
gentle entreating and good will shewn to reduce Luther
from his error. Secondly, he complains of the sudden
departing of him, and of Stupitius. Thirdly, he declares
the danger of Luther's doctrine against the church of
Rome. Fourthly, he exhorts the duke, that as he ten-
ders his own honour and safety, and regards the favour of
the high bishop, he will send him to Rome, or expel him
out of his dominions, forasmuch as such a pestilence
could not, and ought not by any means to be suffered.
To this letter of the cardinal the duke answers at
large, clearing both Luther and himself ; Luther, in that
he following his conscience, grounded upon the word of
God, would not revoke that for an error, which could be
proved to be no error ; and himself he excuses thus,
that where it is required of him to banish him his coun-
try, or to send him up to Rome, it would be little be ■
coming him to do so, and less conscientious, unless he
knew just cause wliy he should do so, which if the cardi-
nal would or could declare to him, there should lack
nothing in him which was the duty of a christian prince
to do. And therefore he desired him to endeavour with
the bishop of Rome, that innocency and truth be not
oppressed before the crime or error be lawfully con-
victed.
This done, the duke sends the letter of the cardinal to
Martin Luther, who answered again to the prince, shew-
ing first how he came obediently to Cajetan with the
emperor's warrant, and what talk there was between
them ; how Cajetan pressed him, against his conscience
and manifest truth, to revoke these errors. First, that
the merits of Christ's passion were not the treasure of
the pope's pardons. Secondly, that faith was necessary
in receiving the sacraments. Although in the first he
was content to yield to the cardinal ; yet in the second,
because it touched a great part of our salvation, he could
not with a safe conscience retract, but desired to be
taught by the scriptures, or at least, that the matter
might be brought into open disputation in some free
place of Germany, where the truth might be discussed
and judged by learned men. The cardinal, not pleased
with this, in great anger cast out many menacing words,
and would not admit him any more to his presence ; and
yet he persisting in his obedience to the church of Rome,
gave attendance, waiting upon the cardinal's pleasure a
sufficient time.
At last, when no answer would come, after lie had
waited the space of five or six days, to his great loss and
greater danger, by the persuasion of his friends he de-
parted. At which, if the cardinal was displeased, he
had most cause to blame himself. " And now, aii the
cardinal threatens me," saith he, " not to let the matter
fall, but that the process shall be pursued at Rome, un-
less I either come and present myself, or else be banished
your dominions, I am not so much grieved for mine own
sake as that you should sustain on my account any
danger or peril. And therefore seeing there is no jihu-e
nor country, which can keep me from the malice «f my
adversaries, I am willing to depart hence, and to for-
sake my country, whithersoever it shall please the Lord to
lead me, thanking God who has counted me worthy to
suffer thus much for the glory of Christ's name."
At this time the cause of Luther was in great danger,
and he himself was ready to fly the country, and the
duke again was as much afraid to keep him, had not the
marvellous providence of God provided a remedy where
the power of man failed, by stirring up the whole univer-
sity of Wittenberg, who seeing the cause of truth thus
426
THE REFORMATION.— MARTIN LUTHER,
[Book VII.
declining, with a full and general consent addressed their
letters to the prince, in defence of Luther and of his
cause, making their humble suit to him, that he of
his i)riin!ely honour would not suffer iimocency and the
S!in|ilicity of cruth, so clearly exposed in the scriptures,
to he foiled and oppressed by mere violence of certain
mali'^jiriut flatterers about the pope, but that the error
may first be sliewa and convicted, before the party be
pronounced guilty.
By these letters tlie duke began more seriously to con-
sider in his mind the cause of Luther, and to read his
works, and also to hearken to his sermons. By which
(through God's holy working) he grew to knowledge and
strc-iiiitli, perceiving in Luther's quarrel more than he
did !jt fore. This was about the beginning of December,
A.D. i:)is.
As tliis passed on. Pope Leo, playing the lion at Rome,
in tlie month of November, to establish his seat against
the defection which he feared was coming, had sent
forth new indulgences into Germany, and all quarters
abroad, with a new edict, wherein he declared this to be
tlie c;itl)olic doctrine of the holy mother church of Rome,
prince of all other churches, that bishops of Rome, who
are successors of Peter, and vicars of Christ, have this
poiver and authority given to release and dispense, also
to grant indulgences available both for the living, and
for the dead lying in the pains of purgatory ; and this
doctrine he charged to be received of all faithful christian
men, under pain of the great curse, and utter separation
from all holy church.
This popish decree and indulgence, as a new merchan-
dise to get money, having been sent into all quarters of
Christendom for the holy father's advantage, came also
to be received in Germany about the month of Decem-
ber. Luther in the meantime, hearing that at Rome
they were about to proceed and pronounce against him,
provided a certain appeal in due form of law, wherein he
appeals from the pope to the general council.
When Pope Leo perceived that his pardons would not
prosper to his mind, and that Luther could not be
brought to Rome, he sent his chamberlain, Charles
Miltitz, who was a German, into Saxony to Duke Fre-
derick, with a golden rose, after the usual ceremony, with
secret letters also to certain noblemen of the duke's
council, to solicit in favour of the pope's cause, and to
remove the duke's mind, if it might be, from Luther.
But before Miltitz approached Germany, the Emperor
Maximilian died in Jan. 1519. Then two candidates
stood for the election, to wit, Francis the French king,
and Charles king of Spain, who was also duke of Austria,
and duke of Burgundy. To make this matter short,
through the means of Fredel-ick prince elector (who
having the offer of the preferment, refused it) the election
fell to Charles, called Charles V., about the end of
August.
In the month of June previously, there was a public
disputation at Leipsic, a city under the dominion of
George duke of Saxony, uncle to Duke Frederick. This
disputation first began through the occasion of John
Eckius, a friar, and Andrew Carolostad, a doctor of
Wittenberg. This Eckius had impugned certain propo-
sitions or conclusions of Martin Luther, which he had
written the year before against the pope's pardons.
Against him Carolostad wrote in defence of Luther.
Eckius, to answer Carolostad, set forth an apology ;
which apology Carolostad confuted in writing. To this
disputation Martin Luther came with Philip Melanc-
thon, who not a year before had come to Wittenberg ;
Luther not thinking then of disputing any thing because
of his appeal already mentioned, but only to hear what
was said and done.
iiffore the entering into the disputation it was agreed
that every thing should be penned by notaries, and
efterwards published. But Eckius afterwards went back
from that, pretending that the penning of the notaries
would be an hinderance to them, by whicli their rea-
soning would be the more languid. Hut Carolostad
would not dispute without notaries. The sum of their
disputation was reduced to certain conclusions. Among
which, first came in question to dispute of free will, that
is, whether a man have of himself any election or pur-
pose to do that which is good. When the question was
to be discussed, what the will of man may do of itself,
without grace ; they, through heat of contention, fell
into other matters little or nothing appertaining to
that Carolostad proposed. Eckius affirmed that the
pure strength to do good is not in man's will, but is
given of God to man, to take interest and increase of
man again, which at first he seemed to deny. Then
being asked by Carolostad whether the whole and full
good work that is in man proceeds of God ? He an-
swered, the whole good work, but not wholly, granting
that the will is moved by God, but that to consent is in
man's power. Against this Carolostad reasoned, al-
leging certain places of Augustine, and of St. Paul, who
saith, "That God worketh in us both to will and to j
do." And this opinion of Carolostad seemed to prevail.}
And thus a whole week was lost about this contentious]
and sophisticalaltercation between Eckius and Carolostad.
Luther, as was said, came not thinking at all to dis-
pute, but having liberty granted by the duke, and under
the po])e's authority, was challenged, and forced against
his will, to dispute with Eckius. The matter of their
controversy was about the authority of the bishop of j
Rome. Luther had previously set forth in writing, that
they who attribute the pre-eminency to the church of
Rome, have no otlier foundation for it than the pope's
decrees, which had been set forth not much more thau
four hundred years before ; and these decrees he af-
firmed to be quite contrary to all ancient histories, fori
above a thousand years past, and also contrary to the
holy scriptures, and to the Nicene council.
Against this assertion Eckius set up a contrary con-
clusion, saying, " That they who hold that the supre-
macy and pre-eminence of the church of Rome above all
other churches was not before the time of pope Silves-
ter I. do err, forasmuch as they who succeed in the see
and faith of Peter, were always received for the successors
of Peter, and vicars of Christ on earth."
Though this was the last of all the other points of Ec-
kius, yet he thought to begin with this against Luther, in
order to bring him into more displeasure with the bishop
of Rome ; but Luther refused to dispute, alleging that
the subject was more unpleasant than necessary for that
time, and also that for the bishop of Rome's sake, he
had much rather keep silence on the point. But if he
must needs be forced to it, he wished the fault should
be understood to be where it really was, namely, in his
adversaries who challenged him to it. Eckius again
clearing himself, transfers all the fault to Luther, who
first in his treatise on indulgences, asserted that before
Pope Silvester's time the church of Rome had no pre-
eminence above other churches.
Thus Luther being constrained to dispute, whether
he would or no, the question began to be pro-
pounded as to the supremacy of the bishop of Rome,
which supremacy, Eckius contended was found and
grounded upon God's law. Luther on the other side
denied not the supremacy of the bishop of Rome above
other churches, neither did he deny it to be universal
over all churches, but he only affirmed it not be instituted
by God's law. Upon this question the disputation con-
tinued for tlie space of five days. During all which time
Eckius very dishonestly and discourteously demeaned
himself, studying by all means how to bring his adver-
sary into hatred with the auditors, and into danger
with the pope. Tlie reasons of Eckius were these:
" Forasmucli as the church, being a civil body, cannot
be without a head, therefore as it stands with God's law,
that other civil governments should not be destitute of a
head ; so it is requisite by God's law, that the pope
should be the head of the universal church of Christ."
To tliis Martin Luther answered, "That he confesses
and grants the church not to be headless so long as
Christ is alive, who is the only head of the church ; neither
does the cliurch require any other head beside him, foras-
much as it is a spiritual kingdom, and not earthly."
And he alleged for him the place of Coloss. i. 18
Eckius again produces certain places out of Jerome and
Cyprian, which made very little way to prove the pri-
i- ,r '■
-11^/
^ i. i
I mi; I
§ift:«i
A. D. 1521.]
THE REFORMATION.— MARTIN LUTHER.
427
macy of the pope to exist by the law of God. As
to the testimony of Bernard, the authority of that au-
thor was not of any great force in this question.
Then he came to the phice of St. Matthew, " Thou
art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my church,"
&c. To this was answered, " That this was a confes-
sion of faith ; and that Peter there represents the person
of the whole universal church, as Augustine expounds
it. Also, that Christ in that place means himself to be
the rock, as is manifest both by his words, and the struc-
ture of the sentence, and many other conjectures.
Also to the place of St. John, (xxi.Ki.) " Feed my sheep "
(Which words Eckius alleged were spoken, peculiarly to
Peter alone). Luther answered, " That after these
words were spoken, an equal authority was given to all
the apostles, where Christ saith to them, ' Receive ye
the Holy Ghost : whose soever sins ye remit, they are re-
mitted,' &c. By these words (saith he) Christ, assign-
ing to them their office, teaches what it is to feed, and
what he ought to be who feeds." After this, Eckius
came to the authority of the council of Constance , al-
leging this among others, — " That it stands upon neces-
sity of our salvation, to believe the bishop of Rome to
be supreme head of the church : alleging, moreover,
that in that council it was debated and discussed, that a
general council could not err." To this Martin Luther
answered discreetly, saying, " That all the articles which
John Huss held were not condemned in that council for
heretical. Again, of what authority that council of
Coustance is to be esteemed, he left to other men's
judgments. This is most certain (said he) that no
council has authority to make new articles of faith."
Here Martin Luther was exclaimed against by Eckius
and his accomplices, for diminishing the authority of
general councils ; although he meant to confirm their
authority. Yet he was called a heretic and a schismatic,
and one of the Bohemian faction, with many other terms
of reproachful insult. Eckius then granted the autho-
rity of the apostles to be equal : and yet that it did not
follow thence, that the authority of all bishops was
equal. In conclusion, Eckius could not bear that any
one should decline from any word or sentence of the
pope's decrees, or the constitutions of the fathers. To
this Luther answered, grounding himself upon the place
in Gal. ii. 6, where St. Paul, speaking of the principal
apostles, saith, " And of them who seemed to be some-
what, whatever they were, it maketh no matter to me,
for God accepteth no man's person : nevertheless, that
they seemed to be somewhat added nothing to me," &.c.
Eckius said to this " That as to the authority of the
apostles, they were all chosen by Christ, but were or-
dained bishops by St. Peter." And when Luther
brought forth the constitution of the decree, which saith,
" Let not the bishop of Rome be called universal
bishop," &c. Eckius answered, " That the bishop of
Rome ought not to be called universal bishop ; yet he
may be called bishop of the universal church." And
thus much touching the question of the pope's su-
premacy.
From this matter they entered next upon purgatory,
where Eckius kept no order ; for when they should have
disputed what power the pope has in purgatory ; Eckius
turns the scope of the question, and endeavours to prove
that there is purgatory ; and alleges the place of Macca-
bees. Luther, leaning upon the judgment of Jerome,
affirms the book of Maccabees to be not canonical.
Eckius again replies, that the book of Maccabees was
of no less authority than the gospels. Also, he alleges
the place, 1 Cor. iii. 15, " He himself shall be saved ;
yet so as by fire." Also, the place of Matthew v. 25,
*' Agree with thine adversary quickly whiles thou art in
the way with him, lest he deliver thee to prison, — thou
shale not come out thence till thou hast paid the utter-
most farthing," &c. To this he added also, Psal.
Ixvi. 12, " We went through fire and water," &c. How
these places are wrested to purgatory, let the reader dis-
cern and judge. Then was brought on the question of
indulgences, of which Eckius seemed to make but a
tritie, and a matter of nothing, and so passed it over.
At last they came to the question of penance : touch-
ing which, the reasons of Eckius digressed much from
the purpose, and went to prove, that there are some pains
of satisfaction, which Luther never denied ; but that for
every particular offence such particular penance is ex-
acted of God's justice upon the repentant sinner, as is
in man's power to remit or release ; such penance
neither Luther, nor any true christian would admit.
And thus ye have the chief effect of this disputation
between Luther and Eckius at Leipsic, in the month of
July, 15iy.
About the beginning of the same year, 1519, Ulric
Zuinglius came first to Zurich, and there began to teach.
In the sixteenth article in his book of articles, he re-
cords, that Luther and he at the same time, one not
knowing or hearing of the other, began to write against
the pope's pardons and indulgences. Yet, if the
time be rightly counted, I suppose we shall find that
Luther began a year or two before Zuinglius. Not-
withstanding, Sleidan testifies, that in tliis year, when
Sampson, a Franciscan, came with the pope's pardons to
Zurich, Ulric Zuingli\is withstood him, and declared his
pardons to be but a vain seducing of the people, to in-
veigle away their money.
In the next year, which was 1520, the friars and
doctors of Louvaine, and of Cologne, condemned the
books of Luther as heretical. Luther again effectually
defended himself, and charged them with obstinate vio-
lence and malicious in. piety. About this same time
flashed out from Rome the thunderbolt of Pope Leo
against Luther, although he had so humbly and obe-
diently reverenced both the person of the pope, and the
authority of his see, and had also dedicated to him the
book intituled, " Of Christian Liberty." In which
book he discusses aud proves these two points princi-
pally ;
1. That a christian man is free, and Lord over all
things, and subject to none.
2. That a christian man is a diligent underling and
servant of all men, and to every man subject.
Also, in the same year he set out a defence of all his
articles, which the pope's bull had before condemned.
Another book also he wrote to the nobility of Ger-
many, in which he impugns and shakes the three princi-
pal vvalls of the papists ; the first whereof is this : —
1. Whereas the papists say, that no temporal or pro-
fane magistrate has any power over the spirit-
uality, but that the spirituality have power over the
other.
2. Where any place of scripture, being in controversy,
it is to be decided, they say, " No man may ex-
pound the scripture, or be judge of it, but only the
pope."
3. When any council is brought against them, they
say, " That no man has authority to call a council,
but only the pope."
Moreover, in this book he handles and discourses on
other matters : That the pope can stop no free councU ;
also what things ought to be handled in councils : That
the pride of the pope is not to be suffered. What
money goes out of Germany yearly to the pope, amounts
to the sum of three millions of florins. Furthermore,
in this book he proves and discusses, that the emperor
is not under tlie pope ; and that the donation of Con-
stantine is not true, but forged : That priests may have
wives : That the voices of the people ought not to be
separated from the election of ecclesiastical persons :
That interdicting and suspending of matrimony at cer-
tain times was introduced from avarice : what is the
right use of excommunication : That there ought to be
fewer holy-days : That liberty ought not to be restrained
in meats : That wilful poverty and begging ought to be
abolished : What damage and inconvenience have grown
up by the council of Constance : and what misfortunes
Sigismund the emperor sustained, for not keeping faith
and promise with John Huss and Jerome of Prague :
That heretics should be convinced not by fire and
faggot, but by evidence of scripture, and God's word :
How schools and universities ought to be reformed:
428
THE REFORMATION— MARTIN LUTHER.
[Book VII.
What is to be said and juds;ed of the pope's decretals :
That the first teaching of children ought to begin with
the gospel.
In the month of October this year, the new emperor,
Charles v., was crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle ; and about
the month of November, Pope Leo sent again to Duke
Fredeii<-k two cardinals, of whom the one was Jerome
Leander, who, after a few words of high commendation,
premised to the duke, touching his noble progeny and
his other famous virtues, then they made two requests
to him in tlie pope's name ; first. That he would cause
all the books of Luther to be burned. Secondly,
That he would either cause Luther to be executed, or
else would send him up to Rome to the pope.
These two requests seemed very strange to the duke :
who, answering the cardinals, said, " That he having
been hmg absent from thence, on other public affairs,
could not tell what had been done, neither had he com-
municated on the doings of Luther. However, this he
had heard, that Eckius was a great disturber not only of
Luther, but of other learned and good men of his uni-
versity. As for himself, he was always ready to do his
duty ; first, in sending Luther to Cajetan the cardinal
at the city of Augsburgh, and afterwards, at the pope's
command, would have sent him out of his dominions,
had not Meltitz, the pope's own chamberlain, given
contrary counsel to retain him still in his own country,
fearing lest he might do more harm in other countries
than where he was better known : and so now also he was
as ready to do his duty, wherever right and equity re-
quired. But as in this cause he sees much hatred and
violence shewn on one side, and no error yet convicted
on the other side, but that it had rather the appr bation
of many well learned and sound men of judgment ; and
as also the cause of Luther was not yet heard before the
emperor, therefore he desired the legates to arrange
•with the pope's holiness, that certain learned persons of
gravity and upright judgment might be assigned to have
the hearing and determination of this matter, and that
his error might first be known and proved, before he
•was made a heretic, or his books burned. And then
when he should see his error by manifest and sound
testimonies of scripture, Luther should find no favour at
his hands ; otherwise he trusted that the pope's holiness
would e.xact nothing of him, which he might not with
equity and honour of his place and estate, reasonably
perform, &c.
Then the cardinals, declaring to the duke again, that
they could do no otherwise, than according to the form
of their commission, and so they took the books of
Luther, and shortly after set fire upon them, and openly
burnt them. Luther hearing this, in like manner called
together all the students and learned men in Wittenberg,
and there taking the pope's decrees, and the bull lately
sent down against himself, openly and solemnly, accom-
panied with a great number of people following him, he
set them likewise on fire, and burnt them, on the 10th
of December.
A little before these things passed between the pope
and Martin Luther, the emperor had commanded and
ordained a sitting or assembly of the states of all the
empire to be held at the city of Worms, on the sixth
day of January next ensuing. In which assembly,
through tlie means of Duke Frederick, the emperor gave
forth. That he would have the cause of Luther there
brought before him, and so it was. For when the as-
semljly was commenced in the city of Worms, after-
wards, upon the sixth day of March following, the em-
peror, tlirough the advice of Duke Frederick, directed
his letters to Luther ; signifying, that for so much as he
had set forth certain books, he therefore, by the advice
of his peers and princes about him, had ordained to have
the cause brought before him in his own hearing, and
tlierefore he granted him licence to come, and return
home again. And that he might safely and quietly do
so, he promised to him by pul)lic faith and credit, in the
name of the wliole empire, his passport and safe conduct;
as by tlie instrument which he sent to him, he might
the more fully be assured. Wherefore, without all
doubt or distrust, he desired him to repair to liim, and
to be there present the one-and-twentieth day after the
receipt thereof.
Martin Luther being thus provided with his safe con-
duct by the emperor, and after having been accursed at
Rome upon Maunday Thursday, by the pope ; he,
shortly after Easter, speeds his journey to Worms ;
where he appeared before the emperor and all the states
of Germany ; how constantly he stuck to the truth, and
defended himself, and answered his adversaries, shall
now be detailed.
The Acts and Doingf: of Martin Luther hefore the
Emperor at the City of Worms.
In the year 1.521, about seventeen days after Easter,
Martin Lutlier entered Worms, having been sent for by
the Emjjeror Charles V., &c. And whereas Luther
having published tliree years before certain propositions
to be disputed in the town of Wittenberg in Saxony,
against the tyranny of the pope^which, notwithstand-
ing, were torn in pieces, condemned and burned by the
papists, and yet convinced by no manifest scriptures, or
probable reason — the matter began to grow to a tumult
and agitation ; and yet Luther maintained all the while
openly his cause against the clergy. Upon this it
seemed good to some, that Luther should be summoned,
assigning to him a herald-at-arms, with a letter of safe
conduct by the emperor and princes. Being sent for,
he came, and was brought to the house of the knights of
Rhodes, where he was lodged, well treated, and visited
by many earls, barons, knights of the order, gentlemen,
priests, and the commonalty, who frequented his lodging
until night.
To conclude, he came, contrary to the expectation of
many ; for although he was sent for by the emperor's
messenger, and had letters of safe conduct, yet, as a few
days before his books had been condemned by public
proclamation, it was much doubted by many whether he
would come : especially as his friends deliberated to-
getlier in a village nigh at hand, (where Luther was first
advertised of these occurrences) and many persuaded
him not to venture himself into such danger. When he
had heard their whole persuasion and advice, he
answered in tliis wise : — " As, since I am sent for, I am
resolved and certainly determined to enter Worms, in
the name of our Lord Jesus Christ ; yea, although there
were so many devils to resist me, as there are tiles to
cover the houses in Worms.'*
The fourth day after his arrival, a gentleman, named
Ulrick of Pappenheim, lieutenant-general of the men at
arms of the empire, was commanded by the emperor, be-
fore dinner, to go to Luther, and to enjoin him to appear
before his imperial majesty, the princes electors, dukes,
and other estates of the empire, at four o'clock in the
afternoon, to be informed of the cause of his being sent
for ; to which he willingly assented, as was his duty.
Therefore, at four o'clock, Ulrick of Pappenheim, and
Caspar Sturm the emperor's herald, (who conducted
Luther from Wittenberg to Worms,) came for Luther,
and accompanied him through the garden of the knights
of Rhodes, to the earl palatine's palace : and lest the
people that thronged in should molest him, he was led by
secret stairs to the place where he was appointed to have
the audience. Yet, many who perceived this stratagem,
violently rushed in, and were resisted, but in vain, and
many ascended the galleries, because they desired to see
Luther.
Tlius standing before the emperor, the electors, dukes,
earls, and all the estates of the empire assembled there,
he was first advertised by Ulrick ofPappenheim to keep
silence, imtil such time as he was required to speak.
Then John Eckius, above-mentioned, who was the bishop
of Triers' general official, with a loud and intelligible voice,
first in Latin, then in Dutch, according to the emperor's
command, said and proposed this sentence : —
" Martin Luther, his sacred and invincible imperial
majesty hath enjoined, by the consent of all the estates of
the holy empire, that thou shouldst be appealed before
A. D. 1521.]
THE REFORMATION— MARTIN LUTHER.
429
j the throne of his majesty, to the end, that I might demand
of thee thf se two points.
j " Fir.-;t, whether thou confess these hooks here (for he
i shewed a heap of Luther's books, written in the Latin
I and Dutch tongues), and which are in all places dis-
persed, entitled with thy name, be thine, and that thou
dost affirm them to be thine, or not ?
" Secondly, whether thou wilt recant and revoke
them, and all that is contained in them, or rather meanest
to stand to what thou hast written ?"
Then, before Luther prepared to answer, Jerome
! ScurfTus, a lawyer of Wittenberg, required that the titles
I of the books should be read. Forthwith Eckius named
some of the books, and those principally which were
printed at Basil, among which he named his Commen-
taries upon the Psalms, his book on Good Works, his
Commentary upon the Lord's Prayer, and others which
were not controversial.
After this, Luther answered in Latin and in Dutch : —
"Two things are proposed to me by bis imperial
majesty : First, whether I will avow all those books that
j bear my name. Secondly, whether I will maintain or
revoke anything that I have devised or published. I will
answer as briefly as I can.
" In the first place, I can do no otherwise than re-
cognise those books to be mine, which were named ;
and, certainly, I will never recant any clause of them.
In the second place, to declare whether I will wholly de-
, fend, or call back any thing contained in them ; as there
are questions of faith and the salvation of the soul, (and
this concerns the word of God, which is the greatest and
most excellent matter that can be in heaven or earth, and
which we ought duly and evermore to reverence,) this
might be accounted a rashness of judgment in me, and
even a most dangerous attempt, if 1 should pronounce
I any thing before I were better advised, considering I
! might recite something less than the matter imports, and
i more than the truth requires, if I did not premeditate
I what I would speak. These two things being well consi-
' dered, doth bring to my mind this sentence of our Lord
' Jesus Christ, where it is said, ' Whosoever shall deny me
I before men, him will I also deny before my Father, who is
in heaven.' I require then for this cause, and humbly
beseech his imperial majesty to grant me liberty and lei-
sure to deliberate, so that I may satisfy the interroga-
tion made to me, without prejudice of the word of God,
and peril of mine own soul."
Whereupon the princes began to deliberate. Then
Eckius, the prolocutor, pronounced their resolution,
saying, " Although, master Luther, thou hast sufficiently
understood, by the emperor's command, the cause of thy
appearance here, and therefore dost not deserve to have
any further respite given thee to determine ; yet the em-
peror's majesty, of his mere clemency, grants to thee one
day to meditate thy answer, so that to-morrow, at this
hour, thou shalt exhibit thine opinion, not in writing,
but pronounce the same with thy voice."
Then Luther was led to his lodging by the herald.
But here I must not forget, that in the way as he was
going to the emperor, and when he was in the assembly
of the princes, he was exhorted by others to be cour-
ageous, and manly to demean himself, and not to fear
them that can kill the body, but not the soul, but rather
to dread him that is able to send both body and soul to
everlasting fire.
He was encouraged too by the words of our Lord, that
" When tl;ou art before kings, think not what thou shalt
speak, for it shall be given to thee in that hour what thou
shalt say."
The next day, at four o'clock, the herald again came,
and brought Luther from his lodging to the emperor's
court, where he staid till six o'clock, for the princes were
occupied in grave consultations ; there he was surrounded
with a great number of people, and almost smothered for
the press that was there. Theji, afterwards, when the
jirinces were set, and Luther entered, Eckius, the o£5cial,
began to speak in this manner : —
" Yesterday, at this hour, the emperor's majesty
assigned thee to be here master Luther, for thou didst
affirm those books that we named yesterday were thine.
Further, to the interrogation made by us, whether thou
wouldest approve of all that is contained in them, or
retract and make void any part of them, thou didst re-
quire time for deliberation, which was granted, and is
now expired. Although thou oughtest not to have had
opportunity granted to deliberate, considering it was not
unknown to thee wherefore we cited thee. And as con-
cerning the matter of faith, every man ought to be so
prepared, that at all times, whenever he shall be required,
he may give certain and constant reason thereof ; and
thou, especially, being counted a man of such learning,
and so long time exercised in theology. Then, go to,
answer even now to the emperor's demand, whose cle-
mency thou hast experienced in giving thee leisure to
delil)erate. Wilt thou now maintain all thy books which
thou hast acknowledged, or revoke any part of them, and
submit thyself?"
The official made this interrogation in Latin and in
Dutch. Martin Luther answered in Latin and in Dutch,
in this wise, modestly and lowly, and yet not without
some stoutness of spirit, and christian constancy, so that
his adversaries would gladly have had his courage more
humbled and abased, but yet more earnestly they desired
his recantation, of which they were in some hopes, when
they heard him desire respite to make his answer.
His Ansicer was this : —
"Most magnificent emperor, and you most noble
princes, and my most gentle lords, I appear before you
here at the hour prescribed to me yesterday, yielding the
obedience which I owe ; humbly beseeching, for God's
mercy, your most renowned majesty, and your graces
and honours, that ye will minister to me this courtesy, to
attend to this cause benignly, which is the cause, (as I
trust,) of justice and truth. And if, by ignorance, I
have not given to every one of you your just titles, or if
I have not observed the ceremonies and countenance of
the court, offending against them, it may please you to
pardon me of your benignities, as one that hath frequented
cloisters, and not courtly ci\ilities. And first, as touch-
ing myself, I can affirm or promise no other thing, but
only this ; that I have taught hitherto in simplicity of
mind, that which I have thought to tend to God's glory,
and to the salvation of men's souls.
" Now, as concerning the two articles objected by
your most excellent majesty, whether I would acknow-
ledge those books which were named, and are published
in my name, and whether I would maintain or revoke
them, I have given a resolved answer to the first, in
which I persist, and shall persevere for evermore, that
these books are mine, and published by me in my name ;
unless it has since happened, by some fraudulent deahng
of mine enemies, that there be any thing foisted into
them, or corruptly altered. For I will acknowledge
nothing but what I have written, and that which I have
written I will not deny.
" Now, to answer the second article. I beseech your
most excellent majesty, and your graces, to vouchsafe to
give ear. All my books are not of one sort. There are
some in which I have so simply and soundly declared,
and opened the religion of christian faith, and of good
works, that my very enemies are compelled to confess
them to be profitable, and worthy to be read of all chris-
tians. And truly, the pope's bull, (how cruel and tyran-
nous soever it be,) judges some of my books to be blame-
less ; although, with severe sentence he thunders against
me, and with monstrous cruelty condemns my books ;
which books if I should revoke, I might worthily be
thought to transgress the office of a true christian, and
to be one that opposes the public confession of all peo-
ple. There is another sort of my books, which contain
invectives against the papacy, and others of the pojie's
retinue, who have, with their pestiferous doctrine, and
pernicious examples, corrupted the whole state of our
Christianity. Nor can any deny or dissemble this, for
universal experience, and common complaint of all bear
witness to it, that the consciences of all faithful men are
most miserably entrapped, vexed, and cruelly tormented
430
THE REFORMATION— MARTIN LUTHER.
[Book VII.
by the pope's laws and doctrines of men. Also, that
the goods and substance of christian people are devoured,
especially in this noble and famous country of Germany,
and even yet, in a most detestable manner, are suffered
still to be devoured, without measure, by incredible
tyranny ; notwithstanding that they themselves have
ordained to the contrary in their own proper laws, wherein
they themselves have decreed, ' That all such laws of
popes, as are repugnant to the doctrine of the gospel, and
the opinions of the ancient fathers, are to be judged
erroneous, and reproved.'
" If, tiien, I should revoke these, I do nothing but add
more force to their tyranny, and open not only windows
but wide gates to their impiety, which is likely to extend
more wide and more licentiously than ever ; and by my
retracting, their insolent assumptions shall be made
more licentious, and less subject to punishment, intoler-
able to tlie common people, and more confirmed and
established, especially if it be known that I have done
this by the authority of your most excellent majesty, and
the sacred Roman empire. O, Lord ! what a cover or
shadow shall I be then to cloak their naughtiness and
tyranny !
" The rest, or third sort of my books, are such as I have
written against some persons, to wit, against such as with
tooth and nail labour to maintain the Romish tyranny,
and to deface the true doctrine and religion which I have
taught and professed. As to these, I plainly confess, I
have been more vehement than my religion and profes-
sion required ; for I make myself no saint, and I dispute
not of my life, but of the doctrine of Christ.
" And these I cannot without prejudice call back; for,
by this recantation it will come to pass, that tyranny and
impiety shall reign, supported by my means, and so they
shall exercise cruelty against God's people more violently
and ragingly than before.
" Nevertheless, as I am a man, and not God, I can no
otherwise defend my books, than did my very Lord Jesus
Christ defend his doctrine ; who being examined before
Annas, and having received a buffet of the officials, said,
' If I have spoken evil, bear witness of the evil.'
" If the Lord, (who was perfect, and could not err,) re-
fused not to have testimony given against his doctrine, yea
of a most vile servant, how much the more ought I, who
am but vile corruption, and can of myself do nothing but
err, earnestly see and require if any will bear witness
against my doctrine.
" Therefore, I require, for God's mercy, your most
excellent majesty, your graces and right honourable
lordships, or whatsoever he be of high or low degree,
here to give his testimony to convict my errors, and con-
fute me by the scriptures, either out of the prophets, or
the apostles, and I will be most ready, if so instructed,
to revoke any manner of error ; yea, and I will be the first
that shall consume mine own books, and burn them.
" I suppose it may seem, that I have well weighed
beforehand the perils and dangers, the divisions and
dissensions which have arisen throughout the wliole
world, by reason of my doctrine, whereof I was vehe-
mently and sharply yesterday admonished. Concerning
which divisions of men's minds, what other men judge I
know not. As to myself, I conceive no greater delight
in anything, than when I behold discords and dissen-
sions stirred up for the word of God ; for such is the
course and proceedings of the Gospel. Jesus Christ
saith, ' I came not to send peace, but a sword ; I came
to set a man at variance with his father,' &c. (Matt. x.
34.)
" And, further, we must think, that our God is mar-
vellous and terrible in his counsels ; lest perhaps that
which we endeavour with earnest study to achieve and
bring to pass, (if we begin first with condemning his
word,) may redound again to a sea of evil ; and lest the
new reign of this young and bounteous prince Charles,
(in whom, next after God, we all conceive singular
hope,) be lamentable, unfortunate, and miserably begun.
" I could exemplify this with authorities of the scrip-
tures more effectually, as by Pharaoh, the king of
Egypt, and the kings of Israel, wlio then most obscured
the bright suu of their glory, and procured their own
ruin, when by their counsels, and not by God's counsels,
they attempted to pacify and establish their governments
and realms ; for it is he that entraps the wily in theii
wiliness, and subverts mountains before they be aware.
Wherefore, it is good to dread the Lord.
" I speak not this, supposing that so politic and pru-
dent heads have need of my doctrine and admonition,
but because I would not omit to profit my country, and
offer my duty or service. And thus I humbly commend my.
self to your most excellent majesty, and your honourable
lordships, beseeching you that 1 may not incur your dis-
pleasure, or be contemned of you through the persecution
of my adversaries. I have spoken.''
Then Eckius, the emperor's prolocutor, with a stern
countenance began, and said, " That Luther had not
answered to any purpose. Neither behoved it him to
call in question things concluded and defined by general
councils ; and, therefore, retpiired of him a plain and di-
rect answer, whether he would revoke or no ?"
Then Luther. — " Considering, (said he,) your sovereign
majesty and your honours require a plain answer, this
I say and profess as resolutely as I may, without doubt-
fulness or sophistication, that if I be not convinced by
testimonies of the scriptures, and by probable reasons,
(for I believe not the pope, neither his general councils,
which have erred many times, and have been contrary to
themselves,) my conscience is so bound in these scrip-
tures, and the word of God, which I have alleged, that I
will not, and may not revoke any thing, considering it is
not godly or lawful to do any thing against conscience.
Hereupon I stand and rest. God have mercy upon
me."
The princes consulted together upon this answer ; and
when they had diligently examined the same, the prolo-
cutor began thus : —
" Martin," said he, " thou hast more immodestly an-
swered than beseemed thy person, and also little to the
purpose. Thou dividest thy books into three sorts, in
such a way as that all that thou hast said, makes nothing
to the interrogation proposed ; and, therefore, if thou
hadst revoked those wherein the greatest part of thine
errors is contained, the emperor's majesty, and the noble
clemency of others, would have suffered the rest to sus-
tain no injury. But thou dost revive, and bring to light
again, all that the general council of Constance has con-
demned, which was assembled of all the nation of Ger-
many, and now requirest to be convinced by the scrip-
tures, wherein thou greatly errest. For what availeth it
to renew disputation of things so long time condemned
by the church and councils, unless it should be necessary
to give a reason to every man of every thing that is con-
cluded ? Now if it should be permitted to every one
that opposes the determination of the church and coun-
cils, that he must be convinced by the scriptures, we
shall have nothing certain and established in Christendom.
" And this is the cause that the emperor's majesty re-
quires of thee a simple answer, either negative or affirma-
tive, whether thou mindest to defend all thy works as
christian, or no ?"
Then Luther turning to the emperor and the nobles,
besought them not to force or compel him to yield against
his conscience, confirmed with the holy scriptures, with-
out manifest arguments alleged to the contrary by his
adversaries.
" 1 have declared and rendered," said he, " mine an-
swer simply and directly, neither have I any more to
say, unless mine adversaries, with true and sufficient
proofs, grounded upon the scripture, can reduce and re-
solve my mind, and refute mine errors which they lay to
my charge. I am tied, as I said, by the scriptures ; nei-
ther may I, or can I, with a safe conscience, assent to
them. For as to general councils, with whose authority
only they press me, I am able to prove, that they have
both erred, and have defined many things contrary to
themselves ; and therefore the authority of them is not
sufficient, for the which I should retract those things,
the verity of which stands so firm and manifest in the
holy scripture, that neither of me ought it to be re-
quired, nor could I do so without impiety."
The official again answeredi denying that any man
A. D. 1521.]
THE RtFORMATI ON— MARTIN LUTHER
431
could prove the councils could have erred. But Luther
alleged that he could, and promised to prove it ; and now
night approaching, the lords rose and departed. And
after Luther had taken his leave of the emperor, many
Spaniards scorned and scoffed the good man in the way
going to his lodging, hollowing and whooping after him
a long wliile.
Upon the following Friday, when the princes electors,
dukes, and other estates were assembled, the emperor
sent to the whole body of the council a letter, containing
in effect as follows : —
The Emperor's Letter.
" Our predecessors, who truly were christian princes,
were obedient to the Romish church, which Martin Luther
now opposes. And therefore, inasmuch as he is not de-
termined to retract his errors in any one point, we can-
not, without great infamy and stain of honour, degene-
rate from the examples of our elders, but will maintain
the ancient faith, and give aid to the see of Rome. And
further, we are resolved to pursue Martin Luther and
his adherents, by excommunication, and by other means
that may be devised, to extinguish his doctrine. Ne-
vertheless we will not violate our faith, which we have
promised him, but mean to give order for his safe re-
turn to the place from whence he came."
The princes electors, dukes, and other estates of the
empire, sat and consulted about this sentence, on
Friday all the afternoon, and on Saturday the whole day,
80 that Luther had yet no answer from the emperor.
During this time, many j)rinces, earls, barons, knights
of the order, gentlemen, priests, monks, with others of
the laity and common sort visited him. All these were
present at all hours in the emperor's court, and could
not be satisfied with the sight of him. Also there were
bills setup, some against Lutb.er, and some, as it seemed,
with him. Notwithstanding many supposed, and espe-
cially such as well conceived the matter, that this was
subtlely done by his enemies, that thereby occasion
might be offered to violate the safe -conduct given to
him. Which the Romish ambassadors with all diligence
endeavoured to bring to pass.
The Monday following, the archbishop of Triers ad-
vertised Luther, that on Wednesday next he should ap-
pear before him, at nine of the clock, and assigned him
the place. On St. George's day, a chaplain of the
archbishop of Triers came to Luther, by the command-
ment of the bishop, signifying, that at that hour and place
prescribed, he must on the morrow after appear before him.
The morrow after St. George's day, Luther obeying
the archbishop's commandment, entered his palace, ac-
companied thither with his chaplain, and one of the em-
peror's heralds, and such as came in his company out of
Saxony to Worms, with his chief friends. Then Dr.
Voeus, the jMarquess of Baden's chaplain, began to de-
clare and protest in the presence of the archbishop of
Triers, Joachin Marquess of Brandenburgh, George
Duke of Saxony, the bishops of Augsburgh and Branden-
burgh, and others, that Luther was not called there to be
conferred with, or to a disputation, but only that the
princes had procured licence of the emperor's majesty,
through christian charity, to have liberty granted to them
to exhort Luther benignly and brotherly.
He said further, that although the councils had or-
dained many things, yet that they had not determined
contrary matters. And even though they had greatly
erred, yet their authority was not therefore abased, or at
the least they did not err so that it was lawful for every
man to impugn their opinions.
He said moreover, that Luther's book would breed
great tumult and incredible troubles ; and that he abused
the common sort with his book of christian liberty, en-
couraging them to shake off their yoke, and to confirm
in them disobedience. The believers were all of one
heart and soul, and therefore it was requisite and neces-
sary to have laws. It was to be considered, said he,
although he had written many good things, and, no doubt,
of a good mind, as de triplice just'tcia, and other mat-
ters, yet how the devil now by crafty means goeth
about to bring to pass, that all his works for ever should
be condemned. For by these books which he wrote last,
men, said he, would judge and esteem him, as the tree
is known, not by the blossom, but by the fruit.
Here he added something of the noon devil, and of
the spirit coming in the dark, s^d of the flying arrow.
All his oration was exhcrtatory, full of rhetorical figures
about honesty, the utility of laws, the dangers of con-
science, of the commonwealth ; repeating often, in
his oration, that this admonition was given from a
singular good will and great clemency. In concluding
his oration, he added menaces, saying, that if Luther
would abide in his intention, the emperor would proceed
further, and banish him from the empire.
Martin Luther answered : " Most noble princes, and
my most gracious lords, I render most humble thanks
for your benignities and singular good wills, whence pro-
ceedeth this admonition ; for I know myself to be safe,
as by no means I can deserve to be admonished of so
mighty estates."
Then he frankly pronounced, that he had not reproved
all councils, but only the council of Constance ; and for
this principal cause, that it had condemned the word of
God, which appeared in the condemnation of this article
propounded by John Huss : — "The church of Christ is the
communion of the predestinate." It is evident, said he,
tliat the council of Constanceabolished this article, and con-
sequently the article of our faith ; " I believe in the holy
church universal ;" and said, that he was ready to spend
life and blood, if he were not compelled to revoke the
manifest word of God ; for in defence of it we ought ra-
ther to obey God than men. If Christ's sheep were fed
with the pure pasture of the gospel : if the faith of Christ
was sincerely preached, and if there were good ecclesias-
tical magistrates who duly would execute their office,
we should not need, saith he, to charge the church with
men's traditions. Further, he knew well we ought to
obey the magistrates and higher powers, how unjustly
and perversely soever they lived. We ought also to be
obedient to their laws and judgment : all which he had
taught, said he, in all his works ; adding further, that
he was ready to obey them in all points, so that they en-
forced him not to deny the word of God.
Then Luther was desired to stand aside, and the
princes consulted what answer they might give him.
This done, they called him into a parlour, where the
aforesaid Dr. Voeus repeated his former matters, ad-
monishing Luther to submit his writings to the emperor,
and to the princes' judgment.
Luther answered humbly and modestly, that he could
not permit that men should say he would shun the
judgment of the emperor, princes, and superior powers
of the empire ; he would not refuse to stand to their
trial, and that he was contented to suffer his writings
to be discussed, considered, and judged by the simplest,
jirovided it were done by the authority of the word of
God and the holy scriptures ; and that the word of God
made so much for him, and was so manifest to him, that
he could not give place, unless they could confute his
doctrine by the word of God. This lesson, said he, he
learnt of St. Augustine, who WTites, " That he gave this
honour only to those books which are called canonical,
that he believed the same only to be true. As touching
other doctors, although in holiness and excellency of
learning they surpassed, yet he would not credit them
further than they agreed with the touchstone of God's
word. Further, said he, " St. Paul gives us a lesson,
writing to the Thessalonians, ' Prove all things, hold fast
that which is good ;' and to the Galatians, ' Though an
angel from heaven preach any other doctrine, let him be
accursed.' "
Finally, he meekly besought them not to urge his
conscience, which was bound by the word of God and
holy scripture, to deny the same excellent word. And
thus he commended his cause and himself to them, and
especially to the emperor's majesty, requiring their favour
that he might not be compelled to do any thing in this
matter against his conscience : in all other causes he
would submit himself with all kind of obedience and due
subjection.
432
THE REFORMATION— MARTIN LUTHER.
Book VIL
As Luther had thus ended his talk, Joachim the elec-
tor, Marquis of Brandenburgh, demanded if his meaning
was this, that he would not yield, unless he were con-
vinced by the scripture. " Yea truly, right noble lord,"
quoth Luther, " or else by ancient and evident reasons."
And so the assembly broke up, emd the princes repaired
to the emperor's court.
After their dejjarture, the archbishop of Triers, accom-
panied with a few of his familiars, namely, John Eckius
his olficial, and Cochleus, commanded Luther to repair
into his parlour. With Luther was Jerome Scurfe and
Nicholas Ambsdorff for his assistants.
They prayed him that he would submit his writing
to the judgment of the next general council. Luther
agreed to this, but with this condition, that they
themselves should present the articles collected out of
his books to be submitted to the council in such sort,
as should be authorized by the scripture, and confirmed
with the testimonies of the same.
They then leaving Luther, departed, and reported to the
archbishop of Triers, that he had promised to submit his
writings in certain articles, to the next council, and in
the mean space that he would keep silence ; which Luther
never thought ; who neither with admonitions, nor yet
•with menaces, could be induced to deny or submit his
books to the judgment of men (he had so fortified his
cause with clear and manifest authorities of scrijjture)
unless they could prove by sacred scripture, and apparent
reasons to the contrary.
It chanced then by the special grace of God, that the
archbishop of Triers sent for Luther, thinking presently
to hear him.
Then the archbishop intreated Luther, and conferred
with him very gently, first removing such as were
present. In this conference Luther concealed nothing
from the archbishop ; affirming that it was dangerous to
submit a matter of so great importance to those who
had already condemned his opinion, and approved the
pope's bull.
Then the archbishop, bidding a friend of his draw nigh,
required Luther to declare what remedy might be minis-
tered to help this difficulty. Luther answered, " That
there was no better remedy than such as Gamaliel
alleged in the fifth chapter of the Acts of the Apostles,
saying. If this council, or this work, proceed of men it
shall come to nought : but if it be of God, ye cannot
destroy it. And so he desired that the emperor might
be advertised to write to the pope, that he knew certainly
that if this enterprise proceeded not of God, it would be
abolished within three, yea within two years.
The archbishop inquired of him what he would do, if
certain articles were taken out of his books to be sub-
mitted to the general council. Luther answered, " Pro-
vided that they be not those which the council of Con-
stance condemned." The archbishop said, " I fear they
will be the very same ; but what then .>" Luther replied,
" I will not, and I cannot hold my peace on such matters,
for I am sure by their decrees the word of God was con-
demned ; therefore I will rather lose head and life, than
abandon the manifest word of my Lord God."
Tlien the archbishop, seeing Luther would in nowise
give over the word of God to the judgment of men, gently
bad Luther farewell ; who then prayed the archbishop to
intreat the emperor's majesty to grant to him gracious
leave to depart. He answered he would take order for
him, and speedily advertise him of the emperor's
pleasure.
Within a small while after, John Eckius the archbi-
shop's official, in the presence of the emperor's secre-
tary, said to Luther, by the command of the empe-
ror, that since he had been admonished by his imperial
majesty, the electors, princes, and estates of the empire,
and notwithstanding would not return to unity and
concord, it remained that the emperor, as advocate of the
catholic faith, should proceed further ; and it was the
emperor's ordinance, that he should within twenty-one
days return boldly under safe-conduct, and be safely
guarded to the place from whence he came ; provided
that he raised no commotion among the people in his
iourney, either in conference or by preaching.
Luther hearing this, answered very modestly, and
christiauly ; " Even as it hath pleased God, so is it
come to pass, the name of the Lord be blessed." He
said further, he thanked most humbly the emperor's
majesty, and all the princes and estates of the empire,
that they had given to him benign and gracious audience,
and granted him safe-conduct to come and return.
Finally he said, he desired none other of them, than a
reformation according to the sacred word of God, and
consonancy of holy scripture, which he desired in his
heart -. otherwise he was prepared to suffer all chances
from his imperial majesty, as life, and death, goods,
fame, and reproach ; reserving nothing to himself, but
the only word of God, which he would constantly con-
fess to the end ; humbly recommending himself to the
emperor's majesty, and to all the princes and other
estates of the sacred empire.
The morrow after, which was April 26, after he had
taken his leave of such as supported him, and his bene-
volent friends that often visited him. he departed from
Worms. The emperor's herald Casper Sturm followed and
overtook him at Oppenheim, being commanded by the
emperor to conduct him safely home.
The usual prayer of Martin Luther.
" Confirm in us, O God, what thou hast wrought, and
perfect the work that thou hast begun in us, to thy
glory. Amen."
Martin Luther thus being dismissed by the emperor,
departed from Worms towards his country, accom-
panied with the emperor's herald, and the rest of his
company, having only one-and-twenty days granted to
him for his return. In the meantime he writes to the
emperor, and to other nobles of the empire, rep ting
briefly to them the whole action and order of things
there done, desiring of them their lawful good will and
favour, which as he hath always stood in need of, so
now he most earnestly craves, especially in this, that his
cause, which is not his, but the cause of the whole
church universal, may be heard with equity, and decided
by the rule and authority of holy scripture : signifying
moreover, that whenever they shall please to send for
him, he shall be ready at their command, at any time or
place, upon their promise of safety, to appear, &c.
During the time of these doings, the doctors and
school-men of Paris were not behind-hand, but to shew
their cunning, condemned the books of Luther, extract-
ing out of them certain articles as touching the sacra-
ments, laws, and decrees of the church, equality of
works, vows, contrition, absolution, satisfaction, pur-
gatory, free-will, privileges of the holy church, councils,
punishment of heretics, philosophy, school divinity, and
other matters. Unto whom Philip Melancthon wrote
an answer, and also Luther himself, though pleasantly
and jestingly.
It was not long after this, that Charles the new em-
peror, to purchase favour with the pope (because he was
not yet confirmed in his empire) provides and directs a
solemn writ of outlawry against Luther, and all those
that take his part ; commanding Luther, wherever he
might be got, to be apprehended, and his books burned.
By which decree, proclaimed against Luther, the em-
peror procured no small thanks with the pope ; so that the
pope, ceasing to take part with the French King, joined
himself wholly to the emperor. In the mean time Duke
Frederick, to give some place to the emperor's procla-
mation, conveyed Luther a little out of sight secretly,
by the help of certain noblemen whom he well knew to
be faithful and trusty to him in that particular. There
Luther being kept close and out of company, wrote
several letters, and books to his friends ; among which
he dedicated one to his order of Augustinian friars,
entitled, " The mass abolished :" the friars being en-
co'Ar:;ged by him, began at first to lay aside their private
masses. Duke Frederick, fearing lest it would breed
some great stir or tumult, caused the judgment of the
whole university of Wittenberg to be asked in the
matter.
A.D. 1522.] ADRIAN ADMITS THE NECESSITY OF A REFORMATION IN THE CHURCH. 43Z
The jpinion of the whole university being ascertained,
it was shewn to the duke, that he would do well and
godly, by the whole advice of the learned there, to com-
mand the use of the mass to be abolished through his
dominions : and though it could not be done without
tumult, yet that was no reason why true doctrine should
be checked. Neither ought such disturbance to be im-
puted to the doctrine taught, but to the adversaries, who
willingly and wickedly kick against the truth. For fear
of such tumults therefore, w-e ought not to cease from
that which we know should be done, but must go con-
stantly forward in defence of God's truth however the
world may esteem us, or rage against it. Thus they
shewed their judgment to Duke Frederick.
It happened moreover about the same year and time,
(A.D. 1.t21,) that King Henry VIII., pretending an oc-
casion to impugn the book " On the Babylonish captivity,"
wrote against Luther. In which book,
1. He reproves Luther's opinion about the pope's
pardons.
2. He defends the suprem.acy of the bishop of Rome.
3. He labours to refute all his doctrine of the sacra-
ments.
This book, although it bore the king's name in the
title, yet it was another that planned it, and another
again who formed the style of it. But whoever had the
labour of this book, the king had the thanks and also
the reward. For the bishop of Rome gave to King
Henry VIII., for the book against Luther, the style and
title of " Defender of the Faith," aad to his successors
for ever.
Shortly after this, within the compass of the same
year. Pope Leo, after he had warred against the French,
and had got from them, through the emperor's aid, the
cities of Parma, Placentia, and Milan, sitting at supper,
and rejoicing at three great gifts that God had bestowed
upon lum : said, 1. That he, being banished out of his
country, was restored to Florence again with glory.
2. That he had deserved to be called apostolic. 3. That
he had driven the Frenchmen out of Italy. After he
had spoken these words, he was seized with a sudden
fever, and died shortly after, being of the age of forty-
seven years : some suspect that he died of poison.
Adrian VI., schoolmaster to Charles the emperor, suc-
ceeded and lived not much above one year and a half in
his papacy. This Adrian was a German, brought up'at
Louvaiue ; and as in learning he exceeded the common
sort of popes, so in moderation of life and manners he
seemed not so intemperate as some other popes. And
yet like a right pope, nothing degenerating from his see,
he was a mortal enemy to Martin Luther. In his time,
shortly after the council of Worms was broken up,
another meeting or assembly was appointed by the em-
peror at Nuremberg, of the princes, nobles, and states
of Germany, A.D. 1522.
To this assembly Adrian sent his letters in manner of
a brief, with an instruction also to his legate Cheregata,
to inform him how to proceed, and what to allege
against Luther, before the assembled princes. In this
letter of instruction, among other matters, is the follow-
ing admission by the pope himself, of the necessity of
the reformation : he thus writes to his legate.
" This you shall say to them, that we confess our-
selves, and deny not, but that God suffereth this persecu-
tion to be intlicted upon his church for the sins of men, es-
pecially of priests and prelates of the clergy. For certain
il IS, that the hand of the Lord is not shortened, that he
cannot save ; but our sins have divided between God and
US, and therefore he hideth his face from us that he will
not hear us. The scripture testifieth, that the sins of
the people do issue out from the sins of the priests ;
and therefore (saith St. Chrysostom) Christ, going
about to cure the sick city of Jerusalem, first entered
into the temple, to correct the sins of the priests, like a
good physician, who first begins to cure the disease from
the very root. We know that in this holy see there
have been many abominable things for a long time
wrought and practised : as abuses in matters spiritual,
and also ejicesses in life and manners, and all things
turned clean contrary. And no marvel, if the sickness
first beginning at the head, that is, at the high bishops,
have descended afterward to inferior prelates. All liave
declined, every one after his own way ; neither hath
there been one that hath done good, no nr)t one.
Wherefore there is need that we all give glory to God,
and that we humble our souls to him, considering every
one of us from whence he hath fallen ; and that every
one do judge himself before he be judged of God in the
rod of his fury. For the redress whereof you shall in-
sinuate to them, and promise in our behalf, that in us
shall be lacking no diligence of a better reformation,
first beginning with our own court ; that like as the
contagion first from thence descended into all the in-
ferior parts ; so reformation and amendment of all that
is amiss, from the same place again, shall take its be-
ginning. To tliat they shall find us so much the mere
ready, because we see the whole world so desirous of the
same. We ourselves (as you know) never sought this
dignity, but rather desired, if we otherwise might, to have
led a private life, and in a quiet state to serve God : and
also would utterly have refused the same, had not the
fear of God, and the manner of our election, and mis-
doubting of some schism to follow after, urged us to
take it. And thus took we the burthen upon us, not for
any ambition of dignity, or to enrich our friends and
kinsfolks, but only to be obedient to the will of God.
and FOR RliFORMATION OF THE CATIIOMC CHURCH,
and for relief of the poor, and especially for the advance-
menc of learning and learned men, with such other
things more as appertains to the charge of a good bishop
and lawful heir of St. Peter. And though all errors,
corruptions, and abuses be not straightways amended by
us, men ought not thereat to marvel. The sore is great,
and far grown, and is not single, but of manifold
maladies together compacted, and therefore to the
curing of it we must proceed by little and little, first be-
ginning to cure the greater and the most dangerous, lest
while we intend to amend all, we destroy all. All sud-
den mutations in a commonweath (saith Aristotle) are
perilous : and he that wringeth too hard, straineth out
blood."
Tfte Answer of the noble and reverend Princes, and
States of the sacred Roman Empire, exhibited to the
Pope's Ambassador.
"The noble and renowned prince Lord Ferdinand,
lieutenant to the emperor's majesty, with other rever-
end peers in Christ, and mighty princes electors, and
other states and orders of this present assembly of the
Roman empire in Nuremberg convented, have gratefully
received, and diligently perused the letters sent in form
of a brief, with the instructions also of the most holy
father in Christ and Lord, Lord Adrian, the high bishop
of the holy and universal church of Rome, presented
unto them in the cause of Luther's faction.
" By the aforesaid letters and writings, they first un-
derstand his holiness to have been born, and to have had
his native origin and parentage out of this noble nation
of Germany, at which they do not a little rejoice. Of
whose great virtues and ornaments, both in mind and
body, they have heard great fame and commendation,
even from his tender years : by reason whereof they are
so much the more joyous of his advancement and pre-
ferment, by such consent of election, to the height of the
apostolical dignity, and yield to God most hearty thanks
for the same: praying also, from the bottom of their
hearts, for his excellent clemency, and the perpetual
glory of his name, and for health of souls, and the safety
of the universal church, that God will give his holiness
long continuance of felicity : having no misdoubt but
that, by such a full and consenting election of such a
pastor of the universal catholic church, great jjrofit and
advantage will ensue. Which thing to hope and look
for, his holiness openeth to them an evident declaration
in his own letters, testifying and protesting what a care
it is to him both day and night, how to discharge his
pastoral function, in studying for the health of the flock
to him committed : and especially in converting the
minds of christian princes from war to peace. Declaring
moreover, what subsidy and relief his holiness hath sent
F F 2
434
ANSWER OF THE NOBLES TO THE POPE.
[Book VII.
to the soldiers of Rhodes, &c. All which things they
having considered with themselves, conceive exceeding
hope and comfort in their minds, thus reputing and
trusting that this concord of christian princes will be a
great help and stay to the better quieting of things now
out of frame ; without which neither the state of the
commonwealth, nor of the christian religion, can be rightly
redressed, and much less the tyranny of the barbarous
Turks repressed.
" Wherefore the excellent prince, lord lieutenant to
the emperor's majesty, with the other princes electors,
and orders of this present assembly, most heartily do
pray, tliat his holiness will persist in this his purpose
and diligence, as he hath virtuously begun, leaving no
stone unremoved ; so that the disagreeing hearts of
christian princes may be reduced to quiet and peace ; or
if tiiat will not be, yet at least some truce and intermis-
sion of domestic dissensions may be obtained for the
necessity of the time now present, whereby all christians
may join their powers together, with the help of God, to
go against the Turk, and to deliver the people of Christ
from his barbarous tyranny and bondage. Whereunto
both the noble prince lord lieutenant, and other princes
of Germany, will put to their helping hands, to the best
of their ability.
" And whereas by the letters of his holiness, with his
instruction also exhibited unto them by his legate, they
Tiuderstand that his holiness is afflicted with great sorrow
for tlie prospering of Luther's sect, whereby innumer-
able souls, committed to his charge, are in danger of per-
dition, and therefore his holiness vehemently desireth
some speedy remedy against the same to be provided,
witli an explication of certain necessary reasons and
causes, wliereby to move tlie German princes thereunto ;
and that tliey will tender the execution of the apostolic
sentence, and also of the enijieror's edict set forth
touching the suppressing of Luther. To these the lord
lieutenant, and other princes and states do answer, that
it is to tiiem no less grief and sorrow than to his holi-
ness ; and also they do lament as much for these impie-
ties and perils of souls, and inconveniences which grow
in the religion of Christ, either by the sect of Luther, or
any otherwise. Further, what help or counsel shall lie
in them for the extirpating of errors, and decay of souls'
health, what their moderation can do, they are willing
and ready to perform ; considering how they stand bound
and subject, as well to the pope's holiness, as also to the
emperor's majesty^ But why the sentence of the apos-
tolic see, and the emperor's edict against Luther, hath
not been put in execution hitherto, there hath been (said
they) causes great and urgent, which have led them
thereto ; as first, in weighing and considering with
themselves, that great evils and inconveniences would
tliereupon ensue. For the greatest part of the people
of Germany have always had this persuasion, and now
by reading Luther's books, are more therein confirmed
that great grievances and inconveniences have come to
this nation of Germany by the court of Rome ; and
therefore, if they should have proceeded with any rigor
in executing the pope's sentence, and the emperor's
edict, the multitude would conceive and suspect in their
minds, this to be done for subverting the verity of the
gospel, and for supporting and confirming the former
abuses and grievances, whereupon great wars and
tumults, no doubt, would have ensued : which thing of
the princes and states there hath been well perceived by
many arguments. For the avoiding wljeieof, they
thouglit to use more geutle remedies, serving more op-
portunely for the time.
" Again, whereas the reverend lord legate (said
they) in the name of the pope's holiness, hath been in-
structed to declare unto them, that God suiFereth this
persecution to rise in the church for the sins of men,
and that his holiness doth promise therefore to begin the
reformation with his own court, that as the corruption
first sprang from thence to the inferior parts, so the
redress of all again sliould first begin with the same :
also, whereas his lioliness, of a good and fatherly heart,
doth testify in his letters that lie liimtelf did always dis-
like that the coui't of Rome should intermeddle so much,
and derogate from the concordates of the princes, and
that his lioliness dotli fully purpose in that behalf,
during his papacy, never to practise the like, but so to
endeavour, that every one, and especially the nation of
the Germans, may have their proper due and right,
granting especially to the said nation his peculiar fa-
vour : who seeth not by these premises, but that this
most holy bishop omitteth nothing which a good father,
or a devout pastor may or ought to do to his sheep ? Or
who will not be moved hereby to a loving reverence,
and to amendment of his defaults ; namely, seeing his
holiness so intendeth to accomplish the same in deed,
which in word Lc piouiiseth, according as he hath
begun ?
" And thus undou'jtedly, both the noble lord lieute-
nant, and all other princes and states of the empire, well
hope that he will, and pray most heartily that he may
do, to the glory of our eternal God, to the health of
soids, and to the tranquillity of the public state. For
unless sucli abuses and grievances, with certain other
articles also, which the secular princes (assigned purposely
for the same) shall draw out in writing, shall be faithfully
reformed, tliere can be no true peace and concord be.
tweeu tlie ecclesiastical and secular estates, nor can any
true extirjiation of this tumult and errors in Germany
be expected ; for partly by long wars, and partly by
reason of other grievances and hindrances, this nation of
Germany hath been so wasted and consumed in money,
that it is scarcely able to sustain itself in private affairs,
and necessary upholding of justice within itself; much
less than to minister aid and succour to the kingdom of
Hungary, and to the Croatians, against the Turk. And
whereas aU the states of tlie sacred Roman empire do
not doubt, but the pope's holiness doth riglit well un-
derstand how the German princes did grant and con-
descend for the money of annates to be levied to the
see of Rome for a certain term of years, upon condition
that the said money should be converted to maintain
war against the Turkish infidels, and for the defence of the
catholic faith : and whereas the term of these years hav-
ing now long since expired, when the said annates should
have been gathered, and yet that money hath not been
so bestowed to that use for which it was first granted.
Wherefore if any such necessity should now come, that
any public contributions should be demanded of the
Getman people against the Turk, they would answer again.
Why has not that money of annates, which was reserved
many years before, not been bestowed and applied to
that use ; and so they would refuse to allow any more
such burthens to be laid upon them for that cause.
"Wherefore the said lord lieutenant, and other princes
and degrees of the empire, make earnest petition, that
the pope's holiness will with a fatherly consideration ex-
pend what had been collected, and cease hereafter to
require such annates ' which are accustomed to be paid
to the court of Rome, on the death of bishops, and
other prelates or ecclesiasticlil persons, and sutler them
to remain to tlie chamber of \he empire, whereby justice
and peace may be more commodiously administered,
the tranquillity of the public state of Germany maintained,
and also that by the same, due helps may be ordained
and disjiosed to other christian potentates in Germany
against the Turk, which otherwise without the same is
not to be hoped for.
" L W hereas the pope's holiness desireth to be in-
formed in what way it may be best to take in resisting
those errors of the Lutlierans. To this the lord lieu-
tenant, with other princes and nobles, did answer, that
whatsoever help or counsel they can devise, with willing
hearts they will be ready to give. Seeing therefore that
the state, as well ecclesiastical as temporal, is far out of
frame, and have so much corrupted their ways ; and
seeing not only of Luther's part, and of his sect, but
also by divers other occasions besides, so many errors,
abuses, and corruptions have crept in ; it is requisite
and necessary that some eflfectual remedy be provided,
(1) Annates was a certain portion of money wont to be paid to
the court of Rome, out of tlie first year's fruits at lUe vacation of
an ecclesiastical living.
A. D. 1522,]
ANSWER OF THE NOBLES TO THE POPE.
435
as well for redress of the church, as also for repressing
the Turk's tyranny. Now the lord lieutenant and other
estates and princes do not see that any more present or
effectual remedy can be had than tliis, that the pope's
holiness, by the consent of the emperor's majesty, do
summon a free christian council in some convenient
jilace of Germany, as at Strasburg, or at Mentz, or at
Coblentz, and that it may be with as much speed as con-
venient, so that the congregation of the said council
he not deferred above one year : and that in this coun-
cil it may be lawful for every person that there shall
have interest, either temporal or ecclesiastical, freely to
speak and consult, to the glory of God, and health of
souls, and the public wealth of Christendom, without
impe;Khment or restraint, whatsoever oath or other
bond to the contrary notwithstanding : yea, and it shall
be every good man's part there to speak, not only
freely, but to speak that which is true, to the purpose,
and to edifying, and not to pleasing or flattering, but
simply and uprightly to declare his judgment, without
all fraud or guile. And as touching by what ways these
errors and tumults of the German people may best be
stayed and pacified in the meantime, until the council be
set, the foresaid lord-lieutenant, with the other princes,
thereupon have consulted and deliberated, that foras-
much as Luther, and certain of liis fellows, be within
the territory and dominions of the noble Duke Frede-
rick, the said lord lieutenant, and other states of the
empire, shall so labour the matter with the afore-named
prince, duke of Saxony, that Luther and his followers,
shall not write, set forth, or print anything during the
said mean space : neither do they doubt but that the
said noble prince of Saxony, for his christian piety, and
obedience to the Roman empire, as becometh a prince
of such excellent virtue, will effectually condescend to
the same.
" IL The said lord-lieutenant and princes shall labour
so witli the preachers of Germany, that they shall not in
their sermons teach or blow into the people's ears such
matter whereby the multitude may be moved to rebel-
lion or uproar, or to be induced into error ; and that
they shall preach and teach nothing but the true, pure,
sincere, and holy gospel, and apj)roved scripture, godly,
mildly, and christianly, according to the doctrine and
espo>ition of the scripture, being apjiroved and received
of Christ's church, abstaining from all such things which
are better unknown than learned of the people, and
which to be subtlely searched, or deeply discussed, is not
expedient. Also, that they shall move no contention of
disputation among the vulgar sort ; but whatsoever
hangeth in controversy, the same they shall reserve to
the determination of the council to come.
" in. The archbishops, bishops, and other prelates
within their diocese, shall assign godly and learned men,
having good judgment in the scripture, which shall dili-
gently and faithfully attend upon such preachers ; and
if they shall perceive the said preachers either to have
erred, or to have uttered anything inconveniently, they
shall godly, mildly, and modestly advertise and inform
them thereof, in such sort as that no man shall justly
complain of the truth of the gospel being impeached.
But if the preachers, continuing still in their stubborn-
ness, shall refuse to be admonished, and will not desist
from their lewdness, then shall they be restrained and
punished by the ordinaries of the place.
" Besides, the said princes and nobles shall provide and
undertake, so much as shall be possible, that, from
henceforth during the aforesaid time, no new book shall
be printed, especially none of these famous libels,
neither shall they be privily or openly sold. Also order
shall be taken amongst all potentates, that if any
shall set out, sell, or print any new work, it shall first
be seen and perused of certain godly, learned, and dis-
creet men appointed for that purpose ; so that if it be
not admitted and approved by them, it shall not be per-
mitted to be published in print, or to come abroad.
Thus by these means they hope, that the tumults, errors,
and offences among the people, shall cease ; especially
if the pope's holiness himself shall begin with an orderly
and due reformation, in the above-mentioned grievances,
and will procure such a free and christian council as
hath been said, and if so, tlien tlie people will be well
contented and satisfied. Or if the tumult shall not so
fully be calmed as they desire, yet the greater part will
thus be cpiieted ; for all such as are honest and good
men, no doubt, will be in great ex])ectation of that
general council which will shortly be assembled. Fi-
nally, as concerning priests which contract matrimony,
and religious men leaving their cloisters, whereof inti-
mation was also made by the apostolical legate, the
aforesaid j)rinc>'s do consider, that forasmuch as in the
civil law there is no ))enalty for those that are ordained,
they shall be referred to the canonical constitutions, to
be punished thereafter accordingly, that is, by the loss
of their benefices and jirivileges, or other condign cen-
sures, and that the said ordinaries shall in no case oe
stopped or inhibited by the secular powers from the cor-
rection of such ; but that they shall add their help and
favour to the maintenance of ecclesiastical jurisdiction,
and shall direct in their public edicts and precepts, that
none shall impeach or prohibit the said ordinaries in
their ecclesiastical castigation upon transgressors.
" To conclude, the redoubted prince lord-lieutenant,
and other princes, estates, and orders of the empire,
vehemently and most heartily do pray and beseech, that
the pope's holiness, and the reverend lord his legate
will accept and take all the premises to be no otherwise
spoken and meant, than of a good, free, sincere, and a
christian mind. Neither is there anything that all the
aforesaid princes, estates, and nobles, do more wish and
desire, than the furtherance and prosperous estate of the
holy catholic church of Rome, and of his holiness. To
whose wishes, desires, and obedience, they offer and
commend themselves most ready and obsequious, &»
faithful children."
Thus hast thou, loving reader, the full discourse,
both of the pope's letter, and of his legate's instructions,
with the answer also of the states of Germany to the
said letter and instructions, to them exhibited in the
diet of Nuremburg. Also, what was concluded at the
said diet, and what order and consultation was taken,
first touching the grievances of Germany, which they ex-
hibited to the pope, then concerning a general council to
be called in Germany, also for printing, preaching, and
for priests' marriage, hath been likewise declared, &c.
The disturbance about priests' marriage, was occa-
sioned first by the ministers of Strasburg, who about
this time began to take wives, and they therefore were
cited by the bishop of Strasburg to appear before him
on a certain day, as violaters of the laws of holy church,
of the holy fathers, the bishops of Rome, and of the empe-
ror's majesty, to the prejudice both of their own order
of priesthood, and of the majesty of Almighty God ; but
they referred their cause to the hearing of the magis-
trates of the same city, who, being suitors for them unto
the bishops, laboured to have the matter either released,
or at least to be delayed for a time.
It would be tedious to recite all the circumstances fol-
lowing upon this diet or assembly of Nuremburg ; how
their decree was received of some, of some neglected, of
divers diversely wrested and expounded. It may be
enough to say that the states address the pope to con-
vene a general council to settle and determine these mat-
ters, and they enact the Interim, which required that all
persons should be silent, and all publications cease, and
all changes of religion be unlawful until such general
council should assemble and decide.
In the same session of Nuremburg mention was made
of certain grievances to the number of an hundred, ex-
hibited to the bishop of Rome. From these one hun-
dred grievances, thus publicly complained of in the diet
by the princes of Germany, the world may see and judge
not only what abuses and corruptions, monstrous and in-
credible, lay hid under the glorious title of the holy church
of Rome, but may also understand with what hypocrisy
and impudence the pope takes upon him so grievously
to complain against Luther and others, when in all the
universal church of Christ there is none so much to be
blamed in every way as he himself appears by these
436
SOME OF THE GRIEVANCES OF THE GERMANS STATED.
FBooK VII.
complaints of the German princes against the pope's in-
tolerable oppressions and grievances. It would be too
long to insert all these one hundred grievances thus so-
lemnly objected to in the diet ; but the few which follow
will illustrate the then corrupt state of the church of Rome.
A Comjjlaint for selling Remission of Sim for Monet/.
The burden and grievance of the pope's indulgences
and pardons is most insujjportable. The bishops of
Rome, under pretence of building .'some church in
Rome, or to war against the Turks, do make out their
indulgences with their bulls, persuading and promising
to the simple people strange a»id wonderful benefits of
remission ii poena et culpa, that is, from all their sins and
punishment due for the same, and that not in this life
only, but also after this life, to them thit are burning
in the tire of purgatory. Through the ho])e, of which
true piety is almost extinct in all Germany, vvhile every
evil-disposed person promises to himself, for a little
money, license and impunity to do what he pleaseth :
whereupon followeth fornication, adultery, perjury, ho-
micide, robbing, and spoiling, rapine, usury, with a
whole flood of all mischiefs, &c.
A Complaint against the Immunities of Clergymen.
Whoever that hath received any ecclesiastical orders,
great or small, thereby contends to be freed from all
punishment of the secular magistrate, how great soever
his offence may be : neither doth he unadvisedly pre-
sume thereupon, but is maintained in that liberty to
sin, by the principal estates of the clergy. For it hnth
often been seen, that wliereas by the canonical laws
priests are forbidden to marry, they afterwards diligently
labour and go about day and night to tempt matrons,
virgins, and the viives, daughters, and sisters of the lay-
men ; and through their continual importunity and la-
bour, partly with gifts and rewards, and flattering words,
partly by their secret confessions (as they call them)
as it has been found by experience, they bring to pass
that many virgins and matrons, which otherwise would
be honest, have been overcome and moved to sin and
wickedness : and it happeneth oftentimes, that they do
detain and keep away the wives and daughters from their
husbands and fathers, threatening them with fire and
sword that do require them again. Thus, through their
raging immorality, they heap and gather together innu-
merable mischiefs and offences. It is to be marvelled
at, liow licentiously, without punishment they daily
offend in robberies, murder, accusing of innocents, burn-
ing, rapine, theft, and counterfeiting of false coin, be-
sides a thousand other kinds of mischiefs, contrary and
against all laws both of God and man, not without great
offence of others, trusting only upon the freedom and
liberty of sin, which they usurp to themselves by the
privilege of their canons.
Wherefore necessity and justice doth require, that the
privileges of the clergy should be abrogated and taken
away, and in their place it be provided, ordained, and
decreed, that t'ne clergy, of what order or degree soever
they be, shall have like laws, like judgment and punish-
ment as the laity have; so that they pretend no preroga-
tive or freedom in like offence, more than the laymen ;
but that every one of the clergy offending, under tlie
judge where the offence is committed, shall be punished
for his act, according to the measure and quality of his
offence, in such manner as other malefactors are, with
the punishment appointed by the common laws of the
empire.
The Church burdened uith a number of Holy -days.
Moreover, the common people are not a little oppressed
with the great number of holy-days, for there are now
BO many holy-days, that the husbandmen have scarcely
time to gather the fruits of the earth, which they have
brought forth with so great labour and travel, being
often in danger of hail, rain, and other storms, which fruits
notwithstanding, if they were not prevented with so
many holy-days, they would gather and bring home
without any loss. Besides, upon tliese holy-days innu-
merable offences are committed and done, ratlier tlian
God honoured or worshipped. Which thing is so mani-
fest, that it needeth no witness. For that cause the es-
tates of the sacred empire think it best and most protit-
abie for the christian commonwealth, tiiat this great
number of holy-days should be diminished, which ought
ratlier to be celebrated in sjiirit and truth, than with the
external worship, and be better kept with abstinence
from sin.
Baptizing of Bells.
Also the bishops have invented, that no other but
themselves may baptize bells for the lay people, whereby
the simple jieople upon the afhrmation of the suffra-
gans do believe that such bells so baptized will drive
away evil spirits and tempests. Whereupon a great
number of godfathers are appointed, especially such as
are rich, which at the time of baptizing, holding the rope
wherewithal the bell is tied, the suffragan speaking be-
fore them, as is accustomed in the baptizing of young
children, they altogether do answer, and give the name
to the bell. The bell having a new garment put upon
it, as is accustomed to be done unto the christians ; after
this they go unto sumptuous banquets, whereunto also
the gossips are bidden, that thereby they might give the
greater reward ; and the suffragans, with their chaplains
and other ministers, are sumptuously fed. Yet doth not
this suffice, but that the suffragan also must have a re-
ward, which they do call a small gift or present ; whereby
it happeneth oftentimes, that even in small villages
a hundred florins are consumed and spent in such chris-
tenings. Which is not only superstitious, but also con-
trary unto the christian religion, a seducing of the simple
people, and mere extortion. Notwithstanding the bi-
sliops, to enrich their suffragans, do suffer these things,
and otliers far worse. Wherefore such wicked and un-
lawful things ought to be abolished.
Complaint of Officials for maintaining unlavful Usury.
Furthermore, the officials being allured through the
greedy and insatiable desire of money, do not only
not forbid unlawful usuries and gains of money, but also
suffer and maintain the same. Moreover, they taking
a yearly stipend and pension, do suffer the clergy and
other religious persons unlawfully to dwell with their
concubines and harlots, and to beget children by them.
Both which things how great peril, offence, and detri-
ment they do bring both unto body and soul, every man
may plainly see (so that it need not to be rehearsed) ex-
cept he will make himself as blind as a mole.
Complaint of Officials permitting unlawful cohabitation
with others, when the Husband or Wife are long absent.
Furthermore, where it so happeneth (as it doth often-
times) that either the good man, or the good wife, by
means of war, or some other vow, hath taken in hand
some long journey, and so tarrieth longer than serveth
the appetite of the other, the official, taking a reward of
the other, giveth licence to the party to dwell with any
other person, not having first regard, or making inquiry
whether the husband or wife, being absent, be in health
or dead. And because these their doings should not be
evil spoken of, they name it a toleration of sufferance, not
without a great offence to all men, and to the great con-
temi)t of holy matrimony.
Complaint against Incorporations or Impropriations,
and other plundering of the People by Churchmen.
Many parish churches are subject unto monasteries,
and to the parsons of other churches, by means of incor-
porations, as they call them, or otherwise, which they ai'C
bormd also, according to the canon laws, to foresee and
look unto by themselves, when as they do put tiitin
forth unto others to be governed, reserving for the most
A. D. ir)24.]
THE DOCTRINES OF LUTHER AND ZUINGLIUS COMPARED.
437
part unto tbemselves the whole stipend of the benefits
and titlies ; and moreover aggravate and charge the
same with so great pensions, that the hireling priests,
and other ministers of the church, cannot have there-
upon a decent and competent living. Whereby it
Cometh to pass, that these hireling priests (for they
must needs have whereupon to live) do with unlaw ful ex-
actions miserably spoil and devour the poor sheep com-
mitted unto them, and consume all their substance. For
when the sacraments of the altar and of baptism are
to be administered, or when tlie first, the seventh, the
thirteenth, and the year-day must be kept ; when auricular
confession cometh to be heard, the dead to be buried, or
any other ceremony whatsoever about the funeral is to
be done, they will not do it freely, but extort and exact
so much money, as the miserable commonalty is scarce able
to disburse ; and daily they do increase and augment
these their exactions, driving the simple poor people to the
payment thereof, by threatening them with excommuni-
cation, or by other ways compelling them to be at such
charge : which otherwise through poverty are not able to
maintain obsequies, year-mind;^, and sucli other like ce-
remonies, as to the funerals of the dead be a))pertaining.
Priests compelled to pay Tribute for Concubines.
Also in many places the bishops and their officials do
not only suffer priests to have concubines, so that they
pay certain sums of money, but also compel continent
aud chaste priests, which live without concubines, to
pay tribute for concubines, affirming that the bishop
hath need of money, which being paid, it shall be lawful
for them either to live chaste, or to keep concubines.
How wicked a thing this is, every man doth well under-
stand and know.
These, with many other burthens and grievances to
the number of an hundred, the secular states of Ger-
many delivered to the pope's legate, having, as they
said, many more grievous grievances besides these,
which had likewise much need of redress ; but be-
cause they would not e.\ceed the limits of reasonable
brevity, they would content themselves, they said, with
these hundred, reserving the rest to a more apt and more
convenient opportunity, steadfastly trusting and hoping
that when those hundred grievances should be abolished,
the other would also decay and fall with them. This
was about A. D. 1.52.3. ^^'hich being done, the assem-
bly of Nuremburg broke up for a time, and was pro-
rogued to the next year.
In the meantime Pope Adrian died. After him suc-
ceeded Pope Clement VII., who, A. D. 1524, sent down
his Ifgate, Cardinal Campejius, to the council of the
German princes assembled again at Nuremburg, with
letters also to Duke Frederick, full of many fair petitions
and . sharp complaints, &c. But as to the grievances
above-mentioned, no word nor message at all was sent,
neither by Campejius, nor by any other. Thus, when
any thing was to be comjilained of against Luther, either
for suppression of the liberty of the gospel, or for up-
holding of the pope's dignity, the pope was ever ready
with all diligence to call upon the princes ; but when any
redress was to be required for the public weal of chris-
tian people, or touching the necessary reformation of the
church, the pope gives neither ear nor answer.
And having thus discoursed of what passed between
the pope and princes of Germany, at the diet of Nurem-
burg, let us now proceed again to the history of Luther,
of which you have heard before, how he was kept secret
and solitary for a time, by certain nobles in Saxony, be-
cause of the emperor's edict. In the meantime, while
Luther had thus absented himself from Wittenberg,
Andrew Carolostad, proceeding more roughly and
eagerly in matters of religion, had excited the people to
throw down images in the temples. Luther, returning
again to the city, greatly reproved the rashness of Caro-
lostad, declaring that such proceedings were not orderly,
but that pictures and images ought tir^t to be thrown out
of the hearts and consciences of men, and that the people
ought first to be taught, that we are saved before God,
and please him only by faith, and that images serve to
no good purpose. This being done, and the people
being well instructed, there would be no danger in
images, but they would fall of their own accord. Not
that he would maintain images, or suffer them ; but that
their removal ought to be done by the magistrate, and
not by every private man without order and authority.
The cause why Luther ojjposed that violent throwing
down of images, and against Carolostad, seems partly
to arise because Po])e Adrian, in his letters to the
princes and states of Germany, grievously complains and
charges the followers of Luther with sedition and
tumults, and rebellion against magistrates, as subverters
and dtstroyers of all order and obedience. Therefore
Luther, to stop the mouth of such slanderers, and to pre-
vent such sinister suspicions, was forced to proceed as
much as was possible with order and authority.
But while Luther, for these causes differed from the
more vehement proceedings of Carolostad, he also dif-
fered somewhac from Zuinglius. Now though Luther
went a little astray, and dissented from Zuinglius in
this one matter of sacrament ; yet in all other doctrines
they accorded, as appeared in the synod at Marpurg,
which was A. D. 1529, where both Luther and Zuinglius
were ])resent, and conferring together, agreed in these
articled :
1. On the unity and trinity of God. 2. In the incar-
nation of the Word. 3. In the passion and resurrection
of Christ. 4. In the article of original sin. 5. In the
article of faith in Christ Jesus. 6. That this faith
cometh not of merits, but by the gift of God. 7. That
this faith is our righteousness. 8. Touching the external
word. y. Likewise they agreed in the articles of bap-
tism. 10. Of good works. 11. Of confession. 12. Of
magistrates. 13. Of men's traditions. 14. Of baptism
of infants. 15. Lastly, concerning the doctrine of the
Lord's Supper : this they did believe and hold ; first,
that both the kinds thereof are to be ministered to the
people according to Christ's institution, and that the
mass is not the means by which a man may obtain grace
both for the quick and the dead. Also that the sacra-
ment (which they call of the altar) is a true sacrament
of the body and blood of the Lord. And that the spi-
ritual eating of his body and blood is necessary for every
christian man. And furthermore, that the use of the
sacrament tends to the same efl'ect as the word, given
and ordained by Almighty God, that thereby infirni
consciences may be stirred to belief by the Holy
Ghost, &c.
In all these sums of doctrine Luther and Zuinglius
consented and agreed, nor were their opinions so dif-
ferent in the matter of the Lord's Supper, but that in the
principal points they accorded. For if the question be
asked of them both, what is the material substance
of the sacrament, which our outward senses be-
hold and feel ? they will both confess bread, and not
the accidents only of bread. Further, if the question
be asked, whether Christ be there present .' they will
both confess his true presence to be there, only in
the manner of presence they differ. Again, ask whether
the material substance laid before our eyes in the sacra-
ment, is to be worshipped ? they will both deny it, and
judge it idolatry. And likewise for transubstantiation,
and the sacrifice of the mass, they both do abhor, and do
deny them ; as also they agree that the communion in
both kinds should be administered.
Only their difference is in this, concerning the sense
and meaning of the words of Christ, Hoc est corput
meuni, This is my body, &c. which words Luther ex-
poundeth to be taken nakedly and simply as the letter
standeth, without trope or figure, and therefore holdeth
the body and blood of Christ truly to be in the bread
and wine, and so also to be received with the mouth.
Uldric Zuinglius, with John Oecolampadius, and others
do interpret these words otherwise, as to be taken no;
literally, but with a spiritual meaning, and to be ex-
pounded by a trope or figure, so that the sense of these
words : " This is my body," is thus to be expounded :
this signifieth my body and blood. With Luther the
Saxons consented. The Helvetians coincided with Zu-
inglius. And as time went on, so the division of these
438
THE ACTS AND LIFE OF ZUINGLIUS,
[Book VII.
opinions increased and spread farther ; the one part be-
ing called from Luther, Lutherans ; the other having the
name of Sacramentaries. Notwithstanding, in this one
unity of opinion, both the Lutherans and Sacramentaries
accorded and agreed, that the bread and wine there pre-
sent is not transubstantiated into the body and blood of
Christ, but is a true sacrament of the body and blood.
Luther lived until the age of sixty-three, and liad con-
tinued writing and preaching about twenty-nine years.
As to his death, the words of Melancthou are these :
" In the year of our Lord L")4(), and on the 17th of
February, Dr. Martin Luther sickened a little before
supper of his accustomed malady, the oppression of
humours in the orifice or opening of the stomach, of
which I remember I have seen him often diseased in
this place. This sickness became violent after supper,
lie struggling against it, and retired into his chamber, and
there rested on his bed two hours, during all which time
his pains increased. And as Dr. Jonas was lying in his
chamber, Luther awakened, and prayed him to rise,
and to call up Ambrose his children's schoohnaster, to
make fire in another chamber. When he entered it,
Albert earl of Mansfield, with his wife, and others, at
tiiat instant came into his chamber. Finally, feeling
Lis fatal hour approach, before nine o'clock in the
morning, February 18th, he commended himself to God
with this devout prayer.
The Prayer of Luther at his death.
" My heavenly Father, eternal and merciful God, thou
hast manifested unto me thy dear Son, our Lord Jesus
Christ ; I have taught him, I have known him, I love
him as my life, my health, my redemption ; whom the
wicked have persecuted, maligned, and with injury af-
flicted. Draw my soul to thee."
"After this he said, thrice : ' I commend my spirit into
thy hands, thou hast redeemed me, O God of truth.
God so loved the world, that he gave his only begotten
Son, that whosoever belicveth in him should not perish
but have everlasting life.' John iii. Iti.
" Having repeated oftentimes his prayers, he was called
to God, to whom he so faithfully commended his spirit,
to enjoy, no doubt, the blessed society of the patriarchs,
prophets, and apostles in the kingdom of God, the
Father, Son, and the Holy Ghost. Let us now love the
memory of this man, and the doctrine that he taught.
Let us learn to be modest and meek: let us consider
tiie wretched calamities and marvellous changes, that
f^hall follow this sorrowful event. I beseech thee, O
Son of God, crucified for us, the risen Emmanuel,
govern, preserve, and defend thy church."
Frederick Prince Elector died long before Luther, in
the year of our Lord 1525, leaving no issue behind him,
for he lived a single life, and was never married ; and
was succeeded by John Frederick duke of Saxony.
After this council of Nuremburg, immediately followed
another sitting at Ratisbone, where were present Ferdi-
nand, Campejius, the cardinal of Salisburg, the two
dukes of Bavaria, the bishops of Trent and Ratisbone ;
also the legates of the bishops of Bamberg, Spires, Stras-
Lurgh, Augsburgh, Constance, Basil, Frising, Passame,
and Brixime. By whom in the said assembly it was
concluded :
That forasmuch as the emperor, at the request of
Pope Leo, had condemned, by his public edict set forth
at Worms, the doctrine of Luther as erroneous and
wicked ; and also as it was agreed upon in both the assem-
blies of Nuremburg, that the said edict should be
obeyed of all men ; they likewise, at the request of Car-
dinal Campejius, do will and command the aforesaid
edict to be observed througli all their fines and pre-
cincts : that the gospel, and all other holy scriptures,
should be taught in churches according to the interpre-
tation of the ancient fathers : that all they who revive
any old heresies before condemned, or teach any new
thing contumeliously, either against Christ, his blessed
mother and holy saints, or which may breed any occa-
sion of sedition, are to be punished according to the
tenor of the edict abovesaid : that none be admitted to
preach without the licence of his ordinary : that they
who are already admitted, shall be examined how, and
what they preach : that the laws which Campejius is
about to set forth for reformation of manners shall be
observed : that in the sacraments, in the mass, and all
other things, there shall be no innovation, but all things
to stand as in before time they did : that all they which
approach to the Lord's Supper without confession and
absolution, or do eat flesh on da\s forbidden, or which
do run out of their order ; also priests, deacons, and
sub-deacons, that be married, shall be punished : that
nothing shall be printed without consent of the magis-
trate : that no book of Luther, or any Lutheran shall
be printed or sold, &c. And lest it might be said, that
this faction of Luther takes its origin in the corrupt Ufa
of priests, Campejius, with his assistants iu the convo-
cation of Ratisbone, charges and commands, that priests
should live honestly, go in decent apparel, play not the
merchants, haunt not the taverns, be not covetous, nor
take money for their ministration ; and that such as
keep concubines should be removed ; the number also
of holy-days was to be diminished, &c.
These things Campejius wished to have had enacted
in a full council, and with the consent of all the em-
pire : but when he could not accomplish it, because the
minds of many were gone from the pope ; he was fain
there to get it ratified in this conference, with the as-
sents of the bishops above named.
The matters which have been discoursed upon may
more fully be seen in the commentaries of John Sleidan ;
it now remains for us, after having finished the history of
]Martin Luther, to touch upon the history of Zuinglius,
and the Helvetians.
The Acts and Life of Zvinfflius ; and of the receiting the
Gospel in Switzerland.
In the treating of Luther's history, mention was made
of Ulric Zuinglius, who first lived at Glarona, in a place
then called our Lord's hermitage, from thence he removed
to Zurich, about A. D. 1519, and there began to teach,
dwelling in the Minster, among the canons or priests of
that close, using with them the same rites and ceremo-
nies during the space of two or three years, where he
continued reading and explaining the scriptures to the
people, with great pains and no less dexterity. And as
Pope Leo the same year had renewed his pardons again
through all countries, Zuinglius zealously withstood them,
detecting such abuses by the scriptures, and such other
corruptions as reigned then in the church, and so he con-
tinued for the space of two years and more, till at length
Hugo, bishop of Constance, wrote his letter to the senate
of the said city of Zurich, complaining grievously of
Zuinglius. He also wrote another letter to the college of
canons, where Zuinglius was dwelling, complaining of
those new teachers wliO troubled the church, and exhorted
them earnestly to beware, and to take diligent heed to
themselves. And as both the pope and the imperial
majesty had condemned all such new doctrine, by their
decrees and edicts, he willed them therefore to admit no
such new innovations of doctrine, without the common
consent of those to whom they appertained. Zuinglius
hearing of this, refers his cause to the judgment and hear-
ing of the senate, not refusing to render to them au-ac-
count of his faith. And as the bishop's letter was read
openly in the college, Zuinglius directs another letter to
the bishop, declaring that the said letter proceeded not
from the bishop, and that he was not ignorant who were
the authors thereof, desiring liim not to follow their sin-
ister counsels ; because truth, said he, is a thing invinci-
ble, and cannot be resisted. After the same tenor, certain
other persons of the city likewise wrote to the bishop,
desiring him that he would attempt nothing that should
be prejudicial to the liberty and free course of the gos-
pel ; requiring, moreover, that he would restrain the hithy
A. r>. 1524.]
THE ACTS AND LIFE OF ZUINGLIUS.
439
and infamous U^fs of the priests, and chat he sho.uld per-
mit them to have tneir lawful wives, &c. This was
A.D. lo22. , ,
Besides this, ZuingUus wrote also another letter to the
whole nation of the Swiss, admonishing them in no case
t 1 hinder the course of pure doctrine, nor to bring any
trouble u;ion the priests that were married. For as for the
vow of their single life, it came, saith he, from the devil,
a.ul a devilish thing it is. And, therefore, as the Swiss had
a right and custom in their towns, that when they re-
ceived a new priest into their churches, tliey used to
advise him to take his concubine, ZuingUus exhorted
them to grant permission to them to take their wives in
honest nmtiiniony, rather than to take concubines, against
the precept of God. A
Thus, as Zuingiius continued some years, labouring
in the word of the Lord, offence began to rise at
this doctrine, and the Dominican friars began to preach
against him. But he, ever keeping himself within the
scriptures, protested that he would make good by the
•word of God what he taught. Upon this, the magis-
trates and senate of Zurich sent forth a command to all
priests and ministers within their dominions, to repair to
the city of Zurich, against the nine-and-twentieth day of
January next ensuing, (A.D. 1523,) and there every one
to speak freely, and to be heard quietly, touching these
controversies of religion, directing also their letters to
the bi.shop of Constance, that he would either repair
there himself, or else send his deputy. When the ap-
pointed day came, the bishop's vicefrerent, John Faber,
was present. The consul first stating the object of this
assembly, required that if any one had to object against
the doctrine of Zuingiius, he should freely and quietly
declare his mind.
Zuingiius had set forth all his doctrine in order, to the
number of sixty-seven articles, which articles he pub-
lished, that they who were so disposed might be the bet-
ter prepared for the disputation. Faber began to state
the cause of his being sent there, and argued that neither
the time nor the place were fit for discussing such mat-
ters, but that the matter belonged to a general council.
Zuingiius, however, still continued requiring him, that if
he had any thing to say, he would openly and freely
say it. To this he answered, that he would confute his
doctrine by writing. After this, when no man appeared
to dispute, the assembly broke up. Upon which the
senate of Zurich caused it to be proclaimed through all
their dominion, that the traditions of men should be
abandoned, and that the gospel of Christ should be
purely taught out of the Old and New Testament.
After these things the cantons of Switzerland direct
their public letters to the men of Zurich, wherein they
made much lament, and complain of this new broached
doctrine, which had set all men together by the ears,
through the occasion of certain rash and new-fangled
heads, who have greatly disturbed both the state of the
church and of the commonwealth, and have scattered the
seeds of discord. For now all fasting was laid down, and
all days are alike to eat both flesh and eggs, as well one
as another. Priests and religious persons, both men and
women, broke their vows, ran out of their order, and fell
to marrying. God's service was decayed, singing in the
church left, and prayer ceased. Priests grew in con-
tempt. Religious men were thrust out of their cloisters.
Confession and penance was neglected, so that men would
not stick to presume to receive at the holy altar, without
any confession previously made to the priest. The holy
mass derided and scorned. Our blessed lady, and other
saints, blasphemed. Images cast down and broken in
pieces. Neither was there any honour given to the sa-
crament. To make short, men had now assumed such a
licence and liberty, that even the Koly Ghost could not
be safe in the priest's hands, &c.
All this disorder, as it is of no small importance, so it
(1 ) If the pro e of doctrine be well marked botween the pnpists
and the piotestants, it will not be h-.ird for wny man to judse
which is the true doctrine. For the whole end and scoi e of the
pope's di'Ctrine lendeth to set up t!ie honcur and wealth of man,
as may appear by tlie doctrine of supremacy, of confession, of the
uass of the sacrameut of the altar, iic. All whicli do tend to the
was, said they, so grievous and lamentable, that they
thought it their duty to suffer it no longer. They
sent unto them before the like admonition, and also
wrote to them by certain of the clergy, and craving their
aid in the same; which seeing it is so, they did now again
earnestly call upon them touching the premises, desiring
them to put an end to such doings, and to take a
better way, continuing in the religion of their ances-
tors which were before them. And if there were any
such thing, wherein they were grieved and offended
against the bishop of Rome, the cardinal, bishops, or
other prelates, either for their ambition in heaping, ex-
changing and selling the dignities of the church, or for
their oppression in emptying men's purses by their in-
dulgences, or else for their usurped jurisdiction and
power, which they extend too far, and corruptly apply it
to matters external and political, which only ought to
serve in such cases as be spiritual. If these, and such
other abuses, were the causes wherewith they were so
grievously offended, they promised that for the correc-
tion and reformation thereof, they would also themselves
join their diligence and good-will thereto ; for so much
therefore they would confer with them, how and by what
way such grievances might ofst be removed.
To this effect were the letters of the Helvetians written
to the senate and citizens of Zurich. To which, their
answer was as follows : —
An Answer again of the Men of Zurich.
" First, declaring, how their ministers had la-
boured and travelled among them, teaching and preach-
ing the word of God for the space of five years ; whose
doctrine at first seemed to them very strange and novel,
because they never heard it before. But after they
understood and perceived the scope' of that doctrine
only to tend to this, to set forth Christ Jesus to us, as
the pillar and refuge of our salvation, who gave his life
and blood for our redemption, and who only delivers us
from eternal death, and who is the only advocate of
mankind before God ; they could not do otherwise, but
receive with ardent affection sct wholesome and joyful a
message.
" The holy apostles and faithful christians, after they
had received the gospel of Christ, did not fall out in
debate and variance, but lovingly agreed and consented
together : and so they trusted (said they) that they
should do, if they would likewise receive the word of
God, setting aside men's doctrines and traditions dif-
ferent from it.
" Whatever Luther or any other man teaches, whether
it be right or wrong, is not such for the names of the
persons, but only because it agrees or disagrees with the
word of God.
" And if Christ only is worshipped, and men are
taught to repose their confidence solely in him, neither
the blessed Virgin, nor any saint, receives any injury.
"And whereas they charge their ministers with
wresting the scriptures after their own interjiretation,
God had stirred up such a light now in the hearts of
men, that the most part of their city have the bible in
their hand, and diligently peruse it: so that their
preachers cannot so wrest the scriptures, but it would
quickly be perceived.
" And whereas they have accused them of error, yet
there was never any man who could prove any error in
them : although the bishops of Constance, of Basil, of
Curiake, with others of the univei;ijities, and themselves
also had desired to do so ; yet to this day neither they
nor any other did so. .'
" And if the bishops object and say that the word of
God ought not to be handled by vulgar people, they an-
swered that it was not consistent with equity and
reason. For although it belonged to the bishop's office
masnifvins; of priests; like as purgatory, obsequies, pardons, and
such others as serve for ilicir prorit. Contriiriwise, the teachinp of
the jirotestants, us well loucliinir ji'stificalion, orisinal sin, as also
the sacraments and invocation, and all oilier such like, tend only
to the setting up of Clirist alone, und casting down of mau.
— FoXE.
440
COMPLAINT OF THE MEN OF ZURICH.— REFORM THEIR RELIGION. [Book VIL
to provide that the sheep should not go astray ; yet be-
causf. they will not see to their charge, but leave it un-
done, referring every thing to the fathers and to councils ;
therefore it was right thnt they should hear and learn, not
what man determines, but what Christ himself commands
in the scripture. Neither have their ministers given any
occasion for this division ; but rather they, who for
their own private lucre and preferments, contrary to the
word of the Lord, seduce the people into error, and
grievously offending God, provoke him to plague them
with in inifold calamities.
" As for the eating of flesh and eggs, it was free to all
men, and forbidden to none by Christ.'
" And as to matrimony, God himself was the author
of it, and he hath left it tree for all men. Also St. Paul
desires a minister of the church to be the husband of one
wife.
" And seeing that bishops for money permit their
priests to have concubines, which is contrary to God's
law, and to good example, why then might they not as
well obey God in permitting lawful matrimony, which
he has ordained, as resist God in forbidding it .' The
same is to be said also of women vowing celibacy.
" And as for monasteries, and other houses of canons,
they were first given for relief only of the poor and
needy ; whereas now those wlio inhabit them are
wealtliy, and able to live on their own patrimony. Yet
nevertlieless the men of Zurich have used such modera-
tion, that they have permitted the inhabitants of those
monasteries to enjoy their possessions during the term
of their natural life, lest any one should have cause of
just complaint.
"Ornaments of churches serve nothing towards God's
service ; but it agrees well with the service of God that
the poor should be relieved. Christ commanded the
young man in the gospel not to hang up his riches in the
temple, but to sell them, and distribute them to the
needv.
" The order of priesthood they do not condemn; such
priests as will discharge their duty, and teach soundly,
they prize and magnify. As for the other rabble, who
serve to no public good, but rather damnify the com-
morr.venltli, if the number were diminished by little and
little, and tbeir livings put to better use, they doubted
not but it would be a service well done to God.
" As for secret confession, in which men tell their
sins in the priest's ear, of what virtue this confession is
they leave it in suspense. But that confession, whereby
repenting sinners fly to Christ, our only intercessor,
they account not only as profitable, but also necessary
to all troubled consciences. As for satisfaction, which
priests use, they reckon it but a jiractice to get money,
and not only erroneous, but also full of impiv'ty. True
penance and satisfaction is, for a man to amend his
life.
" The orders of monks come only by the invention of
man, and not by the institution of God.
" And as to the sacraments, such as are of the Lord's
institution, they do not despise, but receive with all
reverence. And so with reverence they use the sacra-
ment of the Lord's sujiper, according as the word of
God iirescribes, not as many abuse it, making it an ob-
lation and a sacrifice.
" ^^ lierefore, as before, so now again they desire that
if they think this their doctrine repugnant to the holy
scripture, they would gently shew and teach them their
error." And thus much was contained in the answer of
the men of Zurich unto the litter of their colleagues of
Helvetia.
In the meantime the bishop of Constance, with tlie
advice of Ids council, answered them as be was requested
to do, in a book, wherein he declnres what images and
pictures those were which the jirofane Jews and Gen-
tiles adored, and what images these are which the
church has received and admitted ; and what difference
tliere is between those idols of the Jews and Gentiles,
(1) It was the i)0)ie's I:iw tli ri, that in Lent no man should eat
flcs'i, or (".; s, noi- any otiicr white meat; wherein it may seem to
b« verified wliut St. Paul iiiul iirophesicj, 1 Tim. iv. " ]n tlie latter
and thgse images of the christians. The conclusion was,
that whereas the scripture speaks against images, and
permits them not to be suffered, that, said he, is to be
understood of such images and idols as the Jews and
idolatrous Gentiles used ; and not such images and pic-
tures as the church has received.
From this he enters into the discourse of the mass,
where he endeavours to prove by the pope's canons and
councils, that the mass is a sacrifice and oblation.
This book lie sent to the senate of Zurich, about
the beginning of June, exhorting them not to suffer their
images, or the mass to be abrogated ; and shortly after-
wards he published the book in print, and sent it to the
l)riests and canons of the Minster of Zurich, requiring
them to Ibllow the custom of the church.
The senate, in answer to the bi.-hop's book, about
the middle of August wrote to him ; declaring that they
had i-ead over and over again his book with al! diligence:
and that they were glad that he had sent it abroad in
print, because the whole world thereby would the better
judge between them. After this, they explained to him
the judgment and doctrine of their ministers and preach-
ers : and finally, by the authority and testimonies of the
scriptures, proved the doctrine of his book to be false.
But before they sent their answers to him, about the
thirteenth day of June, they commanded all the images
within the city, and through all their dominions, to be
taken down and burned quietly, and without any tumult.
And in the month of April following, the magistrates
and senate of the city of Zurich, commanded the mass,
with all its ceremonies, to be suppressed, both within
the city, and throughout all their jurisdiction : and instead
thereof was placed the Lord's supper, the reading of the
prophets, prayer, and preaching.
All this while the gospel was not as yet received in
any other part of Helvetia, but only in Zurich. Where-
fore the other twelve towns appointed a meeting at
Baden : where were present among the divines, John
Faber, Eckius, and Murnerus. The bishops also of
Lucerne, Basil, Coire, and Lausanne, sent their de-
puties there. The questions there propounded were
these.
That the true body and blood of Christ is in the
sacrament.
That the mass is a sacrifice for the quick and dead.
That the blessed Virgin, and other saints, are to be
invoked as mediators and intercessors.
That images ought not to be abolished.
That there is a purgatory.
Which conclusions or assertions, Eckius took upon
him to defend. Against him reasoned Oecolampadius,
(who was then chief preacher at Basil) with others.
Zuinglius at that time was not present, but by wTiting
confuted the doctrine of Eckius ; declaring the causes of
his absence : which were, that he durst not, for fear of
his life, commit himself to the hands of his enemies : and
that he refused not to dispute, but only the place of the
disputation ; and that if they would assign the place of
disputation, either at Zurich, or at Berne, or at Saintgal-
lum, he would not refuse to come. The conclusion of
the disputation was this, that all should remain in that
religion which they had hitherto kept, and should follow
the authority of the council, and should not admit any
new doctrine within their dominions, &c.
As the time proceeded, and dissension about religion
increased, it followed the next year after, (A.D. 1527,) in
the month of December, that the senate and people of
Berne assigned another disputation within their city, and
called to it all the bishops near them ; warningtheni both to
come themselves, and to bring their divines with them,
or else to lose all such possessions as they had within
the bounds of their jirecinct. After this they appointed
certain ecclesiastical persons to dispute, prescribing and
determining the whole disputation to be decided only by
the authority of the old and new testament. To all that
would come, they granted a safe conduct. Also, they
times some shall depart from the faith, sjivins heed to seducing
si)irits, and doctrines of devils, forhidding to marry, and com-
manding to abstain from meats," &c.
A.D. 1527.] DISPUTATION AT BADEN.— REFORMATION IN SWITZERLAND.
411
appointed, tint all things should be done modestly, with-
out iniury and brawling words; and that every one
should hive leave to speak his mind freely, and with such
delibs-ration, that every man's saying might be received
by tlie notary, and penned ; with this proviso previously
arranged, that whatever should be agreed upon, should
be ratified and observed through all their dominions :
and that men might come there better prepared, they
propounded in public writing, ten questions to be de-
fended of their ministers by the scriptures ; tlie ministers
were, Francis Colbus, and Berthold llalletus. The
questions were these.
1. That the true church, whereof Christ is the head,
rises out of God's word, and continues in the same, and
hears the voice of no other.
2. That the same church makes no laws without the
word of God.
3. That the traditions, ordained in the name of the
church, do not bind, but so far as they are consonant to
God's word
4. That Christ only has made satisfaction for the sins
of the world : and therefore if any man say that there is any
other way of salvation, or any other means to put away
sin, he denies Christ.
5. That the body and blood of Christ cannot be re-
ceived really and corporally, by the testimony of the
scripture.
6. That the use of the mass, in which Christ is said to
be present and offered up to his heavenly Father, for the
quick and the dead, is against the scri])ture, and injuri-
ous to the s;icrifice which Christ made for us.
7. That Christ only is to be invoked, as the mediator
and advocate of mankind with God the Father.
8. That there is no place to be found in the holy
scripture, wherein souls are purged after this life ; and,
therefore, all those prayers and ceremonies, yearly
dirges, and obits, which are bestowed upon the dead ;
also lamps, tapers, and such other things, profit nothing
at all.
9. Tliat to set up any picture or image to be worship-
ped, is rejiugnant to the holy scripture ; and, therefore,
if any such are erected in churches for that intent, they
ought to be taken down.
10. That matrimony is prohibited to no state or order
of men, but for avoiding fornication generally is com-
manded and permitted to all men by the word of God.
And as all immoral persons are excluded from the com-
munion of the church, therefore this unchaste and filthy
single life of priests, is most of all inconvenient for the
order of priesthood.
When the senate and people of Berne had sent abroad
their letters with these questions to all the Helvetians, ex-
horting tliem both to send their learned men, and to suf-
fer all others to pass safely through their countries :
several of the cantons refused to take any part, or suffer
their divines to take any part, in the proposed discus-
sion, saying, that it was not lawful for any nation or
province to alter the state of religion, but that it be-
longed to a general council : wherefore, they desired
them that they would not attempt any such wicked act,
but continue in the religion which their parents and
elders had observed: and in fine, they concluded, that
they would neither send, nor suffer any of their learned
men to com.e, nor yet grant safe-conduct to any others
to pass through their country.
Notwithstanding this, the lords of Berne proceeding
in their jmrpose, upon the day prescribed (which was
January 7) began their disputation. Of all the bishops
there was not one piesent ; but the city of Basil, Zurich,
Strasburg, Augsburg, Constance, and others, sent their
ambassadors to it.
The doctors of the city of Berne began the disputa-
tion. There were present Zuinglius, Oecolampadius,
Bucer, Capito, Biaurerus, with others, — all of whom de-
fended the affirmative of the conclusions propounded.
On the other side, the chief was Conrad Tregerus an
Augustinian friar, who, when he, to prove his assertion,
was driven out of the scriptures, sought helji of other
authority, but the moderators of the disputation would
not permit it, (as being contrary to the order before ar-
ranged,) s^o he departed, and would dispute no more.
The disputation continued nineteen days ; in the end
it was agreed by the assent of the most part, that the
conclusions were consonant to the truth of God's word,
and should be ratified not only in the city of Berne, but
also i)roclaimed by the magistrates in other cities ad-
joining ; and that masses, altars, and images, in all
places, should be abolished.
At the city of Constance, some things began to be
altered a little before. And now, after tliis disputation
at Berne, the images and altars, with ceremonies and
masses, were abolished at Constance.
They of Geneva also, were not behind in following the
example of the city of Berne, in extirpating images and
ceremonies. By reason of which the bishop and clergy
left the city in no small anger.
To commemorate this event, they caused a pillar to be
erected, and thereupon to be placed in golden letters,
the day and year when this reformation from po])ery to
true Christianity began among them, as a pe-rpetual me-
mori il to all posterity to come. This was A. D. ir)28.
After the account of this disputation at Berne had
reached other cities, the ministers of Strasburg began
likewise to affirra and teach, that the mass was wic-ked,
and a great blasphemy against God's holy name, and
therefore should be abolished, and the right use of the
Lord's su])per restored. On the other baud, the bishop
of Rome's clergy held that the mass was good and holy ;
which kindled great contention on both sides : when the
senate and magistrates of that city would have brought
the matter to a discussion, but they could not, because
the priests would not consent; they therefore commanded
them to silence.
For a long time the bishop of Strasburg succeeded
in putting off the change of religion, till at last the
senate of Strasburg, seeing the matter hang in contro-
versy for the space of two years, and the jireachers daily
calling ujion them for a reformation ; and petition also
having been made to them by the citizens, assembled in
their great council to the number of three hundred, as
they are accustomed to do on great matters of importance.
And there debating the case with themselves, some declar-
ing on one side, if they abolished the mass, what danger
they should incur from the emperor. On the other side, if
they did not, how much they should offend God ; and,
therefore, giving time to consult, required them, at the
next meeting, to declare their sentence in the matter.
When tile day came the voices and judgments of those
who went against the mass, prevailed. Upon which im-
mediately a decree was made, the twentieth of Feliruary,
A. D. 1,")29, that the mass should be suspended till the
Romanists could prove by good scrijiture, the mass to be
a service availalile and acceptable before God.
Tills decree being established by the consent of the
whole city, the senate soon commanded it to be pro-
claimed, and to take full effect, so far as their limits and
dominion extended ; and afterward by letters certified
their bishop touching the matter.
Thiie the mass was overthrown in Zurich, in Berne,
and Geneva, and in Strasburg, you have heard. Now,
what followed in Basil, remains to be stated. In Basil
was Oecolampadius, a preacher, by whose diligent labour
and travel, the gospel began to take such effect, that
there arose great dissension among the citizens about
religion, and especially about the mass. Upon this the
senate of Basil appointed, That after an open discussion
it should be determined by voices, what was to be done.
Owing to the intrigues of some of the senate, tiiis dis-
cussion was delayed, and the reformation retarded. The
citizens proceeded to violent measures, armed themselves,
and ])roceeded to coerce the senate. It happened the very
same day, that certain of the citizens, such as were appointed
to go about the city to see things in order, came into the
church, where one of them thrusting at a certain image
with his staff, it fell down and broke. Other images also
were served after the same sort of devotion. ^\ hen the
priests came running to them, the citizens, as they would
not go beyond their commission, departed.
When word was brought to the citizens in the market-
44f
REFORMATION IN SWITZERLAND.
[Book VII.
place, the matter seemed worse to them than it really
was, so they sent three hundred armed men to rescue
their fellows in the church, sujiposing them to be in dan-
ger. On coming to the church, and not finding iheir
fellows there, and all things quiet, save only a few
images broken down, they, likewise, lest they should
have lost all their labour, threw down all the other idols
and imiges which they found standing there; and so pas-
sing through all tlie churches in the city, did the same.
And when some of the senate came forth to appease the
tumult, the citizens said, "What you have been consulting
and advising about for these three years, whether it were
best to be done or not, we have despatched in one hour,
that from henceforth no more contentions may arise be-
tween us for images;'' and so the senate permitted them
free leave, without any more resistance. A decree at the
same time was made, that as well within the city of Basil
as without, throughout their whole jurisdiction, the mass,
with all idols, should be abandoned ; and, further, that in
all such matters and cases as concerned the glory of God
and the affairs of the public weal, besides the number of
the other senators, two hundred and sixty of the burghers
or citizens should be appointed out of every ward in the
city to sit with them in council. These decrees being
established, after they had kept watch and ward about
the city three days and nights, every one returned again
to his house, quiet and joyful, without any blood or
stroke given, or anger wreaked, but only upon the
images.
On the third day, which was Ash Wednesday, all the
wooden images were distributed among the poor of the
city, to serve them for firewood. But when they could
not well agree in dividing the prey, but fell to brawling
among themselves, it was agreed that the images should
be burned all together ; so that, in nine great heaps, all
the stocks and idols were the same day burned to ashes
before the great church door. And thus, by God's ordi-
nance, it came to pass, that the day in which the pope's
priests shew forth all their mourning, and mark men's
foreheads with ashes, in remembrance that they are but
ashes, was to the whole city a festival, and joyful day,
for turning their images to ashes ; and so the day is ob-
served and celebrated every year still, to this present
time, with all mirth, plays, and pastimes, in remembrance
of the ashes, which day may there be called rightly, Ash
Wednesday of God's own making.
All this time the emperor and the French king were
together occupied in wars and strife ; which, as it turned
to the great damage and detriment of the French king,
who was taken prisoner by the emperor, so it happened
most opportunely for the success of the Gospel ; for
otherwise, these Helvetians, and other Germans, should
not hive had tliat leisure and rest to reform religion, and
to link themselves in league together, as they did. But
thus Almighty God, of his secret wisdom, disposes times
and occasions to serve his will and jiurpose in all things.
Although Ferdinand, the emperor's brother, and deputy
in Germany, lost no time nor diligence to do what he
could iu resisting the proceedings of the Protestants, as
appeared both by the decree set forth at Ratisbone, and
also at Spires, in which council of Spires, Ferdinand,
at the same time, (A.D. 1529, ~) had decreed against the
Protestants in eftect, as follows : —
" First, That the edict of the emperor made at Worms,
should be in force through all Germany, till the general
council, which .«hould shortly follow. Also, that they
who had already altered their religion, and now could
not revoke the same for fear of sedition, should attempt
no more innovations till the time of the general council.
" Also, That the doctrine of those who hold tlie Lord's
supper otherwise than the church teaches, should not
be re(;eived, nor the mass altered. And that all minis-
ters of the church should be enjoined to use no interpre-
tation of holy scripture, but the exposition of the clmrch
doctors ; while other matters that were disputable, were
not to be touched. Also, that all persons and states
should keep peace, so that for religion neither party
should molest the other. All who should transgress
these decrees, were to be outlawed and exiled."
. To this session at Spires the ambassadors of Strasburg
were not admitted, but refused by Ferdinand, because
they had rejected the mass. And, therefore, the city of
Strasburg refused to pay any contribution against the
Turk, unless they, with the other German states, were
admitted to the councils. The other ])rinces which
were received, and who opposed the decree, and shewed
their case in an elaborate protestation, written for that
purpose, were— John, duke of Saxony ; (ieorge, elector of
Brandenburg ; Ernest and Francis, earls of Lunenburg ;
the Landgrave of Hesse ; and the prince of Anhalt. Ail
such cities as subscribed and consented to the protesta-
tion of these j)rinces, soon joined themselves in a com-
mon league with them, ui)on which they received the
name, and were therefore called Protestants. The
names of the cities were these, — Strasburg, Nureniber",
Ulm, Constance, Rottigen, Windseim, Memmingen,
Lindaw, Kempten, Heilbron, Wissemburg, Nortlingen,
Saint Gall.
As to the council of Augsburg, which followed the year
after the assembly of Spires, (A.D. ISiiO,) how the
])rinces and protestants of Germany exhibited their con-
fession in the council, and what labour was sought to
confute it, and how constantly duke Frederick persisted
in defence of his conscience, against the threatening
words and replies of the emperor ; also, in what danger
the princes had been, had not the Landgrave privately, by
night, slijiped out of the city, need not, as yet, be detailed.
To return, therefore, to Zuinglius and the Helvetians.
The two cantons of Zurich and Berne, wiio had reformed
tlieir religion, were grossly insulted by the five other can-
tons,who insultingly hanged the arms of those two cities on
a gallows, which led to a war between them, (A.D. 1531.)
The French king, with other townships of Switzerland,
laboured to bring them to agreement, drawing out cer-
tain conditions of peace between them, which conditions
were : — That all contumelies and injuries should be for-
gotten. That, hereafter, neither part should molest the
other. That they who were banished for religion, should
again be restored. That the five cantons might remain
without disturbance in their religion, so that none should
be restrained among them from the reading of the Old
and New Testament. That no kind of disturbance should
be raised against those of Berne and Zurich ; and that all
should confer mutual helps together, one to succour the
other, as in times past. But the five cantons would not
observe these covenants. Wherefore the men of Zurich
and Berne, declaring, first, their cause in public writing,
to excuse the necessity of their war, being pressed with
so many wrongs, and constrained to take the sword in
hand, beset the highways and passages, that no victuals
or other forage should come to the other cantons. When
they of the five towns began to be pinched with want and
penury, they armed themselves secretly, and set forward
in warlike array towards the borders of Zurich. There
was a garrison of the Zurich men there, to the number
of a thousand and more. And word was sent to the city of
Zurich to succour their men with speed ; but their ene-
mies apjiroached so fast that they could hardly come to
rescue them : for, when they were come to the top of the
hill, they saw their fellows in great distress in the valley
under thfm. Upon which, they encouraging themselves,
made down the hill with more haste than order, striving
who might go fastest ; but the nature of the hill was
such, that there could but one go down at once, and so
were discomfited and overmatched by the multitude.
Among the slain was Ulric Zuinglius, the blessed servant
and saint of God.
As to the cause which moved Zuinglius to go out with
his citizens to the war, it is sufficiently declared and ex-
cused by Sleidan, and es])ecially by Oecolampadius. It
was an old received custom among the Zurich men, that
when they went forth in warfare, the chief minister of the
church went with them. Zuinglius, also, being a man of
courage, considering if he should remain at home when
war was attempted against his citizens, and if he, who m
his sermons so encouraged others, should now faint so
cowardly, and tarry behind when the time of danger came,
thought that he ought not to refuse to take part with hil
brethren.
Oecolampadius adds, that he went out, not as a cap-
A.D. 1531.] DEATH OF ZUINGLIUS.— HENRY VOES AND JOHN ESCH BURNED.
443
tain of the field, but as a good citizen with his citizens,
and a good shepherd ready to die with his flock. And
which of them all, saith he, that most cry out against
Zuiiflius, can shew any such noble heart to do the like?
A<^ain, neither did he go out of his own accord, but rather
desired not to go, foreseeing, belike, what danger thereof
would ensue. But the senate being importunate upon
him, would have no refusal, urging him to go ; among
whom were thought to have been some false betrayers,
objecting to him, that he was a dastard if he refused to
accompany his brethren, as well in time of danger as in
peace. When he was slain, great cruelty was shewn
upon the dead corpse by his popish enemies ; such was
their hatred to him, that their malice could not be satis-
fied, unless also they should burn his dead body.
The report goes, that after his body was cut, first in
four pieces, and then consumed with fire, three days
after his death his friends came to see whether any part
of him was remaining, and they found his heart in the
ashes, whole and unburned, in much the same way as was
also the heart of Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury,
which, as it is reported, was found unconsumed in the
ashes.
Such, too, was the rage of these five popish cantons,
against the abbot Cappello, who was also killed, that they
took his dead body, and putting out both its eyes, clothed
it in a monk's cowl, and set it in the pulpit to jjreach, rail-
ing and jesting upon him in a most despiteful manner.
Ulric Zuinglius was, when he died, forty-four years of
age — younger than Martin Luther by four years.
Oecolampadius the preacher of the city of Strasburg,
hearing of the death of Zuinglius his dear friend, took
thereat inward grief and sorrow, so that it is thought to
have increased his disease, and so he also departed this
life, Nov. A.D. 1.5.".l, being of the age of forty-nine years,
elder than Martin Luther by one year. Although tl\is
Oecolampadius then died, yet his learned and famous
commentaries upon the propliets, with other works
which he left behind him, live still, and shall never die.
The year following, which was A.D. 1532, in the
month of August, died also the worthy and memorable
prince John Frederick Duke of Saxony, who for testi-
mony of Christ and of his gospel, sustained such trials
and so vehement conflicts with the emperor, and that
especially at the council assembled at Augsburg, that
unless the almighty hand of the Lord had sustained him,
it had not been possible for him, or any prince, to have
endured so constant and unmoveable against so many
persuasions and assaults, as he did to the end. After
him succeeded John Frederick his son, &c.
And thus have you the history of Zuinglius, and of the
church of Switzerland, with their proceedings and troubles,
from the first beginning of their reformation of religion.
From the beginning of this book, good reader, thou
hast heard of many troubles in the church of Christ, con-
cerning the reformation of various abuses and great errors
that had crept into the church of Rome. What godly
man has there been, within the space of these five hun-
dred years, either virtuovisly disposed, or excellently
learned, who has not disapproved the disorderly doings
and corrupt examples of the see and bishop of Rome
from time to time, to the coming of Luther ? It may
well be wondered at, that as this Romish bishop hail
great enemies from time to time, speaking and working,
preaching and writing against him, yet no one could
ever succeed till the coming of Luther. The cause of
this S'^ems to be, that while others before him, when
speaking against the pomp, pride, and avarice of the bi-
sliopofRome, charged him only, or chiefly, with the
nnnner of life. Luther went further, charging him not
only with evil life, but also with evil learning ; not with his
doings, but with his doctrine ; not picking at the rind,
hut 1 ducking up the root ; not seeking the man, but
shaking his seat ; yea and charging him with plain
heresy, as prejudicial and injurious to the blood of
Chr'st, contrary to the true understanding of the sacred
tcstatiient of God's holy word. For while the founda-
tion of our faith, grounded upon the holy scripture,
teaches and leads us to he justified only by the merits of
Christ, and the price of his blood ; the pope, with a con-
trary doctrine, teaches us to seek our salvation not by
Christ alone, but by the way of men's meriting and de-
serving by works. Whereupon rose divers sorts of or-
ders and religious sects among men, some professing one
thing and some another, and every man seeking his own
righteousness, but few seeking the righteousness of him
who is appointed by God to be our wisdom, righteous-
ness, sanctification, and redemption.
Martin Luther, therefore, reducing all things to the
foundation and touchstone of the scripture, opened the
eyes of many who before were drowned in darkness. It
cannot be expressed what joy, comfort, and consolation
came to the hearts of men, some lying in darkness and
ignorance, some wallowing in sin, some in despair^ some
macerating themselves by works, and some presuming
u]ion their own righteousness, to behold that glorious
)jrivilege of the great liberty and free justification in
Christ Jesus. And to speak briefly, the more glorious
did the benefit of this doctrine appear to the world after
long ignorance, so the greater was the persecution that
followed. And where the elect of God took most occa-
sion of comfort and of salvation, there the adversaries
found most matter for vexation and disturbance, as
we commonly see the word of God bring with it dissen-
sion and trouble ; and therefore truly it was said of
Christ, that he came not to send peace on earth but
the sword. And this was the cause why, after the doc-
trine and preaching of Luther, so great troubles and per-
secutions followed in all quarters of the world : thence
there arose great disquiet among the prelates, and many
laws and decrees were made to overthrow the truth, by
the cruel handling of many good and christian men.
Thus while authority, armed with laws and rigour,
strove against the truth, it was lamentable to hear how
many christian men were troubled, and went to wreck,
some tost from ])lace to place, some exiled out of the
land for fear, some forced to abjure, some driven to
caves in woods, some wracked with torment, and some
pursued to death with fire and fagot. Of whom we
have now to treat, beginning with some that suffered in
Germany, and then returning to our own histories and
martyrs in England.
Henry Voes and John Esch, Augustinian Friars.
In A.D. 1523, two young men were burnt at Brussels,
the one named Heniy Voes, at the age of 24 years ; and
the other John Esch, who formerly had been of the or-
der of the Augustinian friars. They were degraded the
first day of July, and spoiled of their friars' weeds, at the
suit of the pope's inquisitor ; and the divines of Lou-
vaine, because they would not retract the doctrine of the
gospel, which the papists called Lutheranism. Their
examiners were Hochestratus and others, who demanded
of them, what they believed .' They said, the books of
the Old Testament and the New, wherein were contained
the .articles of the creed. Then were they asked, whe-
ther they believed the decrees of the councils, and of
the fathers ? They said, such as were agreeing to the
scripture they believed. After this they proceeded fur-
ther, asking, whether they thought it any deadly sin to
transgress the decrees of the fathers, and of the bishop
of Rome ? That, said they, belongs only to the com-
mandment of God, to bind the conscience of man ; when
they constantly persisted and would not retract, they were
condemned to be burned. Then they began to give
thanks to God their heavenly Father, who had delivered
them through his great goodness, from that false and
abominable priesthood, and made them priests of his
holy order, receiving them to himself as a sacrifice of
sweet odour. Then there was a bill written, which was
delivered unto them to read openly before the people, to
declare what faith and doctrine they held. The greatest
error that they were accused of was, that men ought to
trust only in God, as men are liars and deceitful in all
their words and deeds, and therefore there ought no
trust or confidence to be put in them.
As they were led to the place of execution, on the first
of July, they went joyfully and cheerfully, making con-
tinual protestation "that they died for the glory of God,
444
HENRY SUTPHEN PUT TO DEATH AT DIETIIMAR.
[Book VII.
and the doctrine of the gospel, as true christians, be-
lieving anJ following the holy church of the Son of
God, saying also that it was the day which they had
long desired. After they were come to the place where
they were to be burned, and were despoiled of their gar-
ments, they tarried a long time in their shirts, and joy-
fully embraced the stake they were to be bound to, pa-
tiently and joyfully enduring whatever was done to
them, praising God with " We praise thee, O God,"
&c., and singing psalms, and rehearsing the creed, in
testimony of their faith. A certain doctor, beholding
their cl)eerfulness, said to Henry, tliat lie should not so
foolisldy glorify himself: he answered, " God forbid that
I should glory in anything, but oidy in the cross of mv
Lord Jesus Christ." Another counselled him to have
God before his eyes : he answered, " I trust that I carry
him truly in my heart." One of them seeing that fire was
kindled at his feet, said, " Methinks ye do strew roses
under my feet." Finally, the smoke and the flame
mounting up to their faces, choked them.
Henry being demanded among other things, whether
Luther had seduced him or no .' " Yea," said he,
"even as Christ seduced his apostles." He said also,
that it was contrary to God's law, that the clergv should
be exempted from the power and jurisdiction of the ma-
gistrate ordained of God ; for such as were ordained
in office by the bishops have no power, but only to
preach the word of God, and to feed their flock.
After their death, their monastery was dissolved at
Antwerp.
Henry Sufphen, monk, put to death in Diethmar.
The next year after the burning of those two chris-
tian martyrs at Brussels, above mentioned, with like
tyranny also was martyred and burned, without all order
of judgment or just condemnation, about the city of
Diethmar, on the borders of Germany, one Henry Sut-
phen, monk, A.D. 1524. This Sutphen had been with
Martin Luther, and coming to Antwerp was excluded
from thence for the gospel's sake, and came to Bremen,
not to preach, but to go to Wittenburg, being driven
from Antwerp. Whilst at Bremen, he was there asked
by certain godly citizens to make one or two brief ex-
hortations upon the gospel. Through the earnest love
and zeal that was in him, he was easily assured and per-
suaded to do this. He preached his first sermon to the
people on the Sunday before St. Martin's day. When
the people heard him preach the word of God so sin-
cerely, they desired him to preach again the second
time, and were so in love with his doctrine, that the
vhole parish required him to tarry among them to
preach the gospel ; but being afraid of danger he refused
for a time. When the religious orders learned this,
especially the canons, monks, and priests, they sought
to oppress him, and to thrust him, and also the gospel of
Christ out of the city, which was their chief seeking.
They went to the senate, desiring that such an heretic
might be banished from the town, as in his doctrine he
preached against the catholic church. Upon the com-
plaint of the canons, the senate sent for the wardens
and head men of the parish where Henry had preached,
who being come together, the senate declared to them
the complaint of the canons, and al! the other religious
men. The citizens of Bremen, taking their preacher's
part, answered, that they had hired a learned and
honest man to preach to them, and to teach them sin-
cerely and truly the word of God ; however, if the chap-
ter-house, or any other, could bring testimonial or wit-
ness, that the preacher had taught anything which
either savoured of heresy, or was repugnant to the word
of God, that then they were ready with the chapter-
house to persecute him, for God forbid that they should
maintain an heretic. But if the canons of the chapter-
house, and the other religious orders will not declare
and sliew that the preacher, whom they had hired, had
taught any error or heresy, but if they were set on
only through malice to drive him away, they ought not
therefore by any means to suff'er it. So they petitioned
the senate, with all humble obedience, that thev would
not require it of them, but grant them equity and jus-
tice, sayimr, that they were disposed to assist their
preacher always, and to plead his cause.
When the monastic orders learned that they could not
prevail, they burst out into a fury, and began to threaten,
and went to the archbishop to certify that the citizens
of Bremen were become heretics.
When the bishop heard of these things, he sent two
of his council to iiremen, requiring that Henry should
be sent to him witliout delay. When they were asked
why they should send him, they answered. Because lie
jireached against the holy church. Being a:;ain de-
manded in what articles, they had nothing to say. One
of these counsellors was the bishop's suffragan, a
naughty pernicious hypocrite, who sought by all possi-
ble means to carry away Henry a captive. The answer
of the senators was, that as the jjreacher had not beea
convicted for any lieresy, they could by no me ins con-
sent that Henry should be carried away; so tliey ear
nestly pressed the bishop that he would si)eeuily send
his learned men to Bremen to dis]nite with him, and if
he were convinced, they jiromised without any delay that
he should be j)\mislied and sent away, if not, they would
in no wise let him depart. The suffragan answered, by
requiring that he might be delivered into his hands for
the quietness of tlie whole country ; but the senate
continued still in their former mind. The suffragan
being moved with anger at this, departed from Bremen,
and would not confirm their children.
When thus the popish prelates were disj»ppointed,
they held a provincial council at Buckstade. To this
council were called the prelates and learned men of the
diocese, to determine what was to be belicvtd.
Henry also was called to the council, dlthough they
had already decreed to proceed against h'.m, as against a
heretic ; wherefore the rulers of the ciiy, together with
the commonalty, detained him at home, foreseeing and
suspecting the malice of the council. Then Henry
gathered his doctrine into a few articles, and sent it
with his letters to th,i archbishop ; excusing his innd-
eenev, oflfering himself as ready, if he were convicted of
any error by the testimony of the holy scripture, to re-
cant it, earnestly requiring that his errors might be
convicted by the holy scriptures, by the testimony of
which he had hitherto proved his doctrines, and doubted
not hereafter to confirm them. Henry contemning their
madness, proceeded daily in preaching the gospel, ad-
ding always this protestation, that he was ready willing-
ly to give account touching his faith and doctrine to
every man that would require it. In the meantime the
holy Romans could not be idle, but sent their chaplains
to every sermon to entrap him in his words. But God,
whose footpaths are in the midst of the floods, would
have his marvellous power to be seen in them, for he
converted many of them, so that the greater part of
those who were sent to hearken, openly acknowledged
his doctrine to be God's truth, against which no man
should contend, and such as in all their lives before they
had not heard. But the chief priests, canons, and
monks were so hardened and blinded with Pharaoh, that
they became worse for these admonitions. When God
saw fit that Henry should confirm the truth that he had
preached, he sent him among the cruel murderers ap-
pointed for that slaughter, on the occasion that follows.
It happened in the year 1524, that this Henry was
sent for by letters, by Nicholas Boy, parish priest, and
other faithful christians of the parish of Meldorph,
which is a town in Diethmar, to preach the gospel to
them, and deliver them out of the bondage of anticlirist.
These letters being received upon St. Catherine's even-
ing, he called together six brethren, lionest citizens, and
ojiened to them how he was sent for by them of Dieth-
mar to preach the gosjiel ; adding, that he was not only a
debtor to them, hut to all others who recjuired his aid.
Wherefore he thought good to go to Diethmar, to see
what God would work by him, requiring also that they
would help him WMth their advice by what means he
might best take his journey.
Having prepared all things for his journey, on the
twenty-second of October he departed and came to Mel-
A.D. 15;51.]
HENRY SUTPIIEN PUT TO DEATH AT DIETHMAR.
445
; dor])h, where be was joyfully received by the parish priest
and others. Although he had not yet preached, the devil
I with his members began to fret and fume for anger. Above
all other, one Augustine Tornborch, prior of the Black
j Friars, began to take counsel with others what was
to be done. It was agreed by them, above all things,
to witlistand the beginnings, and that he should not
have licence to preach : for if he preached, and the peo-
ple should hear him, it was to be feared that the wicked-
ness and craft of the priests and monks should be ex-
posed, which being manifest, they knew plainly that it
I would be but a folly to resist, remembering what had
1 happened so lately before in Bremen. The ))rior eaily
j on the following morning (for he had not slept well all
niglit for care) went with great speed unto Heida, to
speak with the forty- eight presidents of the country, to
! whom with great complaints he shewed how that a se-
I ditious fellow, a monk was come from Bremen, who
1 would seduce all the people of Diethmar as he Lad done
I those of Bremen. There were others that assisted this
) prior in persuading the forty-six, who were simple and
I unlearned men, that they would obtain great favour and
I good-will of the bishop of Bremen, if they would put
I this heretical monk to death. When these men heard
these words, they decreed that the monk should be put
j to death, without being heard or seen, much less con-
victed.
When this was notified to him he said that he ought
to obey the word of God rather than man. And that
if it pleased God that he should lose his life there, it
was as near a way to heaven as in any other place.
■ The next day Henry went up into the pulj)it, and
i preached a sermon, expounding the place of Paul, Rom.
' i. 9. " God is my witness,'' &c. After the sermon, the
: whole congregation being called together, the prior
Augustine delivered the letters that were sent by tlie
fi'ity-eight presidents, the tenor whereof was this: that
th. y of Meldorph should be fined with a fine of a
thousand gilders, if they suffered the monk to preach.
^^ hen they heard these letters read, they were much
moved. And they all determined with one voice, to
keep Henry as their preacher, and to defend him : for
when they heard the sermon, they were greatly offended
with the prior.
xVfter dinner Henry preached again, expounding the
] place of St. Paul, Rom. xv. 1. " We who are strong
ought," &c. The next day the citizens of Meldoiph
I sent messengers to Heida, offering to answer in all cases
j before all men, for their preacher, whom they had re-
ceived. Besides that, the messengers declared what
christian and godly sermons they had heard him preach.
The parish priest also wrote letters by the messengers
to the forty-eight rulers, in wdiich he excused himself,
that it was never his wish, nor the intention of Henry
to move sedition, but only to preach sincerely the word of
God, and he offers himself as ready to answerfor Henry to
all men, whenever he should be called on; and earnestly
desiring them not to give credit to the monks, who
being blinded with hatred and avarice, had determined
to oppress the truth : adding also, that it was against all
reason, that a man should be condemned before the
truth was tried, and his cause declared ; and that if,
after due inquisition, he should be convicted, then he
i should suffer punishment. This submission with the
I public testimonial was not regarded ; but in the end one
I of the council, Peter Dethleve recommended the whole
I matter should be referred to the next general council.
1 With this answer they were all very well contented ; and
the messengers returned to Meldorph with great joy
j and gladness, declaring to the whole congregation the
I answer tliat was made.
I Upon St. Nicholas day Henry preached twice, with
such a spirit and grace, that all men held him in admi-
I ration, praying God most earnestly that they might
I long have such a jireacher. Upon the day of " the
i Conception of our Lady," he also preached two sermons
upon the first chapter of Matthew ; wherein he rehearsed
the promises made by God to our forefathers, and under
what faith our fathers had lived ; adding also, that all
; reference to works being set apart, we must be justified
by the same faith. All these things were spoken with
such boldness of siiirit, that all men greatly marvelled
at liim, giving thanks to God for his great mercy, in
having sent them such a preacher, desiring him uiore-
over, that he would tarry with them all Christmas to
jjreach.
In the meantime, the prior Augustine Tornborch
and Master John Schink were not idle : for the prior
went to the Franciscan monks, and minors, for hi Ip and
council, lor those kinds of friars above all others are
best instructed by their hypocrisy to deceive the poor
and simple people. These friars straightway sent for
those persons, who had all the rule and authority, and
especially Peter Hannus, Peter Swine, and Nicholas
Roden ; to whom they declared, with great com])laints,
what an heretical monk had preached, and how he had
obtained the favour of all the simple people ; whicdi if
they did not sjjeedily provide for, and withstand in the first
beginnings, and j)ut the heretic to death, it would come
to pass, that soon the honour of the Virgin Mary, and
all saints, together with the two abbeys, would come to
utter ruin and decay.
When these men heard these words, they were greatly
moved. Peter Swine answered, that they had before
written to the parish priest and to Henry what was best
to be done ; but if they thought good, they would write
again. " No," said the prior, " this matter nmst be
attemi)ted another way : for if you write to the heretic,
he will by and by answer you again. And it is to be
feared, that the contagion of his heresy may infect
some of you, being uidearned men : for if you give
him leave to speak, and to answer, there is no hop.e that
you shall overcome him." So they finally determined
to take Henry by night, and burn him before the people
should know it. This device pleased them all, but es-
l)ecially the Franciscan friars. Peter Hannus, who was
the jjiior's chief friend, wishing to get the chief jiraise
and thanks in the matter, associated with him other
rulers of the neighbouring towns. And all these being
assembled together in the parish of the new church, in
the house of Mr. Gunter, where the chancellor con-
sulted with them how they might burn Henry secretly.
They concluded that on the day after " tlie Con-
ception of our Lady," they would meet at Henning,
which is five miles from Meldorjjh, with a great l)and of
husbandmen. There assembled above five hundred men,
unto whom was declared the cause of their assembling,
and also instructed them in what was to be done ; for
before that no man knev.' the cause of the assenddy ;
but only the presidents. When the husbandmen under-
stood it, they would have returned back again, refusing
such a detestable and horrible deed. But the presidents
with most bitter threats ke])t them in obedience; and in
order that they should be the more courageous, they
gave them three barrels of Hamburgh beer to drink.
About midnight they came in arms to Meldorph ; the
monks having prepared torches for them, that Henry
should not slip away in the dark. They had also with
them a traitor, named Hennegus, by whose treason they
had j)erfect knowledge of every thing. With great
violence they burst into the house of the parish priest,
breaking and spoiling every thing, as is the manner of
drunken people. If they found either gold or silver they
took it away. When they had spoiled all things, they
violently fell upon the parish priest, and with great noise
cried out, " Kill the thief, kill the thief 1" Some of them
took him by the hair of tne head, and pulled him out
into the dirt, forcing him to go with them as a prisoner :
others cried out, saying, that the parish priest was not
to be meddled with, for they had no commission to take
him. After they had satisfied their violence upon the
parish priest, with great rage and fury they ran upon
Henry, and drawing him naked out of his bed, bound
his hands behind him : being so bound, they drew him
to and fro so long, that Peter Hannus, wlio otherwise
was unmerciful and a cruel persecutor of the word of
God, desired them that they should let him alone; for that
he would follow of his own accord. When he was
brought to Hemmingsted, they asked him how and for
what intent he came to Diethmar ? He gently declared
446
HENRY SUTPHEN PUT TO DEATH AT DIETIIMAR
"Book Ylf.
the whole cau„. of his coming : but they all in a rage cried
out, " Away with him, Away with him ! for if we hear him
talk any longer, it is to be feared that he will make us
also heretics." Then being very weary and faint, he
asked to be set on horseback, for his feet were all cut
and hurt with the ice, for he was led all night barefoot.
When they heard him say so, they mocked and laughed
at him, saying, " Must we hire a horse for a heretic .' he
shall go on foot whether he will or no." Becau.se it was
night they carried him naked to Heida. Afterwards they
brousjht him to a certain man's house nan\ed Calden, and
bound him there with chains in the stocks. The master
of the house seeing the cruel deed, taking compassion
upon Henry, would not suffer it. So he was carried
away to a priest's house, and shut up in a cupboard, and
•was kept there by the rude people, who all the night
mocked and scorned him. Amongst others that came
to him, were Simon in Altennord, and Christian, parish
priest of the new church, both alike ignorant and wicked
persecutors of the word of God, demanding why he had
forsaken his holy habit? He answered by the scriptures;
but those ignorant persons understood nothing about
■what he said. Gunter also came to him, inquiring
whether he had rather be sent to the bishop of Bremen,
or receive his punishment in Diethmar ? Henry an-
swered, " If I have preached any thing contrary to God's
word, or done any wicked act, it is in their hands to
punish me." Gunter answered, " Hark, 1 pray you, good
friends, hark, he desires to suffer in Diethmar." The
common people continued all that night in immoderate
drinking.
In the morning about eight o'clock, they gathered to-
gether in the market-place to consult what they should
do : where the rustic people boiling with drink, cried
out, " Burn him ' burn him ! — to the fire with the
heretic ! Without doubt, if we do it, we shall this day
obtain great glory and praise both of God and man ;
for the longer he lives, the more he will seduce with his
heresy." Why need many words ? Sure he was to die ;
for they had condemned this good Henry without any
judgment, without hearing his cause, to be burned. At
last they commanded the crier to proclaim, that every
man who was at the taking of him, should be ready in arms
to bring him forth to the fire. Among the others the
Franciscan friars were present, encouraging the drunken
rude people, saying, " Now you go the right way to
work." Then they bound Henry, hands, feet, and ueck,
and with great noise brought him forth to the fire. As
he passed by, a woman standing at her door, who wept
abundantly at seeing this pitiful sight, Henry turned
to her and said, " I pray you, wt-ep not for me." When
he came to the fire, he sate down for very weakness
u]ion the ground. There was present one of the presi-
dents named May, who condemned Henry to be burned,
pronouncing this sentence upon him :
" Forasmuch as this thief hath wickedly preached
against the worship of our blessed Lady, by the com-
maHdment and sufferance of our reverend father in
C:hrist, the bishop of Bremen, and my lord, I condemn
him here to be burned and consumed with fire." Henry
answered, "I have done no such thing:" and, lifting
up his hands towards Heaven, he said, " O Lord, for-
give them, for they offend ignorantly, not knowing what
they do : thy name, O Almighty God, is holy."
In the meantime a woman, the wife of Jungar, and
sister of Peter Hannus, offered herself to suffer a
thousand strijies, and to give tliem much money, if they
would stay the process, and keep him in prison, until
that he could plead his cause before the whole convoca-
tion of the country. When they had heard these words,
they waxed more mad, and threw the woman down
under their feet, and trod upon her, and beat Henry
xmmcrcifully. One of them struck him behind on the
liead with 9. sharp dagger. John Holmes, of the new
church, struck him with a mace. Others thrust him in
the back, and in the arms. And this was not done only
once or twice, but as often as he began to speak. Master
Gunter cried out, encouraging them, saying, " Go to,
boldly, good fellows, truly God is present with us."
After this, he brought a Franciscan friar to Henry,
that he should confess to him. Henry asked him in
this manner; " Brother, when have I done you an in-
jury, either by word or deed, or when did I ever pro-
voke you to anger ?" " Never," said the friar. "What
then should 1 confess to you," said he, " that you
think you miL'ht forgive me?" The friar, being affected
at these words, departed. The fire as often as it was
kindled, would not burn. However they satisfied their
minds ujion him, by striking and pricking him with all
kinds of weapons. Henry standing in the meantime in
liis shirt before all this rude people ; at last, having got
a ladder, they bound him to it. And when he began to
pray, and to repeat his creed, one struck him upon the
face with his fist, saying, " Thou shalt first be burnt,
and afterwards pray and ])rate as much as thou wilt."
Then another treading upon his breast, bound his neck
so hard to a stej) of the ladder, that the blood gushed
out of his mouth and nose.
After he wis bound to the ladder, he was set upright.
Then one running to him, set his halbert for the ladder
to lean against, but the ladder, slipping away from the
point of the halbert, caused that the halbert struck him
through the body. Then they cast this good man, lad-
der and all upon the wood. Then John Holmes ran to
him, and struck him with a mace upon the breast, till
he was dead and stirred no more. Afterwards they
roasted him upon the coals ; for the wood, as often as
it was set on fire, would not burn out. And thus this
godly preacher finished his martyrdom, A.D. 1524.
About the same time many other godly persons, and
such as feared God, for the testimony of the gospel,
were thrown into the Rhine, and into other rivers, where
their bodies were afterwards found, and taken up. Also
in the town of Diethmar another faithful saint of God,
named John, suffered the like martyrdom. Thus these
two blessed and constant martyrs, as two shining lights
set up by God, in testimony of his truth, offered up the
sacrifice of their confession sealed with their blood, in a
sweet savour unto God.
At the town of Hala likewise, another preacher named
George, for ministering the sacrament of the Lord's Sup-
per in both kinds, i. e. in both bread and wine, was mar-
tyred by the monks and friars.
At Prague also, in Bohemia, another, for changing his
monkery into matrimony, did suffer in like manner. Ex
Lud. Rab.
In the same year, 1524, Oct. 22, the town of
Miltenberg in Germany was taken and ransacked, and
several of the inhabitants slain, and many imprisoned
for maintaining and keeping with them Carolostad as
their preacher.
In the same catalogue of holy a.artyrs is to be placed
Gasper Tamber, and also another named George, who
were both burned at Vienna.
Tie lamentahle Martyrdom of John Clerk, of Melden
in France.
Melden is a city in France, ten miles from Paris,
where John Clerk was apprehended, A.D. 1523, for
setting up upon the church door a writing against the
pope's pardons lately sent there from Rome, in which
he named the pope to be antichrist, for which his
])unishment was this, that three several days he should
be whipped and afterwards have a mark branded on
his forehead, as a note of infamy. His mother being
a christian woman, although her husband was an adver-
sary, when she beheld her son thus piteously scourged,
and ignominiously deformed in the face, constantly and
boldly encouraged her son, crying with a loud voice,
"Blessed be Christ, and welcome be these prints and
marks."
After this punishment, John went to Metz, where he
remained at his trade, being a wool-carder. The people
of that city used to go, on a certain day to the suburbs
to worship certain blind idols near by, after an old cus-
tom amongst them ; so he, being inflamed with zeal,
went out of the city on the preceding day, to the place
where the images were, andbrokethem all in pieces. The
next day, when the canons, priests, and monks, keeping
A. D. 1524.]
JOHN CASTELLANE DEGRADED AND BURNED.
44 r
their old custom, had bi ought with them the people out
of llie citv to the place of idolatry, to worship as they
weie \v(M!t,, thev found all their blocks and stocks broken
upon the i^rouud. They were enraged at this, and seized
Joha ('l;iike, wlio confessed the act. The people, being
not Vk't acciuainted with that kind of doctrine, were won-
di rfiillv moved against him, crying out upon him in a
great rage. He was soon tried and condemned, and led
to the place of execution, where he sustained extreme
torments. For first his hand was cut off from his
right arm, then his nose with sharp pincers was vio-
lently plucked from his face ; after that both his arms
and iiis paps were likewise plucked and drawn with the
same instrument. To all those who stood by it was an
horror to behold the grievous and doleful sight of his
pains : again to behold his patience, or rather the grace
of God giving him the gift to suffer, it was a wonder.
Thus quietly and constantly he endured in his torments,
pronouncing, or in a manner singing the verses of the
hundred and fifteenth Psalm: "Their idols are silver
and gold, the work of man's hand," &c. His rent body
was committed to the fire and consumed. This was about
A.D. 1524.
John Castellane.
In A.D. 1524, Master John Castellane, born at
Tournay, a doctor of divinity, after he was called to the
knowledge of God, and had become a true preacher of his
word, and had preached in France, and had laid some
foundation of the doctrine of the gospel in the town of
Metz, in returning from thence was taken prisoner by
the cardinal of Lorraine's servants, by whom he was car-
ried to the castle of Nommenie ; at this the citizens of
JMetz took great displeasure, and were grievously olfended
to have their preacher apprehended and imprisoned, so
they took some of the cardinal's subjects and kept them
prisoners. John Castellane was moit cruelly handled
from the fourth day of May until the twelfth day of
January ; during all which time he persevered constantly
in the doctrine of the Son of God. Thence he was car-
ried to the castle of Vike, persevering constantly in the
profession of the same doctrine ; so that they proceeded
to the sentence of his degradation, that he might be de-
livered over to the secular power. And as the form of
the sentence and process of degrading is remarkable, we
have thought good to annex it here to shew the horrible
blasphemies joined with gross and brutish subtlety in
those high mysteries whicli the enemies of the truth use
in their processes against the children of God, whereby
every man, even the most ignorant, may perceive the
horrible blindness that these papists are blinded with.
TJie Sentence of Degradation.
"Concerningthe process incpaisitory, formed and given
in form of an accusation against thee John Castellane,
priest and religious man of the friars Eremites of the
order of St. Augustine, and understanding likewise thy
confession, which thou hast made of thine own good
will, of maintaining false and erroneous doctrine ; and
marking also besides this, the godly admonitions, and
charitable exhortations which we made unto thee in the
town of Metz, which thou like unto the adder hast re-
fused and given no ear unto ; also considering thine an-
swers made and reiterated to interrogatories, by means
of thine oath, in which thou hast devilishly hidden and
kept back not only the truth, but also, following the
example of Cain, hast refused to confess thy sins and
mischievous offences. And finally, hearing the great
number of witnesses sworn and examined against thee,
their persons and depositions diligently considered, and
all other things worthy of consideration being justly ex-
amined, the Reverend Master Nicholas Savin, doctor of
divinity, and incpiisitor of the faith, assistant unto us,
hath entered process against thee, and given full infor-
mation thereof ; this our purpose and intent being also
communicated unto divers masters and doctors both of
the civil and canon laws here present, which have sub-
scribed and signed thereto, whereby it appeareth, that
thou John Castellane hast oftentimes, and in divers
places, openly and manifestly spread abroad and taught
many erroneous propositions, full of the heresy of Lu-
ther, contrary and against the catholic faith, and the
verity of the gospel, and the holy apostolic see, and
so accursedly looked back and turned thy face, that thou
art found to be a liar before almighty God. It is or-
dained by the sacred rules of the canon law, that such
as through the sharp darts of their venomous tongue
do pervert the scriptures, and go about with all their
power to corrupt and infect the souls of the faithful,
should be punished and corrected with most sharp cor-
rection, to the end that others should be afraid to
attemjjt the like, and apply themselves the better to
the study of christian concord^ through the example
set before their eyes, as well of severity as of clemency.
For these causes, and others rising upon the said pro-
cess, by the apostolic authority, and also the authority
of our said reverend lord the cardinal, which we do use
in this our sentence definitive, which we sitting in our
judgment-seat declare in these writings, having God
only before our eyes, and surely considering, that what
measures we mete unto others, the same shall be mea-
sured to us again. We pronounce and declare senten-
tially and definitively thee John Castellane, being here
present before us, and judge thee because of thy deserts,
to be excommunicated with the greatest excommunication,
and therewithal to be culpable of treason against the di-
viae majesty, and a mortal enemy of the catholic faith
and truth of the gospel ; also to be a manifest heretic,
and a follower and partaker of the execrable ' cruelty of
Martin Luther, a stirrer up of old heresies already con-
demned ; and therefore as thou oughtest to be deposed
and dej)rived (;f all priestly honour and dignity, of all
thy orders, of thy shaving and religious habit, also of
thy ecclesiastical benefices, if thou hast any, and from
all privilege of the clergy. So we here presently do de-
pose, deprive, and separate thee, as a rotten member,
from the communion and company of all the faithful ;
andbtingso deprived, we judge that thou oughtest to be
actually degraded ; that done, we leave thee unto the
secular powers, conmiitting the degradation and actual
execution of this our sentence unto the reverend lord and
bishop here present, with the authority and command-
ment aforesaid."
This sentence being thus ended with their sermon also,
the bishop of Nicopolis sitting in poutificalibus in the
judgment-seat, being asuftragan of Metz, with the clergy,
nobles, and people about him, proceeded to the degrading
(as they called it) of John Castellane. Thus John Cas-
tellane being prepared and made ready for his degrada-
tion by the officers of the bishop, was apparelled in his
priestly attire, and afterwards brought forth from the
chapel by the priests, with all his priestly ornaments
upon him, and holding his hands together, he knelt
down before the bishop. Then the officers gave him the
chalice in his hand, with wine and water, the patine and
the host ; all which things the bishop who degraded him,
took from him, saying, " We take away from thee, or
command to be taken from thee, all power to offer sacri-
fice unto God, and to say mass, as well for the quick as
the dead."
Moreover, the bishop scraped the nails of both his
hands with a piece of glass, saying, " By this scraping
we take away from thee all power to sacrifice, to conse-
crate, and to bless, which thou hast received by the
anointing of thy hands." Then he took away from
him the chesile, saying, "We do deprive thee of this
priestly ornament, which signifies charity ; for cer-
tainly thou hast forsaken the same, and all innocency."
Then taking away the stole, he said, " Thou hast viUan-
ously rejected and despised the sign of our Lord, which
is represented by this stole ; wherefore we take it away
from thee, and make thee unable to exercise and use the
office of priesthood, and all other things appertaining to
priesthood." The degradation of the order of priest-
(1) If Luther be to be noted of cruelty, who teachelh all men,
and killeth no man, what then is to be noted in the pope, who
killeth all God's children and teaclieth none 1 — Foxe.
448
JOHN DIAZIUS MURDERED.
[Book VII.
hood bein^tlius ended, tliey proceeded to the order of dea-
con. Thin tiieniinistersgavehinithe book of thegospels,
which the bishop took away, saying, "We take away
from thew all po ver to read the gospels in the church
of God, for it ap])ertai ns only to such as are worthy."
After this he spoiled him of the dalraatike, which is the
vesture that the deacons use, saying, " We deprive thee
of this Levitical order ; for thou hast not fultilled thy
ministry and office." After this the bishop took away
the stoU- from behind his back, saying, " We justly take
away from thcc- the white stole which thou didst receive
undefiled, which also thou oughtest to have carried in
the presence of our Lord; and to the end that the
people dedicated unto the name of Christ, may take ex-
ample by tliee, we prohibit thee any more to exercise
or use the office of deaconship. Tben they proceeded to
degrade him from the subdeaconship, and taking away
from him the book of the epistles, and his sub-
deacon's vesture, deposed him from reading of the epis-
tles in the church of God : and so proceeding to all
the other orders, degraded him from the order of
Benet and Collet, from the order of exorcist, from the
lectorship, and last of all, from the office of door-keeper,
taking from him the keys, and commanding him here-
after not to open or shut the vestry, nor to ring any
more bells in the church. That done, the bishoj) went
forward to degrade him from his first shaving, and tak-
ing a.vay his surplice, said, " By the authority of God
Almighty, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost,
and by our authority we take away from thee all clerical
habit, and despoil thee of all ornament of religion : also,
we depose and degrade thee of all order, benefit, and
privilege of the clergy, and as one unworthy of that pro-
fession, we commit thee to the servitude and ignominy
of the secular state." Then the bishop took the shears
and began to clip his head, saying in this manner,
*' We cast thee out as an unthankful child of the Lord's
heritage, whereunto thou wast called, and take away
from thy head the crown, which is the royal sign of
])riesthood, through thine own wickedness and malice."
The bishop also added these words : " That which thou
nast sung with thy mouth, thou hast not believed with
thy heart, nor ac(;omplished in work, wherefore we take
from thee the office of singing in the church of God."
The degrading being thus ended, the procurator fiscal
of the court and city of Metz, required of the notary an
instrument or copy of the degrading ; then the ministers
of the bisliop stripped him of his clerical habit, and put
upon him tlie apparel of a secular man. That done, the
bishop that degraded him proceeded no further, but said,
" We pronounce that the secular court shall receive thee
into their charge, being thus degraded of all clerical
honour and privilege."
Then the bishop, after a manner, intreated the secular
judge for him, saying " My lord judge, we pray you as
heartily as we can, for the love of God, and from tender
pity and mercy, and for respect of our prayers, that you
will not in any point do any thing that shall be hurtful
to this miserable man, or tending to his death, or maiming
of his body." These things being thus done, the secular
judge of the town of Vike, confirming the sentence, con--
demned Mr. John Castellane to be burned, which death
he suffered on the twelfth day of January, L525, with
such a constancy, that not only a great company of
ignorant people were thereby drawn to the knowledge of
the truth, but also a great number who had already some
knowledge of it, were greatly confirmed by his constant
valiant death.
John Diazius, a Spaniard, martyred, A.J). L546.
John Diazius, a Spaniard, having been at Paris
thirteen years, returned from thence to Geneva, then
to Basil, and afterwards to Strasburg ; from whence
he was sent ambassador with Bucer and others, to the
council at Ratisbon, where, talking with Peter Malvenda,
the pope's factor, he stated his views of religion to him,
80 that Malvenda wrote to the friar, who was the empe-
ror's confessor, about him ; at the reading of which let-
ters, Marquina was present. And so Alphonso Diazius,
brother to John Diazius, one of the pope's lawyers in
Rome, learned tlie oi)iuioii of his brother John.
After the council of Ratisbon, John Diazius was occu-
pied in Germany in the printing of Bucer's book, and his
brother Alphonso having come from Rome to Ratisbon,
where Malvenda was, and having brought witli him a
notorious ruffian or assassin belonging to the city of
Rome, Malvenda and Alphonso consulting about their
devilish purpose, laboured to ascertain from t.e friends
of Diazius where he was to be found ; hereof Alpbonso
and the homicide having knowledge by certain of his
secret friends, pretending great matters of importance,
came to Newljurgh, where Diazius was printing of Bu-
cer's book. Having succeeded in this they came to him,
and after long debating on religion between tlie two bro-
thers, Alphonso seeing the heart of his brother John,
planted so constantly on the sure rock of God's truth,
that he could not be moved from his opinion, or per-
suaded to ride in his company (being so advised by
Bucer and his friends), pretended to take his leave of his
brother in a friendly spirit, and to depart ; but shortly
afterwards, he returned secretly with his assassin, and
on the way tliej' purchased a hatchet.
When this was done, Alphonso sends his man in dis-
guise with letters to his brotlier, he himself following af-
terwards. And as John Diazius in the morning was rising
out of his bed to read the letters, the man with his hat-
chet clove his head to the brains, leaving the hatchet in
his head ; and so he and Alphonso took to their horses,
which stood without the city gate, with as much speed as
they could. The people of Newburgh hearing of the
horrible act, sent out horsemen after them, who, com-
ing to Augsburgh, and hearing tliat the murderers had
passed through, gave up the pursuit, and retuined. One
in the company, however, more zealous than the rest,
would not return, but pursued them still, and in the city
of Oenipont, caused them to be arrested andput into prison.
Otto, the elector Palatine, hearing of their arrest, writes to
the magistrates of Oenipont for judgment ; but through
the intrigues of the papists, and the crafty lawyers, the
judicial sentence was so delayed, from day to day, then
from hour to hour, that the emperor's letters came at
last, requiring the matter to be reserved to his hearing.
And thus the terrible murder of Cain and his fellow, was
bolstered up by the papists. The like of which, from the
memory of man. was never heard of since the first exam-
ple of Cain, who slew his own brother Abel. But although
true judgment in this world be perverted, yet such bloody
Cains, with their wilful murder, shall not escape the hands
of Him who shall judge truly both the committers, and the
bolsterers up of all mischievous wickedness.
In 154fi, Charles, the emperor, held an armed council
at Augsburgh, after his victory in Germany. Where
some endeavoured to make concord between the gospel
of Christ, and the tradiiions of the pope, that is, to
make a medley of them both, and so framed a new form
of religion, called the Interim. Upon this began a new
form of persecution in Germany. For the emperor pro-
ceeded strictly against those who would not receive the
Interim, intending to have overcome the reformers, but
the Lord disajjpointed his purpose.
Among those who withstood this Interim, besides
others, were the citizens of Constance. For which
three thousand Spaniards came by night against the
town of Constance, where they killed three of the watch-
men, who watching in the suburbs, went to ascertain the
noise which they heard in the woods. The device of the
Spaniards was, that when the citizens were at the ser-
mon, suddenly to set upon the city and take it. But, as
the Lord would, some began to suspect it in the night,
so that the citizens had intelligence and were in readi-
ness. When the morning came, the Spaniards were at
the gate to break into the city. But being driven from
thence, and their cajitain Alphonso slain, they went to the
bridge over the Rhine. But being beat also from thence,
and a great number of them drowned in the river, the
Spaniards broke down the bridge to prevent pursuit.
At the same time many godly ministers of the churches
in Germany, were in great danger, especially such as re-
A.D. 1527.]
WOLFGANG, HUGLEIN, AND CARPENTER, MARTYRS.
449
fused to receive the Interim ; of whom some were cast
into prison. In which number of prisoners was Martin
Frectius, vnth four other preachers, also his brother
George, for coming to his house to comfort him. Mus-
culus at the same time, with other preachers, went from
AuRsburgh, Brentius from Halle, Blaurerus from Con-
stance, Jiucer from Strasburg.
It would fill another volume, to include the acts and
histories of all who in other countries suffered for the
gospel. But praised be the Lord, every region al-
most has its own historian, who has sufficiently dis-
charged that duty ; so that I shall the less need to over-
charge this volume : it shall suffice to collect three or
four histories, recorded by Oecolampadius and the rest,
to bring it mto a brief table, and so I shall return to oc-
cupy myself with our own matters at home.
Wolfgang Schr(ch, a German m Lot /taring, Martyr.
Wolfgang Schuch, coming to St. Hj^ppolite, a town
in Lotharing, and being received as their pastor, laboured
to extirpate out of the hearts of the people idolatry and
superstition ; which, through the grace of Christ working
with him, he in a short time brought to pass ; so that the
observance of Lent, images, and all idols, with the abo-
mination also of the mass, was utterly abolished. It
was not long before rumour of this came to the duke
Anthony, prince of Lorraine, (under whose dominion
they were,) through the report of the adversaries misre-
presenting these people ; as, though they, in relinquish-
ing the doctrine and faction of the pope, went about to
reject and shake off the authority of princes and all
governors. By means of which sinister report they in-
censed the prince so, that he threatened to destroy the
town with sword and fire. Wolfgang being informed of
this, wrote to the duke's uncle, in a most humble and
obedient way, in defence both of his ministry, of his
doctrine, and of the whole cause of the Gospel.
In which epistle he excused the people, and said, that
those slanderous reporters were more worthy to be punished
for their false rumours and forged slanders. And he also
opened and explained the cause of the Gospel, and of our
salvation, as consisting only in the free grace of God,
through faith in Christ his Son, comparing also the same
doctrine of the gospel, with the doctrine of the church of
Rome.
That done, he touched upon our obedience, honour,
and worship, which first we owe to God and to Christ,
next under him to the princes, whom God hath raised
up and endued with authority, and to whom they offered
themselves now, and at all times, most ready with all
service and duty, &c.
But with this epistle Wolfgang availed nothing ; so,
■when he saw no other remedy, rather than fhe town
should come into any danger on his account, the good
man, of his own accord, rendered a confession of his
doctrine, and delivered the town from danger, by taking
all the danger upon himself.
As soon as he was come to Nantz, hands were imme-
diately laid on him, and he was cast into a stinking pri-
son, where he was sharply and bitterly handled. In
that prison he continued for the space of a whole year,
yet would not be moved from his constancy, neither with
the straightness of the prison, nor with the harshness of
his keepers, nor yet with the compassion of his wife and
children, of which he had about six or seven. Then was
he removed to the house of the Gray Friars, where he
learnedly confuted all that stood against him.
There was a friar named Bonaventure, provincial of that
order, whose person was monstrously overgrown, but much
more gross in blind ignorance, and a man utterly rude, a
contemner of all civility and honesty ; who, being long
confessor to the duke, and of great authority in Lorraine,
as he was an enemy to virtue and learning, so was he
ever persuading the duke, to banish out of the court
and country, all learned men. The sum of all his
divinity was this, that it was sufficient to salvation only,
to know the Pater Noster, (Our Father,) and Ave Maria,
(Hail, Mary !) And thus was the duke brought up and
trained, and in nothing else, as the duke himself oft-
times confessed. This Bonaventure being judge, where
Wolfgang disput"d, or was examined, had nothing else in
his mouth, but " Thou heretic, Judas, Beelzebub, &c."
Wolfgang bearing ))atiently those injuries which referred
to himself, jirocccded mightily in his disputation by the
scriptures, confuting or rather confounding his adversa-
ries ; viho, being no otherwise able to make their party
good, took his bible, with his notes in the margin, into
their monastery, and burned it ! At the last disputation
duke Anthony himself was ))resent, altering his apparel,
so that he might not be known, who, although he under-
stood not Wolfgang, who spoke in Latin, yet, perceiving
him to be bold and constant in his doctrine, gave sen-
tence that he should be burned, because he denied the
church and sacrifice of the mass. Wolfgang hearing the
sentence of his condemnation, began to sing the hun-
dred and twenty-second psalm.
As he was led to the place of execution, and when pass-
ing by the house of the Gray Friars, Bonaventure, who
was sitting at the door, cried out to him, " Thou here-
tic, do thy reverence here to God, and to our lady, and
to his holy saints," shewing to him the idols standing
at the Friars' gate. To whom Wolfgang answered,
"Thou hypocrite, tliou painted wall, the Lord shall
destroy thee, and bring all thy false dissimulation to
light." When they were come to the place of his mar-
tyrdom, first his books were thrown into the fire ; then
they asked him, " Whether he would have his pain di-
minished and shortened?" He said, "No," bidding
them to do their will, "for," said he, " as God has been
with me hitherto, so I trust now he will not leave me,
when I shall have most need of him ;" concluding his
words thus, " that they should ])ut the sentence in exe-
cution." And so. beginning to sing the fifty-first psalm,
he entered into the place, heaped up with fagots and
wood, continuing to sing his psalm, till the smoke and
flame took from him both his voice and life.
The singular virtue, constancy, and learning of this
blessed man, as it refreshed and greatly edified the
hearts of many good men, so it astonished the minds of
his adversaries, and wrought to their confusion.
John Hugleln, Martyr.
John Iluglein, a priest, was burned at Merspurg,
(A.D. 152f),) by the bi.^hop of Constance, because he
did not hold the bishop of Rome's doctrine in all
points.
George Carpenter, Martyr.
On the 8th of February, (A.D. 1527,) George Car-
penter of Emering, was burned in Munchen, in Bavaria.
When he came before the council his offences were read,
contained in four articles : —
First, That he did not believe that a priest could for--
give a man's sins.
Secondly, That he did not believe that a man could call
God out of heaven.
Thirdly, That he did not believe that God was in the
bread, which the priest hangs over the altar, but that it
was the bread of the Lord.
Fourthly, That he did not believe that the very element
of the water itself in baptism gives grace.
Which four articles he refused to recant. Then came
to him a certain schoolmaster, saying, " My friend
George, dost thou not fear the death and punishment
which thou must suffer .' If thou wert let go, wouldst
thou return to thy wife and children ?" He answered,
" If I were at liberty, whither should I rather go, than to
my wife and beloved children ?" Then said the school-
master, " Revoke your former opinion, and you shall be
set at liberty." George answered, "My wife and my
children are so dearly loved by me, that they cannot be
bought from me for all the riches and possessions of the
duke of Bavaria; but for the love of the Lord God I will
willingly forsake them.'' Wlien he was led to the place
of execution, the schoolmaster spake to him again, say-
ing, " Good George, believe in the sacrament of the
altar ; do not affirm it to be only a sign." He answered,
" I believe this sacrament to be a sign of the body of
Jesus Christ offered upon the cross for us." Then said
the schoolmaster, " What dost thou mean, that thou
G g2
450
KEYSER AND WENDELMUTA, MARTYRS
[Book VII.
dost so little esteem baptism, knowing that Christ suf-
fered himself to be baptised in Jordan ?" He answered,
and shewed the true use of baptism, and the end why
Christ was baptised in Jordan, and how necessary it was
that Christ should die and suffer upon the cross. " The
same Christ," saidhe, "will I confess this day before the
whole world ; for he is my Saviour, and in him I believe."
After this came one Master Conrade Scheter, the vicar
of the Cathedral church, saying, " George, if thou wilt
not believe the sacrament, yet put all thy trust in God,
and say, ' I trust my cause to be good and true, but if I
should err, truly I would be sorry and repent.' " George
Car])enter answered, " God, suffer me not to err, I be-
.seech thee." Then Master Conrade began the Lord's
prayer: — "Our Father which art in heaven." When
Carpenter answered, " Truly thou art our Father, and no
other, this day I trust to be with thee." Then Master
Conraile went forward with the prayer, saying, " Hal-
lowed be tliy name." Carpenter answered, " O, my
God, how little is thy name hallowed in this world !"
Then said Conrade, " Thy kingdom come." Carpenter
answered, " Let thy kingdom come this day to me, that
I also may come to thy kingdom." Then said Conrade,
" Thv will be done in earth, as it is in heaven." Car-
penter answered, " For this cause, O Father 1 am I now
here, that thy will might be fulfilled, and not mine."
Then said Conrade, "Give us this day our daily bread."
Carpenter answered, " The only living bread, Jesus
Christ, shall be my food." Then said Conrade, " And
forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive them that trespass
against us." Carpenter answered, "With a willing mind
do 1 forgive all men, both my friends and adversaries.''
Then said Master Conrade, " And lead us not into temp-
tation, but deliver us from all evil." Carpenter answered,
*' O, my Lord ! without doubt thou shalt deliver me, for
upon thee only have I laid all my hope." Then he began
to rehearse tlie creed, saying, " I believe in God the
Father Almighty." Carpenter answered, " O, my God !
in thee alone do I trust; in thee, only, is all my confi-
dence, and upon no other creature." In this manner he
answered to every word. His answers, if they should be
described at length, would be too long. The school-
master said, " Dost thou believe so truly and constantly
in thy Lord and God with thy heart, as thou dost cheer-
fully seem to confess him with thy mouth ?" He an-
swered, " It were a very hard matter for me, if I, who am
ready here to suffer death, should not believe that with
my heart, which I openly profess with my mouth ; for I
knew before that I must suffer persecution if I would
cleave unto Christ, who saith, ' Where thy treasure is,
there will thy heart be also.' " Then said Master
Conrade to him, " Dost thou think it necessary after thy
death, that any man should pray for thee, or say mass
for thee ?" He answered, " So long as the soul is joined
to the body, pray God for me, that he will give me grace
and patience, with all humility, to suffer the pains of
death with a true christian faith ; but when the soul is
separate from the body, then I have no more need of
jour prayers." Then he was desired by certain chris-
tian brethren, that, as soon as he was cast into the fire,
he should give some sign or token what his faith was.
He answered, " This shall be my sign and token, that so
lo!ig as I can open my mouth, I will not cease to call upon
the name of Jesus."
Behold what an incredible constancy was in this godly
man. His face and countenance never changed colour,
but he went cheerfully to the fire. " In the midst of the
town this day," said he, "will I confess my God before the
whole world." When he was laid upon the ladder, and
after the executioner had put a bag of gunpowder about his
neck, he said, " Let it be so, in the name of the Father,
and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost." When they
thrust him into the fire , he with a loud voice cried out,
" Jesus ! Jesus !" Then the executioner turned him
over, and again he cried, "Jesus! Jesus!" and joy-
fully yielded up his sjiirit.
L''onard Keyser.
Here also is not to be passed over the wonderful con-
stancy of Mr. Leonard Keyser, of Bavaria, who was
burned for the gospel. This man, being at his study in
Wittenburg, was sent for by his brethren, who certified
to him, that if he ever wished to see his father alive, he
should come with speed, which he did. He was scarcely
come thither, when, by the command of the bishop of
Passaw, he was taken. The articles upon which he was
accused, and for which he was most cruelly put to death,
and shed his blood for the testimony of the truth, were
these : —
That faith only justifies.
That works are the fruits of faith.
That the mass is no sacrifice or oblation.
That he rejected confession, satisfaction, the vow of
chastity, purgatory, difference of days, snd affirmed only
two sacraments, and denied invocation .f saints.
Sentence was given against him, that he should be de-
graded, and put into tlie hands of the secular power.
The good and blessed raartj'r, early in the morning,
being rounded and shaven, and clothed in a short gown,
and a black cap set ujion his head, all cut and jagged,
was delivered to the officer. As he was led out of the
town to the place where he was to suffer, he boldly
spake, turning his head first on the one side, and then
on tlie other, saying, " () Lord Jesus, remain with me,
sustain, and help me, and give me force and power."
Then the wood was made ready, and he began to cry
with a loud voice, " O Jesus, I am thine, have mercy
ujjon me, and save me ;" and then he felt the fire begin
sharply under his feet, his hands, and about his head :
and because the fire was not great enough, the execu-
tioner plucked the body, half burnt, with a long hook
from under the wood. Then he made a great hole in
the body, through which he thrust a stake, and cast
him again into the fire. This was August KJ, A.D.
1526.
Wendelmuta, Martyr.
In Holland also, in the year 1527, was martyred and
burned a good and virtuous widow, named Wendelmuta.
This widow receiving to her heart the brightness of God's
grace, by the appearing of the gospel, was apprehended
and committed to the castle of Werden, and shortly
after was brought to appear at the general sessions of
that country. Several monks were appointed to talk
with her, that they might convince her, and win her to
recant ; but she constantly persisting in the truth would
not be removed. Many also of her kindred were suf-
fered to persuade with her. Among whom there was a
noble matron, who loved and favoured dearly the widow
in prison. This matron coming, and communing with
her, said, " My Wendelmuta, why dost thou not keep
silenre, and think secretly in thine heart these things
which thou believest, that thou mayest prolong here thy
days and life ?" She answered, " Ah, you know not
what you say. It is written, ' With the heart m.an be-
lieveth unto righteousness ; and with the mouth con-
fession is made unto salvation.' " (Rom. x. 10.) And
thus remaining firm and steadfast in her belief and con-
fession, the twentieth day of November she was con-
demned by sentence as an heretic, to be burned to ashes,
and her goods to be confiscated, she taking the sentence
of her condemnation mildly and quietly.
After she came to the jilace where she was to be exe-
cuted, a monk had brought out a cross, desiring her to
kiss and worship her God. " I worship," said she,
" no wooden god, but only that God who is in heaven :"
and so with a joyful countenance she went to the stake.
Then taking the powder, and laying it to her breast, she
gave her neck willingly to be bound, and with an ardent
prayer commending herself to the hands of God. "VMien
the time came that .she should be strangled, she modestly
closed her eyes, and bowed down her head as one that
would take a sleep. The fire then was put to the wood,
and she, being strangled, was burned afterwards to ashes,
instead of this life, to get the immortal crown in heaven,
(A.D. 1527.)
Peter Flistedin, and Adolphus Clarebach.
In the n\imber of these German martyrs, are also Peter
Flistedin and Adolphus Clarebach, two men of singular
A LIST OF THE MARTYRS WHO SUFFERED IN GERMANY.
4:,l
learain?, and knowledge of God's holy word. In the
year 1529, because they dissented from the pajn^rts in
divers points, and especially on the supper of the Lord,
and the pope's other traditions and cerfnionies, after
they had enduaed imprisonment a year and a half by the
command of the archbishop and senate, they were put to
death and burned in Cologne, not without the great
grief and lamentation of many good christians ; all the
fault being put upon certain divines, who at that time
{)reaohed tliat the punishment and death of certain
wicked persons should jjacify the wrath of God, which
then pl.cgued (Germany with a strange disease, for at that
season the sweating sickness mortally raged throughout
all Germany.
A LIST OF THE NAMES AND CAUSES OF THE MARTYRS,
^110 GAVE THEIR LIVES FOR THE TESTIMONY OF THE GOSPEL, IN GERMANY, FRANCE,
SPAIN, ITALY, AND OTHER FOREIGN COUNTRIES, SINCE LUTHER'S TIME.
THE MARTYRS OF GERMANY.
One Nicholas of Antwerp.
The curate of Melza, by Antwerp, used to preach to a
great number of jieople without that town ; and the em-
peror hearing of it, gave leave to take the uppermost
garment of all who came to hear, and offered thirty
guilders to whoever would take the priest. Afterwards,
when the people were gathered, and the curate not
there, this Nicholas stepped up in his place and iireached.
Wherefore he, being ajiprehended, was put in a sack,
and drowned at Antwerp, 1521.
Joan Pisiorixs, a leai-ned man of Holland.
Pistorius was a priest ; then he married, and after that
he preached against the mass and pardons, and against
the subtle abuses of priests. He was committed to
prison with ten malefactors, whom he comforted ; and
to one, being half naked, and in danger of cold, he gave
his gown. His father visiting him in prison, did not
dissuadf him, but bade him be constant. At last he
was condemned, and degraded, having a fool's coat put
upon him. His fellow-prisoners at his death sung,
" V/e praise thee," &c. Coming to the stake, he was
first strangled, and then burned, saying at his death,
" O death, where is thy sting.' O grave, where is thy
victory .'" (I Cor. xv. 55.)
Matthias Weibell, Schoolmaster.
For saj'ing somewhat against the abbott's first mass,
and against the carrying about relics, he was hanged in
Suevia.
A certain godly Priest.
This priest being commanded to come and give good
advice to sixteen countrymen that were about to be be-
headed, was afterwards bid himself to kneel down to
have his head cut off, no cause nor condemnation fur-
ther being laid against him, but only of mere hatred
against the gospel.
George Scherter.
After this George had instructed the people in know-
ledge of the gospel in Rastadt, he was accused and put
in prison, where he wrote a confession of his faith. He
was condemned to be burned alive ; but means were made
that first his head should be cut off, and his body after-
wards cast into the fire.
Henry Fleming, A.D. 1535.
This Henry, a friar, of Flanders, forsook his habit,
and married a wife. Being offered life if he would con-
fess his wife to be a harlot, refused to do so, and was
burnt at Tournay.
Twenty -eight Christian Men and Women of Lonvaine ;
Paul a Priest ; two aged Women , at Antonia. Two
Men at Lonvaine. A.D. 1543.
When some of the city of Louvaine were suspected of
Lutheranism, the emperor's procurator came from Brus-
sels to make inquisition. After inquisition, hands of
armed men came and beset their houses in the night,
many were taken in their beds, plucked from their
wives and children, and divided into different prisons.
Through terror many citizens returned again to idolatry.
But there were twenty -eiglit who remained constant in
that persecution. The doctors of Louvaine, especially
the inquisitor, came and disputed with them, thinking
either to confound them, or to convert them. But the
Spirit of the Lord wrought so strongly with his saints,
that they went away rather confounded themselves.
Among them there was one Paul, a priest, about the
age of sixty years ; the rectors, with their colleagues,
brought him out of prison to tlie Austin friars, where
he was degraded. But at length for fear of death he
began to stagger in his confession, and so was con-
demned to perpetual prison, in a dark and stinking
dungeon, where he was suffered neither to reE\d nor
write, nor any man to cotne to him, and only to be fed
with bread and water. There were two others who were
put to the fire and burnt.
Then was an old man and two aged women con-
demned, the man to be beheaded, the two women to be
buried alive, which death they suffered very cheerfully.
Other prisoners, who were not condemned to death,
were deprived of their goods, and commanded to come to
the church in a white sheet, and there kneeling with a
taper in their hand, to ask forgiveness ; and they who
refused to do so, and to abjure the doctrine of Luther,
were put to the fire.
Master Perseral at Louvaine, A.D. 1544,
Not long after this, one Master Perseval of the univer-
sity of Louvaine, was thrown into prison for condemning
certain popish superstitions, and speaking in commenda-
tion of the gospel. Then being accused of Lutheranism,
he was adjudged to perpetual prison, there to be fed
only \vith bread and water, which punishment he took
patiently for Christ's sake. But what became of him
no man could learn nor understand. Some think that
he was starved to death, or that he was secretly drowned.
Justus Jushurg , at Britssels,A.D. 1544.
Justus Jusburg, a skinner of Louvaine, being sus-
pected of Lutheranism, was found to have the New Tes-
tament in his house, and certain sermons of Luther, for
which he was committed. There were at the same time
in the prison, Egidius, and Francis Encenas, a Spaniard,
who secretly came to him, and confirmed him in the
cause of righteousness. Thus is the providence of the
Lord never wanting to his saints in time of necessity.
Shortly after the doctors and masters of Louvaine came
to examine him touching religion, on the pope's supre-
macy, sacrifice of the mass, purgatory, and the sacra-
ment. WTien he had answered plainly and boldly accord-
ing to the scriptures, he was condemned to the fire ; but
through intercession made to the queen, his burning was
pardoned, and he was only beheaded.
452
A.N ACCOUNT OF THE MARTYRS WHO SUTFERED IN GERMANY. [Book VII.
Giles Tilleman, at Brussels, A. J). 1514.
This Giles was born in Brussels of honest parents. He
began to receive the light of the go<\)e\ through the read-
ing of the holy scriptures, and increased therein exceed-
ingly. And as he was fervent in zeal, so he was humane,
mil'l, and pitiful. Whatever he had, that necessity
could spare, he gave away to the poor, and only lived by
his trade. Some he refreshed with his meat ; some with
clothing ; to some he gave his shoes ; some he helped
with household stuff; to others he ministered whole-
some exhortation of good doctrine. One poor woman
was brought to bed, and had no bed to lie upon, where-
upon he brought his own bed to her, and was contented
himself to lie upon straw.
Egidius, being detected by a priest, was taken at
Louvaine for that religion which the pope calls heresy.
And after having being detained eight months in prison,
he was sent to Brussels to be judge, where he comforted
some who were in prison, and exhorted them to the con-
stancy of the truth and to the crown which was prepared
for tliem.
Certain of the Gray friars sometimes were sent to him,
but he would always desire them to depart from him :
and when the friars at any time called him names, he
held his peace at such personal injuries, that those
blaspliemers would say abroad, that he had a dumb devil
in him. But when they talked of religion, there he
spared not, but answered them fully by evidences of the
scripture, so that many times they would depart wonder-
ing. At various times he might have escaped from the
doors having been set open, but he would not bring his
keeper into peril.
lie was condemned to the fire, privately, contrary to
the use of the country ; for they durst not openly con-
demn him for fear of the people, so well was he beloved.
When tidings of tlie sentence came to him, he gave
hearty thanks unto God, that the hour was come when
he might glorify the Lord.
Standing at the stake the blessed martyr, lifting up
his eyes to heaven in the middle of the flame, died,
to the great lamentation of all. So that after that time,
when the friars would go about for their alms, the peo-
ple would say, " It was not meet for them to receive
alms with bloody hands."
Persecution at Ghent and Brussels, A.D. 154.'?, 1544.
When the Emperor Charles was in Ghent, the friars
and doctors obtained, that the edict made against the
Lutherans, might be read openly twice a-year. Which
being obtained, great persecution followed ; so that there
was no city nor town in all Flanders, where some were
not banished, or beheaded, or condemned to perpetual
prison, or had not their goods confiscated : neither was
there any respect of age or sex.
Afterwards the emperor coming to Brussels, there
was terrible slaughter, and persecution of God's people,
in Brabant, Heunegow, and Artoise ; the horror and
cruelty of which is almost incredible ; so that at one time
as good as two hundred men and women together were
brought out of the country into the city, of whom some
were drowned, some buried alive, some privately made
away with, others sent to perpetual prison.
Martin Ilaurblock, Fishmonger at Ghent, A.D. 1545.
This Martin, through a sermon of his parish priest,
beginning to taste some workings of grace and re-
pentance, went out of Ghent for the space of three
months, seeking the company of godly christians, who
used the reading of the scriptures : and being more
instructed he returned again to the city of Ghent, where
all his neighbours first began to maivel at the sudden
change of this man. The Franciscans who knew him
before, now seeing him so altered from their ways and
superstition, and seeing him visit the captives in prison,
to comfort them in persecution, and to confirm tl'.em in
the word of God, they conspired against him, and seized
and imprisoned him. The Iriars examined him in the
sacrament, asking him why he was so earnest to have it
in both kinds, seeing (said they) that it is but a naked
sacrament, as you say ? Ke answered, that the elements
were naked, but the sacrament was not naked, as the
elements of bread and wine being received after the in-
stitution of Clirist, do now make a sacrament and a
mystical representation of the Lord's body, communi-
cating hnnself with our souls. And a^ touching the
receiving in both kinds, because it is the institution of
the Lord, Who is he (said Martin) that dare alter the
same ? Then was he brought before the council of Flan-
ders. The causes laid against him were the sacrament,
purgatory, and praying for the dead • and for these he
was condemned and burned at Ghent, and all his goods
confiscated. As he stood at the stake, a I'ranciscan
friar said to him, " Martin, unless thou dost turn, tiiou
shalt go from this fire to everlasting fire." " It is not
in you," said Martin, " to judge." For this the friars
were afterwards so hated, that many rhymes were written
against them.
Nicholas Vanpotde, John de Buck and his wife, at
Ghent, A.D. 1545.
The day after the burning of Martin, which was the
ninth of May, these three also were burned for the same
cause, for which the other was condemned and burned
the day before ; but only that the woman was buried
alive. All of whom took their martyrdom with much
cheerfulness.
Ursula, and Maria, at Delden, A.D. 1545.
Delden is a town in Lower Germany, three miles from
Daventry, where these two virgins of noble parentage
were burned. After diligently frequenting churches
and sermons, and being instructed in the word of the
Lord, they believed, that as the benefit of salvation
comes only by our faith in Christ, all the other mer-
chandise of the jiope, which he sells to the people for
money, was needless. Mary, being the younger, was
put first into the fire ; where she prayed ardently for her
enemies, commending her soul to God. The judges
greatly marvelled at her constancy.
Then they exhorted Ursula to turn, or if she would
not, at least that she should require to be beheaded.
She said, that she was guilty of no error, nor defended
any thing, but what was consonant to the scripture, in
which she trusted to persevere to the end. And as to
the kind of punishment, she said, she feared not the
fire, but rather would follow the example of her dear
sister that went before.
Andrew Thiessen, Katharine his wife, Nicholas Thiessen,
Francis Thiessen, brethren, at Mechlin, A.D. 1545.
Andrew Thiessen, citizen of Mechlin, had three sons
and a daughter, whom he instructed diligently in the
doctrine of the gospel, and despised the doings of
popery. Being hated and persecuted of the friars and
priest there, he went to England and there died. Fran-
cis and Nicholas his two sons went to Germany to
study ; and returning again to their mother, and sister,
and younger brother, by diligent instruction brought
them to the right knowledge of God's gospel : the par-
son there taking counsel together with William de Clerk,
the head magistrate of the town of Mechlin, and others,
agreed, that the mother with her four children should be
sent to prison : where great labour was employed to
reclaim them to their church. The two younger, being
not yet settled either in years or doctrine, inclined to
them, and were delivered. The mother, who would not
consent, was condemned to perpetual prison. The other
two, Francis and Nicholas, standing firndy to their con-
fession, defended, that the catholic church was not the
church of Rome ; that the sacrament was to be minis-
tered in both kinds ; that auricular confession was to no
purpose ; that invocation of saints was to be left ; that
there was no purgatoiy. The friars they called hypo-
crites, and contemned their threatenings. The magis-
trates, after dis))utations, tried torments, to learn of
them who was their master, and what companions they
had. " Their master," they said, " was Christ which
bare his cross before. Friends they had innumerable,
and dispersed in all places." At last they were brought
A.D. 1527—1555.] AN ACCOUNT OF THE MARTYRS WHO SUFFERED IN GERMANY. 453
to the judges : their articles were read, and they were
condemned to be burned. Comin? to the place of exe-
cution, as they began to exhort the people, gags were
thrust into their mouths, which they through vehemency
in speaking thrust out again, desiring for the Lord s
sake that they might have leave to speak. And so s.ng-
in- witli a loud voice, " I believe in one God, &c.
thev wer- fastened to the stake, praying for their perse-
cutors and exhorting one another, to bear the fire
patiently The one feeling the flame to come to his
beard " '^h I" said he, " what a small pain is this, to
be compared to the glory to come !" Tiius the patient
martyrs committed their spirit to the hands of bod.
Marion, Wife of Adrian Taylor, Toumay, A.D. 1545.
In the same jiersecution was apprehended also one
Adrian and Marion his wife. The cause of their trouble,
as also of the others, was the emperor's decree made in
the council of Worms against the Lutherans. Adrian,
being not so strong a man. gave back from the truth,
and was only beheaded ; but his wife being stronger than
a woman, withstood their threats, and therefore was en-
dosed in an iron grate and laid in the earth and buried
alive, according to the usual punishment of that country
for women.
Master Peter Bruley, Preacher, A. D. 1545.
Master Peter Bruley was preacher in the French
church at Strasburg. At the earnest request of faithful
brethren he came down to visit the lower countries
about Artois and Tournay in Flanders ; where he most
diligently preached the word of God to the people in
houses, the doors standing open.
When the magistrates of Tournay had shut the gates
of the town, and had made search for him three days, he
was privately let down the wall in a basket during the
night • and, as he was let down to the ditch ready to
taKe his way, one of them who let him down, leaning
over the wall to bid him farewell, caused unawares a
Stone to slip out of the wall, which, falling upon him,
broke his leg, by which he was heard by the watchmen
complaining of his wound, and so was taken, giving
thanks to God, by whose Providence he was there staid
tc serve the Lord in that place. So long as he re-
mained in prison, he ceased not to fulfil the part of a
diligent preacher, teaching, and confirming all that came
to him in the word of grace. Being in prison he wrote
his own confession and examination, and sent it to the
brethren. He remained in prison four months. His
sentence was given by the emperor's comniissioners at
Brussels That he should be burned to ashes, and his
ashes thrown into the river. He cheerfully and con-
stantly took his martyrdom, and suffered it.
Peter Miocius, Bergilan, Tournay, A. D. 1545.
The coming of Master Peter Bruley into the country of
Flanders, did"* much good among the brethren. This
Peter, before he was called to the gospel, had led a
wicked life, but after the gospel began to work in him
it altered his character so much, that he excelled all
other men in godly zeal and virtue. In his first exami-
nation he was asked, " Whether he was one of the
scholars of Peter Bruley?" He said he was, and that
he had received much fruit by his doctrine. ' ^Wilt
thou then defend his doctrine ?" said they. " Yea, said
he " for it is consonant both to the Old Testament and to
the New." And for this he was let down into a deep
dunc'eon under the castle-ditch, full of toads and filthy
vermin Shortly afterwards the senate, with certain
friars came to examine him, to see whether they could
convert him. He answered and said, " That when he
had lived such an ungodly life, they never spake a word
against him : but now, for favouring the word of God,
they sought his blood."
There was also one Bergiban in the prison at the same
time, who had been an active man in the gospel, before
the coming of Bruley ; but the commissioners having
threatened him with cruel torments, and horror ot
death, he began by little and little to waver and shrink
from the truth, at the fair words of the false friars and
priests, wno promised to have his punishment changed
into being beheaded, and at this he was fain to grant
their requests : upon which the adversaries taking their
advantage, came to Miocius, and told them of Bergiban'a
retractation, wishing him to do the like. But he stoutly
persisting in the truth, endured to the fire, where, having
powder put to his breast, he was dispatched. The friars,
iiearing the crack of tlie powder upon his breast, told
the people, that the devil came out of him and car-
ried away his soul !
A Priest of Germany.
John Gastius writes of a certain prince, but does not
name him, who put out the eyes of a priest in Germany
for no other cause than that he said tlie mass was no sa-
crifice, in the sense in which many priests take it.
Neither did the cruel prince immediately put him to
death, but first kept him in prison for a long time, af-
flicting him with torments. Then he was brought forth
to be degraded, after a barbarous manner. First, they
shaved the crown of his head, then rubbed it hard with
salt, so that the blood came running down his shoulders.
After that they raised and paired the tops of his fingers
with cruel pain, that no savour of the holy oil might re-
main. At last the patient and godly martyf , four days
after, yielded up his life and spirit.
A godly Priest in Hungary.
In Hungary a godly priest preached, that the eating
of flesh is not prohibited in the scripture : for which the
cruel bishop, after he had imprisoned him some weeks,
caused him to be brought out, and his body to be tied
over with hares, geese, and hens hanging round about
him : and so the beastly bishop made dogs be set upon
him, which cruelly rent and tore whatever they could
catch : and thus the good minister of Christ, being
driven about the city with the barking of dogs, died, and
was martyred. But within a few days after, the im-
pious bishop, by the stroke of God's just hand, fell sick
and became mad, and so raving without sense or wit,
died miserably.
Master Nicholas Finchnan. Marion, Wife of Augustine,
A.D. 1549.
Master Nicholas, and Barbara his wife ; also Augus •
tine a barber, and Marion his wife, after they had been
at Geneva, came into Germany, to pass over into Eng-
land. By the way coming to Hainault, Augustine
desired Master Nicholas to come to Bruises to visit and
comfort certain brethren there ; which he willingly did.
From thence they continued their journey toward Eng-
land. But in the way Augustine and his wife, beinj
known, were detected. Augustine escaped that time
out of their hands, and could not be found. The
soldiers then laying hands upon Nicholas and the two
women, brought them back again to Tournay. In re-
turning by the way, when ISIaster Nicholas at the table
gave thanks (as the manner is of the faithful) the wicked
ruler scorning them, and swearing like a tyrant, said,
•• Now let us see, thou lewd heretic, whether thy God
can deliver thee out of mv hand." Nicholas answering
again modestly, asked, " What had Christ ever offended
him, that he with his blasphemous swearing did so tear
him in pieces ?" desiring him, " that if he had any thing
to say against Christ, that he would rather wreak his
anger upon his poor body, and let the Lord alone."
After this, they bound their hands and feet, and laid
them in the dungeon.
Nicholas shortly after was brought before the judges,
and condemned to be burned to ashes. On which sen-
tence Nicholas blessed the Lord, who had countwl hitn
worthy to be a witness in the cause of his dear and well-
beloved Son, and then patiently taking his death, com-
mended up his spirit unto God in the midst of the fire.
Marion, Wife of Augustine. A.D. 1549.
After the martyrdom of this Master Nicholas, Marion
the wife of Augustine was called for. With her they had
454
AN ACCOUNT OF THE MARTYRS WHO SUFFERED IN GERMANY. [Book Vll.
much talk about the manner and state of Geneva, asking
her how the sacraments were administered there, and
•whether she had celebrated there the Lord's supper?
She answered, that the sucraments there were celebrated
after the Lord's institution, of which she was no cele-
brater, but a partaker. The sentence of her condemna-
tion was, that she should be interred alive. When slie
was let down to tiie grave, kneeling, she desired the
Lord to help her ; and before she should be thrown
down, she desired her face might be covered with a nap-
kin or some linen cloth ; being so covered, and the earth
thrown ujion her face and body, the executioner stamped
upon her with his feet, till her breath was past.
Augustine the Husband of Marion, A.D. 1549.
We heard before how Augustine escaped at the taking
of Nicholas and the two women, but having returned
to the town of Beaumont in Hainault, he was known
and detected to the magistrate. Being taken, lie was
examined, and valiantly standing to the defence of
his doctrine, he answered his adversaries with great
boldness.
Among others who came to him was the warden of the
Gray friars, who persuaded him to relent, or he should
be damned in hell-fire perpetually. Augustine answering
said, " Prove that which you said by the authority of
God's word, that a man may believe you. You say
much, but you prove nothing, rather like a doctor of
lies, than of truth," &c. At last, being condemned to
be burnt, he was brought to the inn where he was to take
horse; where was a certain gentleman, a stranger, who,
drinking to him in a cup of wine, desired him to have
pity upon himself; and if he would not favour his life,
yet that he woidd favour his own soul. Augustine said,
after he had thanked him for his good will, " What care
I have," said he, " of my soul, you may see by this,
that I had rather give my body to be burned, than to do
that which was against my conscience.'' When the day
of his martyrdom came, the people being offended at
his constancy, cried out to have him drawn at a horse's
tail in place of burning ; but the Lord would not suffer
that. In fine, being tied to the stake, and fire set to
him, he prayed to the Lord, and so in the fire patiently
departed.
A certain Woman at Augsburyh, A.D. 1550.
At Augsburgh a woman dwelling there, seeing a priest
carry the host to a sick person with taper-light, as the
manner is, asked him what he meant by going with
candle-light at noon-day. For this she was apprehended,
and in great danger, had it not been for the earnest suit
and prayers of the women of that city, and at the inter-
cession of Mary the emperor's sister.
TSvo Virgins in the Diocese of Batnberge. A.D. 1551.
In the diocese of Bamberge, two virgins were led out to
slaughter, which they sustained with patient hearts and
cheerful countenances. They liad garlands of straw put
on their heads on going to their martyrdom, on which
one comforting the other said, " Seeing Christ for us
bare a crown of thorns, why should we stick to bear a
crown of straw .' no doubt but the Lord will render us
better than crowns of gold." Some said that they were
anabaptists ; and it might be, said Melancthon, that they
had some fond opinion ; yet they held, saith he, the
foundation of the articles of our faith, and they died
blessedly, in a good conscience, and knowledge of the
Son of God. Few live without errors. Flatter not your-
selves, thinking yourselves so clear that you cannot err.
Hostius, otherwise called George, at Ghent, A.D. 1555.
This Hostius had been in the French c'nurch in England,
during the reign of King Edward. After the coming of
Queen Mary, he went to Friesland, with his wife and
children. From thence he came to Ghent, where he
heard that there was a Black friar who used to preach
good doctrine, and being desirous to hear him, he came
to his sermon. The friar, contrary to his expectation,
preached in defence of transubstantiation, at which his
heart was so full that he could scarcely refrain from
speaking until the sermon was finished. As soon as
the friar had come down from the pulpit, he burst out
and charged him with false doctrine, persuading the
people as well as lie could be heard, by the scriptures,
that the bread was but a sacrament only of the Lord's
body. He had not gone far, when Ilesselius the cham-
berlain overtook him, and carried him to prison. Then
were doctors and friars brought to reason with him, of
the sacrament, of the invocation of saints, and purga-
tory. He ever stood to the trial only of the scripture,
which they refused. When he was condemned, he was
commanded not to speak to the people. The officer
made great haste to have him dispatched. Wherefore
he, mildly like a lamb, praying for his enemies, gave
himself to be bound ; first they strangled him, and then
consumed his body with fire.
Bertrand de Bias, at Tournay, A.D. 1555.
The story of Bertrand is lamentable, his torments in-
credible, the tyranny shewed to him horrible, the con-
stancy of the martyr admirable. Tliis Bertrand, bein"
a silk weaver, went to Wesell for the cause of religion,
and being desirous to draw his wife and children from
Tournay to Wesell, he came thrice to persuade her to go
with him. When she could not be entreated, he, re-
maining a few days at home, set his house in order,
and desired his wife and brother to pray that God
would establish him in the enterprise which he went
about. He went upon Christmas day to the high church
of Tournay, where he took the cake out of the priest's
hand, as he would have lifted it over his head at mass,
and stamped it under his feet, saying, that he did it to
shew the glory of that god, and what little power he had ;
witli other words more to the people, to persuade them
that the cake or fragment of bread was not Jesus their
Saviour.
At the sight of this the peojile stood all amazed. At
length such a stir followed, that Bertrand could hardly
escape with life. The noise of this was soon carried
to the bailiff of Hainault, and governor of the castle
of Tournay, who lay sick of the gout at Biesie. He
like a madman cried out, that God would ever be so
patient as to suffer that contumely to be trodden under-
foot ; adding, that he would revenge his cause, so that it
should be an example for ever to all posterity ; and forth-
with the furious tyrant commanded himself to be carried
to the castle of Tournay. Bertrand being brought before
him, was asked, whether he repented of his act, or whe-
ther he would so do, if it were to be done again ? Who
answered, that if it were an hundred times to be done,
he would do it ; and if he had an hundred lives, he
would give them in that quarrel. Then was he thrice
tormented most miserably. They then proceeded to
the sentence, more like tyrants than christian men. By
the tenor of which sentence, this was his punishment : —
First, he was drawn from the castle of Tournay to the
market-place, having a ball of iron put into his mouth.
Then he was set upon a stage, where his right hand,
wherewith he took the host, was crushed and pressed be-
tween two hot irons, with sharp iron cages fiery red, till
the form and fashion of his hand was misshapen. In
like manner they brought irons for his right foot, made
fire-hot, which of his own accord he put to his foot,
to suffer as his hand had done, with wonderful con-
stancy and firmness of mind. That done they took the
ball of iron out of his mouth, and cut off his tongue, who
notwithstanding, with continual crying, ceased not to
call upon God ; whereby the hearts of the people were
greatly moved. Upon this the tormentors thrust the
iron ball into his mouth again. Then his legs and his
arms were bound behind him with an iron chain going
about his body, and so he was let down flat upon the fire.
The aforesaid governor standing by and looking on,
caused him to be let up again, and so down and up again,
till at last the whole body was spent to ashes, which he
commanded to be cast into the river ; when this was
done, the chapel where this mass-god was so treated
was locked up, and the board whereu))on the priest stood
was burnt, and the marble stone upon which the host
fell was broken in pieces.
A. D. 1527—1335.] MARTYRS WHO SUFFERED IN GERMANY AND FRANCE.
In the same year, 1353, two hundred ministers and
preachers of the gospel were banished out of Bohemia
for preaching against the superstition of the bishop of
Rome, and extolling the glory of Christ.
453
The Preachers of Locranc exiled.
Locrane is a place between the Alps, yet subject to the
Helvetians. When these had received the gospel, and
the live cantons of the Helvetians were not well pleased,
but would have them punished, and great contention
was among the Helvetians about it, it was concluded
at length, that the ministers should be exiled.
Francis Warluf, Alexander Dayken, at Tournay,
A. D. 1362.
After these two good men had been conversant in the
reformed churches in other countries, at last, for con-
science sake, they returned home to do good in their own
country of Tournay.
So, as the people there resorted to a field or wood
without the city, with a preacher, to hear the word of
God, and to pray ; the adversaries so pursued them, that
they took above thirty, of whom these two among the
rest were apprehended ; and thinking no less but that they
should be burned, they began to sing psalms. At length
being brought forth, first one, then the other, they were
both beheaded. And where the judges had intended to
quarter their bodies, and to set them up by the high
ways, yet was it so provided, God working in the hearts
of the people, that they were both committed to sepul-
ture.
Gillotiis Virer, James Falter his father-in-law, Mi-
chael Fabcr son of James, Anna, wife of Gillotus, and
daughter of James Faber, suffered in the cause of the
gospel at Valence. James Faber, being an old man,
said that although he could not answer or fortify them
in reasoning, yet lie would constantly abide in the truth
of the gospel. Anna, his daughter, being with child,
was respited ; after she was delivered she followed her
husband and father in the like martyrdom.
Michella Caignoucle, at Valence, A.D. 1350.
Michella, wife of James Clerk, who was before burned
when she was offered to be married, and to be carried
out of the country to some reformed church, refused so
to do, but would abide her vocation, and so was con-
demned with Gillotus to be burned.
Godfrid Hamelle, at Tournay, A.D. 1532.
This Godfrid, a tailor, was taken and condemned at
Tournay. When they had condemned him by the name
of an heretic: "Nay," said he, "not an heretic, but
an unprofitable servant of Jesus Christ." When the exe-
cutioner went about to strangle him to diminish his
jiunisliment, he refused it, saying, " That he would abide
the sentence that the judges had given."
Beside these Germans there were a great number both
in the higher and lower countries of Germany, who
were secretly drowned, or buried, or otherwise made
away with in prison, whose names altliough they are not
known to us, yet they are registered in the book of life.
In the Dutch book of Adrian, others are numbered in the
catalogue of these German martyrs, who suffered in
several places of the low country : the names of some
of these are : —
John Malo, Damian Witrocke, Waldrew Caller, John
Porceau, Julian, Vanden Swerde, Adrian Lopphen,
Eawdwine. At Bergen, were burnt, in the year 1553,
John Malo, Damian Witrocke, Waldrew Calier ; buried
alive, John Porceau. At Aste also suffered one Julian.
1541, and Adrian Lopphen, 1535, At Brussels, 1559,
one Bawdwine, beheaded. Another called Gilleken
Tilleman burnt, 1551.
Add moreover to the catalogue of Dutch martyrs burnt
in the Low Countries under the emperor's dominion, the
names of these following : William Swole burnt at
Mechlin, 1529. Nicholas Van Pole, at Ghent, beheaded.
Robert Ogvier, and Joan bis wife, with Baudicou, and
Martin Ogvier, their children, who suffered at Lisle,
1556. Master Nicholas burnt at Mons in Hainault :
Lawrence, of Brussels, at Mons ; John Fasseau at Mons ;
Cornelius Volcart at Bruges, 135:?. Hubert, the printer,
and Philebert Joyner, at Bruges, 133.'?. A woman buried
with thorns under her ; Peter le Roux at Bruges, 1552.
At Mechlin suffered Francis and Nicholas, two brethren,
1555. At Antwerp were burnt Adrian, a painter, and Henry,
a tailor, 1555. Also Cornelius Halewine, locksmith, and
Herman Janson the same year. John du Camp, school-
master, 1537, with a number of others, who in the book
are to be seen and read.
In 1325, we read also in the French history, of a cer-
tain monk, who, because he forsook his abominable or-
der, and was married, was burned at Prague.
A Preacher poisoned at Erfurt.
In the collections of Henry Patalion, we read also of
a certain godly preacher who was poisoned for preaching
the word of truth, by the priests of Erfurt.
And here ceasing with these persecutions in Germany,
we will now, Christ willing, proceed further to the
French martyrs, comprehending in a like manner the
names and causes of such as in that kingdom suffered for
the word of God, and the cause of righteousness.
THE FRENCH MARTYRS.
James Pavane, Schoolmaster, at Paris, A.D. 1524.
This James, being taken by the bishop of Meux, was
compelled to recant. Afterward returning again to hia
confession, he was burned at Paris, in the year 1525,
Dionysius de Rieux, at Meux, A.D. 1528.
This Denis was one of them who was burned for say-
ing that the mass is a plain denial of the death and pas-
sion of Christ. He was always wont to have in his
mouth the words of Christ: " He that denieth me be-
fore men, him I will also deny before my Father ;" and to
muse upon the same earnestly. He was burnt with a
slow fire.
John de Cadurco, Bachelor of the Civil Law, A.D. 1533.
This John, for making an exhortation to his country-
men upon Allhallows-day, and after sitting at a feast where
it was propounded that every one should bring forth some
sentence, because he brought forth this ; "Christ reigns
in our hearts," and prosecuted it by the scriptures, he
was accused, taken, and degraded, and afterwards
burned. At his degradation, one of the Black friars of
Paris preached, taking for his text the words of St. Paul,
1 Tim. iv. 1. " The Spirit speaketh expressly that injthe
later times, men shall depart from the faith, giving heed
to seducing spirits and doctrines of devils," &c. And
in handling that place, either he could not, or would not
proceed further in the text. Cadurco cried out to him
to proceed, and read further. The friar stood dumb and
could not speak a word.
Then Cadurco, taking the text, continued it : "Teach-
ing lies in hypocrisy, having their conscience seared
with a hot iron, forbidding to marry, and commanding
to abstain from meats which God hath created to be re-
ceived with thanksgiving," &c.
Bartholomeiv Myler, a lame cripple : John Biirges,
merchant, the receiver of Nantz ; Henry Hoille of Cou-
beron ; Cafella, a schoolmistress ; Stephen de la Forge,
merchant, \b?>^. These five here specified, for certain
papers circulated abroad against the abomination of the
mass, and other superstitious absurdities of the pope,
were condemned and burned in the city of Paris. Henry
of Couberon had his tongue bored through, and tied
fast to one of his cheeks with an iron wire ; he likewise
with the others was burned.
Alejander Canus, Priest, otherwise called Laurentixig
Cruceus, at Paris, A.D. 15.i3.
For the sincere doctrine and confession of Christ'*
4*6
A LIST OF THE FRENCH MARri'RS.
TBooK VII.
true relijrion, Tie ^vas burned in Paris ; having but a small
fire he suflfeied much torment.
John Pointer, Surgeon, at Paris, A.D. 1533.
This sursreon hein-j detected and accused by the friars,
was first condemned to be stransrled, and then burned ;
but afterwards, because he would not do homage to a
certain idol at the command of a friar that came to con-
fess him, his sentence was changed to have his tongue
cut out, and so to be burned.
Peter Gavdet, Knight of EhodeR, A.D. 1533.
This Peter, being at Geneva with his wife, was put in
prison for defence of the gospel ; and, after long tor-
ments, was burned.
Qvoqvillard, A.D. 1534.
At Bezanfon, in Bursrundy, tliis Quoquillard was
burned for the confession and testimony of Christ's
gospel.
Nicholfr.'i, a scrivener ; Jotin de Pniir ; Stephen Bvrlef,
1534. These three were executed and burned for the
cause of the gospel, in the city of Arras.
Mari/ Beraiidella, at Fovntaigne, A.D. 1534.
This Mary being virtuously instructed by her master
where "^^f lived ; and being afterwards at a sermon
where ■< friar preached, she found fault with his doc-
trine, and refuted the same by the scriptures. He
l>rocured her to be burned at Fountaigne.
John Comon, 1535.
John Cornon was a husbandman of Mascon, and un-
lettered ; but one to whom God gave such wisdom, that
his judees were amazed, when he was condemned by
their sentence and burned.
Martin Gonin, in Dauphine, A.D. 1536.
This Martin being taken for a spy on the borders of
France, towards the Alps, was committed to prison. In
his going out, his jailor es])ied about him the letters of
Farrell, and of Peter Viret. Therefore being examined
by tlie king's procurator, and of the inquisitor, touching
his faith, he was cast into the river and drowned.
daiidiiis Painter, a Goldsmith, at Paris, A.D. 1540.
Claudius going about to convert his friends and kins-
folks in his doctrine, was committed and condemned
to be burned : but the high parliament of Paris, cor-
recting that sentence, added, that he should have his
tongue cut out before, and so be burned.
Stephen Brnne, a Husbandman, at Rntiers, A.D. 1540.
Stephen Brune after confession of his faith, was ad-
judged to be burned. "Which punishment he took so
constantly, that it was a wonder to them. His adver-
saries commanded after his death, that none should
make any more mention of him, under pain of heresy.
Constantius of Rouen, with three others, A.D. 1542.
These four, for the defence of the gospel being con-
demned to be burned, were put in a cart. They said,
that they were reputed here as tlie ofTscouring of the
world, but yet their death was a sweet odour unto God.
John du Becke, Priest, A.D. 1543.
For the doctrine of the gospel he was degraded, and
constantly abode the torment of fire in the city of
Troyes in Champagne.
Aymond de Lauog, at Bnnrdeanx , A.D. 1543.
Aymond preached the gospel at Saint Faith's in An-
jou, wliere he was accused by the parish priest, and
by other (iriests, as havino; taught false doctrine. When
the magistrates of Bourdeaux had given command to
apprelu-nd him, he was desired by his friends to fly :
but hf would not, saying, he had rather never have
been born, than to do so. It was the office of a good
shepherd, he said, not to fly in time of peril, but rather
to abide the danger, lest the flock should be scattered :
or lest in so doing, he should leave some scruple in their
minds, to think, that he fed them with dreams and
fables, contrary to the word of God. Wherefore he
told them, that he feared not to yield both body and
soul for the truth which he had taught ; saying, with
St. Paul, " That he was ready, not to be bound only,
but also to die for the Lord Jesus."
W^hen the somner came to arrest him, the people
rose, in defence of their preacher, and flew upon the
somner, to deliver him out of his hands. But Aymond
desired them not to prevent his martyrtlom, for as it
was the will of God that he should suff'er, he would not
resist. So Aymond was carried to Bourdeaux. Many
witnesses, chiefly priests, came against him, with Mr.
Riverack : who had said often before, that if it should
cost him a thousand crowns, he would have him burned.
He made many exceptions against the false witnesses,
but they would not be taken. The amount of their ac-
cusation was only that he had denied purgatory.
He continued about nine months in prison, bewailing
exceedingly his former life, though no man could charge
him outwardly with any crime. After that, he was ex-
amined with torments. One of the head presidents
came to him, and shaking him by the beard, bade him
tell what fellows he had of his religion. To whom he
answered, that he had no other fellows, but such as
knew and did the will of God his Father. In these
torments he continued two or three hours, comforting
himself with these words; "This body," said he, "once
must die, but the spirit shall live: the kingdom of God
abideth for ever." In the time of his tormenting, he
fainted, but afterwards on coming to himself again, he
said, " O Lord, Lord, why hast thou forsaken me .'"'
To whom the president, " Nay, wicked Lutheran, thou
hast forsaken God." Then said Aymond, "Alas, good
masters, why do you thus miserably torment me .' O
Lord, I beseech thee forgive them, they know not what
they do.'' So constant was he, that they could not
force him to utter one man's name.
On the next Saturday following, sentence of condem-
nation was given against him. Then certain friars were
appointed to hear his confession ; he refused them,
choosing some of his own order, the parish priest of
St. Christoi>her's, bidding the friars depart, for he
would confess Ids sins to the Lord. "Do you not see,"
said he, " how I am troubled enough with men, will ye
yet trouble me more ? Others have had my body, will
ye also take from me my soul .' Away from me, I pray
you." At last, when they refused to let him have the
parish priest, he took a Carmelite ; with whom he had
long converse, and at last converted him to the truth.
Shortly after, the judges, Cassanges, and Longa, with
others, came to him ; Aymond began to preach to them
and declare his mind touching the Lord's Supjier : but
Longa, interrupting him, demanded of him thus.
Judge. — First declare to us your mind, what you
think of purgatory ?
Martyr. — In scripture all these are one, to purge, to
cleanse, and to wash. Whereof we read in Isaiah, in
the epistles of St. Paul, and of St. Peter ; " He hath
washed you in his blood. Ye are redeemed, not with
gold, but with the blood of Christ," &c. Heh. ix. 12.
1 Peter i. 18. And how often do we read, in the epis-
tles of St. Paul, that we are cleansed by the blood of
Christ from our sins, &c.
Judge. — These epistles are known to every child.
Martyr. — To every child? Nay, I fear you have scarce
read them yourself.
A friar. — With one word you may satisfy them, if you
will say, that there is a place where the souls are purged
after this life.
Martyr. — That I leave for you to say, if you please.
What, would ye have me damn my own soul, and say
that which I know not ?
Judge. — Dost not thou think, that when thou art dead,
thou shalt go to purgatory ? And that he that died iu
venial sin, shall pass straight into paradise?
A. D. 1527—1555.]
A LIST OF THE FRENCH MARTYRS.
457
Martyr. — Such trust I have in my God, that the same
day when I shall die, I shall enter into paradise.
Another judge.— Where is paradise 7
j^^artvT. — There where the majesty and glory of God is.
judo-e. The canons make mention of purgatory, and
you in your sermons have used always much to pray for
the poor.
Martyr. — 1 have preached the word of God, and not
the canons.
Judge. — Dost thou believe in the church ?
Martyr. — I believe as the churcli regenerated by the
blood of Christ, and founded in his word, hath ap-
pointed.
Judge. — What church is that ?
Martyr. — The church is a Greek word, signifying as
muQh as a congregation or assembly : and so I say, that
whensoever the faithful do congregate together, to the
honour of God, and the extending of christian religion,
the Holy Ghost is verily with them.
Judge. — By this it should follow, that there are many
churches : and where any rustic clowns assemble to-
gether, there must be a church.
Martyr. — It is no absurd thing to say that there are
many churches or congregations among christians : and
so speaks St. Paul, to all the churches which are in
Galatia, &c. And yet all these congregations make but
one church.
Judges. — The church wherein thou believest, is not
the same church which our creed calls the holy church ?
Martyr. — I believe the same.
Judge. — And who should be head of that church ?
Martyr. — Jesus Christ.
Judge. — And not the pope ?
Martyr. — No.
Judge. — And what is he then ?
Martyr. — A minister, if he be a good man, as other
bishops : of whom St. Paul thus writes ; "Let a man so
account of us, as ministers of Christ, and stewards of
the mysteries of God," &c. 1 Cor. iv. 1.
Then the judges leaving him with the friars, departed,
counting him as a damned creature. Aymond, however,
putting his trust in God, was full of comfort, saying
with St. Paul, " "Who shall sei)arate me from the love of
God ? Shall tlie sword, hunger, or nakedness ? No,
nothing shall pluck me from him. But rather I have
pity on you," said he, and so they departed. Not
long after, he was brought to the place of execution,
singing by the way the hundred and fourteenth Psalm.
He thanked moreover the keeper, and desired him to be
good to his ])oor prisoners. And so taking his leave of
them, and desiring them to pray for him ; also giving
thanks to the mistress-keeper for her gentleness to him,
he proceeded to his execution. As he came near the
church of St. Andrew, they desired him to ask mercy of
God, and of blessed St. Mary, and of St. Justice. " I
ask mercy," said he, "of God, and his justice, but
the Virgin, blessed St. Mary, I never offended, nor did
any thing for which I should ask her mercy. In passing
a certain image of the Virgin Mary, great offence was
taken against him, because he called upon Christ Jesus
only, and made no mention of her. So he lifted up his
voice to God, praying that he would never suffer him to
invocate any other. Coming to the place where he was
to suffer, he was tumbled out of the cart uppn the
ground, testifying to magistrates and to the people
standing by, that he died for the gospel of Jesus Christ.
He would have spoken more, but he was not suffered,
by the officers, crying, " Dispatch him 1 dispatch him !
let him not speak." Then spe king a few words softly
in the ear of the Carmelite whom he had converted, he
was bid to step up to the stage. There the people be-
ginning to listen to him, he said thus ; " O Lord, make
haste to help me, tarry not, do not despise the works of
thy hands : and you, my brethren, that are students and
scholars, I exhort you to study and learn the gospel :
for the word of God abideth for ever : labour to know
the will of God, and fear not them that kill the body,
but have no power upon your souls: my flesh," said he,
*' striveth against the spirit, but I shall shortly cast it
away. My good masters, 1 beseech you pray for me.
O Lord my God, into thy hands I commend my soul.""
As he was often repeating the same words, tlie execu-
tioner took and strangled him. And thus that blessed
saint gave up his life ; his body afterwards was consumed
with hre.
Francis Bribard, A.D. 1544, was said to be the secre-
tary of tlie cardi >al of Ballaie. Being condemned for
the gosjjel, his tongue was cut off, and with great con-
stancy he suffered martyrdom by burning.
WilliamHitsson, an apothecary at Rouen, in 1544, went
to the palace, and there scattered certain books concern-
ing cliristian doctrine, and the abuse of human tradition.
The council was so moved at this, that they com-
manded all the gates of the city to be locked, and dili-
gent search to be made to find out the author, so that
William Husson was taken by the way riding to Dieppe,
and brought again to Rouen. Being there examined,
he declared his faith boldly, and how he came jjurposely
to disperse those books in Rouen, and went to do the
like at Diejjpe.
The week ensuing he was condemned to be burnt
alive. After the sentence he was brought in a cart, ac-
companied with a doctor, a Carmelite friar ; and when
before the great church they put a torch into his hand,
and required him to do homage to the image of the Vir-
gin Mary, and because he refused to do this they cut out
his tongue. The friar then preached a sermon, and
when he spoke anything of the mercies of God, tl>e said
William hearkened to him ; but when he spoke of the
merits of saints, and other dreams, he turned away his
head. The friar looking upon the countenance of Hus-
son, lifted up his hand to heaven, saying, with great ex-
clamation, that he was damned, and was possessed with
a devil. W'hen the friar had ceased his sermon, this
godly Husson had his hands and feet bound behind his
back, and with a puUy was lifted up into the air ; and
when the fire was kindled he was let down into the
flame, where the blessed martyr with a smiling and cheer-
ful countenance looked up to heaven, never moving or
stirring till he let down his head, and gave up his spirit.
All the people there present were not a little astonished,
some saying that he had a devil ; others maintained the
contrary, saying, if he had a devil, he would have fallen
into despair.
This Carmelite friar was called Delanda, who after-
wards was converted, and preached the gospel.
James Cobard, a schoolmaster, and many others taken
at the same time, 1545. — Tliis James, schoolmaster in the
dukedom of Barens in Lorraine, disputed vvitii three
priests, that the sacrament of baptism, and of the supper
did not avail, unless they were received with faith ;
which was as much as to say, that the mass profited
neither the quick nor the dead. For which, and also for
his confession, which he sent while in jjrison by his
mother to the judge, he was burned, and most quietly
suffered.
Also in 1546, atMeaux, a city in France, near to Paris,
where William Briconatus was bishop, this bishop did
much good, and brought to them the light of the gospel,
and reformed the church ; but afterw?rds, though he
apostatised, yet there were many who remained con-
stant. Then came the burning of James Pavane ; and
as superstition began to grow more and more, those who
had continued steadfast began to assemble in Mangin's
house, and to set up a church for themselves, after the
example of the French church in Strasburg. They be-
gan with twenty or thirty, and increased in a short time
to three or four hundred. On the matter being known
to the senate of Paris, the chamber was beset where those
persons were, and they were taken. Sixty-two men and
women were bound and brought to Paris, singing psalms,
especially the seventy-ninth Psalm. To these it was
chiefly objected, that they being laymen, ministered the
sacrament of the body and blood of the Lord.
Of these sixty-two, fourteen were specially steadfast,
and were condemned, and racked to compel them to
458
A LIST OF THE FRENCH MARTYRS.
[Book VII.
confess more of their fellows, but would not do so ; the
rest were scourged and banished the country. These
fourteen were sent to sundrj' monasteries to be con-
verted ; but that would not answer ; they then were
sent ill a cart to Meaux to be burned ; and when on the
way, about three miles from Paris, they met by chance
a weaver of Couberon, who cried to them aloud, biddintf
them to be of good cheer, and to cleave fast to tlie
Lord. This man was also taken, and bound and put in
the cart with tlieni. On coming to the place of execu-
♦■ion, wliich was before Mangin's house, they were told,
chat those who would oe confessed should not have their
tongues cut out, but that the others shoukl. Of the
fourteen there were seven who to save their tongues
confessed ; the other seven refused. As they were burn-
ing, the people sung psalms. The priests would also
sing tlieir songs: " O saving Host," &c. and " Hail,
O Queen of heaven," &c. while the sacrifice of these
holy martyrs was finished. Their wives being compelled
to see their husbands in torments, were afterwards put
in jnison, whence they promised to be freed if they would
only say that their husbands were damned, but they re-
fused.
At Paris, in 1546, Peter Chapot, a printer, after hav-
ing been at Geneva, came into France, and brought with
him some books of the holy scripture, which he dispersed
abroad among the faithful, when his great zeal caused
him to he ajjprehended.
On being brought before the commissaries, he ren-
dered an account of his faith, and exhibited a supplica-
tion, or writing, in which he learnedly informed the
judges to do their office uprightly. Then were three
doctors of the Sorbonne assigned to dispute with him,
who when they could find no advantage, but rather
shame at his hands, were angry with the judges for
making them dispute with heretics.
This done, the judges consulting on his condemnation,
could not agree, so that Chapot might have escaped,
had not a wicked person wrought his condemnation,
that he should be burned. At his execution, friar Mail-
lard called upon him not to speak to the people, but he
desired him to pray. Then he bade him ))ray to our
Lady, and confess her to be his advocate. He confessed
that she was a blessed Virgin, and recited the Lord's
Prayer and the Creed, and was about to speak of the
mass, hut Maillard would not let him, making haste to
his execution, and said, unless he would say the " Hail
Mary," he should be burnt. Then Chapot prayed, " O
Jesus Son of David, have mercy upon me." Maillard
then bade him say, " Jesus, Maria," and that he should
be only strangled. Chapot was so weak that he could
not speak. " Say," said Maillard, " Jesus Maria, or
else thou shalt be burned." As Chapot was thus striv-
ing with the friar, suddenly, as it happened, tliat Jesus
Maria, slipped from his mouth ; but he instantly re-
pressing himself, "O God," said he, "what have I
done ! pardon me, O Lord, to thee only have I sinned."
Then Maillard commanded the cord to be put about his
neck to strangle him. After all things were done, Mail-
lard, full of anger, went to the council-house, declaring
v/hat an uproar had almost happened among the jieople ;
saying, that he would complain of the judges for suffer-
ing those heretics to have their tongues. Immediately
a decree was made, that all who were to be burned, un-
less they recanted at the fire, should have their tongues
cut off ; which law was afterwards diligently observed.
Sainiinm Nivet at Paris, in 1. '546.— After the burning
of the fourteen, described before, this Saintinus, who
was a cripple, had removed away from Meaux, but
after a time he returned, and, as he was selling certain
finiall wares in the fair, he was known again and appre-
liended. Information having been given, he was ex-
amined, and at first he confessed all, and more than
they were willing to hear. But as they were examining
him on certain points of religion, and asked him whether
he would stand to what he said, or not, he gave this
answer, which is worthy to be registered in all men's
hearts, saying, " And I ask you again, lord judges.
dare you be so bold as to deny what is so plain and
manifc'st by the open words of the scripture ?" So
little regard had he to saving his own life, that he de-
sired the judges, for (jod's sake, that tiiey wouhl rather
take care of their own lives and souls, and consider how
much innocent blood they spilled daily in fightino
against Christ Jesus and his gospel.
At last, being brought to Paris, he there suffered mar-
tyrdom : no kind of cruelty was wanting, which the in-
nocent martyrs of Christ Jesus were wont to undergo.
Strp/ien PoUiot, in l.')46, on coming out of Normandy,
where he was born, to Meaux, was compelled to fly, but
was ajiprehended and brought to Paris, and there cast
into a foal and dark prison. In which prison he was
kept in hands and fetters a long time, where he saw al-
most no light. At length being called before the senate,
and his sentence being given to have his tongue cut out,
and to be burned alive, his books hanging about his
neck in a bag, " O Lord," said he, " is the world in
blindness and darkness still ?" At last the worthy mar-
tyr of Jesus Christ was put into the fire, where with
much patience he ended this transitory life.
John Enf/Ush, in ir)47, was executed and burned at
Sens in Burgundy, being condemned by the high court
of Paris, for confessing the true word of God.
Michael MicheJote, a tailor, in 1547, wns appre-
hended for the gospel's sake, and sentenced if he would
turn, to be beheaded ; and if he would not turn, then to
be burned alive. On being asked, which of these two
he would choose ? answered, that he trusted, that he
who had given him grace not to deny the truth, would
also give him patience to endure the fire. He was burned.
Leonard de Prato, in 1547, when going from Dijon to
Bar, a town in Burgundy, with two false brethren, and
talking with them about religion, was betrayed by them,
and afterwards burned.
Seven Martyrs, A. D. 1457.
John Taffin(/ton, and Joan his wife, Simon Mareschal,
and Joan his wife, William Michaut, James Botderau,
and James Bretany. — All these seven being of the city of
Langres, were committed to the fire for the word and
truth of Jesus Christ, in which they died with much
strength and comfort ; but especially Joan, who was
Simon's wife, being reserved to the last, because she
was the youngest, confirmed her husband, and all the
others with words of singular consolation ; declaring to
her husband, that they should the same day be married
to the Lord Jesus, to live with him for ever.
Michael Mareschall, John Camns, Great John Camus,
and John Serarphin, in the same year, and about the
same time, for the like confession of Christ's gospel,
were condemned by the senate of Paris, and in the same
city also with the like cruelty were burned.
Oclovien Blondel, a merchant of precious stones at
Paris, 1548. — This Octovien was well known both
at court and elsewhere ; he was a singularly honest man
of great integrity, and also a favourer of God's word.
Being at his host's house at Lyons, he rebuked the filthy
talk, and superstitious behaviour, which he heard and
saw there. The host, bearing to him a griidge, had
some talk with one Gabriel, concerning the riches, and a
sumptuous collar set with rich jewels belonging to this
Octovien.
Thus these two consulting together, suborned a person
to borrow of him a sum of crowns ; which, because
Octovien refused to lend, the other caused him to be
ajtprehended for heresy, thinking thereby to make at-
tachment of his goods. But such order was taken by
Blondel's friends, that they were frustrated in their
purpose. Then Blondel being examined as to his faith,
gave a plain and full confession of that doctrine, which
he had learned : for which he was committed to prison,
where be did much good to the prisoners.
A. D. 152/— 1555.]
A LIST OF THE FRENCH MARTYRS.
459
For =ome that were in debt, he paid their creditors
and loosed ther.i out. To some he gave meat, to others
raiment. At length, throutrh the importune persuasions
of his parents and friends, he gave over and changed his
confession. However, tlie Presenteur Gabriel appealed
up to the high court of Paris. There Octovien being
asked again, touching his faith, which of his two confes-
sions he would stick to ? he being before admonished of
his fall, and of the offence given by it to the faithful,
said he would live and die in his first confession, which
he defended as consonant to the truth of God's word.
He was therefore condemned to be burned, and his ex-
ecution was hastened lest his friends at court might save
his life.
Huhert Cheriet, alias Burre, tailor, at Dijon, 1549.
— Hubert, being a young man of the age of nineteen
years, was burned for the gospel at Dijon ; who neither,
by any terrors of death, nor allurements of his parents,
could be otherwise persuaded, but constantly to remain
in the truth unto death.
Master Florent Venote, priest at Paris, 1549. — This
Florent remained in prison in Paris, about four years.
During wliich time there was no torment which he did
not overcome. Besides other torments, he was put in a
narrow prison so straight, that he could neither stand nor
lie, which they call the hose or boot, because it is
straight beneath, and wider above. In this he remained
seven weeks, where the tormentors affirm, that no thief
or murderer could ever endure fifteen days, but was in
danger of life or madness. At last, when there was a
great shew in Paris at die king's coming to the city, Florent
and other martyrs were put to death. He had liis tongue
cut off, and was brought to see tlie execution of them all ;
then, last of all, he was put in the fire and burned the
ninth of July, in the place called Maulbert.
Ann Audelert, an apothecary's wife and widow at
Orleans, 1549. — Going to Geneva, she was taken and
brought to Paris, and by the council adjudged to be
burned at Orleans. When the rope was put about her,
she called it her wedding-girdle wherewith she should be
married to Christ. And as she was to be burned upon
a Saturday, upon Michaelmas-even: " Upon a Satur-
day,'' said she, " I was first married, and upon a Satur-
day I shall be married again." And seeing the cart
brought in which she was to be carried, she rejoiced
thereat, shewing such constancy in her martyrdom as
made all the beholders to marvel.
A poor Tailor of Paris, 1549.
Among many other godly martyrs that suffered in
France, the history of this poor tailor is not the least nor
worst to be remembered. His name is not yet sought
out in the French histories through want of diligence in
those writers. The history is this : Not long after the
coronation of Henry II., the French king, at whose
coming into Paris several good martyrs were brought
out and burned for a spectacle : a certain poor tailor,
who then dwelt not far from the king's palace, was ap-
prehended, because upon a certain holy-day he followed
his occupation, and worked for his living. Before he was
led to prison, the officer asked him, " Why he laboured
giving no observance to the holy-day ?" he answered,
" That he was a poor man, living only upon his labour :
and as for the day, he knew no other but only the Sun-
day, wherein he might not lawfully work for his living.''
Then the officer began to ask of him many questions :
which the poor tailor so answered, that he was soon clapt
in prison. After that, the officer coming into court to
shew what good service he had done for holy church, de-
clared how he had taken a Lutheran working upon a
holy-day. When the rumour was noised in the king's
chamber, the poor man was sent to appear, that the king
might hear him
Only a few of the chief peers remained about the
king when the simple tailor was brought. The king
sitting in his chair, commanded Peter Castellan, bishop
cf Mascon, (a maa very fit for such inquisitioas) to
question him. The tailor being entered, and nothing
appalled at the king's majesty, after his reverence done
to the prince, gave thanks to God, that he had so
greatly dignified him, as to bring him where he might
testify his truth before such a mighty prince. Then Cas-
tellan, began to reason with him touching the great and
chief matters of religion. The tailor, without fear, or
any halting in his speech, with wit and memory,
answered excellently in behalf of the sincere doctrine
and simple truth of God's gospel.
The nobles who were present, with cruel taunts and
rebukes, did what they could to dash him out of counte-
nance. Yet all this terrified him not, but with boldness
of heart and free liberty of speech, he defended his
cause, or rather the cause of Christ the Lord, neither
flattering their persons, nor fearing their threats ; which
was to them a matter of astonishment to behold that
simple poor artificer stand so firm and bold, answering
before a king, to the questions propo\inded against him.
When the king seemed to muse with himself, as one
who might have been led to further knowledge, the
bishop and other courtiers seeing the king in such a
muse, said, he was an obstinate and stubborn person,
and therefore should be sent to the judges, and
punished : and so, within a few days after, he was con-
demned to be burned alive.
Claudius Thierry, at Orleans, 1549. — The same
year, and for the same doctrine of the gospel, one Clau-
dius also was burned at the town of Orleans, being ap-
prehended by the way coming from Geneva to his
country.
Leonard Galimard, at Paris, 1549.— This Leonard,
fur the confession likewise of Christ and his gospel, was
taken and brought to Paris, and there, by the sentence
of the council, was judged to be burned the same time
that Florent Venote, above-mentioned, suffered at Paris.
Macaus Moreou, at Troyes, 1549.— He was burned in
Troyes in Champaine, remaining constant to the end ia
the gospel, for which he was apprehended.
Joannes Godeau, Gabriel Beraudimi^, A. D. 1550. —
These two were of the church of Geneva. Godeau,
standing to his confession, was burned. Gabriel, though
he began a little to shrink for fear of the torments, yet,
being confirmed by the constant death of Godeau, re-
covered again, and standing likewise to his confession,
first had his tongue cut out. And so these two, after
they had confirmed many in God's truth, gave their life
for Christ's gospel.
Thomas Sanpaulinns at Paris, 1551. — This young
man, of the age of eighteen years, coming from Geneva
to Paris, rebuked there a man for swearing. For which
cause, being suspected for a Lutheran, he was watched
and brought before the council of Paris, and put ia
prison, where he was racked and miserably tormented,
so that he might either change his opinion, or confess
others of his profession. His torments and rackings were
so sore that the sight of them made Aubert, one of the
council, a cruel and vehement enemy against the gospel,
to turn his back and weep. The young man, when he
had made the tormentors weary with racking, and yet
would utter none, at last was brought to Maulbert place,
in Paris, to be burned ; being in the fire, he was plucked
up again upon the gibbet, and asked whether he would
turn ? he said, " That he was in his way towards God,
and therefore desired them to let him go.'' Thus this
glorious martyr glorified the Lord with constant confes-
sion of his truth.
Mauricius Secenate in Provence, 1551. — Being inter-
rogated by the lieutenant of that place, this martyr made
his answers so that no great advantage could be taken
of them. But he being greatly troubled in his con-
science for dissembling with the truth, and being caUed
afterwards before the chief judge, he answered so di-
rectly, that he was condemned and burned in Provence.
A LIST OF THE FRENCH MARTYRS.
469
John Pirtte, or de Puteo, sirnamed Medicus, at Uzez
in Languedoc, lool. — This Medicus had a controversy
about a certain pit with a citizen of the town of Uzez,
where he dwelt. He, to cast Medicus in the law, ac-
cused him of heresy, bringing for his witnesses those
labourers whom Medicus had hired to work in his vine-
yard : being examined on the sacrament of the Lord's
Supper, he was condemned and burned at Uzez in
Languedoc.
Claudius Monerius at Lyons, 1551.
Tliis man being well instructed in the knowledge of
God's word, came to Lyons, and there taught children.
Hearing of the lord president's coming to the city, he
went to give warning to a certain friend of his, and con-
ducted hiin out of the town. In returning again to
comfort the man's wife and children, he was taken in
his house : and so he confessing that which he knew to
be true, and standing to that which he confessed, after
much afflictions in prisons and dungeons, was con-
demned and burned at Lyons. Certain of the judges
could not forbear weeping at his death.
In prison he wrote some letters, but one especially
very comfortable to all the faithful. He wrote also the
questions of the official, with his answers, which we have
here contracted as follows : —
Official. — What believe you of the sacrament .' Is the
body of Christ in the bread, or no ?
Martyr. — I worship Jesus Christ in heaven, sitting at
the right hand of God the Father.
Official. — What say you about purgatory ?
Martyr. — Forsomuch as there is no place of mercy after
this life, therefore there is no need of any purgation ;
but it is necessary that we be purged before we go hence.
Official. — What think you of the pope ?
Martyr. — I say he is a bishop as other bishops are,
if he be a true follower of St. Peter.
Official. — What say you of vows ?
Martyr. — No man can vow to God so much, but the
law requires much more than he can vow.
Official. — Are not saints to be invoked ?
Martyr. — They cannot pray without faith, and there-
fore it is in vain to call upon them. And again, God
has appointed his angels about us, to minister in our ne-
cessities.
Official — Is it not good to salute the blessed Virgin
with the " Hail Mary !"
Martyr. — When she was on earth she had need of the
angel's greeting ; for then she had need of salvation, as
well as others ; but now she is so blessed, that no more
blessing can be wished to her.
Official. — Are not images to be had .'
Martyr. — The nature of man is so prone to idolatry,
ever occupied in those things which lie before his eyes,
rather than upon those which are not seen ; images
therefore are not to be set before christians. You
know nothing is to be adored, but that which is not
seen with eyes, that is, God alone, who is a Spirit, and
him we must worship only in spirit and in truth.
In 1552, Renat Poyet, the son of William Poyet, who
was chancellor of France, for the true and sincere pro-
fession of the word of God, constantly suffered martyr-
dom, and was burned in the city of Salmure.
John Joyer, and his servant at Toulouse, 1552. — These
two coming from Geneva to their country with certain
books, were apprehended and brought to Toulouse, where
the master was first condemned. The servant being
young, was not so prompt to answer them, but sent
them to his master, saying, that he should answer them.
When they were brought to the stake, the young man
first going up, began to weep. The master fearing lest
he would give over, ran to him, and he was comforted,
and they began to sing. As they were in the fire, the
master standing upright to the stake, shifted the fire
from him to his servant, being more careful for him than
for himself ; and when he saw him dead, he bowed down
into the tlame. and so expired.
[Book \\\.
Hugonius Gravier, a schoolmaster and minister after
of Cortillon, in the country of Newcastle. At Burg in
Bresse, a day's journey from Lyons, in 1552, this
Gravier was burnt. He coming from Geneva to New-
castle was there elected to be minister. On going to see
his wife's friends at Mascon, he was taken, with all his
company ; and desiring the women and the rest of the
comi)any to lay the fault on him for bringing them out,
he was sentenced to be burned, although the lords of
Berne sent their heralds to save his life, and the official
declared him to be an honest man, and to hold nothing
but agreeing with the scriptures.
Martial Alha, Petrus Srriha, Bernard Segnine, C/iarlea
Faber, Peter Navihere, at Lyons, 155.5.
These five students, after they had remained in the
university of Lausanne a certain time, agreed amongst
themselves, being all Frenchmen, to return home
every one to his country, that they might instruct
their parents and friends in such knowledge as the Lord
had given them. So taking their journey they came to
Geneva, where they remained a while. From thence
they went to Lyons, where they were apprehended and
led to prison, and where they continued a whoiu year.
As they were learned in the scriptures, every ons of
them exhibited severally a learned confession of his faith ;
and, through the jiower of the Lord's Spirit, confounded
the friars, with whom they disputed.
They were examined as to the sacrament of the Lord's
body, of purgatory, confession and invocation, free will,
and the supremacy, &c. Although they proved their
cause by scripture, and refuted their adversaries in rea-
soning, yet right being overcome by might, sentence
was given, and they were burnt at Lyons. When set
upon the cart, they began to sing psalms. As they passed,
by the market-place, one of tliem with a loud voice sa-
luted the people with the words of the last chapter to
the Hebrews, " The God of peace which brought again
from the dead the great Shepherd of the sheep by the
blood of tlie everlasting covenant," &c. Coming to the
place, the two youngest went up upon the heap of
wood to the stake, and there were fastened, and so after
them the rest. Martial Alba being the eldest, was the
last ; being stripped of his clothes, and brought to the
stake, he desired this petition of the governor — that he
might go about to his companions tied at the stake, and
kiss them : which being granted, he went and kissed
every one, saying, " Farewell, my brother." The other
four, following the example, bad each one, " Farewell,
my brother '' With that, fire was commanded to be
put to them. So the blessed martyrs, in the midst of
the fire, sjiake one to another to be of good cheer, and
so departed.
The Examinations briefly touched.
Friar. — Thou sayest, friend, in thy confession, that
the pope is not supreme head of the church. I will
prove to the contrary. The pope is successor of Peter,
and therefore he is supreme head of the church.
Martyr. — I deny that he is successor to Peter.
Then another friar. — Thou sayest St. Peter is not the
head of the church, 1 will prove he is ; for our Lord said
to Peter, ''Thou shalt be called Cephas;" which Cephas is
as much as to say in Latin, a head ; and therefore Peter
is head of the church.
Martyr. — Where find you that interpretation.' St.
John in his first chapter doth expound it otherwise :
" Thou shalt be called Cephas, which is by interpre-
tation a stone."
Then the judge Villard, calling for a New Testament,
turned to the place, and found it to be so. Upon which
the friar was utterly dashed and stood mute.
Friar. — Thou sayest in thy confession, that a man hath
no free will, I will prove it. It is written in the gos-
pel, how a man going from Jerusalem to Jericho fell
among thieves, and was spoiled, maimed, and left half
dead, &c. Thomas Aquinas expounds this parable to
mean free-will, which he saith is maimed ; yet not SO
but that some power remains in man to work.
Martyr. — This interpretation 1 refuse and deny.
A.D. 1527—1555.]
A LIST OF FRENCH MARTYRS.
4fi|
Friar. — What ! thinkest thou thyself better learned
than St. Thomas ?
Martyr. — I arrogate no such learning to myself. But
I say this parable is not to be so expounded, but is set
forth by the Lord to commend charity towards our neigh-
bour, how one should help another.
Prmr. Thou sayest in thy confession, that we are
justified only by faith, I will prove that we are justitied
by works. St. Paul, Hebrews xiii. \6, saith, "To do
good and to distribute forget not ; for with such sacri-
fices God is merited." Now as we merit God by our
works, so we are justified by our works.
Martyr. — The words of St. Paul in that place are to
be translated thus : — " With such sacrifices God is well
pleased."
Vilard the judge turned to the book, and found the
place even as the prisoner said. Here the friars were
marvellously appalled and troubled in their minds. One
asked then, what he thought of confession ?
To whom the martyr answered, That confession is to
be made to God only ; and that those places wljich
they allege for auricular confession, out of St. James
and others, are to be expounded of brotherly reconcilia-
tion between one another, and not of confession in the
priest's ear. And here again the friars had nothing to
say against it.
A Black friar. — Dost thou not believe the body of
Christ to be locally and corporally in the sacrament ? I
will prove the same : Jesus Christ taking bread said,
"This is my body."
Martyr. — The verb " is" is not to be taken here sub-
stantively in its own proper signification, as shewing the
nature of a thing in substance, but as noting the property
of a thing, signifying, after the manner and phrase of the
scripture ; where one thing is wont to be called by the
name of another, so as the sign is called by the name of
the thing signified, &c. So is circumcision called by the
name of the covenant, and yet it is not the covenant.
So the lamb has the name of the passover, yet it is not
the same. In which two sacraments of the old law you
see the verb "is," must be taken, not as shewing the
substance of being, but the property of being in the thing
that is spoken of. And so likewise in the sacrament of
the new law.
Friar. — I will prove that they of the Old Testament
were not partakers of the same grace with us. " The
law," saith St. Paul, " worketh wrath;" and they that
are under the law are under a curse ; therefore they of
the old law and testament were not partakers of the
same grace with us.
Martyr. — St. Paul here proves that no man can be
justified by the law, but that all men are under the an-
ger and curse of God thereby, forasmuch as no man per-
forms that which is comprehended in the law, so there-
fore we have need every man to run to Christ, to be
saved by faith, seeing that no man can be saved by the law.
For whoever trusts to the law, hoping to find justifica-
tion thereby, and not in Christ only, the same remains
still under the curse ; not because the law is cursed, or
that any particular time is under the curse, but because
of the weakness of our natures, which are not able to
perform the law.
The official, seeing the friar here at a point, said,
Thou heretic ! dost thou deny the blessed sacrament .'
Martyr. — No, sir, but I embrace and reverence the
sacrament, as it was instituted of the Lord, eind left by
his apostles. ,
Official. — Thou deniest the body of Christ to be in the
sacrament, and thou callest the sacrament bread.
Martyr. — The scripture teaches us to seek the body
of Christ in heaven, and not in earth, where we read,
Coloss. iii. 1. "If ye be risen with Christ, seek those
things which are above, where Christ sitteth at the right
hand of God," &c. And whereas I aflirm the sacrament
not to be the body, but bread, speaking of bread remain-
ing in its own substance, I do no other than St. Paul
does, who (1 Cor. xi. 26.) calls it bread likewise four or
five times together.
Official. — Thou naughty heretic 1 Jesus Christ said
that ho was a viue, and a door, £cc., where he speaks
figuratively. But the words of the sacrament are not to be
so expounded.
Martyr. — Those testimonies which you alleged make
more for me than for you.
Official. — What sayest thou, heretic ! is the bread of
the Lord's Sujiper, and the bread that we eat at home,
all one, and is there no difference between them ?
Martyr. — In nature and substance there is no differ-
ence ; in quality and in use there is much difference.
For the bread of the Lord's table, though it be of the
same nature and substance as the bread that we eat at
home, yet when it is applied to be a sacrament, it takes
another quality, and is set before us to seal the promise
of our spiritual and eternal life.
About the same time, when these five students above
specified were ajjprehended, Peter Bergerhis also was
taken at Lyons, and examined, and made the like con-
fession with them, and shortly after them suffered the
same martyrdom. He had a wife and children at Geneva,
to whom he wrote sweet and comfortable letters. In the
dungeon w'ith him there was a certain thief and malefactor
wlio had lain there seven or eight months. This thief,
for pain and torment, cried out to God and cursed his
parents that begat him, being almost eaten up with lice,
miserably handled, and fed with such bread as dogs and
horses had refused to eat. So it pleased the goodness
of Almighty God, that through the teaching and prayer
of Bergerius, he was brought to repentance of himself,
and knowledge of God, learning much comfort and
patience by the word of the gospel preached to
him.
Stephen Peloquine, Dionysius Peloquine, at Lyons,
155;i. — Stephen Peloquine, brother to Dionysius, was
taken, with Ann Audebert, and martyred for the gospel
at the same time, with a small fire. After whom fol-
lowed Dionysius Peloquine, in the same martyrdom.
The articles for which he was condemned, were the
mass, the sacrament, auricular confession, purgatory,
the Virgin Mary, and the pope's supremacy. He suf-
fered in the year lo5;5. In his martyrdom, such pati-
ence and fortitude God gave him that when he was half
burned, yet he never ceased holding up his hands to
heaven, and calling upon the Lord, to the great admira-
tion of them that looked on.
Levis Marsacvs, Michael Gerard, Stephen Gravot, at
Lyons, 1553. — At Lyons, in the same year, these three
also were apprehended and sacrificed. Lewis had served
the king in his wars. He was trained up in the know-
ledge and doctrine of the Lord. He was examined upon
several articles, as invocation of saints, and of the
Virgin Mary, free will, merits, and good works, auricular
confession, fasting, the Lord's Supper. In his second
examination, they inquired of him, and also of the other
two touching vows, the sacraments, the mass, and the
vicar of Christ. In all which articles, because their
judgment dissented from the doctrine of the pope's
church, they were condemned.
When the sentence of condemnation was given against
these three, they were so glad that they went out praising
God, and singing psalms.
When brought out of prison to the stake, the execu-
tioner tied a rope about the necks of the other two.
Marsac seeing himself spared because of his order and
degree, asked that he also might have one of the preci-
ous chains about his neck, in honour of his Lord, which,
being granted, these three blessed martyrs were com-
mitted to the fire, where, with meek patience, they
yielded up their lives into the hands of the Lord, in testi-
mony of his gospel.
Matthew Dimonettts, at Lyons, A.D. ISS.l.
This merchant first lived a vicious and detestable life,
but being called notwithstanding by the grace of God, to
the knowledge and favour of his word ; he was shortly after-
wards taken by the lieutenant, and the official, and after
a little examination was sent to prison. Being ex-
amined by the incjuisitor and the official, he refused
4')2
A LIST OF THE FRENCH MARTYRS.
[Book VII.
to yield any answer, knowing no authority they had
over him, except to the lieutenant.
His answers were, that he believed all that the holy
universal church of Christ did truly believe, and all the
articles of the creed. To the article of the holy catholic
church, being bid to add also Roman, that is, the church
of Rome, he refused. Advocates he knew none, but
Christ alone. Purgatory he knew none, but the cross
and passion of the Lamb, which purgeth the sins of all the
■world. True confession, he said, ougiit to be made not
to the priest once a year, but every day to God, and to
such whom we have offended. The eating of the flesh
and blood of Christ he took to be spiritual ; and the sa-
crament of the flesh and blood of Christ to be eaten with
the mouth, and that sacrament to be bread and wine
under the name and signification of the body and blood
of Christ ; the mass not to be instituted by Christ, be-
in" a thing contrary to his word and will. For the head
of the church, he knew none but only Christ. Being
in prison, he had great conflicts with the infirmity of his
flesh, but especially with the temptation of his parents,
brethren, and kinsfolks, and the sorrow of his mother ;
nevertheless, the Lord so assisted him, that he endured
to the end. At his burning he spake much to the peo-
ple, and was heard with great attention. He suff'ered
July loth, 1553.
William Neel, a friar, suff'ered in the same year, and
was burned at Eureux in France. His trouble arose
first for rebuking of the vicious demeanor of the priests
there, and of the dean ; for which the dean caused him
to be sent to Eureux to the prison of the bishop.
Simon Laloe, a spectacle-maker at Dijon, in 1553,
soming from Geneva into France, was arrested by the
bailiff" of Dijon. Three things were demanded of him.
First, where he dwelt. Secondly, what was his faith.
Thirdly, what fellows he knew of his religion. His
dwelling, he said, was at Geneva. His religion was such
as was then used at Geneva. As for his fellows, he
said, he knew none, but only those of the same city of
Geneva, where his dwelling was. ^Vhen they could get
no other answer but this, with all their racking and tor-
ments, they jjroceeded to his sentence, and pursued the
execution of it, which was November 21, 1553.
The executioner, who was named James Silvester,
seeing the great faith and constancy of that heavenly
martyr, was so touched with repentance, and fell into
such despair of himself, that they had much ado, with
all the i)romises of the gospel, to recover any comfort.
At last, through the mercy of Christ, he was comforted
and converted, and so he with all his family removed to
the church at Geneva.
Nicholas Nayle, a shoemaker, at Paris, in 1553, was
apprehended, and stoutly persisting in confessing the
truth, was tried with so cruel torments, to induce him
to inform what companions he had of his profession, that
his body was almost separated one joint from another ;
but so constant was he in his silence that he would re-
veal none. As they brought him to the stake, they first
put a gag or piece of wood in his mouth, wliich they
bound with cords to the hinder part of his head, so hard
that his mouth on both sides gusJied out with blood. By
the way they passed by an hospital, where they desired
him to worship the jjicture of St. Mary standing at the
gate ; but he turned his back as well as he could, and
would not ; for which the blind people were so enraged
that they would have fallen upon him. After he was
brought to the fire they so smeared his body with fat
and brimstone, that at the first taking of the fire, all his
skin was burned, and the inward parts not touched.
With that the cords burst which were about his mouth,
whereby his voice was heard in the midst of the flame,
praising the Lord, and so the blessed martyr departed.
At Toulouse, in 1553, Peter Serve, was first a priest,
then changing his religion he went to Geneva and learned
the trade of a shoemaker. Afterwards he came to his
brother at Toulouse, to do bun good. His brother had
a wife, who was not well pleased v.-ith his religion and
coming. She told another woman, one of lier neigh-
bours of this. What does she, but goes to the official
and makes him privy of all. The official laid hands upon
Peter, and brought him before the inquisitor ; to wjiom
he made such declarations of his faith, that he seemed to
reduce the inquisitor to some feeling of conscience, and
began to instruct him in the principles of true religion.
Notwithstanding, he was condemned by the chancellor
to be degraded, and committed to the secular judge.
The judge inquiring of what occupation he was, he said,
that of hite he was a shoemaker. Whereby the judge,
understanding that he had been of some other faculty
before, required what it was. He said he had been of
another faculty before, but he was ashamed to utter it,
or to remember it, being the worst and vilest science of
all others in the world besides. The judge and the people,
supposing that he had been some thief, inquired to know
what it was ; but he for shame and sorrow stopped his
mouth, and would not declare it. At last, through their
importunate rlamour, he was constrained to declare the
truth, and said, that he had been a priest. The judge
thereupon was so moved, that he condemned him ; first,
enjoining him in his condemnation to ask the king for-
giveness, tlien judged him to have his tongue cut out,
and so to be burned.
As he went to burning, he passed by the college of St.
Martial, where he was bid to honour the picture of the
Virgin standing at the gate. On refusing so to do, the
judge commanded his tongue to be cut off; and so being
put into the fire, he stood so quiet, looking up to hea-
ven all the time of the burning, as though he had felt
nothing, bringing such admiration to the people, that one
of the parliament said, that to bring the Lutherans to
the fire would do more hurt than good.
Stephen King, Peter Denochevs, at Chartres, in 1553.
These two were suspected of Lutheranism, and so were
apprehended by the marshal, and carried to Chartres,
where, after their constant confession, on their exami-
nation, they were committed to prison for a long time.
During which time, Stephen King composed many hymns
in the praise of the Lord, to refresh his spirit in that
doleful captivity. At length they were condemned, and
executed with the cruel punishment of fire.
Antony Magnns, at Paris, in 1554, was sent by those
W'ho were in prison at Lyons, and by others also who
were in captivity at Paris, to Geneva, to commend them
to their prayers to God for them. He returned again
into France, and there within three hours of his coming
was betrayed and taken by certain priests at Bourges, and
delivered to the official ; after a few days, the king's
justices took him from the official, and sent him to Paris ;
where, after great rebukes and torments suffered in
the prison, and firmly persisting in the profession of the
truth, he was adjudged, by their capital sentence, to have
his tongue cut out, and to be burned at Paris.
William Alencon, a bookseller, did much good in the
provinces of France by carrying books. Coming to
Montpellier, he was there ensnared by false brethren,
detected, and laid in prison. In his faith he was firm
and constant to the end of his martyrdom, being burnt
in 1554.
There was at the same time at Montpellier a certain
clothworker, who was enjoined by the judges to make
public recantation, and to be present also at the burning
of Alencon. At beholding his constancy and death, it
pleased God to strike into this man such boldness, that
he desired the judges, that either he might burn with
this Alencon, or else be brought again into prison.
Wherefore within three days after, he was likewise con-
demned to the fire and burned.
Paris Panier, in 1554. — At Dola was beheaded a
good and godly lawyer, named Paris Panier, for constant
standing to the gospel of Christ.
Peter du Val, shoe-maker, at Nifimes, in 1554, sus-
A.D. 1527—10^5.
A LIST OF THE FRENCH MARTYRS.
4@
tained grievous rackings and torments ; with which his
body being broken, dislocated, and maimed, he yet man-
fully bore all their extremity, and would name and re-
veal no one. Then he was taken to the fire, and there
consumed.
John Filieul, carpenter — Julian le ViUe, jioint-maker,
in ir)r)4. — These two blessed and constant martyrs, as
they were going toward Geneva, witli one of their sons
and a daughter, were apj)rehended by the marshal ; who
in the way overtaking them, and most wickedly and
Judas-like pretending great favour to them, and to their
religion, which he. as he said, supposed them to be of,
with these and many other fair words allured them to
confess what was their faith ; whither they went with
their children ; and also tluit their wives were at Geneva.
When they had declared this, the wretched traitor gave a
sign to the horseman, and so tliese simple saints of
Christ were entrapped and brought to the castle of Ni-
vern. Being in prison, they were examined, and they
answered ujirightly according to their faith.
Toucliing the sacrament, they affirmed the transub-
stantiation of the bishop of Rome to be against the ar-
ticle of the Creed, which says, that Christ is gone up to
heaven, and there sitteth on the right hand of God ; and
therefore the bread and wine must needs remain in their
proper nature, being, however, a sacrament or a holy
sign of the body and blood of the Lord. For as by
bread and wine the heart of man is comforted, so the
body of Christ crucified, and his blood shed spiritually,
has the like operation in the souls of believers.
As for the mass, they said it was a most superstitious
thing, and mere idolatry. And if we put any salvation
therein, it was utterly robbing the passion of Christ
the Son of God, and that it was not once to be named in
a christian's mouth. Also, that tliey who say that Peter
either was pope, or author of the mass, are far deceived.
And as for turning bread into the body of Christ, by the
words of consecration, it was an error, tliey said, more of
madmen than anytliing else ; for God is neither subject
to men, nor to the tongues or exorcisms of men. Pur-
gatory they denied, save only through the blood of Jesus
Christ.
As they would not deprive the saints of God of their
due honour, so neither the saints themselves, said they,
will be contented to rob God of the honour due only to
him.
As to confession, their opinion was, that the wounds
and cases of conscience belong to no man but only to
God.
After these answers given and written, they were sent
to the monastery of Sanpeter, there to be disputed with.
Then the matter came to be debated among the judges,
what was to be done with them. Some would have
their goods to be taken by inventory, and themselves to
be banished. But Bergeronius at last caused it to be
determined, that they should be burned, and first to hear
mass.
The officer, to cause them to recant, threatened them
with torments. When all that would not turn them, he
sent them to a friar to press them in disputation. But
as he could do no hurt to them, so they could do no
good to him. When their execution approached, the
officer put into their hands, being tied, a wooden cross,
which they took with their teeth and flung away ; for
which the officer commanded both their tongues to be
cut off. At last when the tormentor came to smear them
with brimstone and gunpowder, "Go to," they said, "salt
on, salt on the stinking and rotten flesh." Finally, as the
flame came bursting up to their faces, they persisting
constant in the fire, gave up their lives, and finished their
martyrdoms.
Denis Vayre, in this "year 1.554, suffered at Rouen;
who, first leaving his popish priesthood, went to Geneva,
where he learned the art of bookbinding, and brought
many times books into France. After that, in the reign
of King Edward VL he came to Jersey, and there was
minister, and preached. He came into Normandy with
his books, into a town called Fueille : and when he
went to hire a cart, William Langlois, with John Lang-
lois, came and stopped his books, and him who had the
custody of them. Denis, although he might have
escaped, yet hearing the keeper of his books was in
trouble, came, and presenting himself, was committed,
and the other was delivered. After two months and a
half imprisonment he was charged with being a spy, be-
cause he came out of England. Then he was removed
to the bishop's jirison, and then to Rouen, where sen-
tence was given that he should be burned alive, and
thrice lifted up and let down again into the fire. After
the sentence given they threatened him with many ter-
rible torments, unless he would disclose such as he
knew of that side. He answered, that the sounder part
of all France, and of the senate, was of that religion :
notwithstanding he would reveal no man's name to
them. And as for their torments, he said, he cared
not ; for if he were killed with racking, then he would
not feel the burning of the fire. When they saw him
care so little for their torments, they proceeded to his
burning ; and first, they put a cross in his hands, which
he would not hold. Then because coming by the image
of the Virgin Mary he would not adore it, they cried,
" Cut out his tongue:" and so they cast him into the
fire, where he should be thrice taken up ; but the flame
went so high that the executioner, being unable to
come near him, cried to the people standing by to
help, and tlie officers with their staves laid upon the
people, to help their tormentors, but never a man would
stir. And this was the end and martyrdom of that
blessed Denis.
There was a rich merchant of Paris, who said in jest
to the friars of St. Francis, " You wear a rope about
your bodies, because St. Francis once should have been
hanged, and the pope redeemed him upon this condition,
that all his life after he should wear a rope." Upon
this the Franciscan friars of Paris caused him to be ap-
prehended, and laid in prison, and so judgment passed
upon him that he should be hanged : but he, to save his
life, was contented to recant, and did so. The friars
hearing of his recantation, commended him, saying, if
he continued so, he should be saved ; and so calling
u])on the officers, caused them to make haste to the
gallow's, to hang him up while he was yet in a good way,
said tliey, lest he should fall again ! And so was this
merchant, notwithstanding his recantation, hanged for
jesting against the friars.
Thomas Calbcrgne, a coverlet-maker, 1554. — This
Thomas had copied certain spiritual songs out of a book
in Geneva, which he bro\ight with him to Tournay, and
lent to one of his friends. This book being seen, he
was summoned before the justice, and examined about
the book, which he said contained nothing but what
v/as agreeing to the scripture, and that he would stand
by it.
Then he was confined in the castle, and after nineteen
days was brought to the town-house, and there adjudged
to the fire ; he went cheerfully to it, singing psalms. As
he was in the flame, the warden of the friars stood cry-
ing, " Turn, Thomas, Thomas, it is yet time, remember
him that came at the last hour." To whom he cried
out of the flame with a loud voice, " And I trust to be
one of that sort," and so calling upon the name of the
Lord, gave up his spirit.
Richard Feurus, a goldsmith, when in England, in
1554, received there the knowledge of God's word.
Then he went to Geneva, where he remained nine or ten
years. From thence returning to Lyons, he was appre-
hended and condemned, but escaped.
After that, continuing at Geneva about the space of
three years, he came upon business to the province of
Dauphiny, and there as he found fault with the grace
being said in Latin, he was detected, and taken in his
inn in the night, by the under marshal. The next day
he was sent to the justice, and from him to the bishop ;
who ridding their hands of him, he was brought to the
lieutenant who sent his advocate with a notary, to ex-
H B
454
A LIST OF THE FRENCH M^^RTYRS.
[Book VII.
amiae him about his faith. The whole process of his
examiuations, with his adversaries and the friars, is
long, the principii contents come to this e.Tect.
Inquisitor. — Uost thou believe the church of Rome ?
Martyr. — No, I do believe the catholic and universal
church.
Itiquisitor. — What catholic church is that ?
Martyr. — The congregation or communion of chris-
tians.
LKjuisitor. — What congregation is that, or of whom
doth it consist .''
Martyr. — It consisteth in the number of God's elect,
whom (ioJ liath chosen to be the members of his Son
Jesus Christ, of whom he is also the liead.
Inquisitor. — Wliere is the congregation, or how is it
known ?
Martyr. — It is dispersed through the universal world,
in divers regions, and is known by the spiritual direction
wherewith it is governed, that is to say, both by the word
of God, and by the right institution of Christ's sacra-
ments.
Inquisitor. — Do you think the church that is at Ge-
neva, Lausanne, Barne, and such other places, a more
true cliurch than tlie holy church of Rome .'
Martyr. — Yea, verily, for these have the notes of the
true church.
Inquisitor. — What difference then make you between
those churches and the chur'ili of Rome.
Martyr. — Much ; for the church of Rome is governed
only by traditions of men, but those are ruled only by
the word of God.
Inquisitor. — Dost thou not believe the Virgin Mary
to be a mediat.'ix and advocate to God for sinners .'
Martyr. — I believe, as iu the word of God is testified,
Jesus Clirist to be the only mediator and advocate for
all sinners ; altliough the Virgin Mary be a blessed
woman, yet the office of an advocate belongs not to her.
Inquisitor. — The saints that are in paradise, have
they no power to pray for us ?
Martyr. — No, but 1 judged them to be blessed, and
to be contented with that grace and glory which they
have.
Inquisitor. — And what then judge you of those who
follow the religion of the church of Rome ? Think you
them to hi christians .'
Martyr. — No, because that church is not governed by
the Spirit of God, but rather fights against the same.
Inquisitor. — Do you then esteem all them who separate
themselves from the church of Rome to be christians ?
Martyr. — I have not to answer for others, but only
for myself. " Every man (saith St. Paul) shall bear his
own burden.''
At the next examination a Franciscan friar was brought
to him, who, first touching the words that he sj)ake in
his inn, asked him, " why grace might not be said in
Latin .="' "Because," said he, "by the word of God
christians are commanded to pray with heart and with
spirit, and with that tongue which is most understood,
and serves best to the edification of the hearers."
Friar. — God understands all tongues, and the church
of Rome hath prescribed this form of praying, receiving
the same from the ancient church and the fathers, who
used then to pray in Latin. And if any tongue is to be
observed in prayer, one more than another, why is it not
as good to pray in the Latin tongue, as to pray in the
French .'
Martyr. — My meaning is not to exclude any kind of
language from prayer, whether it be Latin, Greek, He-
brew, or any other, so that the same be understood, and
may edify the hearers.
Inquisitor. — Dost thou believe in the holy host which
the priest consecrates at the mass or no ?
Martyr. — I believe neither in the host, nor in any such
consecration.
Inquisitor. — Why ? Dost thou not believe the holy
sacrament of the altar, ordained of Christ Jesus himself.'
Martyr. — Touching the sacrament of the Lord's Su])-
per, I believe that whenever we use the same according
to the prescription of St. Paul, we are refreshed spi-
ritually with the body and blood of our Lord Jesus
Christ, who is the true spiritual meat and drink of our
souls.
Friar. — Tlie friar then adduced the words of St.
John's gospel, saying, " My flesh is meat indeed," &c.,
and said, that the doctors of the churcli had decided that
matter already, and had approved the mass to be an
holy memory of the death and passion of our Lord Jesus
Christ.
Martyr. — The sacrament of the supper I believe to be
ordained of the Lord for a memorial of his death, and
for a stirring up of our thanksgiving to him. In which
sacrament we have nothing to otter up to him, but do re-
ceive with all thanksgiving the benefits ofl'ered to us most
abundantly in Christ Jesus his Son.
Inquisitor. — Dost thou believe in any purgatory ?
Martyr. — I believe tliat Christ with his precious
blood hath made an end of all purgatory, and purgatioa
of our sins.
Inquisitor. — And dost thou tliink then there is no
place after this life, where souls of men departed remain
till they have made satisfaction for their sins ?
Martyr. — No ; but I acknowlege one satisfaction once
made for the sins of all men, by the blood and sacrifice
of Jesus Christ our Lord, which is the propitiation and
purgation for the sins of the whole world.
Friar. — In the eighteenth cliapter of Matthew, Christ
speaking by way of a parable or similitude, of a certain
cruel servant, who, because he would not forgive his
fellow- servant, was cast into prison, saith, that he shall
not come out from thence till lie hath paid the uttermost
farthing. By which similitude is signified unto us a
certain middle place, which is left for satisfaction to be
made after this life for sins.
Martyr. — First, the satisfaction for our sins by the
death of Christ is plain and evident in the scriptures ;
as in these places: " Come unto me, all ye that labour and
are heavy laden, and I will give you rest," Matt. xi. 28.
" I am the door : by me if any man enter in, he shall be
saved," John x. 9. " I am the way, the truth, and the
life," John xiii. " Blessed are the dead that die in the
Lord, for they rest from their lal.oiirs," Rev. siii. 13.
Also to the thief who hanged with the Lord, it was
said, "This day thou shalt be with me in paradise," &c.
Secondly ; as to this similitude, it has no other object
but to admonish us of our duty, in shewing charity,
and forgiving one another, which unless we do, there is
no mercy to be looked for at the hands of God.
Friar. — Christ gave to St. Peter power to bind and
loose, whose successor, and vicar of Christ, is the
pope, for the government of the church, that it might
have one head in the world, as it hath in heaven. And
though the pastors do not live according to the word
which they preach, yet their doctrine is not therefore to
be refused, as Christ teaches.
Martyr. — If the pope and his adherents would preach
the word purely and sincerely, mixing no inventions of
their own, nor obtruding laws of their own devising, I
would then embrace their doctrine, however their life
were to the contrary : according as Christ tells us of the
scribes and pharisees, admonishing us to follow their doc-
trine, and not their lives, Matt, xxiii. 3. But there
is great difference, whether they sit in Moses's chair, or
else in the chair of abomination, spoken of by Daniel,
and also by St. Paul, where he saith, " Tliat the man of
sin, the son of j)erdition shall sit in the temple of God,
exalting himself above all that is called God," 2 Thess.
ii. 3.
And as touching the keys of binding and loosing,
given to Peter, Christ therein assigned to Peter and the
other apostles, the office of preaching the word of the
gospel, which tliey well observed, in ))reaching nothing
else but only the word, in which word is all tlie power
contained of binding and loosing. Nor is it to be granted
that the church has two heads, one in heaven, another
in earth; the head is but one, even Jesus Christ, whom
the Father hath appointed to be head alone both in
heaven and earth.
The friar. — Y'ou have no understanding how to ex-
pound the scriptures, but the old doctors have ex-
pounded the scriptures, and holy councils, whose judg-
A.D. 1527—1557.]
A LIST OF THE FRENCH MARTYRS.
465
ments are to be followed. But what say you to auricu-
lar confession ?
The ma>-tvr. — I know no other confession but that
which is to be made to God, and reconciliation towards
our neij^hbour, which Christ and his apostles have com-
mended to us.
Friar. — Have you not read in the gospel, how
Christ doth bid us to confess to the priest, where he
commanded the leper, being made whole, to shew him-
self to the priest?
Martyr. — The true church of the Lord Jesus
Christ never observed this strange kind of confession,
to carry our sins to the priest's ear. And though the
church of Rome has intruded this manner of confessing,
it follows not that it is to be received. And as to the leper
■whom the Lord sent to the priest, he was not sent to
■whisper his sins in the priest's ear, but only as a testi-
mony of his health received, according to the law.
Of the other confession which is to be made to God,
we have both the examples and testimonies of David in
the Psalms, where he saith, that he confessed his sins
unto the Lord, and received forgiveness of the same,
(Psalm xxxii. 5. — li. 4.)
And thus was this godly Feurus remanded again by
the deputy to the bishop's prison, and from thence
shortly after removed to Lyons.
After he was come to Lyons, they proceeded at last to
the sentence, condemning him first to have his tongue
cut out, and then to be burned. All which he received
willingly and quietly for righteousness sake, thus finishing
his martyrdom, July 7, A.D. 1554.
Nicholas du Chesne, A.D. 1554
The occasion why this Nicholas came into trouble,
■was. that going from Lausanne, to his sister, and her
husband, and other of his friends, as he went from Be-
sanson, toward the town of Gry, he did not pay homage
to a cross in the way, where a monk, which was an in-
quisitor, overtook him, and thereby suspected him. He
was guided by t!ie monk, craftily dissembling his re-
ligion, to a lodging in Gry : where the justice of the
place took him. Nicholas seeing how he was betrayed
by the monk, " O false traitor," said he, " hast thou be-
trayed me ?'' Then after examination he was condemned.
Being carried to the place of martyrdom, he was pro-
mised, that if he would kneel down and hear a mass,
he sliould be let go. But Nicholas, armed with perse-
verance, said, he would rather die than commit such an
act. Calling upon the name of the Lord, he took his
death patiently.
John Bertrand, a Forester, A.D. 1556.
For the religion and gospel of Christ this John was
apprehended, and led bound to Blois, where he was
examined on divers points : as, whether he had spoken
at any time against God, against the church, and the
he-saints, and the she-saints of paradise.' He said. No.
Whether at any time he had called the mass abomina-
ble ? Which he granted, because he, finding no mass in
all the scripture, was commanded by St. Paul, that if an
angel from heaven would preach any other gospel than
that which was already received, he should be accursed.
After his condemnation they would have him confess,
and presented to him a c?oss to kiss. But he bade the
friars with theii- cross depart ; " That is not the cross,"
said he, " that I must carry." Entering into the cart
before the multitude, he gave thanks to God, that he
was not there for murder, theft, or blasphemy, but only
for the cause of our Saviour. Being tied to the post,
he sung the twenty-fifth Psalm. He was young, his
countenance was exceeding cheerful and amiable, his
eyes looked up to heaven. " O the happy journey,"
said he, seeing the place where he should suffer, " and
the fair place that is prepared for me !" When the fire
was kindled about him, "O Lord," cried he, "give
thy hand to thy servant ; I commend my soul unto
thee ;" and so meekly yielded up his spirit. His patient
and joyful constancy astonished the people.
Peter Rousseau, being constant in his confession, was
put to the rack three times, which he suffered con-
stantly with great torments. Afterwards he had his
tongue cut off, and a ball of iron put in his mouth. Thi)«
broken and maimed, he was drawn upon a hurdle to the
fire, where he was lifted up into the air, and let down
three times. When he was half-burned, the ball fell
from his mouth, and he with a loud voice called on the
name of God, saying, " Jesus Christ assist me." And
so this blessed martyr gave up his life to God, A.D.
1.556.
Arnold Moniere and John de Cazes, A. D. 1556. — Af.
ter Arnold Moniere was taken and laid in prison, John
de Cazes hearing of him, though warned that if he
visited him he would be impeached of heresy, went to
comfort him, and was imprisoned. After many examina-
tions, sentence was given upon them to be burned.
When the time of their martyrdom came, they were
drawn through the dirt upon an hurdle to the place,
accompanied with a number of bills, glaves, gunners,
aud trumpeters. ^^'hen the blessed martyrs were
bound to the post, they rejoicing that they were made
worthy to suffer for Clirist, made confession of their
faith, and gave many exhortations to the people. But
to prevent the people hearing these saints the trum-
peters were commanded to sound, which never ceased
during all the time of their suffering.
Bartholomew Hector, A.D. 1556. — This Hector came
into Piedmont, to get his living by selling books, he
was taken by a certain gentleman, and there arrested
and sent to Turin, then examined, and at last con-
demned. Being condemned, he was threatened, that if
he spake any thing to the people his tongue should be
cut off; nevertheless he ceased not to speak. After his
prayer, wherein he prayed for the judges, that God
would forgive them and open their eyes, he was offered
his pardon at the stake if he would recant, which he
refused. Then he prepared himself for death, which
he took patiently. Whereat many of the people wept,
saying, " Why doth this man die, who speaks of nothing
but of God.'"
Philip Cene, and James his companion, A. D. 1557.
— This Philip Cene was ari apothecary at Geneva. He
was taken at Dijon, imprisoned, and there burned with
one James his companion. As Philip went to his death
singing psalms, a friar stopped his mouth with his hand.
Most of the people wept bitterly, saying, "Be of
good courage, brethren, be not afraid of death." Which
when one of the adversaries heard, he said to one of the
magistrates, " Do you not see how almost half the
people are on their side, and comfort them ?"
Archambant Ceraphon, and Matthew Nicholas du
Russeau, A.D. 1557. — These two were in prison also at
Dijon. Archambant heard of certain prisciiers at Di-
jon, to wliom he wrote to comfort them with his letters.
The next day he was searched, and letters were found
about him. Then he was brought to Dijon, where he,
with the other, called Master Nicholas du Russeau,
suffered with great constancy.
Philhert Hamlin was first a priest, then he went to
Geneva, where he exercised printing. After that he was
made minister at the town of Allenart, where he did
much good in edifying the people. At last he was
apprehended, and with him his host, a priest, whom he
had instructed in the gospel; and after confession of his
faith, he was carried with the priest to Bourdeaux be-
fore the president. While he was in prison, a priest
came in on a Sunday to say mass, when Philbert came
and plucked his garments from his back with such zeal
and vehemency, that the mass-garments, with the
chalice and candlesticks, feU down and were broken,
sa)'ing, " Is it not enough for you to blaspheme God in
churches, but you must also pollute the prison with
your idolatry ?" The gaoler hearing this, ir his fury
laid upon him with his staff. He was removed to the
common prison, and laid in a low pit, laden with great
H H 2
466
A LIST OF THE FRENCH MARTYRS.
[Book VII.
irons, so that his legs were swollen, and therfe he con-
tinued eight days.
At last Philbert was brought to the place of his mar-
tyrdom, and as he was exhorting the people the trum-
pets blew without ceasing, that his words might not be
heard ; and so being fastened to the post, this holy
martyr, praying and exhorting the people, was strang-
led, and his body consumed with fire on Palm Sunday
eve, 1557.
In 1557 Nicholas Sartorius, of the age of twenty-six
years, came to Cambray, where a warden of the friars
in the town of Ost had preached on Good Friday upon
the Passion. The report of which sermon being re-
cited to this Sartorius, he reprehended the error and
blasphemies of it, which were against the holy Scrip-
tures. Shortly after the party that told him went to a
secretary named Ripet, who came to entrap Nicholas.
" And did not our preacher," said he, " preach well ?"
— " No," said Nicholas, " but he lied falsely." Ripet
asked, " And do you not believe the body of the Lord
to be in the host ?" Nicholas answered, " That would
be against our Creed, which saith, ' That lie ascended
up, and sitteth,' &c." Ripet went forthwith to the
friar to cause him to be apprehended. The friends of
Nicholas perceiving the danger, wished him to fly and
save himself, and accompanied him out of the town
about three leagues. But he was taken at the town of
St. Reniy, at the foot of the mountain of Great St. Ber-
nard. They brought him to the rack, and when the
sergeant refused to draw the cord, the bailiff himself,
and the receiver, with a canon, put him to the rack
with tlieir own hands. They pronounced sentence that
he should be burned ; which sentence he received with
such constancy, that neither the king's receiver, nor all
the other enemies, could divert him from the truth of
the gospel, which he manfully maintained while any
spirit remained in his body.
George Tardif, with one of Toiirs, an embroiderer,
and Nicholas, a shoemaker of Joinville, A. D. 1558. —
The historian of the French martyrs makes memorial of
George Tardif, an embroiderer of Tours, and Nicholas of
Joinville, declaring that these three were together in
prison, and afterward suffered in sundry places one
from the other. George Tardif was executed at Sens.
The embroiderer of Tours, as he was coming with five
or six others out of a wood, being at prayer, was taken,
and thereupon examined. Before he should be ex-
amined, he desired the judges that he might pray;
which being granted, after his prayer made, wherein he
prayed for the judges, for the king, and all estates, and
for tlie necessity of all Christ's saints, he answered
for himself with such grace and modesty, that the hearts
of many were broken to the shedding of tears, seeking
(as it seemed) nothing else but his deliverance. How-
ever he was sent at last to Tours, and there was crowned
with martyrdom.
The third, which was Nicholas, was condemned and
set in a cart, when his father, coming with a staff,
would liave beaten him, but the officers not suffering it
would have struck the old man ; but the son cried to the
officers, and desired them to let his father alone, saying,
that his father had power over him to do with him what
he would. And so going to the place where he was to
suffer, having a ball of iron put in his mouth, he was
brought at length to the fire, in the town of Joinville,
whei-e he patiently received his death and martyrdom.
Ike Conrirpgation of Paris perseriiteil, to the nvmher of
three or four hundred, at Paris, A.D. 1558.
On the fourth of September, 155S, a company of
the faitlifnl, to the number of three or four hundred,
were assembled at Paris in a liouse to communicate to-
gether tlie Lord's Supjier ; but they were discovered
by certain priests, who beset the house, and made an
outcry, that the watch might come to take them, so that
in a short time almost all the city was in arms, thinking
some conspiracy to have been in the city. Then per-
ceiving that they were Lutherans, a great part of them
were in extreme rage, furiously seeking their blood,
and stopped the streets and lanes with carts, and made
fires to see that none should escape. The faithful see-
ing the suddenness of their fury, were in great fear ; but
being exhorted by the leaders of the congregation went
to prayer. It was then resolved, that the men who had
weapons should venture through the press : the women
and children remained in the house, and a few men who
were less bold than the others, to the number of six or
seven score. Those that went out with weapons all
escaped save only one, who was beaten down with
stones, and so destroyed. The women, who were all
gentlewomen, or of great wealth, only six or seven ex-
cepted, seeing no hope, and perceiving the fury of the
people, went up to the windows, crying, " Mercy,"
and shewing their innocence, required ordinary justice.
The king's attorney, with the commissaries and ser-
geants, with much ado appeased the people, and entereS
into the house, where viewing the women and children,
and the other furniture prepared for that congregation,
perceived sufficient testimonies Sjf their innocence, so
that for pity his eyes could not refrain from tears. How-
ever, proceeding in his office, he brought them all to
prison. I omit here the furious usage of the people by
the way, how despitefully they plucked and hailed the
women, tore their garments, thrust off their hoods from
their heads, and disfigured their faces with dust and
dirt.
Besides these wrongs and oppressions done to these
poor innocents, there followed the cruel and slanderous
reports of the friars and priests, who, in their railing
sermons uttered horrible falsehoods and calumnies
against their morals. These rumours and defamations
were no sooner given out, but they were received, anc?
spread far, not only among the vulgar, but also among
the court, and even to the king's ears.
Here the enemies began to triumph, thinking that the
gospel was overthrown for ever. On the other side
there was no less perplexity and lamentation among the
brethren, sorrowing not so much for themselves, as for
the imprisonment of their companions. However, they
lost not their courage altogether, but they exhorted one
another, considering the great favour and providence of
God, in delivering them so wonderfully out of the danger.
Some comfort they experienced, consulting together in
this order, that first they should humble themselves to
God in their own private families : secondly, to stop the
slanders against their holy assemblies, they should write
apologies, one to the king, another to the people.
Thirdly, that letters of consolation should be written
and sent to their brethren in prison.
The first apology was written to the king, and con-
veyed so secretly into his chamber, that it was found
and read openly in the hearing of the king and all his
nobles. The christians learnedly and discreetly cleared
themselves of those reports, and shewed the malice of
their enemies, especially of Satan, who ever from the
beginning of the church has, and still goes about to
overturn the right ways of the Lord. Nevertheless, this
apology to the king served to little purpose. But the
other apology to the people did inestimable good, in sa-
tisfying the rumours, and defending the true cause of the
gospel.
As the faithful christians were thus occupied in writ-
ing their apologies, and in comforting their brethren in
prison with their letters, the a'dversaries were not idle,
but sought all possible means to hasten the execution,
giving diligent attendance about the prison and other
])laces, to satisfy their uncharitable desire with the death
of those whose religion they hated.
Finally, a commission was directed out by the king,
and ])residents and councillors appointed to oversee the
matter. Ujion which many of the poor afflicted chris-
tians were brought forth to their judgment and martyr-
dom.
Of this godly company thus brought to judgment and
to martyrdom, the first was Nicholas Clinet, of the age
of sixty years. He was suspected by the judges to be a
minister, and therefore was set to disjmte against the
A. D. lo2r— 1558.]
A LIST OF THE FRENCH MARTYRS.
467
chief of the Sorbonists, especially Maillard, whom he so
confuted, both by the scriptures and also by their own
sorbonical divinity, (wherein he had been well exercised
and expert) in the presence of the lieutenant-civil, that
the lieutenant confessed that he never heard a man
better learned, and of more intelligence.
Another was named Tavrin Gravelle, a lawyer. He
was first a student of the law at Toulouse ; after that he
■was made an advocate in the court of Paris : lastly, for
his godliness he was ordained an elder to the congrega-
tion, with Clinet. This Taurin having a certain house,
and seeing the congregation destitute of room, received
them into his house. And when he perceived the house
to be compassed with enemies, though he might have
escaped, yet he would not, being prepared to answer for
receiving the assembly into the house. The constancy
of this man was invincible, in sustaining his conflicts
with the sorbonists. In fine, these two godly elders
finished their martyrdom in the cruel pains of the fire.
Next to Clinet and Gravelle was brought out Mixiress
Philip, gentlewoman, of the age of twenty-three years.
She was a widow, who ceased not to serve the Lord in
his church. She had many conflicts with the judges
and the sorbonists, namely, Maillard. To the judges
her answer was, " That she had learned the faith wliich
she confessed in the word of God, and would live and
die in the same." And being demamled whether the
body of Christ was in the sacrament : " How is that jios-
sible," said she, " to be the body of Christ to whom all
power is given, ^nd which is exalted above all heavens,
when we see the mice and rats, apes and monkeys, play
with it, and tear it in pieces?'' Her petition to tliem
was, that as they had taken her sister from her, they j-et
would let her have a Bible or Testament to comfort her-
self. Her wicked neighbours, although they could
touch her conversation with no part of dishonesty, yet
they laid many things to her charge, as that there was
much singing of psalms in her house, and twice or thrice
an infinite number of persons were seen to come out of
her house. Also, when her husband was dying, no
priest was called for ; neither was it known where he was
buried ; neither did they ever hear any word of their
infant being baptized.
These three holy martyrs were condemned, Septem-
ber 27, and being put in a chapel, doctors were sent to
them, but their constancy remained immoveable. After
that they were sent in a dung-cart to the place of
punishment. Clinet ever cried by the way, protesting,
that he said or maintained nothing but the truth of
God.
The gentlewoman, seeing a priest come to confess her,
said, " That she had confessed unto God, and had re-
ceived of him remission : other absolution she found
none in scripture." And when certain councillors did
urge her to take in her hands the wooden cross, alleging
how Christ commanded every one to bear his cross : she
answered, " ^ly lords," said she, " 3011 make me in
very deed to bear my cross, condemning me unjustly,
and putting me to death in the cause of my Lord Jesus
Christ ; who willeth us to bear our cross, but no such
cross as you speak of."
Gravelle looked with a smiling countenance, and
shewed a cheei-ful colour, declaring how little he re-
gretted his condemnation : and being asked of his friends
to what death he was condemned; " I see well (said he)
that I am condemned to death, but to what death or tor-
ment I regard not." And coming from the chapel,
when he perceived they went about to cut out his tongue,
he oft'ered his tongue willingly to be cut.
The gentlewoman also, being required to give her
tongue, did so likewise, with these words : — " Seeing I
do not refuse to give my body, shall I refuse to give my
tongue ? No, no." The constancy of Gravelle was ad-
mirable, casting up his sighs and groans to heaven, de-
claring thereby his ardent affection in praying to God.
Clihet was somewhat more sad than the other, by reason
of the feebleness of nature and his age. But the gentle-
woman yet surmounted all the rest in constancy, chang-
ing neither countenance nor colour.
After the death of her husband, she used to go in a
mourning weed, after the manner of the country. But
the same day, going to her burning, she put on her
French hood, and decked herself in her best array, as
going to a new marriage, to be joined to her spouse
Jesus Christ. And thus the three, with singular con-
stancy, were burned ; Gravelle and Clinet were burned
alive. Philip the gentlewoman was strangled, after she
had a little tasted the flame with her feet and visage ;
and so she ended her martyrdom.
Of the same company was also Nicholas Cene, a phv-
sician, and Peter Gal/art : who, about five or six days
after the other three, were brought forth to their death.
\\ hen the time of their execution was come, they per-
ceived that the judges intended, that if they would re-
lent, they should be strangled, if not, they should be
burned alive, and their tongties be cut from them.
Being content to suff"er these torments for our Saviour
Jesus Christ, they offered their tongues willingly to be
cut. Gabart began to sigh because he could no more
praise the Lord with his tongue. Then they were drawn
out of prison in the dung-cart to the suburbs of St.
Germain. The people, in rage and madness, followed
with cruel injuries and blasiihemies, as though they would
have done the execution themselves upon them. The
cruelty of their death was such as has seldom been
seen : for they were held in the air over a small fire, and
their lower parts burnt off", before the higher parts were
much harmed with the fire. Nevertheless these blessed
saints ceased not in all these torments to turn up their
eyes to heaven, and to shew infinite testimonies of their
faith and constancy.
In the same fire many Testaments and Bibles also
were burnt.
Frederick Danvile, and Francis Rebezies, neither of
them past twenty years of age, were among the com-
pany. How valiantly they behaved themselves in those
tender years, sustaining the cause of our Lord Jesus
Ch'ist, what confession they made, what conflicts they
hac*, disputing with the doctors of the Sorbonne, their own
letters left in writing make record : the eff'ect whereof
Ijriefly to touch is this ; and first, concerning Frederick
Danvil.
On the 12th of Sept. Frederick was brought before
Benedict Jacobin, and his companion, a Sorbonist, who
thus began to argue with him : —
Doctor. — Which think you to be the true church, the
church of the Protestants, or the church of Paris .'
jMartyr. — I recognize that to be the true church
where the gospel is truly preached, and the sacraments
rightly ministered, as they were left by Jesus Christ and
his apostles.
Doctor. — And is the chuixh of Geneva such a one as
you speak of ?
Martyr. — I so judge it to be.
Doctor. — And what if I prove the contrary, will you
believe me .'
Martyr. — Yea, if you shall prove it by the Scripture.
Doctor. — Or will you believe St. Augustine and other
holy doctors innumerable ?
Martrr. — Yea, so they dissent not from the scripture
and the word of God.
Doctor. — By the authority of St. Augustine, the
church is there, where is the succession of bishops.
On this I frame this argument : — There is the church,
where is the perpetual succession of bishops ? In the
church of Paris there is such succession of bishops, and
therefore the church of Paris is the true church.
Martyr. — I answer, That if St. Augustine mean the
succession of such as are true bishops indeed, which
truly preach the gospel, and rightly administer the sa-
craments ; such bishops I suppose to be at Geneva,
where the gospel is truly preached, and the sacraments
duly ministered, and not in the church of Paris. But if
St. Augustine mean the succession of false bishops, such
as neither preach nor minister according to God's word,
it is in nowise to be granted.
Doctor. — What say jou by auricular confession?
468
A LIST OF THE FRENCH MARTYRS.
[Buo.i Ml.
Martyr. — The same that I said before to monsieur
lieutenant, that is. That I take it for « plantation, not
planted by God ia his word.
The Examination of Francis Reoezies.
Rebezies had three examinations : the first with the
civil lieutenant ; the second with the presidents and
the councillors ; tlie third with the friars. He was
asked, whether he did not like to resort to the beautified
temples to hear mass, or whether he did not take tlie
mass to be an holy thing, and ordained of God ? He
answered that he believed it was a great blasphemy
against God, and a service set up by the devil. Whe-
ther he did not acknowledge purgatory ? Yea, that
purgatory which is the death and passion of Christ,
which takes away the sins of the world. " The death of
Christ is the principal," said they, " but thou must also
believe another." " Alas," said he, " can we never
content ourselves with the simplicity of the gospel, but
man always will be putting to something of his own brain.
In so many places of the scripture we see the blood of
Jesus Christ to be sufficient." When they objected and
rejieated the words of the jiarable. Mat. v., " Thou shalt
not come out till thou hast \rud tha last farthing," he
answered, "That the words of that parable had no rela-
tion but to civil matters; and that this v,-ord (until) means
there, as much as never." The president asked, if he was
not afraid to be burned, and bring liis parents into such
dishonour.' He answered, that he knew well, " That all
who would live godly in Christ Jesus, should suffer perse-
cution." And that to him either to live or die was an
advantage in the Lord. And as to his parents, " Chri.st,"
said he, '• himself forewarns, ' That whosoever loveth fa-
ther or mother more than him, is not worthy of him.' "
— "Jesus Maria!" said the president, "what youth is
this now-a-days, who cast themselves so headlong into
the fire !"
He was brought before Benet, master of the doctors of
the Sorbotme, and another called Jacobine, the 14th of
October. The doctor began thus to object as follows :
Doctor. — I know well you hold the church to be,
where the word is truly preached, and the sacraments
sincerely ministered, according as they are left of Christ
and his ajiostles.
Martyr.— That do I believe, and in that will I live and
die.
Doctor.^Do you not believe, that whoever is without
that church cannot obtain remission of his sins ?
Martyr. — Whoever separates himself from that church,
to make either sect, part, or division, cannot obtain re-
mission of his sins.
Doctor. — Now let us consider two churches, the one
wherein the word is rightly preached, and the sacraments
administered; the otiier, wherein the word and sacra-
ments be used otherwise. Wliich of these two ought we
to believe .'
Martyr. — The first.
Doctor.— Well said. Next is now to speak of the
gifts given to the church : as the power of the keys,
confession for the remission of sins, ai'ter we are confess-
ed to a priest. Also we must believe the seven sacra-
ments in the church truly administered, as they are here
in the churches of Paris, where the sacrament of the altar
is ministered, and the gospel truly preached.
Martyr.— Sir, now you begin to halt. As for my
part, I do not receive in the church more than two
sacraments, which were instituted for the whole commu-
nity of ciiristians. And as concerning the power of
keys, and your confession, I believe that for remission
of our sins, we ought to go to none other but only to
God, as we read, 1 John i. 9, " If we confess our sins,
*^«)d is faithful and just to forgive us our sins, and to
cleanse us from all unrighteousness." tkc.
Doctor. — Should I not believe that Christ, in the time
of his apostles, gave to them power to remit sins?
Martyr. —The power that Christ gave to his a])ostles,
if it will be well considered, is notiiing disagreeing to
my saying : and therefore I began to say, which here I
confess, that the Lord gave to his apostles to preach the
word, and so to remit sins by the same word.
Doctor. — Do you then deny auricular confession ""
Mnrtyr. — Yea, verily I do.
Doctor. — Ought we to pray to saints ?
Martyr. — I believe not.
Doctor. — Jesus Christ being here upon the earth, was
he not then as well sufficient to hear the whole world
and to be intercessor for all, as he is now .'
Martyr. — Yes.
Doctor. — But we find that when he was here on earth,
his apostles made intercession for the people : and why
may they not also do the same as well now ?
Martyr. — So long as they were in the world, they ex-
ercised their ministry, and prayed one for another ; but
now they being in paradise, all their prayer that they
make is this, that they wish that they who are yet on
earth may attain to their felicity : but to obt lin any
thing at the Father's hand, we niUo't have recourse only
to his Son.
Doctor. — If one man have such charge to pray for
another, may not he then be called an intercessor ?
Martyr. — I grant.
Doctor. — Well, then, you say there is but one inter-
cessor. Whereupon I infer, that I, being bound to ])ray
for anotlier, need not now to go to Jesus (Christ to have
him an intercessor, but to God alone, setting Jesus Christ
apart ; and so ought we verily to believe.
Martyr. — You understand not, sir, that if God do
not behold us in the face of his own well-beloved Son,
then shall we never be able to stand in his sight. For
if he shall look upon us, he can see nothing but sin.
And if the heavens be not pure in his eyes, what shall be
thouglit then of man, so abominable and unprofitable,
" Wlio drinketh in iniquity like water," as Job says ?
Then the other friar, seeing his fellow have nothing to
answer to this, inferred as follows :
Doctor. — Nay, my friend, as touching the great mercy
of God, let that stand, and now to speak of ourselves:
this we know, that God is not displeased with them who
have recourse to his saints.
Martyr. — Sir, we must not do after our own wills,
but according to that which God wills and commands.
Doctor. — iVs no man comes into the presence of an
earthly king or prince, witliout means made by some
about him ; so, or rather much more, to the heavenly
king above, &c.
Martyr. — To this earthly example I will answer with,
another heavenly example of the prodigal son, who
sought no other means to obtain his father's grace, but
came to the father himself.
Doctor. — Touching the mass, what say you ? believe
you not that when the priest has consecrated the host,
our Lord is there as well as he was hanging upon the
cross ?
Martyr. — No, verily ; but I believe that Jesus Christ
is sitting at the right hand of his Father ; as appears
from Heb. x., 1 Cor. xv.. Col. iii. : and therefore to
make short with you, I hold your mass for none other
but a false and counterfeited service, set up by Satan,
and retained by his ministers, by which you annihi-
late the precious blood of Christ, and his oblation once
made of his own body ; and you know right well that it
is sufficient, and ought not to be reiterated.
Doctor. — You deceive yourselves in the word reitera-
tion, for we do not reiterate it so as you think ; as by ex-
ample I will show you. You see me now in this reli-
gious garment ; but if I should put on me a soldier's
weed, then should I be disguised, and yet for all that I
should remain the same still within my doublet, that I
was before in my friar's weed. So is it with the sacri-
fice : we confess and grant that naturally he was once
offered in sacrifice ; but sujiernaturally, we sacrifice the
same without reiteration.
Martyr. - Sir, this I say, that such a disguised sacri-
fice, is a diabolical sacrifice ; and this you may take for
a resolution.
Doctor.— And how is your belief touching the holy
supper ?
Martyr.— That if it be ministered to me by the mi-
nister, as it has been left by Christ and his apostles,
preaching also the word purely withal, I believe that, in
A.D. 1527—1558.]
A LIST OF THE SPANISH MARTYRS.
469
receiving the material bread and wine, I receive with
livs^ly faith the body and blood ot■.le^us Christ spiritually.
Doctor. — Say corporally.
Martyr. — No, sir, for his words are spirit and life ; and
let this content you.
]>octor. — What say you, is it lawful for a priest to
marry .•'
Martyr. — I believe it to be lawful for him, as the
apostle saith, " Whoever has not the gift of continence,
let him marry; for it is better to marry than to burn."
And if this do not content you, you may read what he
writes of bishops and elders, 1 Tim. iii., and Tit. i.
And thus these doctors, affirming that he denied
priesthood, gave him leave to depart, saying, " God have
mercy on you." He said, " Amen."
After this, Rebezies and Frederick Danville were
brought to be racked, that they might inform of the rest
of the congregation. In the chamber they found three
councillors, who thus began with them: — " Lift up thy
hand. Thou shalt swear by the passion of Jesus Clirist,
whose image thou seest here,'' shewing him a great pic-
ture. Rebezies answered, " I swear to you by the
passion of Christ, which is written in my heart."
"Why dost thou not swear" said the councillors, " as
we say to thee .'" " Because," said he, " it is a great
blasphemy against the Lord." Then the councillors
read the depositions, and beginning with Rebezies, said,
" Wilt thou not tell us the truth, what companions thou
knowest to be of this assembly?" Rebezies named
Gravelle, C'linet, who were already burned, and John
Sansot. They said, that the court had ordered that if
they would give no other answer but that, he should be
put to the torture or rack ; and so he was commanded
to be stripped to his shirt, having a cross put in his
hand, being bid to commend himself to God and the
Virgin Mary ; but he neither would receive the cross,
nor commend himself to the Virgin Mary, saying, that
God was able enough to guard him, and to save liim out
of the lion's mouth, aud so, being drawn and stretched,
lie began to cry, " Come Lord, and shew thy strength,
that man do not prevail," &.c. But they cried, " Tell
the truth, and thou shalt be let down." Nevertheless,
he continued still in his calling and prayer to the Lord,
so that they could get nothing from him. After they
had long tormented him, the councillors said, " Wilt thou
say nothing else.'" "I have nothing else," said he,
" to say.'' And so they commanded him to be loosed,
and be put by the hreside. Being loosed, he said to them,
" Do you handle thus the poor servants of God .'" The
like was done to Frederick Danvile also, of whom they
could have no other answer. So mightily did God assist
and strengthen his servants.
These constant and true martyrs of Christ, after they
had returned from the torture unto their fellow prisoners,
ceased not to thank and praise the Lord for his assis-
tance. Frederick sighed often, and being asked why he
did so ? he said it was not for the evil that he had suf-
fered, but for the evils that he knew they should suffer
afterwards. " Notwithstanding," said he, " be strong,
brethren, and be not afraid, assuring yourselves of the
aid of God, who succoured us, and also will comfort
you." Rebezies with the rack was .so drawn and
stretched, that one of his slioulders was higher than the
other, and his neck drawn on one side, so that he could
not move himself. When the night came they rejoiced
together, and comforted themselves with meditation of
the life to come, and contempt of this world, singing
psalms together till it was day.
The next day they were again required to inform ;
which when they refused, the sentence was read, that
they should be brought in a dung-cart to Maulbert place,
and there, having a ball in their mouths, be tied each
one to his post, and afterward strangled, and so burned
to ashe .
Being brought to the place of execution, a cross again
was offered them, which they refused. Then a priest
standing by, bade them believe in the Virgin Mary.
" Let God,'' said they, " reign alone.'' The peojjle
standing by, " Ah, mischievous Lutheran !" said they :
" Nay, a true christian I am," said he. When they
were tied to their stakes, after their praj'ers, and they
were ordered to be dispatched, one of tliein comforting
the otiier, said ; "Be strong, my brother, be strong :
Satan away from us !" One standing by, said, " These
Lutherans do call upon Satan." One John Morel, who
afterward died a martyr, answered, " 1 pray you let us
hear what they say, and we shall hear them invoke the
name of God." Upon this the people listened better to
them, to hearken, as well as they could, what they said :
they crying still as much as their mouths being stopped
could utter ; " Assist us, O Lord." And so they, ren-
dering uj) their spirits to the hands of the Lord, did
consummate their martyrdom.
After the martyrdom of these two above said, the in-
tention of the judges was to dispatch the rest one after
another, and had procured process against twelve or
thirteen. But a certain gentlewoman, then a prisoner
among them, had presented causes of exceptions against
them, by which the cruel rage of the enemies was staid to
the mouth of July following. In the mean time, as this
persecution was spread into other countric's, the faithful
cantons of Switzerland, perceiving these good men to be
afflicted for the same doctrine which they preached in
their ciiurches, sent their ambassadors to the king to
make supplication for them.
At the same time also came letters from the county
palatine elector, to solicit the king for them. The king
standing then in great need of the Germans for his wars,
was contented at least, that they should proceed more
gently with them ; and so the tire for that time ceased.
Most of them were sent to abbeys, where they were
kept at the charge of the priors, to be constrained to be
present at the service of idolatry, especially the young
scholars ; of whom some shrunk back, others being
more loosely kept, escaped away.
Many of this godly company of French protestants
were afterwards condemned, and suffered the rack, and
were martyred, glorifying God by their faithfulness unto
death. We have the account and history of above thirty
martyrs in France, but it would occupy too much space
to detail them all.
ACCOUNT OF THE SPANISH MARTYRS.
Franciscus San Romanus.
In the year 1540 this Francis was sent by certain
Spanish merchants oi Antwerp, to Brenie, where, hear-
ing the prior of the Austin friars preach, he was so
touched through the marvellous working of God's Spirit,
that he proceeded further, searching and conferring with
learned men, so that in a shc)rt time he was grown ripe
in knowledge in the word of life.
In the mean time the Spanish merchants of Antwerp
understanding by his letters, his change of religion,
sent him letters, pretending outwardly much good-will,
but secretly practising his destruction. For at the day
appointed for his coining, some friars were set ready to
receive him, who took iiim coming down from his horse,
ritled his books, brought him into a merchant's house
near at hand, where they examined him ; when they
found him not agreeing to their faith, they bound him
hand and foot, and burnt his books before his face,
threatening to burn himself also. At this disputation
within the house divers Spaniards were present, which
made tlie friars more bold. Being demanded of what
faith and religion he was ; " My faith," said he, " is to
confess and preach Christ Jesus only, and him crucified,
which is the true faith of the universal church of Christ
through the whole world ; but this faith and doctrine
you have corrupted, taking another abominable kind of
life, and by your impiety have brought the most jiart of
the world into most miserable blindness." And to ex.
plain his faith to them more expressly, he recited all the
articles of the creed.
Which done, then the friars asked, whether he be-
lieved the bishop of Rome to be Christ's vicar, and
head of the church, having all the treasures of the
church in his own power, being able to bind and loose }
Also to make new articles, aud abolish the old, at bis
470
A LIST OF THE SPANISH MARTYRS.
[Book VIL
own will ? Francis answered, "That he believed none of
all this, but tlie contrary, namely, that the pope was anti-
christ, born of the devil, the enemy of Jesus Christ,
transferring to himself God's honour, and being incited
by the devil, turning all things upside down, and cor-
rupting the purity of Christ's religion, partly by his
false pretences beguiling, and partly by his extreme
cruelty destroying the poor flock of Christ," &c. With
the lilce boldness he uttered his mind against the mass
and purt^atory. The friars suffered him to speak, till he
came to the pope, and began to speak against his dignity,
and their profit ; and then they could bear it no longer,
but thundered against him words full of cruelty and
terror. As they were burning of his books, and began
also to cast the New Testament into the tire, Francis
seeing that, began to thunder out against them again.
The Spaniards supposing him not to be in his right
senses, conveyed him to a tower six miles from Antwerp,
where he was detained in a deep cave or dungeon, with
much misery, for the space of eight months. In which
time of his imprisonment many grave and discreet
persons came to visit him, exhorting him that he would
change his opinion, and sjjeak more modestly. Francis
answered again, that he maintained no opinion erroneous
or heretical ; and if he seemed to be somewhat vehe-
ment with the friars, that was not to be ascribed to him
so much as to their own importunity ; hereafter he
would frame himself more temperately. Whereupon the
Spaniards thinking him come to himself, discharged him
out of prison, A.D. 1.541.
San Romane being thus freed out of prison, came to
a certain friend of his, named Franciscus Dryander (who
afterward died a martyr) with whom he had much con-
ference about religion : who gave him counsel. As to
religion his counsel was, that he should say or do
nothing for favour of men, whereby the glory of God
should be diminished ; but he required a sound and
r^ht judgment conformed to the rule of God's word,
lest it might chance to him, as it did to many, who,
being carried away with an inconsiderate zeal, leave
their proper callings, and while they think to do good,
and to edify, destroy and do harm, and cast themselves
needlessly into danger. " It is God," said he, " that
hath the care of his church, and will stir up faithful
ministers for it ; he cares not for such as rashly intrude
themselves into that function without any calling.''
This advice, Francis willingly accepted, promising to
moderate himself more considerately : but this promise
was shortly broken, as you shall hear. For, passing
from Dryander he went to Ratisbone, and there having
opportunity to speak to the emperor, he stepped boldly
to him, beseeching him to deliver his country and sub-
jects of Spain from false religion, and to restore again
the purity of Christ's doctrine, declaring and protesting,
that the princes and protestants of Germany were in the
truer part, and that the religion of Spain, drowned in
ignorance and blindness, was greatly different from the
true and perfect word of God. The emperor all this
while gave him gentle hearing, signifying that he would
consider upon the matter, and so act, as he trusted
should be for the best. This quiet answer of the em-
peror ministered to him no little encouragement, he
went the second, and also the third time, to the em-
peror, who quietly answered him as before. And yet
Francis, not satisfied in his mind, sought the fourth time
to speak to the emperor, but was repulsed by the Spaniards
about the emperor, who would have thrown him head-
long into the Danube, had not the emperor stopped
them, and commanded him to be judged by the laws of
the empire. Then Francis, with other captives, was de-
livered to the inquisitors ; by whom he was laid in a
dark prison under ground. Many times he was called
for to be examined, and suffered great injuries and con-
tumelies, but ever remained in his conscience firm and
immovable. The articles whereon he stood, and for
which he was condemned, were these :
That life and salvation in the sight of God, comes to
no man in his own strength, works or merits, but only
by the free mercy of God, in the blood and sacrifice of
hu Son our Mediator.
That the sacrifice of the mass, whic'r. the papists do
recount available, ew opere operatu, for the remission of
sin, both to the quick and the dead, is hornble blas-
phemy.
That auricular confession with numbering up of sins,
that satisfaction, purgatory, pardons, invocation of
saints, worshipping of images, are mere blasj)hemy
against the living God.
That the blood of Christ is profaned and injured in
these popish doctrines.
After the inquisitors perceived that he could by no
means be reclaimed from liis assertions, they jiroceeded
to the sentence, condemniiig him to be burned for an
heretic. Many other malefactors were brought also
with him to the place of execution, but they were all
pardoned ; he only, for the gospel, was taken and burned.
As he was led to the place of suffering, they put upon
him a mitre of ))aper, painted full of devils.
As he was brought out of the city-gate to be burned,
there stood a wooden cross by the way : Francis was re-
quired to do homage to it ; which he refused, answer-
ing, that " The manner of christians is not to worship
wood, and he was a christian." Upon tliis arose great
clamour among the vulgar people. But this was turned
into a miracle. Such was the blind rudeness of the
people, that they imputed this to the divine virtue, that
it would not suffer itself to be worshipped by an heretic !
and immediately, from the opinion of that miracle, the
multitude with their swords hewed it in pieces, every
man thinking himself happy that could carry away some
chip or fragment of the cross !
As he was laid ujion the wood, and the fire kindled
about him, he lifted up his head toward heaven, which,
wlien the inquisitors perceived, hoping that he would re-
cant, they caused him to be taken from the fire. But
when they perceived themselves frustrated in their ex-
pectation, they commanded him to be thrown in again,
and so he was immediately dispatclied.
After the martyrdom of this blessed man was thus
consummated, the inquisitors proclaimed openly, that
he was damned in hell, and that none should pray for
him ; yea, and that all were heretics whoever doubted of
his damnation.
Rochus, 1545. — Rochus was a carver, or graver of
images, who, as soon as he began to taste the gospel,
ceased to make such images as used to serve for idolatry
in the temples, and occupied himself in making seals, only he
keptstandingon his stallanimageof the Virgin Mary, arti-
ficially graven, as a sign of his occupation. It happened that
a certain inquisitor passing by, and beholding the carved
image, asked of Rochus what was the price, which, when
Rochus had set, the inquisitor offered him scarce half
the money. The other answered, that he could not live
at such a price. But still the inquisitor urged him to
take his offer. Rochus said, " It shall be yours if you
will give me what my labour and charges stand me in,
but I cannot afford it at that price ; I had rather break
it in pieces." " Yea," saith the inquisitor ; " break it ;
let me see thee." Rochus with that took up a chisel,
and dashed it upon the face of the image, so that the
nose, or some otlier part of the face was blemished. The
inquisitor cried out as if he was mad, and commanded
Rochus forthwith to prison. Rochus said that lie might
do what he liked with his own works. And if the work-
manship of the image were not after his fancy, what was
that to them "i But all this could not help Rochus, and
witliin three days after sentence was given that he should
be burned, and so he was committed to the execu-
tioners.
I understand that there were many others in Spain
whose hearts God had illuminated and stirred up both
before and also after the establishment of the inquisi-
tion, to stand in defence of his gospel, and who were so
persecuted, and died in prison. We will come now to
this inquisition, speaking something of the ceremonial
pomp, and also of the barbarous abuse and cruelty of it.
The execrable Inquisition of Spain.
The cruel and barbarous inquisition of Spain first be-
^taction of Mivouiiale.
Paso 4S3.
Corfurts of tljc ?(iiqin.sitioir.
A.D. 152/— 1558.]
THE SPANISH INQUISITION.
471
gan under King Ferdinand, and Elizabeth his wife, and
was instituted against the Jews, who, after tlieir baptism,
maintained again their own ceremonies. But now it is
employed against those who are ever so little suspected
to favour the truth of the Lord. The Spaniards, and
especially the great divines there, hold, that this holy
and Sacred inquisition cannot err, and that the holy fa-
thers, the inquisitors, cannot be deceived.
Three sorts of men are principally in danger of these
inquisitors. They that are rich, for the spoil of their
goods. They that are learned, because they will not
have their secret abuses detected. They that are in
honour and dignity, lest they should work some shame
or dishonour against them.
Tlie abuse of this inquisition is most execrable. If
any word shall pass out of the mouth of any, which may
be taken in evil part ; yea, thougii no word be spoken,
yet if they bear any grudge or evil will against the party,
they command him to be taken, and put in a horrible
prison, and then find out crimes against him at their
leisure, and in tlie meantime no man living is so hardy
as once to open his mouth for him. If the father speak
one word for his child, he is also taken and cast into
prison as a favourer of heretics. Nor is it permitted to
any person to go to the prisoner ; but there he is alone
where he cannot see so much as the ground where he is ;
and is not suffered either to read or write, but there con-
tinues in darkness palpable, in horrors infinite, in fear
miserable, wrestling with the assaults of death.
By this it may be imagined what trouble and sorrow,
wliat pensive sighs and thoughts they undergo, who are
not thoroughly instructed in holy doctrine. "We must
add, moreover, to these distresses and horrors of the
prison, the injuries, threats, whippings, scourgings,
irons, tortures, and racks which tliey endure. Some-
times they are brought out, and shewed in some high
place to the people, as a spectacle of rebuke and infamy.
And thus they are detained there, some many years, and
murdered by long torments, and whole days together
treated much more cruelly out of all comparison than if
they were in the hangman's hands to be slain at once.
During all this time what is done in the process no per-
son knows, but only the hol)^ fathers and the tormentors
who are sworn to execute the torments. AU is done in
secret. And after all these torments endured so many
years in the prison, if any man is saved, it must be
known only by guessing. For all the proceedings of the
court of tiiat execrable inquisition are open to no man,
but all is done in close corners, by windings, by covert-
ways, and secret counsels : the accuser is secret, the
crime secret, the witness secret, whatever is done is se-
cret, and the poor prisoner is never informed of any
thing.
By this inquisition many good true servants of Jesus
Christ have been brought to death, especially in these
later years, since the royal and peaceable reign of this
our Queen Elizabeth. The names and histories of whom
we will here in part recite, as we have faithful records
of such as have come to our hands by writing.
A.D. loot), Way 21st, in the town of VaUadolid,
where the council of the inquisition is wont to be kept,
the inquisitors had brought together many prisoners,
both of high and low estate, to the number of thirty ;
also the coffin of a certain noble woman, with her pic-
ture lying upon it, who had been dead long before,
there to receive judgment and sentence. To the hear-
ing of which sentence, tliey had ordained in the said
town three mighty theatres or stages. Upon the first
was placed Dame Jane, sister to King Philip, and chief
regent of his realms ; also Prince Charles, King Philip's
son, with other princes and states of Spain. Upon the
other scaflbld was mounted the archbishop of Seville,
prince of the synagogue of the inquisitors, with the council
of the inquisition ; also other bishops of the land, and
the king's council with them.
After the princes and other spiritual judges and coun-
cillors were thus set in their places, with a great guard
of archers and halberdiers, and armed soldiers, with four
lieralds-of-arms giving their attendance, and the earl
marshal bearing the naked sword, all the maiket-place
where the stages were, being filled with an infinite mul-
titude of all sorts standing there, and gazing out of
windows and houses to hear and see the sentences and
judgments of this inquisition ; then after all were
brought forth, as a spectacle and triumph, the poor ser-
vants and witnesses of Jesus Christ, to the number of
thirty, clothed with their vesture of yellow cloth, com-
ing both before them and behind them, spangled with
red crosses, and having burning tapers in their hands ;
also before them was borne a crucifix covered with black
linen cloth, in token of mourning. They who were to
receive the sentence of death had mitres of paper upoa
their heads. Thus they were placed in their order, one
under another.
Things being thus settled, there followed a sermon by a
Dominican friar, which endured about an hour. After
the sermon, the procurator general, with the archbishop
went to the stage where the princes and nobles stood, to
administer a solemn oath to them upon the crucifix ; the
tenor of which oath was this : " Your majesties shall
swear, that you will favour the holy inquisition, and also
give your consent unto the same ; and not only that you
shall by no manner of way hinder and impeach the
same, but also you shall employ the utmost of your help
and endeavour hereafter to see all them to be executed,
who shall swerve from the church of Rome, and adjoin
themselves to the sect of the Lutheran heretics, without
all respect of any person or persons of what estate, de-
gree, quality, or condition soever they be."
And thus much for the first article of the oath ; the
second was as follows :
" Your majesties shall swear, that you shall constrain
all your subjects to submit themselves to the church of
Rome, and to have in reverence all the laws and com-
mandments of the same ; and also to give your aid
against all them whoever shall hold of the heresy of the
Lutherans, or take any part with them."
In this sort and manner, when all the princes and
states every one in their degree had received their oath,
then the archbishop, lifting up his hand, gave them his
benediction, saying, " God bless your highnesses, and
give you long life." This solemn pageant thus finished,
at last the poor captives and prisoners were called out,
the procurator fiscal, or the pope's great collector, first
beginning with Dr. Cacalla, and so proceeding to the
other in order.
They then proceeded to the trial and condemnation of
twenty-seven godly christians, including thirteen pious
females, whose only sin was that they loved the gospel
of Jesus Christ, as contained in his holy word, instead
of the traditions of the papacy. It would be too tedious
to mention all in detail. At last they came to the coffin
and j)icture of the lady.
This poor coffin contained the corpse of dame Leonora
de Bivero, already long dead. Above her coffin was her
picture laid, which was also condemned with her dead
corpse to be burned for an heretic ; and yet I never
heard of any opinion that this picture did hold, either
with or against the church of Rome. This good mother,
while she hved, was a worthy maintainer of Christ's
gpspel, with great integrity of life, and retained divers
assemblies of the saints in her house for the preaching
of the word of God. In fine, her corpse and image
also, being brought before the fiscal, was condemned
likewise to be burned for a Lutheran heretic, and all her
goods to be seized, and her house to be cast down to the
ground ; and for a memorial of the same, a marble
stone was appointed to be set u)) in the house, wherein
the cause of her burning should be engraved.
After these sentences were thus pronounced, tliey,
who were condemned to be burned, with the coffin of the
dead lady and her ])icture upon it, were committed to
the secular magistrate, and to their executioners. Then
were they all taken, and every one set upon an ass,
their faces turned backward, and led with a great garri-
son of armed soldiers to the place of punishment, which
was without the gate of the town called Del Campo.
W hen they were come to the place, there were four-
teen stakes set up of equal distance from one another,
to which every one being fastened, they were all firs?
472
A LIST OF THE ITALIAN MARTYRS.
[Book VIL
strangled, and then burnt to ashes, save only Anthony
Huezuello, who, because he Lad, both within and with-
outthe prison, vehemently detested the pope's spirituality,
therefore was burned alive, and his mouth stopped from
speaking. And thus these faithful christians, for the
verity and pure word of God, were led to death as sheep
to the shambles ; who not only most christianly com-
forted one another, but did so exhort all them that were
present, that all men marvelled greatly, both to hear
their singular constancy, aud to see their quiet and
peaceable end.
THE ITALIAN MARTYRS.
Encenas, otheririse called Dryandcr, A.D. 1546.
This Encenas, or Dryander, a Spaniard, was sent by
his sMperstitious jjarents, when young, to Rome ; there
growing up in age ami knowledge, instructed by the
Lord in tlie truth of his word, after he was known to
dislike the pope's doctrine, and the impure doings at
Ronu% he was api)rehended by some of his own country-
men at Rome. He was brought before the cardinals, and
committed to prison. Afterwards he was brought forth
to give testimony of his doctrine, which in the presence
of the cardinals, and in tlie face of all the jiope's reti-
nue, lie boldly and constantly defended. So that not
only the cardinals, but especially the Spaniards being
offended, cried out that he should be burned. The car-
dinals, before the sentence of death should be given,
came to him, offering life if he would take the badge of
reconciliation. But Encenas, still constant in the ])ro-
fession of trutli, refused to receive any other condition
or badge but the badge of the Lord, which was to seal
the doctrine of his religion with the testimony of his
blood. At last the faithful servant and witness of
Christ was condemned to the fire ; where he, in the
sight of the cardinals, and in the face of the apostolic
see, gave up his life for the testimony of the gospel.
And as mention has been made both in this history
and others of Francis Encenas his brother, here is not
to be omitted how Francis being a man of notable learn-
ing as ever was in Spain, being in the emperor's court
at Brussels, offered the emperor, Charles V., the New
Testament of Christ translated into Spanish. For which
he was cast into prison, where he remained in sorrowful
captivity and calamity the space of fifteen months, look-
ing for nothing more than present death. At last,
through the providence of Almighty God, the first day of
February, A.D. 1.54.5, he found the doors of the prison
open ; and so he, issuing out of the prison, escaped, and
■went to Germany.
Faninns, A.D. 15,50.— Faninus, through the reading of
godly books translated into the Italian tongue, was con-
verted from great blindness to the wholesome knowledge
of Christ and of his word. There was no diligence want-
ing in him to communicate to others that which he had
received of the Lord ; being persuaded that a man, re-
ceiving by the Spirit of God the knowledge and illu-
mination of his truth, ought in no case to hide it in si-
lence, as a candle under a bushel. And therefore,
being occupied diligently in that, although he used not
publicly to preach, but by private conference to teach,
he was at length apprehended and committed to prison.
He remained not long in prison, for by the earnest per-
suasions and prayers of his wife, his children, and other
frieiuls, he was so overcome that he gave over, and so was
dismissed shortly out of ])rison. Afterthis, itwas not long
until he fell into horrible distraction of mind ; so that un-
less the great mercy of God had kept him up, he had fallen
into utter desperation, for falling from the truth, and pre-
ferring the love of his friends and kindred before the
service of Jesus Christ, whom he had professed so ear-
nestly before. This wound went so deep into his heart,
that he could in no case be (|uieted, before he had fully
fixed and determined in liis mind, to hazard his life
more faithfully in the service of the Lonl.
Being thus iuliamed with zeal of spirit, he went about
all the country publicly preaching the pure doctrine of
the gospel with great fruit and effect. As he was thus
labouring, he was apprehended again, A.D. 1547, and
condemned to be burned. But he said his hour was not
yet come, and so it was not ; for shortly after he was re-
moved to Ferrara, where he was detained two years At
last the inquisitors of the pope's heresies condemned him
to death, A.D. 1549 ; and yet his time being not come,
he remained after that to the month of Sejitember, A.D,
1550. In the meantime many faithful and good mea
came to visit him ; for which the pope commanded him
to be inclosed in stricter custody; in wliieh he suffered
great torments for eighteen months, and yet he would
have suffered greater, if the Dominican friars could have
got him into their hands.
At length he was brought into a prison, where there were
divers great lords, captains, and noble j)ersonages com-
mitted for stirring up commotions and factions (as the
country of Italy is full of such) who at first hearing him
speak began to set him at nought, and to deride him,
supposing that it was but a melancholy humour that
troubled his brain. Such as seemed more sage amongst
them, began to exhort him to leave his opinion, and to
live with men as other men do, and not to vex his mind,
but to suspend his judgment till the matter was decided
in the general council. Faninus, first giving them thanks
for their friendly good will, modestly and quietly de-
clared to them, how the doctrine which he professed was
no humour nor opinion of man's brain, but the pure
truth of God, founded in his word, and revealed to mea
in the gospel of Jesus Christ, and especially now in these
days restored ; which truth he had fully determined in
liis mind never to deny. And as in his soul, which was
redeemed by the blood of the Son of God, he was free
from all bondage ; so likewise, as touching councils, he
looked for no other sentence nor authority but that only
which he knew to be declared to us by Christ Jesus in
his gospel, which he both preached with his word, and
confirmed with his blood, &c. With these and such
other words, he so moved their minds, that they were
wholly altered to a new life, having him now in admira-
tion whom they before had in derision. He proceeded
still to preach tlie word of grace, declaring and confes-
sing himself to be a miserable sinner ; but by the faith of
the Lord Jesus, and through the grace only of him, he
was fully persuaded and well assured his sins were for-
given ; as all their sins also shall be remitted to them
through their faith only in Christ, they believing hisgospel.
There were others also besides these, who, having
lived before a more delicate kind of life, could not well
bear with the sharpness and the hardness of the prison.
These also received such comfort from Faninus, that not
only they were quietly contented, but also rejoiced in
their captivity, by the occasion of which they had re-
ceived and learned a better liberty than they ever
knew before.
When the imprisonment of Faninus was known to his
parents and kinsfolk, his wife and sister came to him
with weeping persuasions, to move him to consider and
have a care for his poor family. He answered, that his
Lord and Master had commanded him not to deny him
by looking to his family ; and that it was enough for them
that he had once for their sakes fallen into that coward-
liness which they knew. Wherefore he desired them to
depart in peace, and solicit him no more, for his end,
he said, he knew drew near, and so he commended them
unto the Lord.
About the same time died Pope Paul III., and after
him succeeded Julius 111., who sent letters and com-
mandment that Faninus should be executed. M hen one
of the magistrate's officers brought him word tlu'uxt
day, he rejoiced at it, and gave the messenger liatik-;,
and began to preach a long sermon to them that wore
about him on the felicity and beatitude of the life to
come. Then the messenger exhorted him that, in case
he would change his opinion, he should save both his
present life, and enjoy that which was to come. Ano-
ther asked liim how he should leave his little children
and his wife ? Faninus answered, that he had left them
with an overseer, who would see to them sufficiently ; and
A.D. 1527—1558.]
A LIST OP THE ITALIAN MARTYRS.
473
bein? asked who he was ? "The Lord Jesus Christ,"
said he, " a faithful keeper and preserver of all tli;it is
committed to him." After the messenger was departed
from Faniims, all full of tears and sorrow, the day follow-
in" he was removed into the common prison, and deli-
vered to the secular magistrate. In all his ways, his
words, his gestures, and countenance, he shewed such
constancy of faith, such modesty of manners, and tran-
quillity of mind, that they who previously were violent
against him, thinking him to have a devil, began now
favourably to hearken to him, and to commend him.
With such grace and sweetness he talked, ever speaking of
the word of God, that several of the magistrates' wives in
hearing him could not abstain from weeping. The execu-
tioner iiimself also wept. One of the public scribes came
to him and said, that if he would relent from his opinion,
the pope's pleasure was that he should be saved : but
that he refused. This was surprising, that he recited
so many places of scripture without book, and that so
truly and promptly, as though he had studied nothing
else. One seeing him so cheerful and happy going to
his death, asked, why he was so cheerful at his death,
seeing Christ himself sweat blood and water before his
passion ? " Christ," said he, " sustained in his body all
the sorrows and conflicts with hell and death due to us :
by whose suffering we are delivered from sorrow and fear
of them all." Early in the morning he was brought
forth. After his prayers most earnestly made to the
Lord, he meekly and patiently gave himself to the stake,
where with a cord drawn about his neck he was strangled
by the executioner in the city of Ferrara, three hours be-
fore day, that the people should not see him, nor hear
him speak ; and about noon his body was burned.
Dominick de Basana, at Placentia, A.D. 1550.
The .same year Dominick also suffered in the city of
Placentia. This Dominick was in Germany, when he
received the first taste of Christ's gospel. Wherein he
increased more and more, by conferring and reasoning
with learned men, so that in a short time he was able to
instruct many, and he did so, till in the year 1550, coming
to the city of Naples, he there preached the word, and
then proceeding to Placentia, preached there likewise to
the people, of true confession, of purgatory, and of
pardons. The next day he treated of true faith and good
works, how far they are necessary to salvation, promising
the day after to speak of antichrist, and to paint him
out in his colours. When the hour came that he should
begin his sermon, the magistrate of the city commanded
him to come down from the chair in the market-place,
and delivered him to the officers. Dominick was willing
and ready to obey the commandmtent, saying, " That
he much wondered that the devil could suffer him so
long in that kind of exercise." He was led to the
bishop's chancellor, and asked whether he was a priest,
and how he was placed in that function. He answered,
" Tint he was no priest of the pope, but of Jesus Christ,
by whom he was lawfully called to that office.'' Then
was he demanded, whether he would renounce his doc-
trine .' He answered, " That he maintained no doc-
trine of his own, but only the doctrine of Christ, which
also lie was ready to seal with his blood, and also gave
liearty thanks to God, who so accounted him worthy to
glorify his name with his martyrdom." Upon this he
was committed to a filthy and stinking prison, where,
after he had remained a few months, he was exhorted to
revoke, otherwise he should suffer ; but still he remained
constant in his doctrine. When the time came assigned
for his punishment, he was brought to the market-place,
where he had preached, and there was hanged ; and
most heartily praying tor his enemies, he so finished his
days in this miserable wretched world.
Galeazius Trecius, A.D. 1551.
In St. Angelo was a house of Augustinian friars, to
whom a certain friar used to resort, named Maianard, aman
expert in the study of scripture, and of a godly conver-
sation. By this Maianard several, not only of fri rs, but
also of other townsmen, were brought to the love and
knowledge of God'« word, and to the detestation of the
pope's abuses. Among whom was this Galeazius, a gen-
tleman of good calling, ;yid wealthy in worldly substance,
and VL-ry benevolent to the poor. In j)rocess of time, as
this Galeazius increased in judgment and zeal, in selling
forward the wholesome word of God's grace ; as a light
shining in darkness he could not so lie liid, l)ut at last,
in the year 15.')1, certain persons were sent to arrest and
bring him to the bishop's palace, where he was kept ia
bonds.
When the time came that he should be examined, he
was brought before the commissioners, where he ren-
dered reasons of his faith, answering to their interroga-
tories with such evidence of scriptures, and constancy of
mind, that he was an admiration to them that heard
him. Not long after, through the importunate j)ersua-
sion of his kinsfolk and friends, and otiier cold gosj)ellers,
laying many considerations before his eyes, he was
brought at length to assent to certain points of the pope's
doctrine. But yet the mercy of God, which thus began
with him, left him not, but brought him again to such
repentance, and bewailing of what he had done, that he
became afterward still more valiant in defence of Christ ;
affirming that he never felt more joy of heart than at the
time of his examinations, where he stood to the constant
confession of the truth ; and that he never tasted more
sorrow in all his life, than when he slipped from the
same by dissimulation. Declaring to his brethren, that
death was much more sweet to him, with testimony of
the truth, than life with the least denial of truth, and
loss of a good coiiscience.
As Galeazius thus continued in the prison, looking for
some occasion to recover from his full, the inquisitors
and priests again repaired to him, supposing that he
would confirm now that which before he had granted to
them. Galeazius returned again to the defence of his
former doctrine, with much more boldness of spirit con-
fessing Christ, and declaring his detestation of images,
affirming and proving that God only is to be wor-
shipped, and that in spirit and in truth ; also that there
are no mediators but Christ alone, and that he only and
sufficiently by his suffering has taken away the sins of
the whole world ; and that all they vvho depart hence in
this faith, are certain of everlasting life ; they who do
not, are under everlasting damnation ; with such other
matter as was utterly repugnant to the pope's proceedings.
With this confession, as his mind was greatly refreshed,
so the adversaries went away as much ajjpalled, who, at
last perceiving tliat he could not be revoked, caused him
to be committed to the secular judge to be burned.
Thus Galeazius, early in the morning, being brought
out of prison to the market-place, was there left stand-
ing bound to the stake till noon, as a gazing-stock for
all men to look upon. In the meantime many came
about him. exhorting him to recant, and not to cast away
his life, whereas with ten words he might save it. But
nothing could stir the mind of this valiant martyr. Fire
was commanded at last to be put to the dry wood about
him, and he was consumed, without any noise or crying,
save only these words heard in the middle of the flame :
"Lord Jesus!" This was A.D. 1551, November
twenty-fourth.
Touching the story of this blessed martyr, this is to be
given for a memorandum, that ^ little before Galeazius
was burned, there was a controversy between the major
of the city, and the bishop's clergy, for the expenses of
the wood that should go to his burning. He, hearing of
it, sent word to both the parties to agree, for that he
himself of his own goods would see the cost of that
matter discharged.
Doctor John MoUius, a Gray Friar, and a certainWeaverf
A.D. 1553.
John MoUius Montilcinus, when but twelve years
old, with his brother Augustinus, was placed by his pa-
rents in the house of the Gray Friars, where, in a short
time, having a fresh wit, he far excelled his fellows in
all languages and sciences. So growing up to the age
of eighteen, he was ordained priest, and sang his first
mass. After that he was sent to Ferrara to study, where
he so profited in the space of six years, that be was as-
474
A LIST OF THE ITALIAN MARTYRS,
[Book VII.
S'gned, by Vigerius, general of that order, to be doctor,
aud then reader iii divinity ; arid lie then, with his so-
phistry, opposed himself to the gospel. Afterwards he
was connected with several universities with much dis-
tinction. In the meantime God wrought in his soul such
light of his woril, and of true religion, that he began se-
cretly to expound the Epistle of St. Paul to the Uomaus
to a few ; wtiicli being known, his auditors increased so
fast, that he was compelled to read openly in the temple.
As the number of his audience daily augmented, so the
eac'er fervency of their minds increased, so that every
man almost came with his pen and ink to write : this was
about tlie year 15;i8. There was at the same time, at
Bononia, one Cornelius, an arrogant babbler, who, envy-
ing John, took upon him, at the request of Cardinal
Campejus, to expound the same epistle of St. I'aul,
confuting and disproving the explanation of John, and
extolling the pope with all his traditions. John extolled
and commended only Christ and his merits to the people.
But tiie purpose of Cornelius came to nothing. For the
auditors who first came unto him, began by little to fall
from him, while the concourse of the other man's audi-
tors increased more and more.
When Cornelius perceived this, he persuaded Campe-
jus, that unless he dispatched that man, the estimation
of the church of Rome would greatly decay. But when
they could not openly bring about their purpose, this
secret way was devised, that Cornelius and John should
come to open disputation ; which disputation endured
till three of tbe clock after midnight. At length, when
neither party could agree, John was bid to return home
to his house. As he was come down to the lower steps,
where the place was most confined, so that his friends
could not come to rescue him, (although by drawing
their swords they declared their good wills,) he was
taken and laid in prison. When the day came, such tu-
mult and stir was in the whole city, that Cornelius was
driven to hide himself. Also Campejus, the cardinal,
with the bishop, were both contemned of the students.
The next day the bishop of Bononia sent his chancellor
to John in the prison, to signify to him, that either he
must recant, or be burned. But he, being of a bold and
cheerful spirit, would in nowise be brought to recant.
This one thing grieved him, that he should be condemned
without his cause being heard.
In the meantime, Laurentius Spatha, general of the
order, jiosted up to Rome, and there so practised with
the cardinal of the Holy Cross, the proctor in the court
of Rome for the Gray friars, that the pope wrote down
liis letters to Campejus, that he should deliver John out
of prison ; so that he, within three months after, should
personally appear at Rome. The friends of MoUius
gave him counsel not to go to Rome, and ottered him
money to go to Germany ; but he would not, saying,
"That the gospel must also be preached at Rome."
After he was come to Rome, and appeared before Pope
Paul 111., he humbly desired, that the cause might come
in public hearing, but that could not be obtained. Then
he was commanded to write his mind in articles, and to
bring his proofs, which he diligently performed, treating
of original sin, justification by faith, free will, purgatory,
and such like ; proving the said articles by the authority
of the scripture, and of the ancient fathers, and exhibited
them to the bishop of Rome. Upon this, certain car-
dinals and bishops were assigned to give the cause a
hearing : they disputed with him three days, and could
not feel that which he had proved. At last answer was
made to him thus : that it was truth which he affirmed,
nevertheless the same was not meet for this present time ;
for that it could not be taught or published without the
detriment of the apostolic see ; wherefore he should ab-
stain hereafter from the epistles of St. Paul, and so re-
turn again safe to Bononia, and there profess pliilosophy.
Thus as he was returned to Bononia, and all men there
were desirous to know of his case, how he si>ed at Rome,
openly in the pulpit he declared all things in order as
thev were done, and gave God thanks.
Herewith Campejus, being more oflcTided than before,
obtained of the pope, that the general of the order should
remore the said John Mollias from Bononia, and place
him somewhere else. So Mollius was sent to Naples,
and there was ajjpointed i-eader and preacher in the mo-
nastery of St. Laurence. But Peter, the viceroy there,
not abiding his doctrine, so nearly sought his death, that
he had much ado to escape with life, and so departing
from thence, he went wandering in Italy, from j)lace to
place, jireaching (Jhrist wherever he came. Not long
after this, when Cardinal Campejus was dead, he was
called again to Bononia, by a good abbot named De
Grassis, A.D. 1543, where he renewed again the reading
of St. Paul's epistles after a secret sort, as he did before ;
but that could not be long undiscovered. By means of
Cardinal de Capo, and by Bonaventura the general, he
was aj)prehended the second time, and brought to
Faventia, and laid there in a filthy and stinking prison,
where he continued four years, no man having leave to
come to him. At length, through the intercession of
the Earl Petilian, and of the good xVbbot De Grassis, he
was again delivered, and sent to Ravenna, where he
made his abode a few months, and there again taught
the gospel of Christ as before ; and whenever he spake
of the name of Jesus, his eyes dropped tears, for he was
fraught with a mighty fervency of God's Holy Spirit.
In process of time, when this abbot was dead, his
sureties began to be weary of their bond, and so he was
again now tiie third time reduced to prison by the pope's
legates. There were then four men of great authority,
who, being stirred up of God, had pity upon him, and
bailed him out of prison. Of whom, one of the sureties
took Mollius home, to instruct his children in the doc-
trine of religion and good letters. Furthermore, at the
fame of this man, such a concourse of people came to see
him, that the adversaries began to consult with them-
selves to kill him, lest his doctrine should disperse fur-
ther abroad, to the detriment of the church of Rome.
Whereupon commandment was sent to the pope's
legate to lay hands upon him, and to send him up fast
bound to Rome. Where again, now the fourth time, he
was imprisoned in the castle of Rome, and there con-
tinued eighteen months, being greatly assaulted, some-
times with flattering promises, sometimes with terrible
threats, to give over his opinion : but his building could
not be shaken, for it was grounded upon a sure rock.
Thus Dr. Mollius, being constant in the defence of
Christ's gospel, was brought, with other men (who
were also apprehended for religion) into the temple of
St. Mary (called De Minerva) the fifth day of Septem-
ber, 1553 ; either to revoke or to be burned. There sat
six cardinals in high seats, besides the judge : before
whom preached a Dominican friar, with cruelty inveigh-
ing against the poor prisoners, incensed the cardinals,
with all the vehemency he might, to their condemna-
tion. The poor men stood holding a burning taper in
their hands : some for fear of death revolted. But this
Doctor Mollius, with a weaver of Perusium, remained
constant. Then Mollius began an earnest sermon in the
Italian tongue, wherein he confirmed the articles of the
faith by the sacred scriptures, declaring also that the
pope was not the successor of Peter, but antichrist, and
that his sectaries do figure the whore of Babylon. He
cited them up to the tribunal seat of Christ, and threw
away the burning taper from him. They condemned
him with the weaver to the fire, and commanded them
to be had away. So they were carried to the field,
called Florianum, where they remained cheerful and
constant. First, the weaver was hanged : Mollius then
began to exhort the people to beware of idolatry, and to
have no other saviours but Christ alone : for he only is
the Mediator between God and man. And so he was
also hanged, commending his soul to God, and afterwards
laid in the fire and burned.
Two Monks, (A.D. 1554.) — In the same city of
Rome, and about the same time, in the monastery of
St. Austin, were found two monks in their cells, with
their tongues and their heads cut off, only for rebuking
the immoderate and outrageous excess of the cardinals.
In the same year, Francis Gamba, after he had re-
ceived the knowledge of the gospel, went to Geneva, to
A.D. ir)2r— 1558.]
A LIST OF THE ITALIAN MARTYRS.
475
confer with the wise and learned in that church, and
there at the same time communicated with them.
Afterward, in his returnin;? home, as he was passing
over the Lake of Como, he was taken and brous^ht to
Como, and committed to ward. During the time of his
imprisonment, nobles and otliers, with doctors also,
especially priests and monks, resorted to him, labouring
by all manner of means, and most fair promises, to re-
duce him from his opinions : which seemed to some but
fantasies coming of some humour : to some they seemed
uncatholic or heretical. But he, constantly disputing
with them by the manifest scriptures, declared the
opinions which he defended not to be any vain specula-
tions or imaginary fantasies of man's doting brain, but
the pure truth of God, and the evident doctrine of Jesus
Christ, expressed in his word, necessary for all men to
believe, and also to maintain unto death: and, therefore,
for his part, rather than he would be found false to
Christ and his word, he was there ready not to deny,
but to stand to Christ's gospel, to the shedding of his
blood.
When he could in no wise be reclaimed from the doc-
trine of truth, letters came from the senate of Milan,
that he should be executed ; but through intercession of
his friends, one week's respite was granted him, to
prove whether he might be won again to the pope's
churcli, that is to say, lost from God. Thus he being
long and mightily, both assailed by friends, and terrified
by enemies, yet by no persuasions would be overcome,
but gave thanks to God, that he was made worthy to
suffer the rebukes of this world, and cruel death, for the
testimony of his Son ; and so he went cheerfully to his
death. Then came certain Franciscan fiiars to him to
hear his confession, which he refused. They brought in
their hands a cross for him to behold, to keep him from
desperation at the feeling of the fire ; but his mind, he
said, was so filled with joy and comfort in Christ, that
he needed neither their cross, nor them. After this, as
he was declaring many comfortable things to the people,
of the fruition of those heavenly joys above, which God
hdth prepared for his, that he should speak no more
to the people, his tongue was bored through ; and im-
mediately being tied to the stake, he was strangled to
death ; every man there, who saw his constancy, giving
testimony, that he died a good man.
Pomponius Algerhis, at Rome, A. D. 1555.
Pomponius Algerius, a young man of great learning,
was student in the university of Padua, where, not being
able to conceal and keep close the truth of Christ's
gospel, he ceased not both by doctrine and example of
life, to inform as many as he could, and to bring them
to Christ ; for which be was accused of heresy to Pope
Paul IV. Who, sending immediately to the magistrates
of Venice, caused him to be apprehended at Padua, and
carried to Venice, where he was long detained in prison,
tUl at last the pope commanded the magistrates there to
send him bound to Rome. After he was brought to
Rome, manifold persuasions and allurements were tried
to remove this virtuous and blessed young man from his
opinions. But when no persuasions could prevail
against the operation of God's Spirit in him, then was
he judged to be burned alive , which death he sustained
most constantly, to the great admiration of all that be-
held him.
Being in prison at Venice, he wrote an epistle to the
afflicted saints ; which, for the notable sweetness and
most wonderful consolation contained in it, in shewing
forth the mighty operation of God's holy power working
in his aftiicted saints that suffer for his sake, I have
thought good and expedient to communicate, as a prin-
cipal monument amongst all other martyrs' letters, not
only with the other letters which shall be inserted here-
after (the Lord willing) in the end of the book, but also
in this present place to be read, to the intent that both
they who are, or shall be hereafter in affliction, may take
consolation ; and also they that yet follow the trade of
this present world, in comparing the joys and commo-
dities thereof, with these joys here expressed, may learn
and consider with themselves, what differeace there is
between them both, and thereby may learn to dispose
themselves in such sort, as may be to their edification
and per])etual felicity of their souls. The copy of the
letter, first written in Latin, we have translated iuto
English, the tenor whereof here ensues.
A comfortable Letter of Pomponius Algerius, an Italian
Martyr.
To his dearly beloved Brethren and fellow Ser\ants of
Christ, who are departed out of Babylon into Mount
Sion : grace, peace and health, from God our Father,
by Jesus Christ our Lord and Savioui .
" To mitigate your sorrow, which you take for me,
1 cannot but impart unto you some j)ortion of my de-
light and joys, which 1 feel and find, that you may re-
joice with me and sing before the Lord, giving thanks
unto him, I shall utter that which no man will believe
when I shall declare it. 1 have found a nest of honey
and honey-comb in the entrails of a lion. Who will
ever believe what I shall say, or what man will ever
think in the deep dark dungeon to find a paradise of
pleasure, in the jjlace of sorrow and death, — to dwell in
traiHiuillity and hope of life, — in an infernal cave to find
joy of soul, — and where other men do weep, there to be
rejoicing, — where others shake and tremble, there
strength and boldness to be plenty .' Who will ever
think, or who will believe this .' in such a woful state
such delights .' in a place so desolate, such society of
good men ? in strait bands and cold irons, such rest ?
AH these things the sweet hand of the Lord, my
brethren, doth miniyter unto me. Behold, he that was
once far from me, now is present with me. Whom
once 1 scarce could feel, now I see more apparently ;
whom once 1 saw afar off, now I behold near at hand ;
whom once 1 hungered for, the same now apjiroacheth
and reacheth his hand unto me. He doth comfort me,
and filleth me with gladness ; he driveth away all bitter-
ness, he ministereth strength and courage, he healeth
me, refresheth, advanceth, and comforteth me. O how
good is the Lord, who suffereth not his servants to be
tempted above their strength ! O how easy and sweet
is his yoke ! Is there any like unto the Highest, who
receiveth the afflicted, healeth the wounded, and nou-
risheth them .' Is there any like unto him .' Learn ye,
wellbeloved, how amiable the Lord is, how meek and
merciful he is, who visiteth his servants in temptations,
neither disdaineth he to keep company with us in such
vile and stinking caves. Will the blind and incredulous
world, think you, believe this .' Or rather will it not
say thus ? No, thou wilt never be able to abide long
the burning heat, the cold snow, and the pinching hard-
ness of that place, the manifold miseries, and other in-
numerable grievances ; the rebukes and frowning faces of
men how wilt thou suffer .' Dost thou not consider and
revolve in thy mind thy pleasant country, the riches of
the world, thy kinsfolk, the delicate pleasures and
honours of this life .' Dost thou forget the solace of thy
sciences, and fruit of all thy labours ? Wilt thou thus
lose all thy labours which thou hast hitherto sustained,
— so many nights watched, — thy painful travels, and all
thy laudable enterprizes, wherein thou hast been exer-
cised continually even from thy childhood .■" Finally,
fearest thou not death, which hangeth over thee, and
that for no crime committed ? O what a fool art thou,
which for one word speaking mayest save all this, and
wilt not ? What a rude and unmannerly thing is this,
not to be intreated at the instant petitions and desires of
such, so many and so mighty, so just, so virtuous, so
prudent and gracious senators, and such noble person-
ages, &c,
" But now to answer ; Let this blind world hearken
to this again : What heat can there be more burning,
than that fire which is prepared for thee hereafter ?
And likewise, what snow can be more cold than thy
heart which is in darkness, and hath no light .' What
thing is more hard, and sharp, or crooked, than this
present life which here we lead .' What thing more
odious and hateful than this world here present? aiid let
476
LETTER OF POMPONIUS ALGERIUS.
[Book VII.
these worldly men here answer me : WTiat country can
•we have more sweet than the heavenly country above ?
What treasures more rich or jirecious than everlasting
life ? And who are our kinsmen, but they who hear the
word of God ? where are greater riches, or dignities
more honourable, than in heaven ? And as to the
sciences, let this foolish world consider, are they not
ordained to learn to know God, wliom, unless we do
know, all our labours, our uiglit watchina^s, our studies,
and all our enterprises serve to no use or purpose ? all
is but labour lost. Furthermore, let the miserable
worldly man answer m.e ; What remedy or safe refuge
can there be to him, if he lack God, who is the life and
medicine of all men ? And how can he be said to fly
from death, when he himself is already dead in sin ? If
Christ be the way, the truth, and the life, how can there
be any life without Christ ? The heat of the prison to
me is coldness ; the cold winter to me is a fresh spring-
time in the Lord. He that fears not to be burned in
the fire, how will he fear the heat of the weather ? or
what cares he for the pinching frost, who burns with
the love of the Lord ? The place is sharp and tedious
to them that are guilty, but to the innocent and guiltless
it is mellifluous. Here drops the delectable dew, here
flows the pleasant nectar, here runs the sweet milk, here
is plenty of all good things. And although the place it-
self is desert and barren, yet to me it seems a large
■walk, and a valley of pleasure ; here to me is the better
and more noble part of the world. Let the miserable
worldling say and confess, if there be any plot, pasture,
or meadow, so delightful to the mind of man, as here.
Here I see kings, princes, cities, and people ; here I see
wars, where some are overthrown, some are victors,
some thrust down, some lifted up. Here is the Mount
Sion, here I am already in heaven itself. Here standeth
first Christ Jesus in the front. About him stand the
old fathers, prophets, and evangelists, apostles, and all
the servants of God. Of whom some do embrace and
cherish me, some exhort, some open the sacraments
unto me, some comfort me, others are singing about me.
And how then shall I be thought to be alone, among so
many and such as these be, the beholding of whom to
me is both solace and example ? Here I see some cruci-
fied, some slain, some stoned, some cut asunder, and
some quartered, some roasted, some broiled, some put
in hot cauldrons, some having their eyes bored through,
some their tongues cut out, some their skin plucked
over their heads, some their hands and feet chopped off,
some put in kilns and furnaces, some cast down head-
long and given to the beasts and fowls of the air to feed
upon ; it would ask a long time if I should recite all.
" To be short, I see many with many torments ex-
cruciated : yet, not\vithstanding, all living, and all safe.
One plister, one salve cures all their wounds : which
also gives to me strength and life, so that I sustain all
these transitory anguishes and small afflictions, with a
quiet mind, having a greater hope laid up in heaven.
Neither do I fear mine adversaries who here persecute
me and oppress me : for he that dwelleth in heaven shall
laugh them to scorn, and the Lord shall have them in
derision. I fear not thousands of people who compass
me about. The Lord my God shall deliver me, my
hope, my supporter, my comforter, who lifts up my
head. He shall smite all them that stand up against
me without cause, and shall dash the teeth and jaws of
sinners asunder: for he only is all blessedness and
majesty. The rebukes for Christ's cause makes us joy-
ful ; for so it is written, " if ye be persecuted and re-
viled for Christ's sake, happy be you ; for the glory and
Spirit of God rests ujion you," 1 Pet. iv. 14. Be you
therefore sure, that our rebukes which are laid upon us,
redound to the shame and barm of the rebukers. In
this world there is no abiding mansion ; and therefore I
will travel up to the New Jerusalem which is in heaven,
aaid which ofiers itself to me without paying any fine or
income. Behold, I have entered already on my journey,
where my house stands prepared for me, and where I
shall have riches, kinsfolks, delights, and never failing
honours. As for these earthly things here present, they
»re transitory shadows, vanishing vauours, and ruinous
walls. Briefly, all is but very vanity of vanities, whereas
hope and the substance of eternity to come are wanting ;
which the merciful goodness of the Lord has given as
companions to accompany me, and to comfort me, and
now do the same begin to work and to bring forth fruits
in me. I have travelled hitherto, laboured and sweated
early and late, watching day and night, and now my
travels begin to come to effect. Days and hours have I
bestowed upon my studies. Behold, tlie true counte-
nance of God is sealed upon me, the Lord hath given
mirth in my heart. And, therefore, in the same will I
lay me down in peace and rest, Psalm iv. And who
then shall dare to blame this our age consumed, or say
that our years are cut off? What man can now c;avil
that these our labo>u-s are lost, who have followed and
found out the Lord and ^laker of the world; i.nd who
have changed death with life .' My portion is tiie Lord
(saith my soul) and therefore I will seek and wait fur
him. Now then, if to die in the Lord be not to die, but
to live most joyfully, where is this wretched worldly
rebel, who blames us of fully, for giving away our lives
to death ? O how delectable is this death to nie, to
taste the Lord's cup, which is an assured pledge of true
salvation ! for so hath the Lord himself forewarned us,
saying, ' The same that they have done to me, they will
n||so do mito you.' Wherefore, let the doltish world,
with its blind worldlings (who, in the bright sunshine
yet go stumbling in darkness, being as blind as beetles)
cease thus unwisely to carp against us for our rash suf-
fering, as they count it. To whom we answer again
with the holy apostle. That neither tribulation nor
stripes, nor famine, nor nakedness, nor peril, nor perse-
cution, nor sword, shall be aljle ever to separate us from
the love of Christ : we are slain all the day long, we are
made like sheep appointed to the slaughter, Rom. viii.
;i5. 38. Thus we resemble Christ our Head, who said,
' That the disciple cannot be above his Master, nor the
servant above his Lord.' The same Lord has also com-
manded, tliat every one shall take up his cross and fol-
low him, Luke ix. Rejoice, rejoice, my dear brethren,
and fellow-servants, and be of good comfort, when ye fall
into sundry temptations. Let your patience be perfect
in all parts. For so it has been foreshewn to us before,
and is written. That they which shall kill you, shall
think to do God good service. Therefore afflictions
and death are as tokens and sacraments of our election
and life to come. Let ns then be glad and give thanks
unto the Lord, when as we, being clear from all just ac-
cusation, are persecuted and given to death. For better
is it, that we in doing well do suffer, if it so be the will
of the Lord, than doing evil, 1 Pet. iii. 17. We have
for our example Christ and the prophets, who spake in
the name of the Lord, whom the children of iniquity did
murder. And now we bless and magnify them that
then suffered ; let us be glad and rejoice in our inno-
cency and uprightness. The Lord shall reward them
that persecute us ; let us refer all vengeance to him.
" I am accused of foolishness, for that I do not
shrink from the true doctrine and knowledge of God.
and do not rid myself out of these troubles, when with
one word I may. O the blindness of man ! who sees not
the sun shining, neither remembers the Lord's words !
consider therefore what he saith, ' Ye are the light of
the world. A city built on a hill cannot be hid; neither
do men light a candle, and put it under a bushel, but
upon a candlestick, that it may shine and give light to
them in the house.' And in another place he saith,
' You shall be led before kings and rulers ; fear ye not
them who kill the body, but him who killeth both
body and soul : whosoever shall confess me before men,
him will I also confess before my Father who is in heaven.
And he that denieth me before men, him will I also deny
before my Heavenly Father.' Wherefore seeing the words
of the Lord are so plain, how, or by what authority will
this wise counsellor then approve this his counsel which
he gives ? God forbid that I should relinquish the com-
mandments of God, and follow the counsels of men :
for it is written ; ' Blessed is the man that walketh
not in the counsel of the ungodly, nor standeth in the
way of sinners, nor sitteth in the seat of the scornful,
A. D. 1527—1560.]
PERSECUTION IN CALABRIA.
477
Psalm i. 1. God forbid that I should deny Clirist,
where I ought to confess hira. I will not set more by
my life than by my soul : neither will I exchana^e the
life to come, for this present world. O how foolishly
speaks he who accuses me of foolishness.
" Neither do I take it to be a tiling so uncomely, or
unseeining for me, not to obey in this matter the requests
of those so honourable, just, prudent, virtuous, and
noble senators, whose desire (he saith) were enouajh to
command me : for so are we taught of the apostles ;
'That we ought to obey God, rather than men.' After
that we have served and done our duty first unto God,
then are we bound next to obey the ])0\vers of this
world ; whom I wish to be perfect before the Lord.
They are honourable ; but yet are they to be made more
perfect in the Lord. They are just ; but yet Christ, the
seat oi" justice, is lacking in them. They are wise ; but
where is in them the beginning of wisdom, that is, the
fear of the Lord .' They are called virtuous, but yet I
wish them more absolute in christian charity : they are
good and gracious, but yet 1 miss in them the founda-
tion of goodness, which is the Lord God, in whom
dwelleth all goodness and grace. They are honourable;
yet they have not received the Lord of glory, who is
our Saviour, most honourable and glorious. Under-
stand, you kings, and learn, you that judge the eardi.
Serve the Lord in fear, and rejoice in him with trem-
bling. Hearken to doctrine, and get knowledge, lest
you fill! into God's displeasure, and so perish out of
the way of righteousness. Why fret you, why rage )'0u,
O gentiles ! O you people, why cast you in your heads
the cogitations of vanity ? You kings of the earth, and
you princes, why conspire you together against Christ
and against his only one ? Psalm ii. How long will you
seek after lies, and hate the truth ? Turn you to the
Lord, and harden not ycur heart. For this you must
needs confess, that they who persecute the Lord's ser-
vants, do persecute the Lord himself. For so he saith
himself ; whatsoever men shall do to you, I will count
it to be done not as unto you, but to myself.
" And now let these carnal counsellors and disputers of
this world tell, wherein have they to blame me ; if in
my examinations I have not answered so after their
mind and affection as they required of me ? seeing it is
not ourselves that speak, but the Lord that speaketh in
vts ; as he himself doth forewitness, saying; 'when
you shall be brought before rulers and magistrates, it is
not ye that speak, but the Spirit of your Father which
speaketh in you,' Matt. x. 18. 20. Wherefore if the
Lord be true and faithful to his word, as it is most cer-
tain, then there is no blame in me : for he gave the
words that I did speak ; and who was 1 that could resist
his w-ill ? If any man shall reprehend the tilings that I
said, let him then quarrel with the Lord, whom it
pleased to work so in me. And if the Lord be not to
be blamed, neither am 1 herein to be accused, who did
what I purposed not, and what I forethought not of.
The things which there I uttered and expressed, if they
were otherwise than well, let them shew it, and then
will I say, that they were my words, and not the Lord's.
But if they were good and approved, and such as cannot
justly be accused, then must needs be granted, in spite of
their teeth, that they proceeded of the Lord, and then
who are they that shall accuse me ? A people of pru-
dence ! or who shall condemn me .' Just judges ! and
thougli they so do, yet nevertheless the word shall not
be frustrated, neither shall the gospel be foolish, or
therefore decay ; but rather the kingdom of God shall
the more prosper and flourish unto the Israelites, and
shall pass the sooner unto the elect of Christ Jesus :
and they who shall so do, shall pr6ve the grievous judg-
ment of God ; neither shall they escape without punish-
ment who are persecutors and murderers of the just.
My well beloved, lift up your eyes, and consider the
counsels of God. He showed unto us an image of his
plague, which was for our correction: and if we shall
not receive him, he will draw out his sword, and strike
with sword, pestilence, and famine, the nation that shall
rise against Christ.
*' These have I written for your comfort, dear breth-
ren. Pray for me. I kiss in my heart, with an holj
kiss, my eood masters, Sylvius, Pergula, Justus, also
Fidtl Rocke, and him that bearetli the name of Leila,
whom I know, although being absent. Also the gover-
nor of the university, Syndicus, and all others, whose
names are written in the book of life. Farewell all mv
fellow servants of God ; fare you well in the Lord, and
pray for me continually.
From the delectable orchard of Leonine prison, 12lh
August, A.D. 15.55.
It is written of one Thebrotus, that when he had read
the book of Plato, De Jmmortnlitnte Auhna>, he was so
moved and persuaded therewith, that he cast himself
headlong down from an high wall, to be rid out of this
present life. If those heathen philosojihers, havirig no
word of God, nor promise of any resurrection and life
to come, could so soon be persuaded, by reading the
works of Plato, to condemn this world and life here
present ; how much more is it to be required in chris-
tians, instructed with so many evidences and promises of
God's most perfect word, that they should learn to cast
off the carnal desii-es and affections of this miserable
pilgrimage, and that for a double respect, not only in
seeing, reading, and understanding so many examples
of the miseries of this wretched world ; but also much
more in considering and pondering the heavenly joys
and consolations of the other world remaining for us
hereafter in the life to come. For a more full evidence
thereof, T thought it good to give out the letter of Altrerius
above-prefixed, for an earnest of the same, and for a lively
testimony for all true christians to read and consider.
Now let us proceed further f the Lord willing) in our list
of Italian martyrs.
Ei(/htif-eigM martijrs in one day, vith one butcherly knife,
slain like sheep. — A hundred and sixty others also con-
demned, at Calabria, A.D. 15(i0.
In Calabria likewise suffered a blessed number of
Christ's well beloved saints, both old and young, put
together in one house, even eighty-eight persons ; all of
whom, one after another, were taken out of the house,
and so being laid upon the butcher's stall, like the sheep
in the shambles, with one bloody knife were all killed in
order. A spectacle most tragical for all posteritv to re-
member, and almost incredible to believe. Wherefore
for the more credit of the matter, lest we should seem
either light of credit, to believe what is not true, or
rashly to commit to pen things without due proof and
authority ; we have here annexed a piece of an epistle
written by Master Simon Florius.
The end of a certain letter of Master Simon Florius,
cuncerniny a lamentable slanyhter of eiyhiy-eight
Christian Saints in the j) arts of Calabria.
" As concerning news I have nothing to write, but
only that I send you a copy of certain letters, printed
either at Rome or at Venice, concerning the martyrdom
or persecution in two several towns of Calabria, eighty
Italian miles from the borders of Consentia ; the one
called St. Sixtus, within two miles of Montalto, under
the seigniory of the duke of Montalto ; the other called
Guardia, situate upon the sea-coast, and twelve miles
from St. Sixtus : which two towns are utterly destroyed,
and eight hundred of the inliabitants there, or (as some
write from the city of Rome) no less than a full thou-
sand. He that wrote the letter, was servant to Ascanius
Carracciolus. The country and people there I well
knew to take the first original of their good doctrine
and honest life from the Waldenses. For before my de-
parture from Geneva, at their request, I sent them two
schoolmasters, and two preachers. The last year the
two preachers were martyred, the one at Rome, named
Joannes Aloisius Pascalis, a citizen of Cunium : the
other at Messina, named James Bovell, botl» of Pied-
mont : this year the residue of that godly fellowship
were martyred in the same place. I trust this good
seed sown in Italy, will bring forth good and plentiful
fruit."
478
PERSECUTION IN PROVENCE.
[Book VII.
Now follows the copy of the letters sent from Mon-
talto, a town in Calabria, eight miles distant from Con-
sentia, bearing date the 11th of June, 1560. The writer
of which letters, as ye may perceive, was one of them
who call themselves catholics, and followers of the
pope. The words of the letter are these.
Here followeth the copy of a letter sent from Mon-
talto in Calabria, by a Romanist, to a certain friend of
his in Rome, containing news of the persecution of
Christ's people in Calabria, by the new Pope Pius the
Fourth :—
" Hitherto, most noble lord, I have certified to you,
what hath been done here daily about these heretics.
Now I come next to certify to your lordship the horrible
judgment begun this day, the eleventh of June, and ex-
ecuted very early in the morning against the Lutherans :
which when I think upon, I verily quake and tremble.
And truly the manner of their putting to death, was to
be compared to the slaughter of calves and sheep. For
they being all thrust up in one house together as in a
sheepfold, the executioner comes in, and amongst them
takes one and blindfolds him with a muffler about his
eyes, and so leads him forth to a place near adjoining,
where he commands him to kneel down ; which being
done, he cuts his throat, and leaving him half dead,
and taking his butcher's knife and muffler all full of blood
comes again to the rest, and so leading them one after
another, he dispatched them all to the number of eighty-
eight. How doleful and horrible this spectacle was I
leave to your lordship's judgment ; for to write of it, I
myself cannot choose but weep. Neither was there any
of the beholders there present wlio seeing one die, could
abide to behold the death of another. But so humbly
and patiently they went to death, as is almost incredible
to believe. Some of them, as they were dying, affirmed,
that they believed even as we do ; notwithstanding, the
most part of them died in their obstinate opinions. All
the aged persons went to death more cheerfully ; the
younger were more timorous. I tremble and shake even
to remember how the executioner held his bloody knife
between his teeth, with the bloody muffler in his hand,
and his arms all in clotted blood up to the elbows, going
to the fold, and taking every one of them, one after an-
other, by the hand, and so dispatching them all, no
Otherwise than a butcher kills his calves and sheep.
" It is moreover appointed, and the carts are come al-
ready, that those so put to death should be quartered,
and conveyed in carts to parts of Calabria, where they
shall be hanged upon poles in the highways and other
places even to the confines of the same country. Unless
the pope's holiness and the lord viceroy of Naples shall
give in command to the lord marquis of Buccianus, go-
vernor of the said province, to stay his hand and go no
further, he will proceed with the rack and torture, exa-
mining all others, and so increase the number, that he
will nigh dispatch them all.
" This day it is also determined, that an hundred of the
more ancient women should appear to be examined and
racked, and after to be put to death, that the mixture
may be perfect, for so many men so many women.
And thus have you all that I can say of this justice.
Now it is about two of the clock in the afternoon ; short-
ly we shall hear what some of them said when they went
to execution. There are some of them so obstinate, that
they will not look upon the crucifix, nor be confessed to
the priest, and they will be burned alive.
" The heretics that are apprehended and condemned
are to the number of one thousand six hundred, but as
yet no more tlian these eighty-eight are already exe-
cuted. This people have their original of the valley
named Angrognia, near to Subaudia, and in Calabria are
called Ultraniontani. In the kingdom of Naples there
are four other places of the same people, of whom whe-
ther thejt live well or no, as yet we know not ; for they
are but simple people, without learning, wood-gatherers
and husbandmen ; but, as I hear, very devout and reli-
gious, giving themselves to die for religion's sake. — From
Montalto the 11th of June."
Marquess Buccianus above specified, had a son or bro-
ther, to whom the pope promised a cardinalship at
Rome, if all the Lutherans were extirpated and rooted
out in that province. That was jirobably the cause of
his inhuman persecution and effusion of christian blood.
After this lamentable slaughter in Calabria, we must
insert here the tragical persecution and horrible murder
of the faithful flock of Christ, inhabiting Merindole in
France, and the adjacent towns, in the time of Francis I.
The furious cruelty of which persecution, although it
cannot be set fortli too much at large, we have con-
tracted, omitting nothing which might seem worthy to be
recorded. The history here follows : —
A iinfable Mstor;/ nf the pcntecittion and destruction of
tite people of Merindole and Cabriers in the count ly of
Provence, tvhere not a few persons, hut whole villages
and townships, with the most part of all the country,
both men, women, and children, were jmt to all kind
ofcrueltij, and suffered martyrdom for the profession
of the gospel.
They that write of the beginning of this people say,
that about two hundred years ago, they came out of the
country of Piedmont to inhabit Provence, in certain vil-
lages destroyed by wars, and other i)laces ; they used
such labour and diligence, that they had abundance of
corn, wine, oil, honey, almonds, with other fruits of the
eartli, and much cattle. Before they came there, Merin-
dole was a barren desert, and not inhabited. But these
good people, in whom God always had reserved some seed
of piety, were compelled to dwell in that waste and wild
desert, whicli, througli tlie blessing of God, became ex-
ceeding fruitful. The world, in the meantime, so de-
tested and abhorred them, and railed against them in
such a manner, that it seemed as if they were not wor-
thy that the earth should bear them. For they had long
refused the bishop of Rome's authority, and observed a
more perfect doctrine than others, ever since A.D.
1200.
For this cause they were often accused to the king,
as despisers of the magistrates, and rebels. Wherefore
they were called by divers names, according to the
countries and places where they dwelt. For in the
couTitry abo\it Lyons, they were called the " poor people
of Lyons ;" in the borders of Sarmatia and Livonia,
and other countries toward the north, they were called
"Lollards;" in Flanders and Artois, " Turelupins,'' J
from a desert where wolves haunt. In Dauphiny thtj
were called " Chagnards," because they lived in placesi
open to the sun. But most commonly they were calledf
" Waldois," from Waldo, who first instructed them ii
the word of God ; which name continued until the name
of Lutherans began.
Notwithstanding all this, the people dwelling at the I
foot of the Alps, and also in Merindole and Cabriers,!
and thereabout, always lived so godly, so uprightly, and!
justly, that in all their life and conversation, there!
appeared to be in them a great fear of God. That!
little light of true knowledge which God had given them,|
they laboured to kindle and increase daily more and!
more, sparing no charges to procure the holy scrip-
tures, or to instruct the most intelligent in learning andl
godliness ; or else to send them into other countries,!
even to the farthest part of the earth, where they had]
heard that any light of the gospel had begun to shine.
For in the year 1.5;50, imderstanding that the gospel!
was preached in Germany and Switzerland, they sent]
there two learned men, George Maurell and Peter LatomI
to confer with the wise and learned ministers of the!
churches there, in the doctrine of the gospel, and toj
know the whole form and manner which those churches!
used in the service and worshipping of God ; and parti-
cularly to have their advice upon certain points onl
which they were not agreed. These two, after long con-
ference with the cliiefest in the church of God, namely,]
Oecolampadius at Basil, and Bucer and Capito at Stras-I
burg ; and at Berne, with Bathold Haller, as they were]
returning through Burgundy homeward, Peter Latom I
was taken at Dijon and cast into prison ; Maurell escaped, j
and returned alone to Merindole with the books andl
letters which he brought with him from the churches of j
A.D. l.r.T— la(;o.]
PERSECUTION IN PROVENCE.
479
Germany ; and declared to his brethren all his commis-
Fion, and opened to them, how many and great errors
they were in.
"\Vhen the people heard these, they were moved with
so much zeal to have their churches reformed, that they
sent for the most ancient brethren, and the chiefest in
knowledge and experience in all Calabria and Apulia
to consult with them touching the reformation of the
cliurch. This matter was so handled, that it stirred up
the bishops, priests, and monks in all Provence with
great rage against them. Amongst others tliere was one
cruel wretch called John de Roma, a monk, who obtain-
ing a commission to examine those who were suspected to
be of the Waldois or Lutheran profession, ceased not to
afflict the faithful in all kind of cruelty that he could
devise or imagine. Amongst other torments, this was
one which he most delighted in, and most constantly
practised ; he filled boots with boiling grease, and put
them upon their legs, tying them backward to a form,
with their legs hanging down over a small fire, and so
he examined them. Thus he tormented very many, and
in the end most cruelly put them to death.
After the death of this cruel monster, the bishop of
Aix, by his official, continued the persecution, and put
a great number of them in prison ; of whom some by
force of torments turned from the truth ; the others who
continued constant, after he had condemned them of
heiesy, were put into the hands of the ordinary judge,
■who without any form of process or order of law, put
them to death with most cruel torments.
After this, those of Merindole were cited personally to
appear before the king's attorney. But they, hearing
that the court had determined to burn them without
any further process or order of law, diu'st not appear at
the day appointed. For which the court awarded a cruel
sentence against Merindole, and condemned all the inha-
bitants to be burned, both men and women, sparing none,
no not even the little children and infants ; the town to
be razed, and their houses pulled to the ground ; also the
trees to be cut down, as well olive trees as all other, and
nothing to be left, to the intent it should never be in-
habited again, but remain as a desert or wilderness.
This bloody decree seemed so strange and wonderful,
that in every place throughout all Provence there was
great disputation concerning it, especially among the ad-
vocates and men of learning ; so that many durst boldly
and openly say, that they greatly marvelled how that
court of parliament could be so mad, or so bewitched
to give out such a decree, so manifestly injurious and
unjust, and contrary to all right and reason, yea, to all
sense of humanity ; also contrary to the solemn oath
which all such as are received to office in courts of par-
liament are accustomed to make, that is to say, to judge
justly and uprightly, according to the law of God, and
the just ordinances and laws of the realm, so that God
thereby might be honoured, and every man's right re-
garded, without respect to persons.
Some of the advocates or lawyers, defending the de-
cree said, that in case of Lutheranism, the judges are not
bound to observe either right or reason, law or ordinance ;
and that the judges cannot fail or do amiss, whatever
judgment they do give, so that it tend to the ruin and
extirpation of all such as are suspected to be Lutherans.
To this the other lawyers and learned men answered,
that in this way it would follow that the judges should
now follow the same manner and form against the christians
accused to be Lutherans, which the gospel witnesses that
the priests, scribes, and pharisees followed in pursuing and
persecuting, and finally condemning our Lord Jesus Christ.
The archbishop of Aries, the bishop of Aix, and divers
abbots, priors, and others, assembled themselves toge-
ther, to consult how this decree might be executed with
all speed, intending to raise a new persecution ; for
otherwise, said they, our state and honour is likely to
decay ; we shall be reproved, contemned, and derided
of all men. And if none should thus vaunt and set
themselves against us, but these peasants, and such like,
it were but a small matter ; but many doctors of divinity,
and men of the religious order, divers senators and ad-
voi^tes, many wise and well learned men, also a great
part of the nobility, yea, even of the chiefest peers in all
Europe, begin to contemn and despise us, counting us
to be no true pastors of the church ; so that except we
see to this mischief, and provide a remedy in time, it
is greatly to be feared, that we shall not only be com-
pelled to forsake our dignities, possessions, and livings,
which we now enjoy, but also the church being spoiled
of her pastors and guides, shall hereafter come to miser-
able ruin, and utter desolation.
Then the archbishop of Aries gave his advice as fol-
lows : " Against the nobility," said he, " we must take
heed that we attempt nothing rashly, but, rather we
must seek all the means we can how to please them ;
for they are our shield, — our fortress and defence. And
albeit we know that many of them do both speak and
think evil of us, and that they are of these new gospel-
lers, yet we must not reprove them, or exasperate them ;
we must rather seek how to win them, and to make them
our friends again by gifts and presents ; and by this
policy we shall live in safety under their protection."
" it is well said," said the bishop of Aix ; '' but I can
shew you a good remedy for this disease ; we must go
about with all our endeavour and power, and policy, and
all the friends we can make, sparing no charges, but
spending goods, wealth, and treasure, to make such a
slaughter of the INIerindolians and rustic peasants, that
none shall be so bold hereafter, whatever they be, yea,
although they be of the blood royal, once to open their
mouths against us, or the ecclesiastical state. And to
bring this matter to pass, we have no better way than to
withdraw ourselves to Avignon, in which city we shall
find many bishops, abbots, and other famous men, who
will employ their whole endeavour to maintain and up-
hold the majesty of our holy mother, the church. This
counsel was well liked by them all. Whereupon the
said archbishop of Aries, and the bishop of Aix, went
with all speed to Avignon, there to assemble out of
hand the bishops, and other men of authority and credit,
to consult of this matter. In this pestilent conspiracy,
the bishop of Aix, a stout champion, and a great de-
fender of the traditions of men, taking upon him to be
the cliief orator, began in a manner as follows : —
" O, ye fathers and brethren, ye are ignorant, that a
great tempest is raised up against the little bark of
Christ Jesus, now in great danger, and ready to perish.
Tlie storm cometh from the north, whereof all these trou-
bles proceed. The seas rage, the waters rush in on every
side, the winds blow and beat upon our house, and we
without speedy remedy are like to sustain shipwreck and
loss of all togetlier. For oblations cease, pilgrimage and
devotion waxeth cold, charity is clean gone, our estima-
tion and authority is debased, our jurisdiction decayed,
and the ordinances of the church despised. And where-
fore are we set and ordained over nations and kingdoms,
but to root out and destroy, to subvert and overthrow
whatsoever is against our holy mother, the church ?
Wherefore let us now awake ; let us stand stoutly in the
right of our own profession, that we may root out from
the memory of men for ever, the whole rout of the
wicked Lutherans ; those foxes, I say, which destroy
the vineyard of the Lord ; those great whales which go
about to drown the little bark of the Son of God. We
have already well begun, and have procured a terrible
decree against these cursed heretics of Merindole. Let
us therefore employ our whole endeavour, that nothing
happen which may hinder that which we have so happily
begun ; and let us take good heed that our gold and
silver do not witness against us at the day of judgment,
if we refuse to bestow the same, that we may make so
good a sacrifice unto God. And for my part I offer to
wage and furnish of mine own costs and charges, a hun-
dred men well horsed, with all other furniture to them
belonging, and that so long, till the utter destruction and
subversion of these wretched and cursed caitiffs is fully
finished."
This oration pleased the whole multitude, saving one
doctor of divinity, a friar jacobin, named Bassinet, who
then answered again with this oration : —
480
PERSECUTION IN PROVENCE.
[Book VII.
" This is a wpi^lity matter," said he, " and of great
im])ortaunft ; we must therefore proceed wisely, and in
the fear of Ood, and beware that we do nothing rashly.
For if we seek the death and destruction of these poor
and miserable ))eople wrongfully, when the king and the
nobility shall he?r of such a horrible slaughter, we shall
be in great danger, lest they do to us as we read in the
scriptures was done to the priests of Baal. For my part
I must say, and unfeignedly confess, that I have too
rashly and lightly signed many processes against those
who have been accused of heretical doctrine ; but now I
do protest before God, who seeth anjl knoweth the hearts
of men, that, seeing the lamentable end and effect of
mine assignments, I have had no quietness in my con-
science, considering that the secular judges, at the report
of the judgment and sentence given by me and other
doctors my companions, have condemned all those to
most cruel deaths, whom we have adjiulged to be heretics.
And the cause why in conscience I am thus disquieted,
is this, that now of late, since I have given myself more
diligently to the reading and conteini)lation of the holy
scriptures, 1 have perceived that the most part of those
articles, which they that are called Lutherans do main-
tain, are so conformable and agreeing to the scriptures,
that for my part I can no longer gainsay them, except I
should even wilfully and maliciously resist and strive
against the holy ordinances of God. It seemeth to me,
that we ought not any more to proceed in this matter as
we have done in time past. It shall be sufficient to pu-
nish with fine, or to banish them, who shall speak
against the constitutions of the church, and of the pope.
And such as shall be plainly convicted by the holy scrip-
ture to be blasphemous or obstinate heretics, to be con-
demned to death according to the enormity of their
crimes or errors, or else to perpetual prison. And this
is my advice and counsel."
With this counsel of Bassinet all the company was of-
fended, but especially the bishop of Aix, who, lifting up
his voice above all the rest, said thus unto him : " O
thou man of little faith ! wliereof art thou in doubt ?
Dost thou repent thee of that thou hast well done ?
Thou hast told here a tale that smelleth of fagots and
brimstone. Is there any difference, thinkest thou, between
heresies and blasphemies spoken and maintained against
the holy scriptures, and opinions holden against our
lioly mother the church, and contrary to our holy father,
the pope, a most undoubted and true God on earth ?
' Art thou a master in Israel, and knowest thou not
these things .'' "
" It is true," said Bassinet again, "thatmy lord, the bi-
shop of Aix, has well set out the manners and state of the
clergy, and has aptly reproved the vices and heresies of this
present time; and therefore so soon as mention was made of
the ship of Christ Jesus, it came into my mind first of
all of the high bishop of Jerusalem, the priests, the doc-
tors of the law, the Scribes and Pharisees, who once had
the government of this ship. But when they forsook
the law of God, and served him with men's inventions
and traditions, he destroyed those hypocrites in his
great indignation ; and having compassion and pity upon
the ])eople, who were like sheep without a shepherd, he
sent diligent fishers to fish for men, faithful workmen
into his harvest, and labourers into his vineyard, who
sliall all bring forth true fruits in their season. Secondly,
considering the purpose and intent of the reverend lord
bi>hop of Aix, I called to mind the saying of the apostle
in his first epistle to Timothy, (chap, iv.), 'That in the
latter days some shall depart from the faith, giving heed
to seducing spirits, and doctrines of devils.' And the
apostle gives a mark by which a man shall know them.
Likewise our Lord Jesus Christ, in the seventh chapter
of Matthew, saiih, ' That the false prophets shall come
clothed in sheepskins, but inwardly they are ravening
wolves, and by their fruits they shall be known.' By these,
and such other places, it is easy to understand who are
they that go about to drown this little bark of Christ. Are
they not those who fill the same with filthy and unclean
things, with mire and dirt, with puddle and stinking
water ? Are they not tlio?e who have forsaken Jesus
Christ, the fountain of living water, and have digged
unto themselves pits or cisterns which will hold no
water ? Truly, are they not those who vaunt themselves
to be the salt of the earth, and yet have no savour at all;
who call themselves pastors, and yet are not true pastors,
for they minister not unto the sheep the true pasture
and feeding, neither divide and distribute the true bread
of the word of life. And, if I may be bold to speak it,
would it not be at this present time as great a wonder
to hear a bishop preach, as to see an ass fly? Are
they not accursed of God who glory and boast that they
themselves have the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and
neither enter in themselves, nor suffer them that would
enter, to come in ? They may be known right well by
their fruits ; for they have forsaken faith, judgment,
and mercy, and there is no honest, clean, or undetiled
thing in them, but their habit, their rochet, and their
surplice, and such other. Outwardly they are exceed-
ing neat and trim, but within they are full of all abomi-
nation, rapine, gluttony, lust, and all manner of unclean-
ness ; they are like painted sepulchres, which outwardly
appear beautiful and fair, but within they are full of filth
and corruption. A man shall know, I say, these raven-
ing wolves by their fruits, who devour the quick and the
dead under the pretence of long prayers ; and as I am
enforced to give place to the truth, and that you call me
a master in Israel, 1 will not be afraid to prove by the
holy scriptures, that your great pilot and patron the
pope, and the bishops, the mariners, and such others
who forsake the ship of Christ Jesus, to embark them-
selves in pinnaces and brigantines, are pirates and rob-
bers of the sea, false prophets, deceivers, and not true
pastors of the church of Jesus Christ."
When Doctor Bassinet had thus freely and boldly ut-
tered his mind, the whole multitude began to gather
about him, and spitefully railed at him. But the bishop
of Aix, above others, raging and crying out as he had
been mad : "Get thee out," said he, " from amongst
us, thou wicked apostate ; thou art not worthy to be in
this company. We have burned daily a great many who
have not so well deserved it, as thou hast ; we may now
perceive that there is none more steadfast and fervent in
the faith than the doctors of the canon law. And there-
fore it were necessary to be decreed in the next general
council, that none should have to do in matters of reli-
gion but they alone ; for these knaves and beggarly
monks and friars will bring all to naught." Then the
other doctors of the same order boldly reproved the bi-
shop of Aix for the injury he had done to them. After
this there arose a great dissension among them, so that
there was nothing at that time determined. After din-
ner all these reverend prelates assembled together again,
but they suffered neither friar nor monk to be among
them, except he were an abbot. In this assembly they
made an agreement and confirmed it viith an oath,
that every man should himself endeavour that the decree
of Merindole should be executed with all expedition, and
that every man should furnish out men of war, according
to his ability. The charge whereof was given to the bi-
shop of Aix, and to the president of the canons, to so-
licit the matter, and to persuade by all possible means
the presidents and councillors of the court of ])arliament,
without fear or doubt, to execute the decree with drums,
ensigns displayed, artillery, and all kind of furniture of
war.
This conspiracy being concluded and determined, the
bishop of Aix departed to Aix, to perform the charge
which was given to him. They desired him to be, the
next day after the council, at a banquet which should be
made at the house of the bishop of Rieux. To this ban-
quet such as were known to be the fairest and most
beautiful women in all Avignon were called, to refresh
and solace these good prelates, after the great pains and
travel which they had taken for our holy mother, the
church. After they had dined, they fell to dancing,
playing at dice, and such other pastimes as are commonly
wont to be used at the banquets and feasts of these holj
prelates. After this they walked abroad to solace them-
selves, and to pass the time till supper.
A. D. 1527—1560.]
PERSECUTION IN PROVENCE
481
As they passed through the streets, they saw a man
who sold lewd images and pictures, with filthy rhymes
and ballads. All these pictures were bought up by the
bishops. In the same place, as they walked along, there
was a bookseller who had set out to sell some bibles in
Frenr h and Latin, with divers other books, which, when
the prelates beheld, they were greatly moved thereat,
and said unto him, " Darest thou be so hardy to set out
such merchandise to sell here in this town .' Dost thou
not know that such books are forbidden ?" The book-
seller answered : " Is not the holy Bible as good as these
goodly pictures which you have bought for these gentle-
women ?" He had scarce spoken these words, when the
bishop of Aix said, " I renounce my part of Paradise, if
this fellow be not a Lutheran." " Let him be taken,"
said he, " and examined what he is ;" and instantly the
bookseller was taken and carried to prison, and spite-
fully handled ; for a company of knaves and ruffians,
which waited upon the prelates, began to cry out : "A
Lutheran, a Lutheran! — to the fire with him, to the fire
with him !" and one gave him a blow with his fist,
another pulled him by the hair, and others by the beard,
in such sort that the poor man was all imbrued with
blood before he came to prison.
The morrow after, he was brought before the judges, in
the presence of the bishops, and was examined in the
following manner: " Ilast thou not set forth for sale
the Bible and the New Testament in French?" The
prisoner answered, that he had done so. And being
demanded, whether he understood or knew not, that it
was forbidden throughout all Christendom to print or
sell the Bible in any other language than in Latin ? He
answered, that he knew the contrary, and that he had
sold many Bibles in the French tongue, with the empe-
ror's privilege, and many others printed at Lyons ; also
New Testaments printed by the king's privilege. Fur-
thermore, he said that he knew no nation throughout all
Christendom, which had not the holy scriptures in their
vulgar tongue; and afterwards with a bold courage thus
he spake to them : " O you inhabitants of Avignon ! are
you alone in all Christendom those men who despise
and abhor the Testament of the Heavenly tather ? Will
ye forbid and hide that which Jesus Christ hath com-
mnnded to be revealed and published ? Do you not
know that our Lord Jesus Christ gave power unto his
apostles to speak all manner of tongues, to this end, that
his holy gospel should be taught unto all creatures in
every language ? And why do you not forbid those books
and pictures, which are full of filthiness and abomination,
and provoke God's vengeance and great indignation upon
you all ? What greater blasphemy can there be, than to
forbid God's most holy books, which he ordained to in-
struct the ignorant, and to reduce and bring again into
the way such as are gone astray ? What cruelty is this,
to take away from the poor weak souls their nourishment
and sustenance ? But, my lords, you shall give a heavy
account, who call sweet bitter, and bitter sweet, who
maintain abominable and detestable books and pictures,
and reject that which is holy."
Then the bishop of Aix and the other bishops began
to rage and gnash their teeth against this poor prisoner.
" What need you,'' said they, " any more examination ?
Let him be sent straight unto the fire without any more
words." But the judge, Laberius, and certain others,
were not of that mind, neither found they sufficient cause
to put him to death, but went about to have him put
to his fine, and to make him confess and acknowledge the
bishop of Aix, and others, to be the true pastors of the
church. But the bookseller answered, that he could not
do it with a good conscience, forasmuch as he did see
before his eyes, that these bishops maintained filthy
books and abominable pictures, rejecting and refusing
the holy books of God, and therefore he judged them ra-
ther to be the priests of Bacchus and Venus, than the
true pastors of the church of Christ. Whereupon he
was immediately condemned to be burnerf, and the sen-
tence was executed the very same day. And for a sign
or token of the cause of his condemnation, he carried two
fiibles hanging about his neck, the one before, and the
Other behind him ; but this poor man had also the word
of God in his heart, and in his mouth, and ceased not
continually by the way, until that he came to the place of
execution, to exhort and admonish the people to read the
holy scriptures, so that several were thereby moved to
seek after the truth.
The bishop of Aix returned to prosecute the execution
of the decree against Merindole. The president an-
swered him, that it was no small matter to put the de-
cree of Merindole in execution ; also that the decree ..was
given out more to kee]) the Lutherans in fear, than to ex-
ecute it. Moreover, he said that the decree of Merin-
dole was not definitive, and that the laws and statutes of
the realm did not permit the execution thereof without
further process. Then said the bishop, "If there be
either law or statute which do hinder or let you, we carry
in our sleeves to dispense therewithal." The president
answered : " It were a great sin to shed the innocent
blood." Then said the bishop: " The blood of them of
Merindole be upon us, and upon our successors.' ' Then
said the president : " I am very well assured, that if the
decree of Merindole be put in execution, the king will not
be well pleased to have such destruction made of his sub-
jects." Then said the bishop: " Although the king at
the first do think it evil done, we will so bring it to pass,
that within a short space he sluill think it well done ; for
we have the cardinals on our side, and especially the most
reverend cardinal of Toulon, who will take upon him
the defence of our cause, and we can do him no greater
pleasure, than utterly to root out these Lutherans ; so
that if we have any need of his counsel or aid, we shall be
well assured of him ; and is not he the principal, the most
excellent and prudent adversary of these Lutherans, which.
is in all Christendom ?''
By this and such other like talk the bishop of Aix per-
suaded the president and councillors of the court of par-
liament, to put the said decree in execution, and by thia-
means, through the authority of the court, the drum
was sounded throughout all Provence, the captains were
prepared with their ensigns displayed, and a great num-
ber of footmen and horsemen began to set forward, and
marched out of the town of Aix in order of battle, against
Merindole, to execute the decree. The inhabitants of
Merindole being advertised hereof, and seeing nothing
but present death, with great lamentation commended
themselves and their cause to God by prayer, making
themselves ready to be murdered and slain, as sheep led
unto slaugliter.
Whilst they were in tliis grievous distress, piteously
mourning and lamenting together, the father with the
son, the daughter with the mother, the wife with the
husband, suddenly there was news brought to them, that
the army was retired, and no man knew at that time
how, or by what means ; yet, notwithstanding, after-
wards it was known that the lord of Alene, a wise man,
and learned in the scrijitures, and in the civil law, being
moved with great zeal and love of justice, declared to the
president Cassanes, that he ought not to proceed against
the inhabitants of Merindole by way of force of arms,
contrary to iill form and order of justice, without judg-
ment or condemnation, or without making any differ-
ence between the guilty and the innocent.
Then the Merindolians understanding that the army
was retired, gave thanks to God, comforting one another
with admonition and exhortation always to have the fear
of God before their eyes, to be obedient to his holy com-
mandments, subject to his most holy will, and every man
to submit himself to his Providence, patiently attending
and looking for the hope of the blessed, that is to say,
the true life, and the everlasting riches, having always
before their eyes for example our Lord Jesus Clirist the
very Son of God, who hath entered into his glory by
many tribulations. Thus the Merindolians prepared
themselves to endure and abide all the afflictions that
it should please God to lay upon them : and such was
their answer to all those that either pitied, or else sought
their destruction. Whereupon the noise was so great,
as well of the decree, as of the enterprise of the execu-
tion, and also of the patience and constancy of the Me-
rindolians, that it was not hidden or kept oecret from
king Francis, a king of noble courage and great judg-
Ii2
482
PERSECUTION IN PROVENCE.
[Book VII.
ment ; who gave command to the noble and virtuous
lord Monsieur de Langeay, who then was his lieute-
nant in Turin, a city in Piedmont, that he should dili-
gently inquire and search out the truth of all this matter.
Whereupon the said Monsieur de Langeay sent unto
Provence two men of fame and estimation, giving them
in charge to bring unto him the copy of the decree, and
diligently to inquire out all that followed and ensued
thereupon ; and likewise to make diligent inquiry as to
the life and manners of the Merindolians, and others
which were persecuted in the country of Provence.
These deputies brought the copy of a decree, and of
all that happened thereupon, unto the said Monsieur de
Langeay, declaring unto him the great injuries, pollings,
extortions, exactions, tyrannies, and cruelties, which the
judges, as well secular as ecclesiastical had used against
them of Merindola, and others. As touching the be-
haviour and disposition of those which were persecuted,
they reported that the inhabitants of Merindole, and the
others that were persecuted, were peaceable and quiet
people, beloved of all their neighbours, men of good
behaviour, constant in keeping of their promise, and
paying of their debts, without traversing or pleading at
the law : that they were also charitable men, giving
alms, relieving the poor, and suffered none amongst
them to lack, or to be in necessity. Also they gave
alms to strangers, and to the poor passengers, harbour-
ing, nourishing, and helping them in all their necessities,
according to their power. Moreover, that they were
known by this, throughout all the country of Provence,
that they would not swear, nor name the devil, or easily
be brought to take an oath, except it were in judgment,
or making some solemn covenant. They were also
known by this, that they could never be moved nor pro-
voked to talk of any dislionest matters, but in what com-
pany soever they came, where they heard any wanton
talk, swearing or blasphemy to tlie dishonour of God,
they straightway departed out of that company. Also they
said, that they never saw them go to their business, but
first they said tlieir ju-ayers. The said people of Pro-
vence furthermore affirmed, that when they came to any
fairs or markets, or came to their cities on any occasion,
they never in any manner were seen in their churches : and
if they were, when they prayed they turned away their
faces from the images, and neither offered candles to
them, nor kissed their feet. Neither would they worship
the relics of saints, nor once look upon them. And,
morec?»,er, if they passed by any cross or image of the
crucifix, or any other saint by the way as they went,
they would do no reverence unto them. Also the priests
did testify, that they never caused them to say any
masses, neither dirges, neither yet de prqfundis, nei-
ther would they take any holy water ; and if it were
carried home unto their houses, they would not say once,
' God have mercy ;' yea, they seemed utterly to abhor it.
To go on pilgrimage, to make any vows to saints, to buy
pardons or remission of sins with money, yea, though it
might be gotten for a halfpenny, they thought it not
lawful. Likewise when it thundered or lightned, they
would not cross themselves, but casting up their eyes
unto heaven, fetch deep sighs. Some of them would
kneel down and pray, without blessing themselves with
the sign of the cross, or taking of holy water. Also
they were never seen to offer, or cast into the bason
any thing for the maintenance of lights, brotherhoods,
churches, or to give any offering either for the quick or
the dead. But if any were in affliction or poverty, those
they relieved gladly, and thought nothing too much.
This was the wliole tenor of the report made unto
Monsieur de Langeay, touching the life and behaviour of
the inhabitants of Merindole, and the others who were
persecuted. Of all those tilings the said Monsieur de
Langeay, according to the charge that was given him,
advertised the king, who understanding these things, as
a good prince moved with mercy and pity, sent letters
of grace and pardon, not only for those who were con-
demned for lack of appearance, but also for all the rest
of the country of Provence, who were accused and sus-
pected in like cases.
On the ©th'T part, the bjsliojis of Aix and Cavaillon
pursued still the execution of the decree of Merindole.
Then it was ordained by the court of parliament, that,
according to the King's letters, John Durand, counsellor
of the court of pailidmeut, with a secretary, and the
bishop of Cavaillon, witix a doctor of divinity, should go
unto Merindole, and there declare to the inhabitants the
errors and heresies which tliey knew to be contained ia
their confession, and make them apparent by good and
sufficient information ; and having so convicted them by
the Word of God, they should make them to renounce
and abjure the heresies ; and if the Merindolians did
refuse to abjure, then they should make relation thereof,
that the court might ajjpoint how they should further
proceed. After this decree was made, the bisliop of
Cavaillon would not tarry till the time which was ap-
pointed by the court for the execution of this matter •
but he himself, with a doctor of Divinity, came to Me-
rindole to make them abjure. The Merindolians an-
swered, that he enterprised against the authority of the
parliament, and that it was against his commission so to
do. Notwithstanding he was very earnest with them
that they should abjure, and promised them, if they
would do so, to take them under his wings and protec-
tion, even as the hen doth her chickens, and that they
should be no more robbed or spoiled. Then they re-
quired that he would declare to them what they should
abjure. The bishop answered, that the matter needed
no disputation, and that he required but only a general
abjuration of all errors, which would be no damage or
prejudice to them ; for he himself would not hesitate to
make the like abjuration. The Merindolians answered
him again, that they would do nothing contrary to the
decree and ordinance of the court, or the king's letters,
wherein he commanded that first the errors should be
declared to them, whereof they were accused : where-
fore they were resolved to understand what those errors
and heresies were, that being informed thereof by the
Word of God, they might satisfy the king's letters ;
otherwise it were but hypocrisy and dissimulation to do
as he required them. And if he could make it to ap-
pear to them by good and sufficient information, that
they had held any errors and heresies, or should be con-
victed thereupon by the Word of God, they would wil-
lingly abjure ; or if in their confession there were any
word contrary to the scriptures, they would revoke the
same. On the other hand, if it were not made manifest
to them, that they had held any heresies, but that they
had always lived according to the doctrine of the gospel,
and that their confession was grounded upon the same,
then they ought by no means to move or constrain them
to abjure any errors which they held not, and that it
were plainly against all equity and justice so to do.
Then the Bishop of Cavaillon was marvellously angry,
and would hear no word spoken of any demonstration to
be made by the word of God, but in a fury cursed and
gave him to the devil that first invented that means.
Then the doctor of divinity, whom the bishop brought
thither, demanded what articles they were that were pre-
sented by the inhabitants of Merindole, for the bishop of
Cavaillon had not yet shewn them to him. Then the
bishop of Cavaillon delivered the doctor the confession,
which after he had read, the bishop of Cavaillon said,
" What! this is full of heresy." Then they of Merin-
dole demanded, " In what point?" the bishop knew not
what to answer. Then the doctor demanded to have
time to look upon the articles of the confession, and to
consider whether they were against the scriptures or no.
Thus the bishop departed.
After eight days the bishop sent for this doctor, to
understand how he might order himself to make their
heresies appear which were in the said confession.
Whereunto the doctor answered, that he was never so
much abashed ; for when he had beheld the articles of
the confession, and the authorities of the Scriptures that
were there alleged, he had found that those articles were
wholly agreeable and according to the holy scriptures ;
and that he had not learned so much in the scriptures
all the days of his life, as he had in those eight days, in
looking upon those articles, and the authorities alleged.
Sliortly after the Bishop of Cavaillon came to Merin-
Itrsccatioits in IH'
Page 483.
A. D. 1527—1560,]
PERSECUTION IN PROVENCE.
483
d<ile, and calling before him the children both great and
small, gave them money, and commanded them with fair
words to learn the Lord's prayer and the creed in Latin.
The most part of them answered, that they knew the
Lord's prayer and the creed already in Latin, but they
could make no reason of that which they spake, but only
in the vulgar tongue. The bishop answered that it was
not necessary they should be so cunning, but that it was
sufficient that they knew it in Latin ; and that it was
not requisite for their salvation, to understand or to
expound the articles of their faith ; for tliere were many
bishops, curates, and doctors of divinity, whom it would
trouble to expound the Lord's prayer and the creed.
Here the bailifl' of Merindole, named Andrew Maynard,
asked, to what purpose it would serve to say the Lord's
prayer and the creed, and not to understand tl.e same ?
for in so doing they should but mock and deride God.
Then said the bishop, " Do you understand what is sig-
nified by these words, ' I believe in God ?' " The bailiff
answered, " I should think myself very miserable if I
did not understand it ;" and then he began orderly to
give an account of his faith. Then said the bishop, " I
would not have thought there had been so great doctors
in Merindole." The bailiff answered, " Tiie least of
the inhabitants of Merindole can do it yet more readily
than I; but, I pray you, question but one or two of these
young children, that you may understand whether they
be well taught or no." But the bishop either knew not
how to question them, or at the least would not.
Then one named Pieron Roy said, " Sir, one of these
children may question one another, if you think it so
good," and the bishop was contented. Then one of the
children began to question with his fellows, with such
grace and gravity as if he had been a schoolmaster ; and
the children one after another answered so to the purpose,
that it was marvellous to hear ; for it was done in the
presence of many, among whom there were four religious
men, that came lately out of Paris, of whom one said to
the bishop, I must needs confess, that I have often been
at the common schools of the Sorbonne in Paris, where
I have heard the disputations of the divines ; but yet
I never learned so much as I have done by hearing these
young children. Then said William Armant, " Did you
never read that which is written in Matthew xi. 25, 2f),
where it is said, ' I thank thee, O Father, Lord of heaven
and earth, because thou hast hid these things from the
wise and jirudent, and hast revealed them unto babes.
Even so. Father; for so it seemed good in thy sight.' ''
Then every man marvelled at the ready answers of the
children of Merindole.
When the bishop saw he could not thus prevail, he
tried another way, and went about by fair and flattering
words to bring his purpose to pass. Causing the
strangers to go apart, he said, that he now perceived
they were not so evil as many thought them to be ; not-
withstanding it was necessary that they should make
some small abjuration, which only the bailiff, with two
officers, might make generally in his presence, in the
name of all the rest, without any notary to record the
same in writing ; and in so doing they should be loved
and favoured of aU men, and even of those who now
persecuted them.
The bailiff, and the two officers, with divers other
ancients of the town, answered, that they were fully re-
solved not to consent to any abjuration, however it were
to be done, except that (which was always their excep-
tion) they could make it appear to them by the word of
God, that they had held or maintained any heresy ; mar-
velling much that he would go about to persuade them
to lie to God and to the world.
After this, John Miniers, lord of Opide, near Merin-
dole, forged a most impudent lie, giving the king to un-
derstand, that they of Merindole, and all the country
near about, to the number of twelve or fifteen thousand,
were in the field in armour with their ensigns dis-
played, intending to take the town of Marseilles, and to
make it one of the cantons of the Switzers ; and to stay
tliis enterprise, he said, it was necessary to execute the
decree : and by this means he obtained the king's let-
ters patent, through the help of the cardinal of Tou-
lon, commanding the sentence to be executed against
the Merindolians.
After this he gathered all the king's army, which was
then in Provence ready to go against the Englishmen,
and took up all besides, that were able to bear armour,
in the chief towns of Provence, and joined them with
the army which the jiope's legate had levied for that
purpose in Avignon, and all the country of Venice, and
employed the same to the destruction of Merindole,
Cabriers, and other towns and villages, to the number
of twenty-two, giving commission to his soldiers to
spoil, ransack, burn, and to destroy all together, and to
kill man, woman, and child, without mercy.
But this arch-tyrant, before he came to Merindole,
ransacked and burnt certain towns, namely, La Roche,
St. Stephens, Ville Laure, Lormarin, La Motte, Ca-
briers, St. Martin, Pijjin, and other places more, not-
withstanding that the decree extended but only to
Merindole, where the most of the poor inhabitants were
slain and nmrdered without any resistance ; women with
child, and little infants born and to be born were most
cruelly murdered ; the paps of many women were cut
Off, which gave suck to their children, who looking for
suck at their mother's breast, died for hunger. There
never was any such cruelty and tyranny seen before.
The Merindolians seeing all on a flaming fire round
about them, left their houses, and fled into the
woods.
Not long after it was shewn them how that jNIiniers
was coming with all his power to give the charge upon
them. This was in the evening, and that they might
go through rough and cumbersome places, and hard to
pass by, they all thought it most expedient for their
safeguard to leave behind them all the women and chil-
dren, with a few others, and among them also certain
ministers of the church ; the residue were appointed to
go to the town of Mussi. And this they did upon the
hope that the enemy would show mercy to the multitude of
women and children who were destitute of all succour. No
tongue could express what sorrow, what tears, what sigh-
ing, what lamentation there was at that woful departing,
when they were compelled to be thus separated asunder,
the husband from his dear wife, the father from his sweet
babes and tender infants, the one never like to see the
other again alive. Notwithstanding after the ministers
had ended their ordinary sermons, with evening prayers
and exhortations, the men departed that night, to avoid
a greater inconvenience.
In the mean time Miniers came to Merindole, which
was taken, ransacked, burnt, razed, and laid even with
the ground.
When he had destroyed Merindole, he laid siege to
Cabriers, and battered it with his ordnance ; but when
he could not win it by force, he, with the lord of the
town, and Poulin, his chief captain, persuaded the in-
habitants to open their gates, solemnly promising, that if
they would so do, they would lay down their armour,
and also that their cause should be heard in judgment
with all equity and justice, and no violence or injuiy
should be shewed against them. Upon this they opened
their gates, and let in Miniers, with his captains, and all
his army. But the tyrant when he was once entered,
falsified his promise, and raged like a beast. For first
of all he picked out about thirty men, causing them to
be bound, and carried into a meadow near to the town,
and there to be miserably cut and hewn in pieces.
Then he exercised his fury and outrage upon the
women, and caused forty of them to be taken, of whom
several were great with child, and put them into a barn
full of straw and hay, and caused it to be set on fire ;
and when the women, running to the great window
where the hay is wont to be cast into the barn, would
have leaped out, but they were kept in with pikes and
halberts. Then there was a soldier who, moved with
pity at the crying out and lamentation of the womeij,
opened a door to let them out ; but as they were coming
out, the tyrant caused them to be slain and cut in pieces.
Many fled into the wine-cellar of the castle, and many
hid themselves in caves, whereof some were carried into
the meadow, and, after beigg stripped naked, were slain ;
484
PERSECUTIONS OF THE WALDENSES,
[Book Vll.
others were bound two and two together, and carried
into the hall of the castle, where they were sliin by the cap-
tains, who rejoiced in tlieir cruel and inhuman slaughter.
That done, this tyrant, more cruel than ever was
Herod, commanded captain John de Gay witli a band of
ruffians to go into the church, where there was a great
number of women, children, and young infants, and to kill
all that he found there ; which the captain refused at first
to do, saving, that was a cruelty unusual among men of
war. Whereat Miniers being displeased, charged him
■npon pain of rebellion and disobedience to the king, to
do as he commanded him. The captain fearing what
might ensue, entered with his men, and destroyed them
all, sparing neither young nor old.
In the mean while certain soldiers went to ransack the
houses for the spoil, where they found many poor men
that had there hidden themselves in cellars, and other
places, flying upon them, and crying out, " Kill, kill !"
The other soldiers that were without the town, killed all
that they could meet with. The number of those that
■were unmercifully murdered, were about a thousand )ier-
sons of men, women, and children. The infants that
escaped their fury, were baptized again by their enemies.
In token of this victory, the pope's officers caused a
pillar to be erected in Cabriers, on which was engraven
the year and the d\y of the taking and sacking of this
town, by John ]\liniers, lord of Opide, and chief pre-
sident of the parliament of Provence, for a memorial
for ever of that barliarous cruelty, the like vi'here-
of was never before heard of. Whereupon we v^•ith all
our posterity have to understand what are the reasons
and arguments wherev/ith the antichrist of Rome is wont
to uphold the impious seat of his abomination ; who now
is come to such excess and profundity of all kinds of
iniquity, and all justice, equity, and verity being set
aside, he seeketh the detVnce of his cause by no other
thing but only by fore? and violence, terror, and op-
pression, and shedding of Idond
In the mean while tlie inhaliitants of Merindole, and
other j)laces, were among the mountains and rocks, in
great necessity of victuals, and in much affliction ; they
had procured some men who were in some favour and
authority with Miniers, to mike request to him, that
they mi^'ht depart safely whither it should jdease f!od to
lead them, with their wives and children, although they
had no more but their shirts to cover their nakedness.
Miniers made this answer : "I know what I have to do ;
not one of them shall escape my hands ; I will send them
to dwell in hell among the devils.''
Thus hast thou heard, loving reader, the terrible
troubles and slaughters committed by the bishops and
cardinals, against these faithful men of Merindole.
Now, touching the people of Merindole, is briefly to
be noted, that this was not the first time that these men
were vexed. For these inhabitants of Provence, and
other coasts bordering about France and Piedmont, had
their continuance from ancient times, and received their
doctrine first from the Waldenses, or Albigenses, who
were (as some say) about A. D. 1170; or (as others
reckon) about A.I). I'ilG.
These Waldenses, otherwise called poor men of Lyons,
beginning from Peter Waldo, being driven out of Lyons,
were dtsjiersed in divers countries, some fled to Massilia,
some to Germany, some to Sarmatia, Livonia, Pohemia,
Calabria, and Apulia ; several strayed to France, especially
about Provence and Piedmont, of whom came these Me-
rindolians, and the Angroirnians with others. They who
were in the country of Toulouse, were called Albii, or Al-
bigenses, from the ]i)nce where they frequented. Against
the Albigenses, I'riar Dominic was a great actor, la-
bouring and preaching against them ten years tog, ther ;
and caused many of them to Vje burned, for which he was
highly accepted and rewarded in the ai>ostolical court,
and at length, by Pope Ilonorius III. was made patriarch
of the Dominican friars.
These Albigenses. against the pope of Rome, had set
up to themselves a bishop of their own, named Baitlio-
lomew. For which the see of Rome took great indigna-
tion against the Albigenses, and caused all the faithful
catholics, and subjects of the church, to rise up iu ar-
mour, and to take tlie sign of the holy cross upon them,
and to fight against them, A. D. 120(j ; great multitudes of
them were cruelly murdered, not only about Toulouse •
and Avignon, but also in all (piarters, miserable slaugh-
ters and burnings long contiinied, from the reign of
the emperor Frederick II., almost to this present time,
through the instigation of the Romm ])opes.
Among other authors who write of those Waldenses,
John Sleidan, treating of their continuance and doctrine,
thus writes of them : "There are," saith he, "in the
French Provence a people called Waldoi. These of an
ancient custom among them do not acknowledge the
bishop of Rome, and have ever used a manner of doc-
trine more pure than the rest, but especially since the
coming of Luther, they have increased in more know-
ledge and ])erfection of judgment."
Concerning the confession and the doctrine of the
Merindolians received of ancient time from their fore-
fathers the Waldenses, thus it follows in the said book
and place of John Sleidan.
" At last, after he had described what great cruelty
was shewed against them, when the re])ort hereof was
spread in (Sermany, it offended the minds of many : and
indeed the Switzers, who were then of a contrary reli-
gion to the pope, entreated the king that he would shew
mercy to such as had fled. The year before he had re-
ceived from his subjects of Merindole a confession of
their faith and doctrine : the articles whereof were, that
they, according to the Christian faith, confessed, first
God the Father, Creator of all things : the Son, the only-
Mediator and Advocate of mankind : the Holy Spirit,
the Comforter, and Instructor of all truth. They con-
fessed also the church, which they acknowledged to be
the fellowship of God's elect, whereof Jesus Clirist is
head. The ministers also of the church they allowed, wish-
ing that such as did not their duty should be removed.
" And as touching magistrates, they granted likewise
the same to be ordained of God to defend the good,
and to punish the transgressors. And how they owe to
him, not love only, but also tribute and custom, and no
man herein to be excepted, even by the example of
Christ, who paid tribute himself, &c.
" Likewise of baptism, they confessed the same to be
a visible and an outward sign, but rejiresents to us the
renewing of the spirit, and mortification of the members.
" As touching the Lord's supper, they said and con-
fessed the same to be a thanksgiving, and a memorial of
the benefit received through Christ.
" Matrimony they affirmed to be holy, and instituted
of God, and to be prohibited to no man.
" That good works are to be observed and exercised
by all men, as the holy scripture teaches.
" Tliat false doctrine, which leads men away from the
true worship of God, ought to be eschewed.
" Finally, the order and rule of their faith they con-
fessed to be the Old and New Testament ; protesting
that they believed all such things as are contained in the
apostolic creed : desiring moreover the king to give cre-
dit to this their declaration of their faith ; so that what-
soever was informed to him to the contrary was not true,
and that they would well prove, if they might be heard."
T/ie History <f the Pcrsecvfinns and Wars ar/ainsf the
people called Waldenses or Waldois, in the Vallei/s r./
Anr/roffne, Ivcerne, St. Martin, Peronse, and at hers,
in the countri/ of Piedmont, from the year 1555 to
1561.
To proceed now in the persecution of these Waldois,
or Waldenses, you have heard how they, dividing them-
selves into various countries, fled to Provence, to Tou-
louse, of which sufficient hath been said. Some went to
Piedmont, and the valley of Angrogne, of whom it fol-
lows now to treat.
Thus these good men, by long persecution, being
driven from place to place, were in all j)laces afflicted,
but yet could never be utterly destroyed, nor yet com-
])elled to yield to the superstitious and false religion of
tlie church of Rome : but ever abstained from tln-ir cor-
ruption and idolatry, as much as was possible, and gave
A D. 1527—1560.]
PERSECUTIONS OF THE WALDENSES.
485
themselves to the word of God, as a rule both truly to
sene hiin, and to direct their lives accordingly.
They had many books of the Old and New Testa-
ments translated into their language. Their ministers
histructed them secretly, to avoid the fury of their
enemies who could not abide the light. They lived in
great simplicity, and by the sweat of their brows. They
were quiet and peaceable among their neighbours, ab-
staining from blasphemy, and the profaning of the name
of God by oaths, and such other impiety : from games,
dancing, songs, and other vices and dissolute life, and
conformed their life wholly to the rule of God's word.
Their principal care was always, that God might be
rightly served, and his word truly preached : so that in
our time, when it jjleased God to sef forth the light of
his gospel more clearly, they never spared any thing to
establish the true and pure ministry of the word of God
and his sacraments. Which was the cause that Satan
with his ministers so persecuted them of late more
cruelly than he ever did before, as ajipears by the cruel
and horrible persecutions which have been, not only in
Provence, against those of Merindole and Cabriers ; but
also against those remaining in the valleys of Angrogne,
and of Lucerne, and also in the valley of St. Martin and
Perouse, in Piedmont. Which people of a long time
were persecuted by the papists, and especially within
these few years they have been vexed, so that it seems
almost incredible : and yet God hath miraculously de-
livered them.
The people of Angrogne had before this time some to
preach the word of God, and to minister the sacraments
unto them privately ; yet in the year 1555, in the be-
ginning of the month of August, the gospel was openly
preached in Angrogne. The ministers and the people
intended at first to keep themselves still as secret as
they might : but there was such concourse of people
from all parts, that they were compelled to preach
openly abroad. For this cause they built a church in
the midst of Angrogne, where assemblies were made,
and sermons preached.
At this time the French King held these valleys, and
they were under the jurisdiction of the parliament of
Turin. In the end of December following, news
was brought, that it was ordained by the parliament,
that certain horsemen and footmen should be sent to
spoil and destroy Angrogne. Some who pretended great
friendship to this people, counselled them not to go for-
ward with their enterprise, but to forbear for a while,
and to wait for better opportunity. But they, notwith-
standing, calling upon God, determined with one accord
constantly to persist in their religion, and in hope and
silence to abide the good pleasure of God : so that this
enterprise against Angrogne was soon dashed. The
same time they began also openly to preach in Lucerne.
In the month of March 1556, the ministers of the
valley of St. Martin preached openly. At that time
certain gentlemen of the valley of St. Martin took a good
man named Bartholomew, a bookbinder, prisoner, as he
passed by the said valley, and sent him to Turin ; and
there, with a marvellous constancy, after he had made a
good confession of his faith, he suffered death ; so that
several of the Parliament were astonished and appalled
at his constancy.
From thence they went to the valley of St. Martin,
and remained there a good while, tormenting the poor
people, and threatening their utter ruin and destruction.
After that they came to Lucerne, troubling and vexing
the people there in like manner. From thence they
went to Angrogne, accompanied with many gentlemen,
and a gre«t rabble of priests.
After they were come to Angrogne, the president hav-
ing visited the two temples, caused a monk to preach in
the one, the people being there assembled ; who pre-
tended nothing else, but only to exhort them to return
to the obedience of the see of Rome. The aforesaid
monk, with the president, and all his whole retinue,
kneeled down twice, and called upon the Virgin Mary ;
but the ministers and all the people stood still, and
would not kneel, making no sign or token of reverence.
As soon as the monk had ended his sermon, the peoide
requested instantly that their minister might also be suf-
fered to preach, affirniing that the monk had spoken
many things which were not according to the word of
God. But the president would not grant their request.
After that the president admonished them, in the name of
the king and tlie parliament of Turin, that they should
return to the obedience of the pope, upon pain of loss of
goods and life, and utter destruction of their town. And
he recited unto them the jiiteous discomfiture of their bre-
thren and friends, which had been done before in Merin-
dole and Cabriers, and other places in the country of
Provence. The ministers and the people answered, that
they were determined to live according to the word of
God, and that they would obey the king and all their
superiors in all things, so that God thereby were not dis-
pleased ; and if it were shewn to them by the word of
God, that they erred in any point of religion, they
were ready to receive correction, and to be reformed.
This talk endured about six hours together, even until
night. In the end, the president said there should be a
disputation appointed for those matters, to which the
peo])le gladly agreed.
Here he remained fourteen days, daily practising new
devices to vex and torment them with new proclama-
tions ; now calling to him the syndics and head-officers,
now severally, and now altogether, that so for fear he
might make them relent ; causing also assemblies to be
made in every parish by such as he appointed, thinking
thereby to divide the people. Notwithstanding he pre-
vailed nothing with all that he could do ; but still they
continued constant. Insomuch that they with one ac-
cord presented a brief confession of their faith, with aa
answer to certain interrogatories propounded by the pre-
sident, in which they confessed, —
That the religion wherein both they and their elders
had been long instructed and brought up, was the same
which is contained both in the Old and New Testament,
and which is also briefly comprised in the twelve articles
of the Christian belief.
Also, that they acknowledged the sacraments insti-
tuted by Christ, whereby he distributes abundantly his
graces and great benefits, his heavenly riches and trea-
sures to all those who receive the same with a true and
lively faith.
Furthermore, that they received the creeds of the four
general councils ; that is to say, of Nice, Constanti-
nople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon, and also the creed of
Athanasius, wherein the mystery of the Christian faith
and religion is i)lainly and largely set out.
Also, the ten commandments expressed in the 20th
chapter of Exodus, and the 5th of Deut., in which the
rule of a godly and holy life, and also the true service
which God requires of us, is briefly comprised ; and
therefore following this article, they suffered not by any
means (said they) any gross iniquities to reign amongst
them ; as unlawful swearing, jjerjury, blasphemy, curs-
ing, slandering, dissension, deceit, wiong dealing, usury,
gluttony, drunkenness, theft, murder, or such like ; but
wholly endeavoured themselves to live in the fear of God,
and according to his holy will.
Moreover, they acknowledged the superior powers, as
princes and magistrates, to be ordained of God ; and
that whosoever resisteth the same, resisteth the ordi-
nance of God ; and therefore humbly submitted them-
selves to their superiors with all obedience, so that they
commanded nothing against God.
Finally, they protested, that they would in no point
be stubborn, but if that their forefathers or they had
erred in any one jot concerning true religion, the same
being proved by the word of God, they would williugly
yitld and be reformed.
Their interrogatories were concerning the mass, auri-
cular confession, baptism, marriage and burials, accord*
ing to the institution of the church of Rome.
To the first they answered, that they received the
Lord's supper as it was instituted by him and celebrated
by his apostles ; but as touching the mass, excejjt the
same might be proved by the word of God, they would
not receive it.
To the second, touching auricular confession, they
4S6
PERSECUTIONS OF THE WALDENSES.
[Book VII.
said, that for their part they confessed themselves daily
unto God, acknowledging themselves before him to be
miserable sinners, desiring of him pardon and forgiveness
of their sins, as Christ instructed his in the prayer
which he taught them. " Lord. forgive our sins ;*' and as
St. John saith, " If we confess our sins to God, he is
faithful and just to forgive us our sins, and to cleanse us
from all uurigliteousness ;" and according to that which
God liimself saith by his prophet, " O Israel, if thou re-
turn, return unto me ;" and again, " O Israel, it is I, it
is I wlio forgiveth thee thy sins." So that, seeing they
ought to return to God alone, and it is he only who f r-
g^ves sins, therefore they were bound to confess them-
selves to God only, and to no other. Also it appears,
tiiat David in his Psalms, and the Prophets, and other
faitliful servants of God, have confessed themselves
both generally and particularly unto God alone ; yet if
the contrary might be proved by tlie word of God,
they would (said they) receive the same with all humble-
ness.
Thirdly, as touching baptism, they acknowledged and
received that holy institution of Christ, and administered
the same with all simplicity, as he ordained it in his
lioly gospel, without any changing, adding or diminish-
ing in any point, and that all this they did in their
mother-tongue, according to the rule of St. Paul, who
directs that in the church every thing be done in the
mother-tongue, for the edification of our neighbour,
1 Cor. xiv. ; but as for their conjurations, oiling, and
salting, except the same might be proved by the sacred
scripture, they would not receive them.
Fourtlily, as touching burials, they answered, that
they knew there was a difference between the bodies of the
true christians and the infidels, as the first are the mem-
bers of Je.sus Christ, temples of the Holy Ghost, and
partakers of the glorious resurrection of the dead, and
therefore they are accustomed to follow their dead to the
grave reverently, with a sufficient comjjany, and exhor-
tation out of the word of God, as well to comfort the
parents and friends of the dead, as also to admonish all
men diligently to prepare them.selvps to die. But as for
the using of candles or lights, praying for the dead, ring-
ing of bells, except the same might be proved to be ne-
cessary by the word of God, and that God is not offended
therewith, they would not receive them.
Fifthly, as touching obedience to men's traditions,
they received and allowed all those ordinances which,
as St. Paul says, serve for order, decency, and reve-
rence of the ministry. But as for other ceremonies,
•which have been brought into the church of God, either
as a part of divine service, or to merit remission of sins,
or else to bind men's consciences, because they are re-
pugnant to the word of God, they could by no means
receive them.
And whereas the commissioners affirmed the said tra-
ditions to have been ordained by councils ; first, they an-
swered, that the greatest part of them were not ordained
by councils. Secondly, that councils were not to be
preferred above the word of God, which saith, "If any
man, yea, or an angel from heaven, should preach unto you
otherwise than that which hath been received of the Lord
Jesus, let him be accursed." And therefore, said they,
if councils have ordained any thing dissenting from the
■word of God they would not receive it.
Wherefore they required the commissioners, that a
disputation miglit be had publicly, and in their presence,
and then if it might be proved, by the word of God, that
they erred, either in doctrine, or conversation, and man-
ner of living, they were content with all humbleness to
be corrected and reformed. Beseeching them to con-
sider also that their religion had been obser\ed and kept
from their ancestors, until their time, many hundred
years together ; and yet, for their parts, being convicted
by the infallible word of God, they would not obstinately
stand to the defence thereof. Saying moreover, that
they, together with the said lords' deputies, confessed
all one God, one Saviour, one Holy Ghost, one law, one
baptism, one hope in heaven ; and, in sum, they af-
firmed that their faith and religion was firmly founded
and grounded upon the pure word of God.
To be short, seeing it is permitted to the Turks, Sara-
cens, and Jews (which are mortal enemies to our Saviour
Christ,) to dwell peaceably in the fairest cities of Chris-
tendom, by good reason they should be suffered to live in
the desolate mountains and valleys, having their whole re-
ligion founded upon the holy gospel, and worshipping the
Lord Jesus, and therefore they most humbly besought
them to have pity and compassion upon them, and to
suffer them to live quietly in their deserts ; protesting
that they and theirs would live in all fear and reverence
of (lod, with all due subjection and obedience to their
lord and prince, and to his lieutenants and officers.
The president, and the rest of the commissions, per-
ceiving that they laboured in vain, returned to Turin with
the notes of their proceedings ; which immediately were
sent to the king's court, and there the matter remained
one year before there was any answer made thereunto.
During which time the Waldois lived in great quietness,
as God of liis infinite goodness is wont to give some com-
fort and refresliing to his j)oor servants, after long
troubles and afflictions. The number of the faithful so
augmented, that throughout the valleys God's word was
purely preached, and his sacraments duly administered,
and no mass was sung in Angrogne, nor in divers other
jjlaces. Tlie year after, the president of St. Julian,
with his associates, returned to Pignerol, and sent for the
cliief rulers of Angrogne, and of the valley of Lucerne,
that is, for six of Angrogne, and for two of every parish
besides, and showed to them, how that the last year they
had jjresented their confession, which was sent to the
king's court, and there diligently examined by learned
men, and condemned as heretical. Therefore the king
willed and commanded them to return to the obedience of
the church of Rome, upon pain of loss both of goods and
life ; enjoining them moreover to give him a direct answer
within three days. From thence he went to Lucerne,
and caused the householders, with great threatenings, to
assemble themselves before certain by him appointed ;
but they with one assent persisted in their former con-
fession. And lest they should seem stubborn in the de-
fence of any erroneous doctrine, they desired that their
confession might be sent to all the universities of Chris-
tendom, and if the same in any part were disproved by
the word of God, it should immediately be amended ;
but contrariwise, if that were not done, then they to be
no more disquieted.
The president, not contented with this, the next morn-
ing sent for six persons of Angrogne, and for two out of
every other parish, whom he and the gentlemen of the
country tlireatened very sorely, and warned twelve of the
chief of Angrogne, and of the other parishes, to appear
personally at the parliament of Turin, and to bring before
the judges of the parliament their ministers and school-
masters, thinking, if they were once banished the country,
that then their enterjirise might soon be brought to an
end. To which it was answered, that they could not,
nor ought not to obey such a commandment.
A little while after proclamation was made in every
place, that no man should receive any preacher coming
from Geneva, but oidy such as were appointed by the
archbishop of Turin, and others his officers, upon pain of
confiscation of tlieir goods, and loss of their lives, and
that every one should observe the ceremonies, rites, and
religion used in the church of Rome. Furthermore, if
any of the aforesaid preachers of Geneva came into
tliose quarters, that they should immediately be appre-
hended, and that none of tliem should be concealed by
any one.
Now after four years, viz., A.D. lo.")'), there was a
peace concluded between the French king and the king of
."^pain ; when the country of Piedmont (certain towns cx-
cejjted) was restored to the Duke of Savoy ; under whom
the churches, and all other faithful people in Piedmont,
continued in great quietness, and were not molested ;
and the duke himself was content to suffer them to live
in their religion, knowing that he had no subjects more
faithful and obedient than they were. But Satan hating all
quietness, by his ministers stirred up the duke against the
churches of Piedmont, and his own natural subjects. For
the pope and the cardinals, seeing the good inclination
A.D. 1527— 1560.J
PERSECUTION OF THE WALDENSES.
48;
of the duke towards this people, incensed him to do tliat
which otherwise he would not. The pope's legate also,
who then followed the court, and others that favoured
the church of Rome, laboured by all means to persuade
the duke that he ought to banish the Waldois ; alleging
that he could not suffer such a people to dwell v/ithin
his dominion, without prejudice and dishonour to the
ai)ostolic see. Also that they were a rebellious people
against the holy ordinances and decrees of their holy
mother the church. And briefly, if he would indeed
show himself a loving and obedient son, that he might
no longer suffer the people, being so disobedient and
stubborn against the holy father.
Such devilish instigations were tlie cause of these
horrible and furious persecutions, wherewith these poor
people of the valleys, and in the country of Piedmont, were
so long vexed. And because they foresaw the great cala-
mities which they were likely to suffer, to find some
remedy for the same, if it were possible, all the churches
of Piedmont with one common consent wrote to the
duke, declaring in effect, that the only cause why they
were so hated, and for which he was by their enemies so
sore incensed against them, was their religion, which was
no new or light opinion, but that wherein they and their
ancestors had long continued, being wholly grounded upon
the infallible word of God, contained in the Old and New
Testament. Notwithstanding, if it might be proved by
the same word that they held any false or erroneous
doctrine, they would submit themselves to be reformed
with all obedience.
But it is not certain whether this advertisement was
delivered unto the duke ; for it was said that he would
not hear of that religion. But however, in the month
of March following, there was a great persecution
raised against the poor christians who were at Carignan.
Amongst whom there were certain godly persons taken
and burnt within four days after.
Shortly after, these churches of the Waldois, that is
to say, Le Larch, Meronne, Meane, and Suse, were
wonderfully assaulted. To recite all the outrage, cruelty,
and villany that was there committed were too long ; for
brevity's sake we will recite only certain of the principal
and best known. The churches of Meane and Suse
suffered great affliction. Their minister was taken among
others. Many fled away, and their houses and goods
were ransacked and spoiled. The minister was a good
and faithful servant of God, and endued with excellent
gifts and graces, who in the end was put to a most
cruel and shameful death. The great patience which he
shewed in the midst of the fire, greatly astonished the
adversaries. Likewise the churches of Larch and Me-
ronne were marvellously tormented and afflicted. For
some were taken and sent to the galleys, others consented
and yielded to the adversaries, and a great number of
them fled away. It is certainly known, that those who
yielded to the adversaries were more cruelly liandled
than the others who continued constant in the truth.
Whereby God declares how greatly he detests all such as
play the apostate, and shrink from the truth.
But for the better understanding of the beginning of
this horrible persecution against the Waldois, here note,
that first of all the proclamations were made in every
place, that none should resort to the sermons of the Lu-
therans, but should live after the customs of the church
of Rome, upon pain of forfeiture of their goods, and to
be condemned to the galleys for ever, or lose their lives.
Three of the most cruel persons that coidd be found,
were ajipointed to execute this commission.
At tliat time Charles de Comptes, of the valley of Lu-
cerne, and one of the lords of Angrogne, wrote to the
commissioners to use some lenity towards them of the
valley of Lucerne. By reason whereof they were a
while more gently treated than the rest. At that season
the monks of Pignerol and their associates tormented
grievously the churches near about them. They took
the poor christians as they passed by the way, and kept
them prisoners within their abbey. And having assem-
bled a company of ruffians, they sent them to spoil those
ol the churches, and to take prisoners men, women, and
childien ; and some they so tormented, that they were
compelled to swear to return to mass ; others they sent
to the galleys, and some they cruelly burnt. They who
escaped were afterwards so sick, that they seemed to
have been poisoned.
The gentlemen of the valley of St. Martin treated their
tenants very cruelly, threatening them and commanding
them to return to mass ; also spoiling them of their goods,
im])risoning them, and vexing them by all the means they
could. But above all the others, there were two especially,
that is to say, Charles Truchet, and Boniface his brother,
who the second day of April, before day, with a company
of ruffians, spoiled a village of their own subjects named
Renclaret ; which as soon as the inhabitants of the
village perceived, they fled to the mountains, then covered
with snow, naked and without victuals, and there re-
mained until the third night after. In the morning, his
retinue took a minister of tiie valley prisoner, and led
him to the abbey, where he was burnt soon after, with one
other of the valley of St. Martin.
In the end of June next following, the lord of Raco-
nig and the lord of laTrinite came to Angrogne, there to
mitigate, as they said, the sore persecution, and caused
the chief rulers and ministers to assemble together, pro-
pounding several points of religion concerning doctrine,
the calling of ministers, the mass, and obedience to-
wards princes and rulers ; and declared to them, that
their confession had been sent to Rome by the duke, and
that they daily looked for an answer. To all these
points the ministers answered. After this they demanded
of the chief rulers, if the duke should cause mass to be
sung in their parishes, whether they would submit to the
same or not ? They answered simply, that they would not.
Then they demanded of them, if the duke would appoint
them preachers, whether they would receive them ?
They answered, that if they preached the word of God
purely, they would hear them. Thirdly, If that they
were content that in the meantime their ministers should
cease, and if they who should be sent preached not the
word of God sincerely, then their ministers to preach
again. If they would agree to this, they were promised
that the persecution should cease, and the prisoners
should be restored again. To this question, after they
had conferred with the people, they answered, that they
could by no means suffer that their ministers should for-
bear preaching.
The two lords, not contented with this answer, com-
manded, in the duke's name, that all the ministers who
were strangers should instantly be banished the coun-
try, saying, that the duke would not suffer them to
dwell within his dominions, for they were his enemies.
This done, immediately proclamations were made,
and the persecution began to be more furious than be-
fore. Among others, the monks of Pignerol at that
time were most cruel, for they sent out a company of
hired riiffians, who daily spoiled and ransacked houses,
and all that they could lay hands of ; took men, women,
and children, and led them captives to the abbey, where
they were most spitefully afflicted and tormented. At
the same time they sent also a band of ruffians by night
to the minister's house of St. Germain, in the valley of
Perouse, being led there by a traitor that knew the
house, and had used to haunt there secretly ; who
knocking at the door, the minister knowing his voice,
came forth immediately, and perceiving himself be-
trayed, fled ; but he was soon taken and sore wounded,
and yet they pricked him behind with their halberts
to make him hasten his pace. At that time also
they slew many, many they hurt, and others they
brought to the abbey, where they kept them in prison,
and cruelly handled them. The good minister endured
sore imprisonment, and after that a most terrible kind
of death with a wonderful constancy, for they roasted
him by a small fire ; and when half his body was burnt,
he confessed and called upon the Lord Jesus with a loud
voice.
The inquisitor, Jacomel, with his monks, and the col-
lateral Corbis amongst others, shewed one jiractice of
most barbarous cruelty against this poor man, who,
when he should be burned, caused two poor women of
St. Germain to carry fagots to the fire, and to speak
4m
PERSECUTION OF THE WALDENSES.
[Book VII.
these words to their pastor : — " Take this, thou wicked
heretic, in reconipence of thy naughty doctrine which
Ihou hast taught us.'' To whom tlie good minister
answered, " Ah, good woman ! I liave taught yon well,
but you have learned ill." To he hrief, they so af-
flicted and tormented those poor people of St. Germain,
and the places thereabout, that after they were spoiled
of their goods, and driven from their houses, they were
compelled to tly into the mountains to save their lives.
So great was the spoil of these poor people, that many
who before had been men of great wealth, and with
their riches had ministered succour and comfort to
Others, were now hrought to such misery, that they were
compclletl to crave succour and relief of othei's.
Now forasmuch as the said monks, with thfir troops
of ruffians (which were counted to be in number about
three hundred), made such spoil and havoc in all the
country, that no man could live there in safety, it was
demanded of the ministers, whether it was lawful to de-
fend themselves against the insolence and furious rage
of the said ruffians .' The ministers answered, that it
was lawful, warning them in any case to take heed of
bloodshed. This question being once solved, they of
the valley of Lucerne and of Angrogne, sent certain men
to them of St. Germain to aid them against the sup-
porters of these monks.
In the month of July they of Angrogne, b.iiig one
morning at harvest upon the hill- side of St. Germain,
perceived a company of soldiers spoiling them of St.
Germain, and doubting lest they sho\dd go to Angrogne,
made an outcry. Then the i)eople of Angrogne assem-
bled together upon the mountain, and some ran to St.
Germain over the hill, and some by the valley. They
who went by the valley met with the spoilers coming
from St. Germain, loaded with spoil which they had got-
ten, and being but fifty, set upon them, amounting to
the number of one hundred and twenty men, well-ap-
pointed, and gave them soon the overthrow. The pas-
sage over the bridge being stopped, the enemy was
forced to take the river Ciiison, where many were sore
hurt, others drowned, and some escaped with great dif-
ficulty ; and such a slaughter was made of them, that
the river was dyed with the blood of those who were
wounded and slain, but none of the Angrognians were
even hurt. If the river had been as great as it was wont
commonly to be, there had not one man escaped alive.
The noise of the harquebusses was great, and within
less than one hour's »])ace there were three or four hun-
dred of the Waldois gathered together upon the river ;
and at the same time they had purposed to fetch away
their prisoners who were in the abbey, but tliey would
not do it without the counsel of their ministers, and so
deferred the matter until the next day. But their minis-
ters counselled them not to venture any such thing, but
to refrain themselves, and so they did. Yet they
doubted not, but if they had gone immediately after
that discomfiture to the abbey, they might have found
all o])en, and easily have entered ; for the monks were
so afraid, that they fled to save their relics and images.
The next day the commander of St. Anthony de Fos-
san came to Angrogne, accompanied with several gen-
tlemen, saying, that he was sent by the duke ; and hav-
ing assembled the chief rulers and ministers of An-
grogne, and of the valley of Lucerne, after he had de-
clared to them the cause of his coming, he read their
supplication directed to the duke, which contained their
confession, demanding of them, if it were the same
vhich they had sent to the duke ? They answered, yea.
Then he began to dispute, being sent, as he said, to
inform them of their errors, not doubting but they would
amend according to their promise. Then he entered
into a disjnitation of the n-.ass, in a great heat, deriving
the sune from the IIt:brew word Massa, which signified
(as he supposed) consecration, and shewed that this
word Massa might be found in ancient writers. The
ministers answered, that he ill ajiplied the Hebrew
word ; and further, that they disputed not of the word
Massa, but of that which is signified by the same, which
he ought first to prove by the word of God. Briefly,
that he could not prove either by the word of God, or
the ancient fathers, their private mass, their sacrifice
expiatory or propitiatory, their transubstantiation, their
adoration, their application of the same for the quick
and the dead, and such other matters which are jjrinci-
pal parts of the said mass. The commander having
here nothing to reply, fell into a marvellous choler,
railing and raging as if he had been mad, and told them
that he was not come to dispute, but to banish their
ministers, and to place others in their stead, by the
duke's commandment, which he could not, unless their
ministers were first driven out of the country.
From thence he went to the abbey of I'ignerol, where
he and Jacomel caused a number of the poor inhabit-
ants of Campillon, and of Fenil, to be taken prisoners,
s|)oiling them of their goods, driving away their cattle,
and forcing them to swear and forswear, and in the end
ransomed them for great sums of money. About that
time a gentleman of Campillon agreed with those who
were fled, for thirty crowns to be paid into his hand,
that he would warrant them from any further vexation
or trouble, so that they remained quiet at home ; but
when he had received the money, he caused the com-
mander of Fossan with his men by night to come to his
house, and then sent for the j)oor men, thinking traitor-
ously to have delivered them into the haiuls of their
mortal enemy, following therein the decree of the coun-
cil of Constance, which is that no promise is to be kept
with heretics. But God, knowing how to succour his
peo])le in their necessity, prevented this danger ; for one
of them had intelligence of the commander's coming,
and so they all fled.
After this, there were many commandments and in-
junctions given out through all the country, to banish
these poor Waldois, with the doctrine of the gospel, if it
were possible, out of the mountains and valleys of Pied-
mont ; but the poor people still desired, that according
to that which they had so often before protested by word
and writing, they might be suffered to serve God purely,
according to the rule prescribed in his word, simply
obeying their Lord and Prince always, and in all things.
In the end of October following, the rumour went that
an army was levying to destroy them ; and in very deed
there were certain bands levied, ready to march at an
hour's warning. Those malefactors, who heretofore had
fled or were banished for any offence or crime com-
mitted, were called home again, and pardoned of all to-
gether, if they would take them to their weapons, and
go to destroy the Waldois. The ministers and chief
rulers of the valleys of Lucerne and Angrogne, tliere-
upon assembled together oftentimes to take advice what
in such an extremity was best to be done. In the end
they determined, that for certain days following there
should be kept a general fast, and the Sunday after a
communion ; also, that they should not defend them-
selves by force of arms, but that every one should with-
draw himself to the high mountains, and every one to
carry away such goods as they were able to bear ; and if
their enemies pursued them thither, then to take such
advice and counsel as it pleased God to give them.
This article of not defending themselves seemed very
strange to the people, being driven to such an extre-
mity, and the cause being so just ; but yet every one be-
gan to carry their goods and victuals into the moun-
tains, and for the space of eight days all the ways were
filled with comers and goers to the mountains, like ants
in summer, which provide for winter. All this they did
in this great perplexity and danger, with a wonderful
courage and cheerfulness, praising of God, and singing
of psalms, and every one comforting another.
A few days after certain other ministers, hearing
what they of Angrogne and Lucerne had concluded,
wrote to them, that this resolution seemed very strange
to some, that they ought not to defend theniselvea
against the violence ol their enemies, alleging many rea-
sons, that in such extremity and necessity it was lawful
for them so to do, esjiecially the (juarrel being just, that
is, for the defence of true religion, and for the preserva-
tion of their own lives, and the lives of their wives and
children, knowing that it was the pope and his ministers
which were the cause of all these troubles and cruel wars,
A. D. 1527—1560.]
PERSECUTION OF THE WALDENSES.
48a
and not the duke, who was stirred up thereunto only by
their instigations. Wherefore they might well and with
good conscience withstand such furious and outrageous
violence.
On the twenty-second of October the lord of Angrogne
went from Lucerne to Mondevis, where he was then
governor for the duke, and sent for the chief rulers of
Angrogne at several times, declaring the great perils and
dangers wherewith they were environed, the army being
already at hand ; yet promising them, if they would
submit themselves, he would send immediately to stay
the army. They of Augrcgne answered, that they all de-
termined to stand to that which they, two days before in
their assembly, had put in writing. With this answer
he seemed at that present to be content. The next day
the rumour was, that they of Angrogne had submitted
themselves to the duke. On the morrow, which was
Sunday, there was nothing but weeping aud mourning
in Angrogne. The serrnon being ended, the rulers were
called before the ministers and the people, who affirmed
that they wholly cleaved unto their former writing ; and
they sent secretly to the notary for the co])y of that which
was passed in the council-house at their last assembly
before the Lord de Comptes, in which was comprised,
that Angrogne had wholly submitted herself to the good
pleasure of the duke. The people hearing that, were
sore astonished, and protested rather to die than obey
the same. .\nd hereupon it was agreed, that at that
very instant certain should be sent to the lord of An-
grogne to signify to him, that the determination of the
council was falsified, and that it might })lease him the
next morning to come to Angrogne to hear the voice of
the people, not only of the men, but also of the women
and children. But he himself went not thither, having
intelligence of the uproar, but sent thither the judge of
that place. Then that which had been falsified was
duly corrected ; the judge laying all the blame upon the
notary.
During this time the adversaries cried out through all
the country of Piedmont : " To the tire with them, to
the fire with them !" The Thursday after, Angrogne, by
proclamations set up in every place, was exposed to the
fire and sword. On Friday after, being the second of
November, the army approached to the borders of the
valley of Lucerne, and certain horsemen came to a i)lace
called St. John, a little beneath Angrogne. Then the
people retired into the mountains. Certain of St. John
perceiving that the horsemen not only spoiled their
good.s, but also took their fellows prisoners, set upon
them. It is not certain what number of their enemies
were there slain ; but suddenly they retired to Bubiane,
where tiieir camp then was, and not one of them of St.
John was slain or hurt. It happened at the same time,
that two of the horsemen, being sore amazed, galloped
before ti^e rest towards the army, being ready to march
towards Angrogne, crying, "They come, they come!"
At whose cry the whole army was so astonished, that
every man fled his way, and they were all so scattered,
that the captains that day were not able to bring them
in order again, and yet no creature followed them.
On the Saturday in the morning the army mustered near
Angrogne. They of Angrogne had sent certain of their men
to keep the passes, and stop the army that they should
not enter, if it were possible. In the meantime the peo-
ple retired into the meadow of Toure, and little thought
of the coming of the army so soon, or that they would
have made such a sudden assault ; for they were yet car-
rying victuals and other stuff, so that few of them kept
the passes. Now they who kept the straits, perceiving
that their enemies prepared themselves to tight, fell
iown u])on their knees, and made their prayers to God,
that it would please him to take pity upon them, and not
to look upon their sins, but to the cause which they main-
tained, and to turn the hearts of their enemies, and so to
work, that there might be no effusion of blood ; and if it
were his will to take them, with their wives and infants
out of this world, that he would then mercifully receive
them into his kingdom. In this sort most fervent
prayers were made by all those that kept the passes,
with exhortation that they should all together cry unto
God, and crave his succour and assistance in this great
distress.
Their prayers thus ended, suddenly they perceived
their enemies coming towards them through the vines to
win the top of the mountain of Angrogne. In the
mean time the prior of St. John and Jacomel were
within the temjile of Angrogne, and communed with the
rulers touching an agreement. These were sent thither
by the lord of la Trinite to keep the people occu])ied. To
be short, the combat began in several places, and en-
dured for a long space in the passes of Angrogne.
The poor Waldois being but few in number, and some
of them having but slings and cross-bows, were sore
pressed by the multitude of their enemies. At length
they retired to the top of the mountain, where they de-
fended themselves rnitil night.
When they had found a place where they might with*
stand their enemies who were still pursuing them, they
turned themselves, and slew some of them, and v/ounded
many. When the evening came, their enemies rested,
and were about to encamp themselves, there to sup and
lodge all night. \\ Inch thing when the Angrognians
perceived, they went to ju-ayer, desiring God to as.sist and
succour them, but their enemies mocked them aud
laughed them to scorn. Then the poor i)ec)])le devised
to send a drum into a little valley hard by ; and as they
were making their prayers unto God, and the drum
sounded in the valley, tlie lord of la Trinite caused his
soldiers, which were about to encamp themselves, to
remove thence ; which was a great advantage to the
poor people, who now were sore wearied with travel, all
wet with sweating, and very thirsty, and in great peril
if God had not given them some little breathing time.
Many of their enemies that day were slain, and many
wounded, of which very few escaped ; so they reported
that the shot was poisoned, which this poor simple people
never used to do in all these wars. Of the Angrognians
that day there were but three slain, and one wounded,
who afterwards was healed again. This combat gave
great courage to the Waldois, and astonished their ad-
versaries. At the same time when the army retired, they
burnt many houses, and made great spoil as they went,
destroying also the wines which were in the presses.
The lord of la Trinite with his army encamped in a
village beyond Toure, at the foot of the hill, between
Angrogne and the other towns of the valley of Lu-
cerne, which professed the gospel. They of the said
village were always sore against the Waldois, and
haters of true religion, and were glad of this out-
rage and violence done against the possessors thereof:
but they had their just jjlague, for they were all destroyed.
After this the said lord of la Trinite caused the fortress to
be built again, which the Frenchmen had raised, and
placed there a garrison, and afterwards sent another to
tiie fort of Vilhirs, wiiich is of the valley of Lucerne ;
and another he sent to the fortress of Perouse, and a
fourth garrison he placed in the castle of St. Martin.
They of Angrogne (seeing themselves to be now, as it
were, in a sea of troubles) after they had recommended
themselves unto God by prayer, and committed their
cause unto him, sent to them of Perouse, St. Martin,
and of Pragela, for aid and succour ; who sent them all
the help tliey were able.
The next day there came letters to Angrogne from the
lord of la Trinite : the effect whereof was this ; that he
was sorry for what was done the day before, and that he
came not thither to make war against them, but only to
view if it were a place convenient to build a fort therein
to serve the duke. Furthermore, that his soldiers seeing
the people assembled, as it were to defy them, upon that
occasion only were stirred up to give assault, and to set
upon them. Also that he was sorry that such spoil was
made of their goods, and such hurt done by fire. But
if they would shew themselves obeditnt to the duke,
he had good hope that all would be well, and trusted
some good agreement would be made. The Angrog-
nians answered, that they were marvellously grieved to
be so assaulted, spoiled and tormented by the subjects
of their liege and natural prince : and as they had often-
times before ofl'ered themselves to be more obedient aud
490
PERSECUTION OF THE WALDENSES.
[Book VII,
faithful to their sovereign prince the duke, than any of
all his subjects besides ; so yet they still offered the
same obedience. Also they most humbly besought him,
not to tiiink it strange if they, being constrained by
such extreme necessity, defended themselves. Finally,
as to their religion, they affirmed, that it was the pure
word of God, even as it was preached by the prophets
and apostles, and the same which their predecessors had
observed for some hundred years past. Moreover, that
the cause was not concerning tlie goods of this world,
but the honour and glory of God, the salvation or de-
struction of the souls both of them and theirs. And
therefore it were much better for them to die altogether,
than to forsake their religion. And yet if it might be
proved out of the word of God, that they were in error ;
not by force of arms, by blood and fire, they would then
yield themselves with all obedience ; most humbly be-
seeching him, and all others the lords of the country of
Piedmont, to be their intercessors and advocates to the
duke in this behalf.
Upon Monday, being the fourth day of November,
the lord of la Trinite sent his army to Miliars and Tail-
leret. The lesser company ascended towards Villars.
The people seeing their enemies approaching, after they
had called upon God with fervent prayer, strongly de-
fended themselves, and slew many : many also were
hurt, and the rest tied. The other company ascended
towards Tailleret ; and although they of that place were
but few in number, and that part of the army the greater,
yet making their prayers unto God, and commending their
cause unto him, they defended themselves likewise
valiantly.
In the meantime, they of Villars being emboldened
by their late victory, came to assist their neighbours, and
being assembled together, they courageously pursued
their enemies, and put them to flight. In tliis pursuit
it chanced that this poor people, by an ambush of their
enemies who came another way, were suddenly enclosed
on every side, and like to be destroyed ; but yet they
all escaped, and not one of them was slain, only three
were hurt, who were soon cured again. On the enemy's
side there were so many slain, that they were laid to-
gether by whole cart-loads. This was the reward of
those who were desirous to shed innocent blood.
After the lord of la Trinite had received the letters of
the Angrognians, he sent to them his secretary, ac-
companied with a gentleman of the valley ; whose
charge was to cause the chief rulers to send certain
to commune with him, saying, that he had good tidings
to declare to them ; and, moreover, that he would de-
liver them a safe conduct to come and go. Whereupon
they sent four to him, whom he intreated very courte-
ously, and rehearsed to them, how the duke at his de-
parture from the court, told him, that although the
pope, the princes and cities of Italy, yea, his own coun-
cil were fully resolved, that of necessity they of the said
religion should be destroyed, yet notwithstanding, God
otherwise put into his mind, and that he had taken
counsel of God what he should do in this matter ; that
is, that he would use them gently. Furthermore, he
declared to them, that the duchess bore them good af-
fection, and favoured them very much, and that she had
commended their cause to the duke, persuading him to
have regard to that poor people, and that their religion
was ancient and old, with many such other things.
" Moreover, they had," said he, "great friends in the
duke's court, not doubting but if they should send cer-
tain to the court with a supplication, they should obtain
more than they themselves would require ; and he for
his part would employ himself in their affairs to the
nttennost of his power : and so he ])romised that he
would retire himself with his army. This he seemed to
speak uufeignedly. The peojde desiring but to live
jiBaceably in their religion, and under obedience to
their lawful prince, were content to follow his counsel.
About this season they of Angrogne perceived that a
part of the army ascended the hiil of Tailleret, (which
is the half way between Angrogne and those of the
valley of Lucerne) and the other part had already got-
ten away, which led to the meadow of Toure, by which
they of Angrogne might easily have been enclosed.
Therefore they sent certain immediately to keep the way,
who soon after encountered with their enemies and ob-
tained the victory, pursuing and chasing them to their
camp, not without great loss of their men. The number
of their enemies slain, was not known ; for their custom
was immediately to carry away those who were slain.
Not one of Angrogne perished that day, nor yet was
hurt. It was feared that this combat would have hin-
dered the agreement; but the lord of la Trinite could well
dissemble the matter, and excustd the day's journey,
putting the fault upon them of Tailleret, whom he
charged to have slain certain of his men in the high-
way, and amongst others his barber.
On Saturday following, being the ninth of November,
the lord of la Trinite sent again for them of Angrogne,
to consult with them touching the agreement, using the
like communication as before ; and added thereunto,
that in token of true obedience they should carry their
armour into two of the houses of the chief rulers, not
fearing but that it should be safe ; for it should remain
in their own keeping, and if need were, they should
receive it again. Also, that he upon Sunday (which was
the next day) would cause a mass to be sung within the
temple of St. Lawrence in Angrogne, accompanied with
a very few, and thereby the duke's wrath would be as-
suaged.
The next morning he went into the temple (whereat
they were sore aggrieved, however they could not with-
stand him) his army marching before him : and having
caused a mass to be sung, he desired to see the meadow
of Toure, so much spoken of, that thereof he might
make a true report to the duke ; and thither the rulers
with a great troop of his own men went, the residue of
his company remaining behind. The lord being entered
into the meadow of Toure, the people began to make a
commotion ; whereof he having intelligence, returned
immediately. All that day he shewed himself very
courteous to all whom he met.
The people in the meantime perceived themselves to
be in great danger, and were moved at the sight of the
army, the spoil of the soldiers, the taking away of their
armour, but especially because the lord of la Trinite had
viewed the meadow of Toure, foreseeing his traitorous
meaning and purpose. A few days after the lord of la
Trinite sent his secretary Gastaut to Angrogne to talk
with them concerning the agreement, which was read ui
the assembly by the secretary as follows.
To the most excellent and worthy Prince, the duke of
Savoy, i^~c. our sovereign lord and natural Prince.
" Most noble and renowned prince, we have sent cer-
tain of our n:en unto your highness, to give testimony
of our humble, hearty, and vmfeigned obedience unto
the same, and with all submission desire pardon touch-
ing the bearing of armour by certain of our people in
their extreme necessity, and for all other our trespasses,
for the which your sovereign grace might conceive any
offence against us.
Secondly, to desire in most humble wise your said
highness, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that it
would please the same, to suffer us to live with freedom
of conscience in our religion, which also is the religion
of our ancestors, observed for certain hundred years
past. And we are persuaded, that it is the pure gospel
of our Lord Jesus, the only truth, the word of life and
salvation, which we profess. Also, that it may please
your most gracious clemency not to take in ill part, if
we, fearing to otl'end and displease God, cannot consent
to certain traditions and ordinances of the church of
Rome, and herein to have jiity upon our poor souls, and
the souls of our children, to the end that your highness
be not in any wise charged in the just judgment of God
for the same, where all men must appear to answer for
their doings.
" On our jiart, we protest that we will seek nothing but
to be the true servants of God, to serve him according
to his holy word ; and also to be true and loyal subjects
to your highness, and moie obedient than any others,
being always ready to give our goods, our bodies, our
A. D. 1527-1500.]
PERSECUTION OF THE WALDENSES.
491
lives, and the lives of our children, for your noble grace,
as also our religion teaches us to do : only we desire
that our souls may be left at liberty to serve God, ac-
cording to his holy word.
" And we j^our poor humble subjects shall most heartily
pray our God and Father for the good and long pros-
perity of your highness, for the most virtuous lady your
wife, and for the noble house of Savoy."
To this supplication they of St. John, of Roccapiata,
of St. Bartholomew, and of Perouse, with those of the
valley of Lucerne, agreed. For it was concluded, that
the agreement made should extend to all the confede-
rates of the same religion. While they were treating of
this agreement, the lord of la Trinite vexed cruelly them
of Tailleret under this pretence, because they had not
presented themselves to treat of this agreement : he
tormented them after this sort ; first he commanded that
all their armour should be brought before him, and then
they on their knees, should ask him pardon, because
they came not to treat of the agreement with the rest ;
which notwithstanding the most part of them did.
The next morning the chief of the householders went
to the village named Bouvet, the appointed place,
and when they had heard a sermon, and called upon
God, they began to write their names. The enrolling
of their names not being fully ended, word was brought
that the soldiers had got the top of the mountain, and
had taken all the passes ; whereat they of Tailleret
■were sore amazed, and ran with all speed to defend their
wives and children. Some they saved ; the most part,
with their goods, were in their enemies' hands already.
At this time with sacking, spoiling and burning, they
did much mischief.
After this the lord of la Trinite sent word to them who
were fled, that if they would return, he would receive
them to mercy. The poor people for the most part,
trusting on his promise, returned, and yet the next
morning the soldiers came to apprehend them and their
ministers, and beset the place on every side. Such
as were swift of foot, and could shift best, escaped.
The rest were all hurt or taken, and yet they all escaped
by a marvellous means : for it happened that there was
an old man who could not run fast, to whom one of the
soldiers came with a naked sword in his hand to have
slain him. The old man seeing the imminent danger,
caug'.t the soldier by the legs, overthrew him, and drew
him by the heels down the hill.
The soldier cried out, *' Help, help! this villain will
kill me.'' His fellows hearing him cry, made haste to
rescue him ; but in the mean time the old man escaped.
The rest seeing what the old man had done, took courage,
and though their armour and weapons were taken from
them, yet with stones and slings they so beat and dis-
comfited their enemies, that for that time they carried
no prisoners away.
The day following the soldiers returning to the said
Tailleret, robbed, spoiled, and carried away all that they
could find, and so continued three days together ; which
was very easy for them to do, because the poor men,
fearing lest they should be charged with violating the
agreement, made no resistance, but retired towards Villars.
The fourth day the lord of la Trinite, to torment the
poor Taillerets yet more cruelly, sent his army again be-
fore day to the mountain, and into the same place, and
because the people of the said village were retired to-
wards Villars, and scattered in the high mountains, the
soldiers not yet satisfied with spoiling and sacking the
rest that they found in the said Tailleret, ranging about
the confines thereof, sacked and made havoc on every
side of whatsoever they could lay hands on, taking
prisoners, both men and women.
The same day two women, the mother and the
daughter, were found in a cave in the mountain, wounded
to death by the soldiers, and died immediately after.
So likewise a blind man, a hundred years of age, who
had fled into a cave with his son's daughter, being
eighteen years old, who fed him, was slain by the ene-
n'.ie.-i, and as they pursued the maiden, she escaped from
them, and fell from tlie top of tlie mountain, and died.
Shortly after, this lord sent his army to the temple of
St. Lawrence in Angrogne, pretending to sing a mass
there, and suddenly the soldiers besieged the minister's
house. The minister being warned, assayed to escape.
The soldiers attempted nothing by force, but used gentle
persuasions to the contrary, for there were not yet many
of them. But the minister pushed on further, and the
soldiers followed him half a mile, but fearing the people,
durst go no further. The minister withdrew himself
into the rocks upon the mountain, accompanied with
five others. The army was by and by at his heels, and
sought a good while in the houses and cottages on every
side, cruelly handling the people whom they took, to
make them confess where their minister was, spoiling
their houses, taking some prisoners, and beating others :
but yet they could not learn of them where their mi-
nister was. At length they esjiied him among the
rocks, where they thought to have enclosed him, and
so they pursued him in the rocks, all covered with snow,
until it was night, and could not take him. Then they
returned and spoiled his house, and diligently searched
out all his books and writings, and carried them to the
lord of la Trinite in a sack, who caused them all to be
burnt in his presence. That day they spoiled forty
houses in Angrogne, broke their mills, and carried away
all the corn and meal that they found.
About midnight the soldiers returned with torch-light
to the minister's house to seek him, and searched every
corner. The next morning commandment was given to
the rulers of Angrogne, that within twenty-four hours
they should deliver their minister, or else Angrogne
should be put to fire and sword. The rulers answered,
that they could not so do, for they knew not where
he was, and that the soldiers had chased him over the
mountains. After certain days, when the soldiers had
burned houses, spoiled the people, broke their mills,
and did what mischief they could, the army retired.
The poor Waldois were in great captivity and distress,
but especially because they had not the preaching of
God's word among them as they were wont to have ; and
therefore taking to them good courage, they determined
to begin preaching again. The messengers which were
sent to the duke were detained six weeks, and all that
while were cruelly handled by the popish doctors, and
were constrained by force and violence to promise to re-
turn to the mass. Now, when the messengers were re-
turned, and the people understood that there was a nevr
command that they should return to the mass : also that
popish j)reachers were appointed, there was wonderful
lamentation, weeping, and mourning, for this great ca-
lamity.
Hereupon, they of the valley of Lucerne and of Bouvet,
being assembled together, by one assent sent two minis-
ters, with others of the people, to the churches of
Pragela, to signify to them the piteous estate of the poor
churches of the valleys of Piedmont, to have their
counsel and advice how to prevent the great dangers at
hand if it were possible. For this cause they all went
to prayer, and after they had long called upon God, de-
siring his grace, and the spirit of discretion and counsel,
well to consider of those weighty and urgent affairs
wherewith they were oppressed ; in the end it was con-
cluded, that all the people dwelling in the valleys and
mountains of Piedmont, and those of Dauphiny should
join in a league together. They all promised by God's
grace and assistance, to maintain the pure preaching of
the gospel, and administration of thfe holy sacraments ;
the one to aid and assist the other, and to render all
obedience to their superiors, so far as they were com-
manded by the word of God. Moreover, that it should
be lawful for none of the valleys to promise or conclude
any thing touching religion, without the consent of the
rest of the valleys. And for confirmation of the league,
certain of the ministers and elders of the churches of
Dauphiny were sent to the valley of Lucerne, to ascer-
tain if they would give their consent.
These messengers, being arrived in the evening at the
village of Bouvet, and the people being assembled, word
was brought that the next day every householder should
appear in the council-house, to know whether they would
492
PERSECUTION OF THE WALDENSES.
[Book VII.
return to the mass or no ; and that they who would re-
ceive the mass, should quietly enjoy their houses ; and
they who would not, should be delivered to the justices,
and condemned to be burned, or sent to the galleys.
The people were brought to this extremity, either to
die or flee, or else to renounce God. To flee seemed to
them best, if the great snow had not prevented them ;
therefore seeing themselves iti such distress, they gladly
consented to the league. After this, they exhorted one
another, saying, " As we shall all be called upon to-mor-
row to renounce and forsake our God, and revolt again to
idolatry, let us now make solemn protestation, that we will
utterly forsake the false religion of the pojie, and that we
will live and die in the maintenance and confession of
God's holy word. Let us all go to-morrow to the
temple, to hear the word of God, and then let us cast
down to the ground all the idols and altars." To this
every man agreed, saying, " Let us do so, yea, and
that too at the very same hour in which they have ap-
pointed us to be at the council-house."
The next day they assembled themselves in the church
of Bouvet, and as soon as they came into the temple,
without any further delay, they beat down the images
and east down the altars. After the sermon they went
to Villars to do the like there. By the way they en-
countered a band of soldiers, who were going to spoil a
village named Le Valle Guichard, and to take the poor
inhabitants prisoners. The soldiers, seeing them so ill
appointed, mocked them, and discharged their pistols at
them, thinking to have jnit them to flight. But they
valiantly defended themselves, and with stones chased
them to the fortress. When they came to Villars, they
beat down their images and altars, and afterwards be-
sieged the fortress, and demanded the prisoners who
were detained there.
The same day the judge of Lucerne, called Podesta,
went to the council-house, to enroll the names of those
who would return to the mass ; but seeing what was
done, he was afraid, and desired the people to suffer him
to return quietly, which they willingly granted. Several
gentlemen also of the valley came thither with the judge,
to make their poor tenants forsake God ; but seeing the
tumult, they were glad to flee to the castle, where they
and the garrison were besieged ten days together, not
without great danger of their lives. The second day of
the siege, the captain of Toure went with a company of
soldiers to raise the siege ; but they were either slain or
discomfited. As much was done the third day. The
fourth day he returned with three bands, and with the
garrison of Toure, which caused a furious combat ; many
of their enemies were slain, and a great number wounded,
and yet of those who besieged the fort there was not one
man hurt.
In the time of this siege they attempted by various means
to take tlie fortress, but without ordnance it was impos-
sible to do so. The lord of la Triuite, returning with his
army, came to the valley of Lucerne, and tl)e next
day might easily have raised the siege. Wherefore when
the garrison, not knovi'ing that the lord of la Trinite was
so near, desired that they might dejiart with bag and
baggage, which recjuest was granted. In this siege
half of the soldiers were slain, and many were wounded,
as well with harquebusses as with stones, and the
soldiers for lack of water were constrained to make
their bread with wine, which tormented their stomachs,
and caused great diseases. Here is not to be forgotten,
that the soldiers who a while before so cruelly persecuted
the poor ministers, seeking by all possible means to de-
stroy them, now beseeched them to save their lives.
The same night the fortress was razed.
The second day of February the lord of la Trinite en-
camped at Lucerne, and placed a garrison in the priory
of St. John, a village of the Waldois between Lucerne
and Angrogne. The next day in the morning the said
lord of la Trinite sent word to them of Angrogne, that if
they would not take part with the rest, they should be
gently handled. All the week before they were solicited
by him to consent to the same, but they would give no
answer. The same day they of Angrogne, and the rest
of the valleys, fully agreed and determined to defend their
i religion by force, and that the one should aid the other,
and no agreement be made by any one without the consent
of the rest. About noon the lord of la Trinite marched
with his army by St. John, to enter into the borders of
Angrogne by a place called La Sonnilette, wliere they
had fought before. The people had made certain bul-
warks of earth and stone, not more than three feet high,
wlure they defended themselves valiantly against their
enemies. When the enemy were so weary that tliey cotdd
figiit no longer, they put fresh soldiers into their places,
so that the combat endured till night, and all that day
the army could not enter the borders of Angrf^gne. Manv
of the enemy were slain, and a great many hurt ; and but
two men of Angrogne were slain, of whom one was slain
by his own folly, because he was too greedy upon the
spoil. The army, being beaten and tired, rested awhile.
The following Friday, which was the seventh of Febru-
ary, at the break of day, the army marched towards An-
grogne by five several places. Tlie people of Angrogne
were not yet asseml)led, and there were none to resist, but
only a few who kept watch, who seeing their enemies
coming upon them in so many places, and perceiving
that they went about to enclose them, after they had va-
liantly fought for a space, recoiled by little and little to
a high place where the combat was renewed with greater
fierceness than before. But the lord of la Trinite seeing
the loss of his men, and above all, that one of great
credit and autliority in the duke's court was wounded to
death, blew a retreat, and descended to Angrogne, and
there destroyed and burnt all the wines, victuals, and
the rest of the goods that he could find ; so that in a
short space he had burnt about a thousand houses of
Angrogne.
Toure is a little valley upon the borders of Angrogne,
environed about with mountains two miles in length, but
very narrow. On both sides, and in the midst thereof,
there are about two hundred small houses and cottages ;
also meadows, pastures for cattle, ground for tillage,
trees, and goodly fountains. On the south side and oa
the north the mountains are so high, that no man can
that way approach the valley. On the otlier sides, a man
may enter by seven or eight ways. This place is not
more than two miles from Angrogne ; the way is very
narrow and hard to pass, because of the hills on both
sides. There is also a river close by, but very small, and
the banks are very high in many places. The jjeojile had
carried there very few victuals, partly because the way
was so difficult, and also through the sudden return of
the army.
In the meantime the lord of la Trinite, after he had now
twice assaulted Angrogne, sent to burn Rosa, and to
discover the ways which led to the valley of Lucerne ;
but tlie soldiers were driven back four days together by
those who kt]it the passes. Upon which he sent his whole
army, whom they valiantly withstood from morning till
night. Then they of Lucerne sent new aid. During
this combat, an ambuscade of soldiers descended froni
the top of the mountain, by a place so hard to pass by,
that no man would have suspected it. The poor jieople,
seeing themselves so environed by their enemies, saved
themselves, some running through the midst of their
enemies, and others among the rocks.
The enemy being entered into Rosa, consumed all
with fire and sword. The rest of the people fled by tlie
secret way leading to the valley of Lucerne, and wan-
dered all that night upon the mountains full of snow,
laden with their stuff, carrying tluir little infants in their
arms, anil leading the others by the hands. When tiiey
of the valley saw them, they ran to them, praising Gjd
for their deliverance, for they thought they had all been
slain. Although these poor peo])le were here in such
great extremity, yet they were joyful, and comforted
themselves, witliout any lamentation or mourning, except
the poor little infants who cried out for cold.
A few days after the lord of la Trinite entered into the
valley of Lucerne by three ways, that is to say, by Rosa,
by the jilains, and by the sides of Tailleret. They who
kept the passes, at first resisted their enemies valiantly,
but perceiving that they were assailed on every side, they
retired to Villars, and there defended themselves awhile.
A.D. 1527—1560.]
PERSECUTiOls (;F Ti iK WALDENSES.
-ti)3
But because they saw that their enemies had already
passed the plain, and got above Villars towards Bouvet,
they gave over, and left Villars, and fled to the moun-
tains The soldiers being entered, burned the houses,
nnd slew all that they could find. The poor people who
were tied into the mountains, seeing the village on fire,
praised God, and gave him thanks, that he had made them
worthy to suffer for his name, and for his cause; and
also they were glad to see the village on fire, lest their
enemies should encamp themselves there. Then the
soldiers in great rage mounted the hills on every side,
pursuing the poor people in great fury ; but a few of them,
after they had ardently called upon God, took courage,
and beat back their enemies to Villars. This done, the
army retired.
A few days after, the meadow of Toure was assaulted
by three several ways on the east side. The combat
endured a long time, many of the enemy were wounded,
and many slain. But none of this jioor peojile were
slain on tliat day, only two were wounded, who were
soon healed again. But to declare the conflicts, assaults,
skirmishes, and alarms, which were at Angrogne and
other places thereabouts, were too long ; for brevity's
sake it shall be sufficient to touch upon the most principal,
and those which are most worthy of memory.
On Saturday, which was the 14th day of February,
the people who were in the uppermost part of the mea-
dow of Toure, perceived that a company of soldiers
were ascended up tlie hill to Angrogne, and burning the
rest of the houses there : they suspected that it was the
policy of their enemies to draw them there, and in the
meantime to set on them from behind, and so to win the
meadow of Toure from them. Therefore they sent only
six harquebusses against those soldiers ; who having the
higher ground, and not espied of their enemies, dis-
charged all their guns together. Immediately the sol-
diers fled, although no man j)ursued them ; whether they
fled frcm policy, or for fear, it was not known.
Shortly after they of the meadow of Toure, who
were on the watch on the top of the mountain, because
every morning there was a sermon made, to which the
people resorted, and they could see afar off round about
them, espied a troop of soldiers marching on that side
of the hill which is between the east and the north, and
soon after that discovered another cornpaay, who marched
on the north side towards the troop. The first were
ascended an hour before the other, and fought on the
top of the mountain called Melese, but they were goon
discomfited ; and because they could not run fast by
means of the deep snow, and difficulty of the ways, in
flying they fell down often upon the ground. ^Vhilst
they who pursued them were earnest in the chase, and
had taken from them their drum, behold, there came to
them some crying out, that the other troop was en-
tered into the meadow of Toure, so they gave over the
chase, or else not one of their enemies had escaped.
The other troop which came by the north side, took a
high hill on the top of the mountain, which seemed to be
almost inaccessible from the snow and ice which was
there. When they were come to the top of the hill, they
caused seven soldiers to go down the hill and to view the
way, and to see whether the troop might descend that
way or not. These seven went down almost to the
houses. They sent also others to occupy the rest of tlie
high places which were ntar to the foot of the hill and
the rocks. In the meantime the ministers and the peo-
ple, who were in the midst of the valley of the meadow,
saw all this, and were much discouraged ; so they went
to prayer, and called upon God ardently, not without
great sighs, lamentation and tears even until night.
The seven spies who came down to discover the way
cried to their captain Truchet " Come down, come down,
this day Angrogne shall be taken.'' The other cried to
them again, " Ascend, ascend, and return, or else you
shall be slain every one of you." Immediately issued
out five against these spies, and took some and ch ised
the rest. The first of the five v/ho set upon them, cast
4wo of them down upon the ground. Soon after, eight
men of Angrogne issued out against the whole troop,
and it was wonderful to see them go wich such courage
and boldness to assail such a multitude, and it seemed
that they should have been ail destroyed nnd hewu in
pieces. The first of the eight went a good xny before
the otliers to discover the enemies, and carried a great
staff somewhat bigger than an halhert ; the other follow-
ed by two and two together, with harquebusses. These
eight went from rock to rock, from hill to hill a!, out the
mountain, and chased their enemies valiantly. Then
came twelve others, who, joining with the rest, fought
with wonderful courage, and made great sla\ighter
of their enemies. Soon after there came from the vallty
of Lucerne an hundred harquebusses, with one of their
ministers, according to their manner, who were wont to
send out a minister with them as well for ])rayer and
exhortation as to keep the people in order, that they
exceed not measure, as it came to pass that day.
At length they saw them also coming, who returned
from the discomfiture of the former troop, making a great
noise, and having a drum sounding before them, which
they had taken from their enemies ; they joined with
them of the valley of Lucerne, and having made their
earnest prayer to God, immediately came to succour the
others that now were encountering valiantly the enemy.
Then the enemy seeing such a company marching against
them, with such courage and boldness, their heart.s were
so taken from them, that they suddenly fled. But as
they could not well save themselves by running away,
they tuined back twice and fought, and some in the
meantime fled.
He that carried the staff, and discovered the enemy,
was but a very young and simple man, and was esteemed
to be one that could do nothing but handle a hatchet,
and keep cattle ; and yet he, with those that followed,
so discomfited the enemy, that it was wonderful to be-
hold. He brake his great staff with laying upon them,
and after that broke four of their own swords in pursuing
them. There was a boy of eighteen years of age, and of
small stature, who slew the lord of Monteil, master of
the camp to the king ; at which the enemy was astonished
and discouraged. Another simple man, who one would
have thought durst not once have looked Truchet in the
face, for he was a very large man, strong and valiant,
and one of the chief captains of the whole army, threw
down Truchet wifh the stroke of a stone. Then a young
man leaped ujion him, a.ud slew him with his own sword,
and cleft his heiiA in pieces.
This Trach.tt was one of the principal authors of the
war, and one of the chief enemies of true religion, and
of the poor Waldois, that could then be found. It ^\as
said also, that he vaunted and promised before hand to the
lord of la Trinite, that he would dehver into his hands
the meadow of Toure. But God soon brought his proud
boasting to nought. And for his spoiling of the poor
j)eople, he lay spoiled and naked in the wild mountain
of Angrogne. Two of the chief among them offered
to pay a great sum of crowns for their ransom, but they
could not be heard. They were pursued more than a
mile, and were so discomfited, that they fled without any
resistance, and if the night had not hindered them,
they had pursued them further.
"The minister, when he saw the great effusion of
blood, and the enemy retreating, cried to the people,
saying, that it was enough, and exhorted them to give
thanks to God. They who heard him obeyed, and went
to ])rayer ; but they who were further off, and heard him
not, cliased the enemy till dark ; insomuch, that if the
rest had done the like, very few of their enemies had
escaped. That day they had spoiled their enemies of
a great part of their armour and ammunition. So God
restoied in this combat, and in others, to the poor Wal-
dois the armour which the lord of la Trinite had taken
from them before. Tiianks weie given to God in every
}ilace ; and every man cried, " Who is he who sees not
that God fighteth for us ?" This victory gave great cou-
rage to the poor Waldois, and greatly astonished theii
enemies.
On the eighteenth of February, the lord of la Trinite,
not satisfied with burning and destroying the greatest part
of Villars, returned to burn all the little villages round
about which appertain to the same, and especially to
494
PERSECUTION OF THE WALDENSES.
[Book VIT
pursue the poor people who had fled to the mountains,
and dividing his army into three parts, he entered by
three several ways. The two first companies joined to-
gether between Villars and Bouvet, and having a great
company of horsemen. From thence they went to seek the
people who were in the mountain of Combe, by such a
way as they did not expect, and where there were no
warders to defend the place. Notwithstanding, the
warders who were next, seeing their enemies ascending
that way, speedily ran before them, and calling upon
God for his aid and succour, they set themselves against
their enemies ; and although they were but thirty in
number, yet they valiantly beat them back twice,
coming out of their bulwarks, that is to say, certain
houses which at that time served them for that purpose.
Many of the enemies were slain at those two combats.
The lord of la Trinite, seeing his men so fiercely driven
back, sent out the greatest part of his army, who were
esteemed to be fifteen hundred men. There came also
about an hundred to succour the warders. The combat
was very cruel and fierce. At length the poor people
were assaulted so vehemently, that they were fain to
forsake their bulwarks, losing two of their men. Then
the enemy thouglit all to be theirs, and blew their
trumpets, triumphing that they had put the people to
flight. But the people retiring not farther than a stone's
cast, took courage, and crying altogether to the Lord for
succour, they turned themselves to the face of their
enemies, and with great force and power they hurled
stones at them with their slings.
After this their enemies rested themselves a while,
and by and by they gave a furious assault, but -yet they
were again mightily resisted. Yet once again their
enemies rested, and in the meantime the people went to
prayer, calling upon God altogether, with their faces
lifted up towards heaven, which terrified their enemies
more than any thing else. After this they gave yet an-
otlier great assault, but God by the hands of a few drove
them back. Yea, God here shewed his great power,
even in the little children also, who fervently called
upon God, threw stones at their enemies, and gave
courage to the men. So did also the women, and the
vulgar sort, that is to say, those who were meet for no
feats of war, remaining upon the mountain ; and be-
holding these furious combats, kneeled upon the ground,
and having their faces lifted up towards heaven, with
tears and groanings they cried •' Lord help us !" Who
heard their prayers.
After these three assaults were given, there came one
to them crying, "Be of good courage, God hath sent
those of Angrogne to succour us." He meant, that_
they of Angrogne were fighting for them in another
place, that is to say, towards Tailleret, where the third
part of the army was. The people perceiving that they
of Angrogne were come to that place to succour them,
began to cry, " Blessed be God, who hath sent us suc-
cour : they of Angrogne are to succour us." Their
enemies hearing this were astonished, and suddenly
blew a retreat, and retired into the plain.
That troop which was gone towards Tailleret, divided
themselves into three companies. The first marched by
the side of the mountain, burning many houses, and
joined with the main army. The second company,
amounting to seven score, marched higher, thinking to
take the people unawares. But they were strongly re-
sisted by seven men and driven back. The third com-
pany attained the top of the mountain, thinking to in-
close the people ; but as God would, they of Angrogne,
who came to succour them, encountered them, and put
them to flight.
They of Villars, of whom mention is made before,
after they had refreshed themselves with a little bread
and wine (for the most part of them had eaten nothing
all that day)chascd their enemies till it was almost night,
so fiercely, that the master of the camp was obliged to send
to tlie lord of la Trinite, who was at Toure, for succour,
or else all would have been lost. Which he did ; and im-
mediately he rode with all speed to Lucerne to save him-
self, hearing the alarm which was given at St. John by
those of Angrogue, and fearing lest the way should have
been stopped. The army retired with great difficulty,
notwithstanding the new aid which was sent them, and
with great loss of men.
On Monday, being the 17th of March following, the
lord of la Trinite, to be revenged of ihote of the meadow
of Toure, assembled all the force that he could make
with the gentlemen of the country. So that whereas
before his army was commonly but four thousand, it was
now between six and seven thousand : and secretly in
tlie night he encamped with part of his army in the
midst of Angrogne, from whence the poor inhabitants
were fled. The next morning, after the sermon and
prayers were ended, they perceived the other j)art of the
army encamped at the foot of the mountain of Angrogne
on the east side. Soon after they perceived how both
parts of the army coasted the hill's side, one towards the
other, being such a multitude, so glittering in their
harness, and marching in such array, that the poor
peoi)le at first were astonished. Notwithstanding, the
assembly fell down upon their knees three or four times,
crying, "Help us, O Lord," beseeching him to have
regard to the glory of his holy name, to stay the efi"usion
of blood, if it were his good pleasure, and to turn the
hearts of their enemies to the truth of his holy gospel.
These two parts of the army joined together near to the
bulwarks of the meadow of Toure, and gave the assault
in three several places. One of the bands mounted
secretly by the rocks, thinking to have inclosed the peo-
ple in their bulwarks. But as soon as they who kept
the bulwark Vjelow had espied them, they forsook the
place, and marched straight towards them ; and as they
marched, they met with the aid which was sent to them
from the valley of Ijucerne, very luckily, and coming as
it were from heaven : who joining together, soon dis-
comfited tlieir enemies with stones and musketry. They
pursued them fiercely in the rocks, and vexed them
wonderfully, because the rocks are so steep that no man
can ascend or descend without great pain and difliculty.
There was also another band which kept the top of the
hill, to assault the bulwarks from thence. The middle-
most bulwark was then assaulted, in which were very
few to defend it : they, seeing the number of their ene-
mies, retired, leaving only five to defend it. There was
a huge rock not far from the bulwark ; behind it a great
number of the enemy were hid. And shortly there
issued out two ensigns, assuring themselves to win the
bulwark ; but immediately one of their ensign-bearers
was wounded to death. Whereupon many fell back ;
the otlier set up his ensign upon the bulwark. They
wlio were within had neither halbert, nor any other
long weapon, but only one pike, without any iron ; which
one of the five took, and threw down the ensign, and
manfully beat back the scalers, and threw them down to
the ground. Some of the enemy had entered into the
bulwark by a door below, and slew one of the five who
kept the middle part of the bulwark. The other four
expected to be destroyed at once. Then one of the four
chased away those who had entered below, with stones ;
and the other three leaving their pistols, defended them-
selves likewise with great stones : and perceiving the
band who were on the rocks to flee, they took courage,
and withstood their enemies valiantly till their com-
panions were returned from the chase.
In the mean time the bulwark which was upon the
side of the mountain, was furiously assailed by one-half
of the army. Those that were within, suff"ered their
enemies to approach near to the bulwark, without any
gunshot or other defence : at which the enemy much
marvelled : but when they were at hand, they fell upon
them, some with throwing stones, others with rolling
down mighty stones, and some with musketry. There
was a huge stone rolled down, which passed tliroughout
the whole army, and slew many. The soldiers at that
time had won a little cottage near the bulwark, which
did much hurt to the poor men. But among them one
devised to roll down a great huge stone against the cot-
tage, which so shook it, and amazed the soldiers, -that
they thought they had been all destroyed, and they fled,
and never would enter it again.
Then the soldiers made fences of wood, five feet long,
//
iailing bofoit % great Stone.
Page 494.
A.D. 1527— 15C0.]
PERSECUTION OF THE WALDENSES.
495
three feet broad, and of the thickness of three boards :
but they were so sore vexed with the shot of the nius^
ketry, that they were obliged to lay all those fences aside.
The miners also made other defences of earth for the
soldiers. But all the skill of the enemy availed them
nothing : for the slaughter was so great, that in some
places you might have seen three lying dead one upon
another. The shot of a musket came so near the lord of
la Trinite's head, that it broke a wand which he bore in
his hand, and made him to retire six score paces ; and
seeing his soldiers in such great numbers murdered and
wounded on every side, he wept bitterly. Then he re-
tired. That day he thought assuredly to have entered
into the meadow of Toure. Moreover, he was deter-
mined, if that day's journey had not succeeded, to en-
camp thereby, and the next morning very early to re-
new the assault. Many gentlemen and others came
there to see the discomfiture of the poor Waldois : and
likewise those of the plain looked for nothing, but to
hear the piteous ruin and desolation of this poor jieople.
But God disposed it otherwise, for the lord of Tiinity
had much ado to save himself and his : and seeing the
mischief which they intended to do to others was fallen
now upon their own heads, they were wonderfully asto-
nished. They of the plain also, when they saw the
number of dead bodies and the wounded to be so great
(for from noon until the evening they ceased not to carry
them away) were likewise exceedingly dismayed.
Many marvelled why the people did not follow the
army, but especially the soldiers, seeing the great dis-
comfiture which they had done, and that they had gotten
such advantage of them already ; but this was done for
two causes. The one was, because they had already de-
termined not to follow the army wl en once it retired, to
avoid the effusion of blood, meaning only to defend
themselves. The other cause was, that they were
weary, and had spent all their ammunition : for many of
them had shot off about thirty times, and none of them
under twenty.
The next day one of the principal captains of the
army surrendered his charge to the lord of la Trinite,
saying to him, that he would never figiit against this
people any more ; and upon that he departed. It is a
marvellous thing, and worthy of perpetual memory, that
in that combat there were but two of the Waldois slain,
and two wounded. Through the whole country of
Piedmont, every man said, God fights for them. One
of the captains confessed, that he had been at many fierce
assaults and combats, and sundry well fought battles,
but he had never seen soldiers so faint-hearted and
amazed : yea, the soldiers themselves told him, they
were so astonished, that they could not strike. They
said, that this people never shot, but they wounded or
killed some of the soldiers. Others said, that the mi-
nisters by their prayers conjured and bewitched them,
that they could not fight : and indeed wonderful is it,
marvellous are the judgments of God, that notwith-
standing so many combats and conflicts, so great as-
saults and adventures, so much and so terrible shot,
continually made against this poor people, yet all in a
manner came to no effect : so mightily God's holy power
wrought for his people. Insomuch that, for all the
combats, skirmishes, and so many conflicts of the An-
grognians there were but nine only that failed, and the
■whole number of those that were slain amounted only to
fourteen persons.
The lord of la Trinite sent two gentlemen of the valley
of Lucerne to them of Angrogne, to ask them if they
would come to any agreement. To whom answer was
made, that they would stand to their first answer. From
that time he sent very often to treat of the agreement :
but what his meaning was might well appear. For
■when the poor people hoped for some agreement, they
were most furiously assaulted. Upon this there was a
day assigned in the valley of Lucerne, to confer touching
the agreement with certain men belonging to the lord of
Raconig, and a safe conduct was promised and granted.
The night before the ministers and rulers of Angrogne
were to take their journey, they perceived a company of
toldiers going up a hill, by which the people of Angrogne
should pass, and hid themselves in houses on the way side,
thinking to take them of Angrogne unawares, who were
sent to treat of the agreement. But they, having intel-
ligence of this conspiracy, watched and guarded. It was
an easy matter, as some thought, that night to have
taken the lord of la Trinite, and to have spoiled his whole
camp. But they of Angrogne and Lucerne would not
execute this enterprise, lest thereby they should offend
God, and pass the bounds of their vocation, taking upon
them no more than to defend themselves.
At that time a pitiful case happened in the meadow of
Toure. The lord of Raconig, seeming to be sorry for
this war, sent into the meadow of Toure an honest man,
Francis of Gilles, to consult what means were best to
further the agreement, who, after conferring with the
ministers and rulers, returned homeward that day ac-
cording to his master's command, and having sent back «
one who conducted him, was murdered soon after at the
foot of Angrogne, by two men of Angrogne, who otherwise
seemed to be honest, and of good parentage. Soon after,
one of the two who had committed this act, entered into
the meadow of Toure, and was immediately apprehended
and bound. lie confessed the deed without any further
delay. Immediately the other also was taken.
The Waldois were marvellously troubled and grieved
with this act, and wrote to the lord of Raconig, declaring
to him the whole circumstance, that they had the of-
fenders in ward, and that if it would please him to send
some to examine the matter, they for their part would
so execute justice in the punishment of them, that their
innocence to all men should appear. The lord of Ra-
conig wrote to them that they should deliver to him the
offenders, and that he would do such justice upon them
as the case required. To which they of Angrogne an-
swered, that upon three conditions they should be deli-
vered according to bis request. First, that the prisoners
should be compelled to do nothing against their consci-
ences ; and as toiiching religion, nothing should be
spoken to them, but out of the word of God. Secondly,
that speedy and sharp justice should be executed upon
them ; and that hereafter this should be no prejudice to
the liberties and privileges of the people of Angrogne.
The third, that the execution of them should be upon
the borders of Angrogne, for an example to all others.
This being accorded with one assent (yea, without con-
tradiction of thcii- yarents"), they sent them prisoners,
accompanied with sixty gunners, to the confines of Lu-
cerne, and there delivered them into the hands of the
lord of Raconig. This redounded to the great commen-
dation of the people of Angrogne.
After this, the lord of la Trinite, having left garrisons
about Angrogne, and the valley of Lucerne, went to
Perouse, near the valley of St. Martin, to succour the
garrison there, being in great danger, and remained there
a month. During which time, they of Angrogne, and
the valley of Lucerne, lived in more quietness than be-
fore ; but yet they were much afflicted, by reason of the
scarcity of victuals which sore pressed them, and those
of the meadow of Toure, for they were spoiled of their
victuals. This poor people lived on milk and herbs, hav-
ing very little bread. But afterwards, when they were
like to be famished, God of his goodness sent them bet-
ter succour, both of corn and bread than they had be-
fore. Their enemies thought to have taken the meadow
of Toure by famine ; for they took away the victuals that
were to be had in all places round about. Every house-
hold was suffered to have no more than should sustain
them that day, and that also was very little, that they
should not succour this poor people.
Afterwards, the lord of la "Trinite, being returned from
Perouse to Lucerne, sent some to treat of an agreement,
and required to commune with some of the people. Then
they began to consult and devise by all means how they
might come to some good agreement. But on Monday,
the 17th of April, by break of day, he sent certain bands
of Spaniards, which he had there, with the garrison of
Toure, to the mountain of Tailleret, by the way which
leadeth to the meadow of Toure, on the south side. They
murdered themen, women, andchildren of Tailleret whom
they found in their beds. Then they marched on along
496
THE WALDOIS PETITION THE DUCHESS OF SAVOY.
[Book VII.
upon the mountain, towardsthe meadow of Toure. Shortly
after, the people perceived two other companies of sol-
diers, marchiti'^byAngrogne by two several ways, to assault
the meadow of Toure. In tlie morning as soon as they
rose, they blew their horns, for they saw them already
entered. When they had ollered their prayers, every
man ran to meet the enemy, some on the east side, and
others on the south. They who first resisted the enemy
(who were already past the bulwarks), were in the begin-
ning but twelve gunners, and a few others whom they
caused to go up the hill, and roll down great stones.
These twidve, having found a fit place for their purpose
to stay the enemy, began to shoot at them. They, seeing
themselves so assaulted both above and beneatii, and
the pl^ce so narrow and strait, turned back, and retired
as fast as they could by the same way by which they
»came. If they had tarried a little longer, they had been
enclosed between the two mountains, for the place was
so narrow, that they could not have escaped. The
people chased them to their camp, which was at Toure.
Within a few days after, the people of Angrogne were
advertised by the lord of la Trinite's letters, that he fully
determined to cut down their trees and vines, and de-
stroy their corn on the ground : and that two forts
should be built at Angrogne. The day was assigned, and
horsemen appointed, with all speed to execute this mis-
chievous enterprise. The poor people tliought that they
should be assailed as sore as ever, and have to fight as
hard as ever they did before. But (iod prevented this
cruel attempt ; for the night before that this was intended
to be executed, the lord of la Trinite received letters
from the duke, which stopped this enterprise. They of
the meadow of Toure being advertised that the lord of la
Trinite now intended to send ordnance to beat down the
bulwarks which were made of stones, they made a bul-
wark of earth, which was in compass about five hundred
paces, which they might easily see from Lucerne. They
in the meadow of Toure told the lord of la Trinite's men,
that if they brought any artillery, they should not so
soon carry it away again ; and shortly after the ordnance
was sent back.
About this time, the chief rulers and ministers of the
Waldois earnestly requested the lord of Raconig to pre-
sent a supplication which they had made to the duchess
of Savoy, for they had intelligence that she was dis-
pleased that her subjects were so cruelly treated. In
ivhich supplication they declared the equity of their
cause, protesting all due obedience to the duke, their
Bovereicri lord, and if it might be proved by the pure
word of 'jfod that they held any error, they would with all
humble submission receive correction, and be reformed,
hamb'r beseeching her grace to appease the displeasure
which the duke had conceived against them, by the un-
true S'irmises of their adversaries ; and if there were any
thing wherein they had oifended him, they most humbly
craved his gracious pardon.
About the same time the lord of la Trinite, by sickness,
was in great danger of his life. Soon after the supplica-
tion was delivered the duchess sent an answer to the
Waldois, by the lord of Raconig. The etfect thereof was,
that she had obtained of his grace, the duke, all that
they demanded in their supplication, upon such condi-
tions as the lord of Raconig would propose to them.
But when they understood that the conditions were very
rigorous, they sent another supplication to the duchess,
in which they humbly besought her grace to interpose in
their behalf, that the conditions and articles might be
moderated. The articles here follow : —
1. Tliat they should banish their ministers.
2. That they should receive the mass, and other cere-
monies of the Romish church.
3. That they should pay a ransom to the soldiers for
some of their men whom they had taken.
4. That they should assemble and preach no more as
they were used to do.
5. That the duke would make fortresses at his plea-
sure in all that country, with other like things.
The people made humble request in this their last sup-
plication, that it would please the duchess to give the
duke, her husband, to understand how that these condi-
tions were strange and rigorous. And as for their parts,
although they had good trial of their ministers, that they
were good men, and fearing God, of sound doctrine, of
good life, and honest conversation ; yet, nevertherless,
they were contented to do so, if he would give leave to
some of them to remain ; requesting this, that it might
be permitted to them to choose some other good minis-
ters in their places, before they departed, lest their
churches should remain without pastors.
Concerning the mass and other ceremonies of t!ie
church of Rome, if the duke should cause them to be
ministered in their parishes, they neither would nor
could withstand the same, and for their part, they would
do no injury or violence to those that should minister
tbem, or be present at them ; notwithstanding they be-
sought him, that they might not be constrained to be
present themselves at the ministration of them, or to
pay any thing to the maintenance of them, or to yield
either countenance or consent to them.
As to the ransom which was demanded of them for
their prisoners, considering the extreme jjoverty that
tliey were in, and the great calamities and damages
which they had suffered, it was to them a thing imjiossi-
ble. Yea, if his highness were truly informed what loss
they had sustained by burning, spoiling, and sacking of
their houses and goods, without either mercy or jiity, he
would not only not require of them any such thing, but as a
gracious and merciful prince, he would succour and s\ip-
port them, that they miglit be able to maintain their
poor families, whom they nourished (as they were I;ouiid
to do) to the service of God, and of their lord and prince;
and therefore they desired that it might please him, that
their poor brethren remaining in captivity and prison,
and such as were sent to the galleys for the profession of
their religion, might speedily be delivered and set at
liberty.
As for their assemblies and preachings, they were con-
tented that they should be kept only among themselves,
in their accustomed phices, and in other valleys where
any assembly of the faithful might be, who were desirous
to hear the preaching of the gospel.
Touching the fortresses, forasmuch as by those that
were already made, they had suffered great molestation
and trouble, as well as concerning their goods, as also
their religion ; they were assured that if he did build
up new forts, they would never be able to bear the
troubles, miseries, and calamities that would follow ; and
therefore they most humbly desired the duchess to be
so good and gracious to them, as to obtain of the duke,
that he would accept their persons in the stead of forts ;
and that, seeing those places were by nature and of
themselves strong and well fortified, it might please their
lord the duke to receive them into his protection and
safeguard ; and by the grace and assistance of God they
would serve him themselves for such walls and forts, that
he should not need to build any other. And bec-ause
many of those who dwelt near about them had robbed
and spoiled them, not only of their household goods and
such other things, but also driven away their cattle ; that
it might please him to give them leave to recover the
goods by way of justice, and to buy again that which
the soldiers had sold, and that for the same price for
which it was sold.
Briefly, they also besought their lord, that it might
please him to be so gracious to them, as to grant them a
confirmation of all their franchises, immunities, and pri-
vileges, as well general as particular, given to them as
well by him as by his predecessors ; and likewise of tiiose
which as well they as their ancestors had bought of their
lords, and to receive them, as his most humble and obe-
dient subjects, into his protection and safeguard.
And because in time past, instead of good and speedy
justice, all iniquity was committed by those that had the
administration of justice in their valleys, and as their
purses were emptied and punished rather than the
malefactors, that it might please him to give order that
such justice might be done among them ; whereby the
wicked might be punished with all severity, and the in-
nocent defended and maintained in their right.
Finally, forasmuch as divers of this poor people (being
A.D. 1.527— ISfiO.j
PRIVILEGES GRANTED TO THE WALDOIS.
497
astonished at tlie coming of the army, and fearing lest tliey
fhoulil not oiiiy be spoiled of all their goods, but also that
thev with their wives and children should be utterly de-
stroyed') had made promise as^ainst their consciences, to live
according to the traditions of the church of Rome ; they
ifere troubled and tormented ia spirit, and did nothing
out languish in that distress. Wherefore they humbly
besouclit the duchess to take pity upon them, and to ob-
tain for them, that they might not be compelled to do
anv thing against their consciences, and that it might
please the duke to permit them to live in liberty and
freedom of conscience ; aiao, i aat all cei ,jO(»i bn -hroi
banished for the cause of religion migtit return home to
their houses ; and that all confiscations and penalties
made against them might be abolished. And for their
part, they promised to give all due reverence and ho-
nour to God and his holy word, and to be true and faith-
ful subjects to their lord and prince ; yea, more thin any
Others. Underneath the supplication there was written :
'' Your faithful and humble subjects, the poor afflicted of
the valleys of Lucerne, Angrogne, St. Martin, and
Perouse, and generally all the people of the Waldois,
who inhabit the country of Piedmont."
After this supplication was viewed and read of the
duchess, she so persuaded the duke, that answer was
made with these conditions, declared in these articles
following :
Conclufiions and Articles lasili/ agreed vpon between the
Rif/ht Honnurahle the Lord of Raconig on the part
of his Highness the Dt'fce, and them of the Valleys of
Piedmont, called the Waldois.
That there shall shortly be mide letters patent by
hi.i highness the duke, by which it miy appear that he
Is forgiven and jiardoned them of the valleys of An-
;:; i.rne, Bouvet, Villars, Valquichard, Rora, Tailleret, La
lUii de Bouvet (bordering upon Toure}, St. IMartin, Pe-
Tviiise, Rnecapiata, St. Bartholomew, and all such as
li've aided them ; of all such faults as they have com-
Kiitted as well as bearing arms against his highness, as
ap:ainst tlie lords and certain other gentlemen whom he
rel. lined and kept in his protection and safeguard.
That it shall be lawful for them of Angrogne, Bouvet,
Villars, Val(|'nch ird, Rora, (members of the valley of
Lucerne.) and for them of Rodoret, Marcele, Manaillon,
and Salsa, members of the valley of St. Martin, to have
their congregations, sermons, and other ministries of
their religion in places accustomed.
That it shall be lawful for them of Villars (members
of ihe valley of Lucerne) to have the same, but that only
until the time that his highness doth build a fort in tlie
same place. But while the said fort is in building, it
fihall not be lawful to have their preachings and assem-
l 'lies within the precinct of the place, but it shall be law-
ful for them to build a place for that purpose near at
lim 1, where they shall think good, on that side towards
I'liuivet. Nevertheless it shall be permitted to their minis-
tr!s to come within the precinct aforesaid, to visit the
s.i;k, and exercise other things necessary to their reli-
cirin, so that they preach not, nor make any assembly
there.
It shall also be permitted to them of Tailleret, La Rua
de Bouvet, bordering upon Toure, to have their sermons
and assemblies in the accustomed places, so that they
enter not for that purpose into the rest of the confines
of Toure.
That it shall not be lawful for the said members of
the valleys of Lucerne and St. Martin, to come to the
rest of their borders, nor any other of his highness's
dominions ; nor to have their preachings, assemblies, or
disputations, out of their own borders, they having liberty
to have them therein. And if they be examined of their
faith, it shall be lawful for them to answer without dan-
ger of punishment in body or goods.
The like shall be lawful for them of the parish of
Perouse, who at this present time are fled because of
their religion, and were wont to have their assemblies
and preachings, and other ministries according to their
religion, at the place called Le Puis ; so that they come
not to other places and borders of the said parish.
It shall be permitted to them of the parish of Piaachia,
of the valley of Perouse, who at this present time are
fled because of their religion, and were wont to go to
sermons and assemblies, and other ministries of tl-.eir re-
ligion, to have the like, only at the place called Le Gran-
doubion.
It shall be permitted to them of the parish of St. Ger-
main, of the valley of Perouse, and to them of Rocca-
piata, who at this present period are fled because of their
Jigi /I , . d onti a j e < me, to have only one
uiinisicr, wuo may on oi.e u.^y j^.^ach at St. Germain, at
the place called Le Adonnil cux, and the other day at
Roccapiata, at the place called Vandini only.
it shall be permitted to all them of the towns and vil-
lages of the valleys, who at this present time are fled,
and continue in their religion, notwithstanding any pro-
mise or abjuration made before this war against the said
religion, to repair and return to their houses with their
households, and to live according to the same, going and
coming to the sermons and assemblies which shall be
made by their ministers in the places above specified, so
that they obey that wliich is above-said.
And because that many of the said towns and villages
dwell out of the precinct of the preaching, having need
to be vijited, and of other things according to their re-
ligion, their ministers, who dwell within the precinct,
shall be suffered, without prejudice, to visit and duly aid
them of such ministries as shall be necessary for them,
so that they make no sermons or assemblies.
By especial grace it shall be permitted to all them of
the valley of Meane, and them of St. Bartholomew,
neighbours to Roccapiata, and are fled and continue in
their religion, peaceably to enjoy the grace and libertie.s
granted in the next article before, so that they observe
all which tliey before promised to observe.
The goods already seized as forfeited, shall be restored
to all the inhabitants of the said valleys, and to all that
are fled and continue in their religion, as well of them of
the said valleys, as of Roccapiata, St. Bartholomew, and
of Meaue, so that they be not seized for any other cause
than for their religion, and for the war present and lately
past.
It shall be lawful for them aforesaid to recover by way
of justice, of their neighbours, their moveable goods and
cattle, so it be not of soldiers ; and that which hath been
sold, they shall also recover by way of justice, so that
they restore the price for which it hath been sold. Their
neighbours shall have the like against tliem.
All the franchises, freedoms, and privileges, as well
general as particular, granted as well by his highness'
predecessors, as by himself, and obtained of other in-
ferior lords, wliereof they shall make proof by public
writing, shall be confirmed unto them.
The said valleys shall be provided for, to have good
justice ministered unto them, whereby they may knov?
they are kept in safeguard by his highness, as well as all
his other subjects.
The inhabitants of the said valleys shall make a roll
of all the names and sirnames of all them of the valleys,
who are fled for religion, as well such as have abjured as
others, to the end that they may be restored and maintained
in their goods and households, and enjoy such grace and
benefits as their prince and lord h.ath bestowed on them.
And insomuch as it is known to every man, that the
prince may build fortresses in his country, where it shall
please him without contradiction, nevertheless to take all
suspicion out of the minds of the aforesaid Waldois, it is
declared, if at any time hereafter his highness will make
a fort at Villars, the inhabitants of the said place shall
not be constrained to bear the charges, but only as they
shall think good, lovingly to aid their prince.' M'hich
fort being builded (by God's aid) a governor and captain
shall therein be appointed, who shall attempt nothing
but the service of his highness, without oflence to the
inhabitants, either in their goods or consciences.
It shall be lawful for thein, before the discharging of
such of their ministers, as it shall please his hignness to
have discharged, to choose and call others in their steads ;
K K 2
498
CHARACTER OF THE WALDOIS.
[Book YIl.
so that they choose not Master Martin de Pragela, nor
change from one place to another of the said valleys, any
of them who are discharged.
The mass, and other service after the usage of Rome,
shall be kept in all the parishes of the said valleys, where
the sermons, assemblies, and other ministries of their
relin-ion are made ; but none shall be compelled to be
present thereat, nor to support, aid, or favour such as
shall use that service.
All the expenses and charges borne by his highness in
this war, shall be forgiven and released to them for ever ;
also the 8000 crowns wherein the inhabitants of the said
valleys were behind, as part of l(j,000 crowns which they
had promised in the war passed. And his highness will
command that the writings for that cause made, shall be
annulled and cancelled.
All the prisoners shall be rendered up and restored
who shall be found to be in the hands of the soldiers, on
paying a reasonable ransom, according to the goods
which they may possess; and those who shall be adjudged
to be wrongfully taken, shall be released without ransom.
Likewise all they of the said valleys, who for religion,
and not for other causes, are detained in the galleys, shall
be released without ransom.
Finally, it shall be lawful for all them of the said val-
leys, those of Meane, Roccapiata, and St. Bartholomew,
of what degree, estate and condition soever they be (ex-
cept ministers) to accompany and dwell, and to be in
daily conversation with the rest of his highness's sub-
jects, and to tarry, go, and come in all places of his
highness's country, to sell and buy, and use all trades of
merchandize, in all places in his highness's country, as
before is said, so that they preach not, nor make any
assemblies or disputations, as we have before said ; and
that they who be of the limits dwell not out of them ;
and tliey who be of the towns and villages of the said
valleys dwell not out of them, nor of their borders ; and
in so doing they shall not be molested by any means,
and shall not be offended or troubled in body or goods,
but shall remain under the protection and safeguard of
his highness.
Furthermore, his highness shall give orders to stay all
troubles, inconveniencies, secret conspiracies of wicked
persons, after such sort, that they shall remain quietly in
their religion. For observation whereof, George Mo-
nastier, one of the elders of Angrogne ; Constantion
Dialestini, otherwise called Rembaldo, one of the elders
of Villars ; Pirrone Arduiuo, sent from the commonalty of
Bouvet; Michael Ramondet, sent from the commonalty
of Tailleret, and of La Rua de Bouvet, bordering upon
Toure ; John Maienote, sent from certain persons of
St. John ; Peter Paschall, sent from the commonalty of
the valley of St. Martin ; Thomas Romam of St. Germaine,
sent from the commonalty of the same place, and of all
the valley of Perouse, promise for them and their com-
monalties severally, that the contents of these conclu-
sions aforesaid shall be inviolably kept, and for breach
thereof do submit themselves to such punishment as shall
please his highness ; promising likewise to cause the
chief of the families or the commonalties to allow and
confirm the said promise.
The honourable lord of Raconig doth promise, that his
highness the duke shall confirm and allovv the aforesaid
conclusions to them, both generally and particularly, at
the intercession and special favour of the noble lady the
princess.
In testimony whereof, the aforesaid lord of Raconig
hath confirmed these present conclusions with his own
hand ; and the ministers have likewise subscribed in the
name of all the said valleys ; and they who can write, in
the name of all their commonalties.
At Cavor, the 5th day of June, l.TGL
Philip nfSavoij, Francis Valla, Minister of Vil-
lars, Claudius Berijins, Minister of Tailleret,
Georgius Monasterius, Micliuel liaymundet .
This accord being thus made and passed, by means of
the duchess of Savoy, the ])Oor Waldois have been in
quiet to this present time ; and God of his infinite good-
ness having delivered them out of so many troubles and
conflicts, hath set them at liber'y to serve him purely
and with quietness of conscience.
Wherefore there is not one at this present time but he
sees and well perceives that God would make it known
by experience to these poor Waldois, and all other faith-
ful peoj)le, that all things turn to the best to them who
love and fear him ; for by all these afflictions which
they suffered their heavenly Father hath brought them
to repentance and amendment of life ; he hath effectu-
ally taught them to have recourse to his fatherly mercv,
and to embrace Jesus Christ for their only Saviour and
Redeemer. He hath taught them to tame the desires
and lusts of the flesh, to withdraw their hearts from the
world, and lift them to heaven ; and to be always in a
readiness to come to him, as unto their most loving and
gracious Father. To be short, he has sent them to the
school of his children, to the end that they should profit
in patience and hope; to make them to mourn, weej), and
cry unto him. And above all, he has made them so
often to prove his succours in time of need, to see them
before their eyes, to know and touch them with their
hands (as a man would say) after such sort, that they
have had good occasion, and all the faithful with them,
never to distrust so good a Father, and so carsful for the
health of his children, but to assure themselves they
shall never be confounded, what thing soever hajipens.
And yet to see this more manifestly, and that every
man may take profit therein, it shall be good to under-
stand what this poor people did whilst they were in these
combats and conflicts. So soon as they saw the army
of their enemies approach, they cried all together for
aid and succour to the Lord ; and before they came to
defend themselves, they went to prayer, and in fighting
lifted up f-heir hearts, and sighed to the Lord. As long
as the enemy were at rest, every one of these poor peo-
ple on their knees called upon God. When the combat
was ended, they gave him thanks for the comfort and
succour which they had felt. In the meantime the rest
of the people, with their ministers, made their hearty
prayer to God, with sighs and tears, and that from the
morning until the evening. When night was come,
they assembled again togther : they who had fought,
rehearsed the wonderful aid and succour which God had
sent them, and so altogether rendered thanks to him for
his fatherly goodness. Always he changed their sorrow
into joy. In the morning trouble and affliction ap-
peared before them, with great terror on all sides ; but
by the evening they were delivered, and had great cause
of rejoicing and comfort.
As for the monks and priests, who by such means
thought to advance themselves, and to bring their trum-
pery in estimation, they have lost the little rule which
they had over that people, and are confounded, and their
religion brought to disdain. Thus God beateth down
those who exalt themselves above measure, and maketh
his adversaries to fall into the pits which they them-
selves have made. Let us pray to him therefore, that
it would please him likewise to stretch out his mighty
arm at this day to maintain his poor afflicted church,
and to confound all the devices of Satan and his mem-
bers, to the advancement of his glory and kingdom.
CONCLUSION.
Having thus comprehended the troubles and persecu-
tions of such godly saints, and blessed martyrs, which
have suffered in other foreign nations above mentioned:
here now ending with them, and beginning the eighth
book, we are, God willing, to return again to our own mat-
ters, and to prosecute such acts and records, as to our
own country of England do appertain. In the process
whereof, among many other things, may appear the
marvellous work of God's power and mercy in suppres-
sing and banishing out of this realm, the long usurped
sujjremacy of the pope : also in subverting and over-
throwing the houses of monks and friars, with divers
other matters appertaining to the reformation of Christ's
true church and religion. All which things as they have
been long wished, and greatly prayed for in times past
A.D. 1527—15 60.1
ANTICHRIST CLEARLY REVEALED.
4S9
by many godly and leanied men : so much more ought
we now to rejoice and give God thanks, seeing these
days of reformation whicli God hath given us If John
Husse, or good Jerome of Prague, or John Wicklitf
before them both, or William Brute, Thorpe, Swin-
derby, or the Lord Cobham ; if Zisca with all the com-
pany of the Bohemians ; if the Earl Raymund, with all
the Toulousians ; if the Waldois, or the Albigenses,
with infinite. others, had been either in these our times
iiDW, or else had seen then this ruin of the pope, and
revealing of antichrist, which the Lord now hath given
unto us, what joy and triumph would they not have made !
Wherefore now beholding that which they so long time
have wished for, let us not think the benefit to be small,
but reader most humble thanks to the Lord our God ;
who by his mighty power, and the brightness of his
word, has revealed this great enemy of his so manifestly
to the eyes of all men, who before was so hid in the
church, that few christians could discover him. For
who would ever have judged or suspected in his mind,
the bishop of Rome (commonly received and believed,
almost of all men, to be the vicar and vicegerent of
Christ here on earth) to be antichrist, and the great ad-
versary of God, whom St. Paul so expressly prophesies
of in these latter days to be revealed by the brightness
of the Lord's coming, as all men now for the most part
may see it is come to pass ? Wherefore to the Lord, and
Father of lights, who revealeth all things in his due
time, be praise and glory for ever. Amen.
THE END OF THE SEVENTH BOOK.
ACTS AND MONUMENTS.
BOOK VIII.
CONTINUING
THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH AFFAIRS APPERTAINING BOTH TO THE ECCLESIASTICAL AND
CIVIL STATES.
Mixtress Smith, widow; Robert Hatches, a shoemaker ;
Aacher, a shoemaker ; Hawkins, a shoemaker : Thomas
Bund, — a shoemaker ; Wrigsham, a glover ; Landsdale,
a hosier, at Coventry, A.D. 15 ly
The principal cause of the apprehension of these per-
sons was, their teaching their children and family the
Lord's Prayer and ten coinmnndnients in English, for
which they were upon Ash-Wednesday put in prison,
till the Friday following.
Then they were sent to a monastery railed Mackstock
Ahhey, six miles from Coventry. During which lime
their children were sent to the Gray Friars in Coventry,
before the warden, called Friar Stafford : who examin-
ing them of their belief, and what heresies their fathers
bad taught them, charged them upon pain of suffering
death, to meddle no more with the Lord's Prayer, the
creed, and tfie ten commandments in English.
U])on Palm Sunday the fathers of these children were
brougtit agnin to Coventry, and there the week before
Easter they were condemned to be burned. Mistress Smith
only was dismissed for the present. And because it was in
the evening, being somewhat dark, Simon Mourton of-
fered to go home with her. Now as he was leading her
by the arm, and heard the ratling of a scroll within her
sleeve, saitli he, "What have ye here?" And so he
took it from her, and saw that it was the Lord's Prayer,
the articles of the creed, and the ten commandments in
Enx;lish ; which when the wretched somner understood,
he brought her back to the bishop, where she was im-
mediately condemned, and burned with the six men be-
forenained, on the 4th April, A.D. 1.511).
When these were dispatched, the sheriffs went to
the.r houses, and took all their goods and cattle for their
own use, not leaving their wives and children any thing.
And as the people began to complain of the cruelty,
and the unjust death of these innocent martyrs, the
bishop, with his officers and priests, caused it to be
noised abroad by their tenants, servants, and farmers,
that they were not burned for having the Lord's Prayer
and the commandments in Englisli, but because they
ate flesh on Fridays and other fast days !
Robert Silkeb, 1521. — In the number of these men was
Robert Silkeb, who fled, and for that time escaped.
But about two years after he was taken again, and
brought to C'oventry, where he was burned about the
13th day of January, 1521.
Patrick Hamilton, A.D. 1527.
Patrick Hamilton, a Scotchman, of an high and
noble stock, and of the king's blood, young, and of
flourishing age, called abbot of Fern, coming out of
his country with three companions, to seek godly learn-
ing, went to the university of Marpurg in Germany ;
there, in conference and familiarity with learned men,
like Francis Lambert, he so ))rofited in knowledge, and
mature judgment in matters of religion, that he was the
first in all that university of Marpurg who publicly did
set up conclusions there to be disputed of, concerning
faith and works : arguing also no less learnedly than
fervently upon the subject.
This learned Patrick increasing daily more and more
in knowledge, and inflamed Vi'ith godliness, at length
began to revolve with himself his return to liis country,
being desirous to impart to his countrymen, some of the
knowledge which he had received abroad. There not
bearing the ignorance and blindness of that people,
after he had valiantly taught and ])reaclied the truth,
was accused of heresy, and afterwards const 
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